Populism and the Web

The Web plays an increasingly important role in the communication strategies of

political parties and movements, which increasingly utilize it for promoting ideas
and ideologies as well as mobilization and campaigning strategies.
This book explores the role of the Web for right-wing populist political parties
and movements across Europe. Analyzing these groups’ discourses and practices
of online communication, it shows how social media is used to spread ideas and
mobilize supporters whilst also excluding constructed ‘others’ such as migrants,
Muslims, women or LGBT persons. Expert contributors provide evidence of a
shift in the strategies of mainstream parties as they also engage in ‘Internet pop-
ulism’ and suggest ways that progressive movements can and do respond to coun-
ter these developments. Topics are explored using a cross-country analysis which
does not neglect the particularities of the national contexts.
This work will appeal to researchers and students working in the fields of media
and communication studies, political theory, policy analysis, studies of populism,
racism and nationalism, gender, LGBT, migration, Islam and welfare.

Mojca Pajnik is Research Advisor at the Peace Institute in Ljubljana and Senior
Lecturer at the Department of Communication, Faculty of Social Sciences, Uni-
versity of Ljubljana.

Birgit Sauer is a Professor of Political Science at the University of Vienna and,

since 2014, speaker of the Research Network Gender and Agency at the Univer-
sity of Vienna.
“This excellent book links the origins of contemporary populism to the erosion
of democratic institutions, and shows how the rise of populist parties on the radi-
cal right further threatens democracy across Europe. A common theoretical and
empirical framework gives the book a rare unity of argument and analysis seldom
found in edited volumes. The focus on how these parties use digital and social
media to communicate directly with large publics helps explain the rapid rise of
the radical right in so many democracies. This book is a must read for everyone
concerned about the disruption of communication and political institutions in con-
temporary democracies.”
—Lance Bennett, University of Washington

“Drawing on insights from a great variety of European countries this book pro-
vides a comprehensive yet detailed account of populist discourses and practices in
online media. Given the centrality of online communication in current mediatized
democracies, the volume is a much-needed addition to the literature on media
and populism and among the very first to provide a systematic account of how
populist parties and movements make use of the web. The contributions range
from comparative analysis with a focus on the participatory potentials of online
communication to detailed depictions of different exclusionary discourses. The
book ends with an important chapter on strategies to counter populist discourses.
On the whole the volume is an indispensable read for any scholar working on the
intersection of media and populism.”
—Hajo Boomgaarden, University of Vienna
Populism and the Web
Communicative Practices of Parties
and Movements in Europe

Edited by Mojca Pajnik

and Birgit Sauer
First published 2018
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Contents

List of figuresvii
List of tablesviii
List of contributorsix
Foreword by Gianpietro Mazzolenixiv
Preface: from ‘hate speech’ to ‘hate tweets’
by Ruth Wodakxvii
Populism and the web: an introduction to the book 1
MOJCA PAJNIK AND BIRGIT SAUER

  1 Post-democracy, party politics and right-wing populist

communication 14
BIRGIT SAUER, ANNA KRASTEVA AND AINO SAARINEN

  2 Populist political communication in mediatized society 36

MOJCA PAJNIK AND SUSI MERET

  3 Right-wing populist convergences and spillovers in hybrid

media systems 55
IZTOK ŠORI AND VANYA IVANOVA

  4 Media, politics and democracy: populist and post-populist

Europe in the mirror of the Italian experience 72
GIOVANNA CAMPANI

  5 From anti-Europeanism to welfare nationalism: populist

strategies on the web 90
ILDIKO OTOVA AND HEINI PUURUNEN
vi  Contents
  6 Anti-migration and Islamophobia: web populism and
targeting the “easiest other” 108
DENITZA KAMENOVA AND ETIENNE PINGAUD

  7 Perceptions of gender: the discourse of the far right on the web 122
GABRIELLA LAZARIDIS AND VASILIKI TSAGKRONI

  8 Sexuality online: the construction of right-wing populists’

“internal others” on the web 141
ROMAN KUHAR AND EDMA AJANOVIĆ

  9 Media populism in post-democracy: the crossroads of right

and left political parties 157
BIRGIT SAUER, MOJCA PAJNIK AND SUSI MERET

10 Countering populist othering online: strategies of

anti-racist movements 172
KAARINA AITAMURTO AND EVELINA STAIKOVA

Index189
Figures

2.1 Parties in political groups in EU parliament 41

2.2 Picture of leader presented on website 49
3.1 Right-wing populist parties’ and movements’ attitudes towards
mainstream and online media 58
8.1 Main frames – number of occurrences in all analysed documents 145
9.1 Websites by placement of the party in the political spectrum
and addressing migration as main policy issue 165
9.2 Exclusive of minority groups in the text of websites 165
Tables

2.1 Number of analysed websites by country 40

2.2 Predominant value/ideology orientation of party (in per cent) 42
2.3 Placement of the party in the political spectrum (in per cent) 42
2.4 Forms of contact available on the websites 44
2.5 Own party online media on the websites 45
8.1 Countries and case studies 143
8.2 Main frames and sub-frames in diagnosis of CIFRC documents 148
8.3 Main frames and sub-frames in prognosis for the CIFRC 151
Contributors

Kaarina Aitamurto received her doctoral degree from the University of Helsinki.
Her dissertation analysed Russian contemporary Paganism and nationalism.
In her post-doctoral studies, she focuses on Muslim minorities in ethnically
Russian areas and the rise of Islamophobia. Her research interests include rac-
ist hate speech and Islamophobia in Finland and in Nordic countries. Aita-
murto holds a position as a senior researcher at the Aleksanteri Institute and is
a member of the Finnish Centre of Excellence in Russian Studies – Choices of
Russian Modernisation, funded by the Academy of Finland. She is the author
of Paganism, Traditionalism, Nationalism: Narratives of Russian Rodnoverie
(2016) and co-editor of the books Modern Pagan and Native Faiths in Central
and Eastern Europe (with Scott Simpson, 2014) and Migrant Workers in Rus-
sia: Global Challenges of the Shadow Economy in Societal Transformation
(with Anna-Liisa Heusala, 2017).
Edma Ajanović holds a PhD in political science from the University of Vienna.
She currently works on a postdoctoral project proposal. Before that she was
Junior Researcher at the Department of Political Science, University of Vienna
where she was involved in several research projects. Her main research inter-
ests are (anti-)racism, right-wing extremism and populism, migration, and
intersectionality.
Giovanna Campani is a professor of intercultural education, gender, anthropol-
ogy and intercultural communication at UNIFI in Florence. She holds a PhD
in ethnology from the University of Nice (1988) and an MA in philosophy
from the University of Pisa. Her research has focused on topics such as social
movements, social inclusion, comparative education, the sociology of migra-
tion and gender issues. Gender (in the intersectionality with class and ethnic-
ity) has become her main field of study over the last ten years. She has been
principal coordinator of the Italian team for numerous EU projects and has
coordinated EU projects in the field of migration and gender. Her most recent
books include Understanding the Populist Shift: Othering in a Europe in Cri-
sis (co-edited with Gabriella Lazaridis, 2017), I populismi nella crisi Europea
(co-edited with Giovanni Stranghellini, 2011), Precarious Migrant Labour in
Europe (co-edited with Mojca Pajnik, 2011), Genere e globalizzazione (2010)
and Migranti nel mondo globale (2007).
x  Contributors
Vanya Ivanova holds a PhD in political sciences. She is Researcher at the Centre
for Refugees, Migration and Ethnic Studies (CERMES) at the New Bulgar-
ian University. Her research interests lie in the field of migration, mobility,
borders and populism. She is a fellow of the Transatlantic Forum on Migration
and Integration of the German Marshal Fund of the United States and Robert
Bosch Stiftung since its establishment in 2008.
Denitza Kamenova is Doctor of Philosophy in political science. She is Researcher
at the Centre for Refugees, Migration and Ethnic Studies (CERMES) at the
New Bulgarian University. Her main teaching and scientific interests are in
the fields of migration, integration, nationalist and extremist movements,
media and media social psychology. She has worked on various international
research projects in these fields. Her research on the African immigrants and
refugees in Bulgaria remains until today the only research in Bulgaria on this
topic. She is also experienced as a journalist, editor and political analyst in
some of the most influential media in Bulgaria. She has been awarded the
Robert Schumann Award for top-quality media coverage of EU policy and
policy making.
Anna Krasteva is a professor at the Department of Political Sciences at the New
Bulgarian University, founder and director of the Centre for Refugees, Migra-
tion and Ethnic Studies (CERMES) and doctor honoris causa of University
Lille 3, France. Her main fields of research are migration and ethnic politics and
policies, populism and the radical right, new mobilisations online and offline,
citizenship and new mobilisations and digital democracy. She is editor-in-chief
of Southeastern Europe (Brill) and a member of the editorial boards of Nation-
alism and Ethnic Politics (Routledge) and Europeana (Shanghai and Paris).
She is member of a number of international scientific boards, for example the
Institute of Central, Eastern and Balkan Europe of the University of Bologna,
of the Reseau des Maisons des Sciences de L’Homme in France (2008–2012),
the MSHs of Paris-Nord, Bordeaux, Caen, Dijon, of AISLF (Association inter-
national des sociologies de langue francaise; 1996–2004). She is member of
the board of the Diplomatic Institute and vice president of the Bulgarian Politi-
cal Sciences Association.
Roman Kuhar is Professor of Sociology at the University of Ljubljana (Faculty
of Arts, Department of Sociology). His research topics include LGBT/queer
issues, intolerance and equality, media, citizenship and sexuality. He is the
author of several books, among others Media Construction of Homosexual-
ity (2003) and At the Crossroads of Discrimination (2009); co-author (with
A. Švab) of The Unbearable Comfort of Privacy (2005); and co-editor (with
J. Takács) of Beyond the Pink Curtain: Everyday Life of LGBT People in East-
ern Europe (2007), Doing Families: Gay and Lesbian Family Practices (2011)
and (with D. Paternotte) of Anti-Gender Campaigns in Europe: Mobilizing
against Equality (2017). He is an associate co-editor of Social Politics and a
board member of Journal of LGBT Youth and Družboslovne razprave.
 Contributors xi
Gabriella Lazaridis is Senior Lecturer at the University of Leicester in the UK.
She has published extensively (more than fifty papers) and has edited/co-edited
several books in the fields of ethnicity, migration, racism, citizenship, social
inclusion-exclusion, gender and “othering” and pro- and anti-migrant mobi-
lisation. Her latest work has been on the rise of the far right in Europe and
“othering” and has just completed a nine-country comparative project called
Rage, of which she has been the coordinator and which was funded by the EU’s
Justice and Fundamental Rights. Her latest book, International Migration in
Europe: From Subjects to Abjects, was published in 2015 by Palgrave.
Susi Meret is an associate professor at the Department of Culture and Global
Studies, Aalborg University, Denmark. She is affiliated with the research group
CoMID (Center for the Study of Migration and Diversity). Her main areas
of expertise are radical right-wing populism and extremism, migration and
migration policies, anti-immigration positions and Islamophobia and majority
attitudes towards ethnic minorities. Recent publications include “Charismatic
Female Leadership and Gender: Pia Kjærsgaard and the Danish People’s Party”
(Patterns of Prejudice, 49(1/2), 2014); “Multiculturalism, Right Wing Populism
and the Crisis of Social Democracy” (co-author with Birte Siim, The Crisis
of Social Democracy in Europe, Edinburgh Press, 2013); “Gender, Populism
and Politics of Belonging: Discourses of Right-Wing Populist Parties in Den-
mark, Norway and Austria” (Negotiating Gender and Diversity in an Emergent
European Public Sphere, Palgrave, 2013); “Right-Wing Populist Parties and the
Working Class Vote: What Have You Done For US Lately?” (co-author with
Hans-Georg Betz, Class Politics and the Radical Right, Palgrave, 2012). She
coordinated the research network on Nordic Populism (NOPO, www.nordic-
populism.aau.dk), and she is involved in different projects dealing with radical
right-wing populism, “othering” and discrimination.
Ildiko Otova holds a PhD in political science from New Bulgarian University,
laureate of the Mozer Scholarship for excellence in the study of political sci-
ence and civil courage. She is Research Assistant at the Centre for Refugees,
Migration and Ethnic Studies (CERMES). Her main teaching and scientific
interests include migration, integration, populist and nationalist parties, citi-
zenship and Internet politics. She works on different national and international
research projects in these fields.
Mojca Pajnik is Research Advisor at the Peace Institute in Ljubljana and Senior
Lecturer at the Department of Communication, Faculty of Social Sciences,
University of Ljubljana. Fields of her research include media and communica-
tion, political theory, racism/populism and feminism. She is author of Pros-
titution and Human Trafficking: Gender, Labour and Migration Aspects (PI,
2008), co-editor of several books, among them “Racism: Cut Up World” (co-
edited with E. Valenčič, Journal for the Critique of Science, 2015); Contesting
Integration, Engendering Migration: Theory and Practice (co-edited with F.
Anthias, Palgrave, 2014); Alternative Media and the Politics of Resistance:
xii  Contributors
Perspectives and Challenges (co-edited with J.D.H. Downing, PI, 2008). She
has coordinated several European projects and was a partner in many; cur-
rently she coordinates Digital Citizenship and Gender Differentiation in Media
Industry, funded by the Slovenian Research Agency, and is partner in MEET,
Media Education for Equity and Tolerance (Erasmus+, 2016–2018). She is
active as an editorial board member of Journal of Alternative and Community
Media, Migration and Ethnic Themes and Družboslovne razprave.
Etienne Pingaud is a postdoctoral researcher in sociology and political science at
Paris 8 University. He obtained his PhD in sociology in 2013, dealing with the
development of Islam in France and the parallel growth of anti-Islam mobilisa-
tions. He currently works on the transformations of the French far right, with
the rise of new issues such as Islamophobia, and the specific uses of digital
tools as instruments of political communication.
Heini Puurunen is a PhD candidate in area and cultural studies at the Univer-
sity of Helsinki. Her main research interests concern agency and mobility of
Roma and other ethnic and religious minorities in the Balkans and in Finland.
Puurunen has been involved in multinational research projects on migration,
welfare, gender, populism and othering including RAGE (2013–2015) at the
Aleksanteri Institute, Finnish Centre for Russian and Eastern European Studies.
Aino Saarinen is an Aleksanteri Associate at the Aleksanteri Institute’s Centre
of Excellence on Russia’s Modernization (Helsinki) and Senior Lecturer at
the Universities of Tampere and Oulu. In late the 1990s and early 2000s, she
worked as the Head of Research at the Nordic Institute for Gender Research
(Oslo) and the Nordic Visiting Professor at the Nevsky Institute (St. Peters-
burg) and led Nordic-Russian networks and projects, for example on gender
violence and crisis centres. As the principal researcher, she has been respon-
sible for the Finnish EU teams in the field of migration, gender violence, and
populism, racism and othering. Saarinen has published in both Finnish and
Nordic journals and more internationally (e.g. Acta Sociologica, Signs, Post-
communist Studies; and by the Peace Institute, Edward Elgar, Palgrave). She
has co-edited a number of anthologies, for example Builders of a New Europe.
Women Immigrants from the Eastern Trans-regions, Kikimora (2012) and
Women and Transformation in Russia, Routledge (2014).
Birgit Sauer is Professor of Political Science at the University of Vienna. Since
2014 she has been speaker of the Research Network Gender and Agency at the
University of Vienna. She was a member of several EU research projects. Her
research fields include comparative gender equality policies, gender, religion
and democracy, right-wing populism and racism, theories of state and democ-
racy and politics of emotions. Recent publications include: “Gendering the
People”: Heteronormativity and “Ethno-Masochism” in Populist Imaginary
(co-authored with Stefanie Mayer and Iztok Šori, Populism, Media and Edu-
cation: Challenging Discrimination in Contemporary Digital Societies, Rout-
ledge, 2016).
 Contributors xiii
Evelina Staikova holds a PhD in political science and is Assistant Professor at
the New Bulgarian University. She is Program Consultant at the Department
of Political Science and Coordinator of Centre for Refugees, Migration and
Ethnic Studies (CERMES). Her teaching and research interests include migra-
tion, citizenship and e-democracy. Staikova is experienced in coordinating and
participating in various projects in this area.
Iztok Šori holds a PhD in sociology (University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Arts,
2012) and is Researcher at the Peace Institute – Institute for Contemporary
Social and Political Studies in Ljubljana. His research is committed to the
problems of discrimination and inequalities in the fields of politics, migrations,
sex work and private and intimate lives. For his PhD thesis, he has carried out a
pioneer study on the lifestyles of single people (without partnership) in Slove-
nia. In recent years, his main research focus was on populism in the Slovenian
and European context.
Vasiliki Tsagkroni is a lecturer at Erasmus University Rotterdam. Her area of
research is political communication and the use of marketing and branding
in politics, focusing on the interaction between communication strategies and
political parties. She has a background in comparative politics, politics and
international relations, political marketing and branding, politics and history,
EU politics, climate change and populism and the far right. She is the Member-
ship & Outreach Officer of the Greek Politics Specialist Group (GPSG).
Foreword

Populism is better understood in its relation with the media

There was a time, before the mid-1990s, when a young scholar curious about the
phenomenon of populism had a hard time finding focused studies. What s/he could
read were smart analyses of what was labelled “radical right”. The far-right, right-
wing parties, neo-fascist movements, were the darlings of political science. One
found their historical ascendants, national contexts, ideology, features, impact on
domestic political balances and so on well described and assessed. Populism as
we know it today was yet to explode on the national scenes, and thus it was rather
looked upon as a feature of far-right realities in a limited number of countries, a
discontinuous phenomenon popping up here and there at given political latitudes.
This is not to say that populism was totally ignored by scholars. The seminal work
by Margaret Canovan, published in 1981, is an example of the existing attention
for the phenomenon. It was, however, marginalized by wider attention for the
phenomena that stood on the extreme right side of the traditional political spec-
trum. Then, from the mid-1990s onward, we observed an increase in the number
of books and articles steering towards a specific attention for populism as such.
Taggart (1996, 2000), Taguieff (1997), Betz and Immerfall (1998) and remark-
ably Canovan (1999) and Mény and Surel (2000) were the initiators of a boom-
ing scholarly dedicated attention to populist phenomena that turned to theoretical
questions such as the definition of the concept, the social and political grounds
that generated populist drives, the distinct rhetoric from the right-wing parties, the
anti-elite, anti-politic sentiments, the leaders, and so on. That was not by chance.
In Europe, in the US and in other liberal democracies, there were appearing signs
of new directions in domestic politics, new climates of opinion, new claims that
had to do with the challenges of globalization, immigration, corruption. Today the
controversial issues are devolution, defence of national sovereignty, anti-Islam
sentiments, no-euro, and others. Looking back at the mid-1990s we see two dec-
ades of a surge of what is no longer simply identified and labelled Radical Right
but as “populism”, a distinct feature of the time we live in. Almost all liberal
democracies are affected by some sort and version of populism, depending on the
political culture of the country. In some cases populist movements are small and
off parliaments; in some others they have had an electoral legitimization and are
 Foreword  xv
present in political institutions; in a few cases they have even been (or still are)
in power. One distinctive element is the highly personalized leadership of such
movements: most of these leaders have gained strong public visibility thanks to
their fiery rhetoric, aggressive language and bullying demeanour that have turned
into assets of their popularity, as they know how to ride public discontent and
to voice people’s claims. And, most notably, not all movements are clearly right
wing. Podemos, Siriza and to a certain extent Grill’s Five Star Movement use
rhetorics and pursue objectives that are in the tradition of the Left.
All of that has been the subject of several studies and empirical researches.
Political scientists have found new darlings and have meritoriously contributed to
explain the new populism in length and in depth.
Yet something is still largely missing in the scholarly effort to better understand
what is meant by populism in the liberal democracies of the twenty-first century,
where the free market of ideas is a fundamental tenet and where competitors must
follow established procedures that guarantee a fair outcome in elections. In other
words, populist ideas have the same citizenship as any other political visions,
provided that all are expressed and disseminated with respect of democratic rules
and do not aim to overthrow the democratic architecture. To speak of populism in
non-democratic or authoritarian contexts has completely different meanings and
implications for researchers.
In liberal democracies the media are held as a “fourth estate”; they are players
that follow mostly independent agendas from political powers. Their presence is
also a vital feature of a democratic political system, and their action impacts tre-
mendously on the political dynamics of a country.
That said, one wonders why the media have been and are still largely disre-
garded by most mainstream political science when it tries to provide sophisticated
explanations of where populism comes from, of what is the responsibility of the
extant institutional system, of who is to blame among the governing parties, of
why a populist party has recorded less or more than expected in elections, and so
on. The overall impression that one gets reading those scholarly works is that the
media, the communication factors, the new social networks are merely accidental
elements, where “other” determinants are held as more substantial. This is indeed
a partiality that needs to be corrected by political communication scholarship, not
only in relation to populism.
With J. Stewart and B. Horsfield, I have tried in 2003 to bridge that gap with
the comparative, qualitative study The Media and Neo-Populism, in which we
argued that the media logics that govern the news-production processes tend to
be exploited by populist leaders in their favour. If one insults the antagonists or
uses offensive labels for immigrants or appears screaming in talk shows becomes,
like it or not, a “news maker”. The mainstream media cannot help covering his/
her deeds, thus contributing to build his/her public image. We also argued that in
many instances the media were accomplices of the populists by adopting a “news-
room populism”, that is reporting controversial stories aimed at stirring outrage,
fear or hostility in readers against the corrupted elites, or the “Polish plumber”.
More recently that gap is being bridged by an array of studies that focus on several
xvi  Gianpietro Mazzoleni
additional aspects of the complex interaction of media–populism, covering also
areas that were not taken into consideration by pioneering research. That is a
welcome contribution by political communication scholarship. One example of
what was missing is the focus on social media, a phenomenon of the last decade,
still expanding in society and in politics, where a lot has yet to be discovered,
highlighted, and explained.
This book, collecting a number of insightful studies on many facets of the pop-
ulist phenomenology from the perspective of the new media, is an outstanding
example of the renewed scholarly effort. I think this is a major step forward in
understanding populist dynamics beyond the domain of established mass media.
Interactive media provide a crucial tool to populists to bypass the gatekeeping of
the traditional news media, allowing them to address citizens directly, to mobilize
public opinion, to set the agenda of large portions of the citizenry and of the main-
stream media themselves. The scenario in which today’s populists move their
steps has radically changed; thus it is a must to study what directions can they
take, what messages can they construct, what impact can they exert on govern-
ments, institutions, and policies, thanks to the availability of the Web and social
media. They can make the difference and can change the road a country can take.
It happened with Brexit and it happened with Trump. In 2016 newspapers, televi-
sion, Facebook, and Twitter played willy-nilly the “complicity” card that made
populism a winner!
Gianpietro Mazzoleni

References
Betz, H.-G. and Immerfall, S. (eds) 1998. The New Politics of the Right: Neo-Populist Par-
ties and Movements in Established Democracies. London: Palgrave Macmillan.
Canovan, M. 1981. Populism. London: Junction Books.
Canovan, M. 1999. Trust the People! Populism and the Two Faces of Democracy. Political
Studies, 47(1), 2–16.
Mazzoleni, G., Stewart, J. and Horsfield, B. (eds) 2003. The Media and Neo-Populism.
Westport, CT: Praeger.
Mény, Y. and Surel, Y. 2000. Par le peuple, pour le people: Le populisme et les démocra-
ties. Paris: Fayard.
Taggart, P. 1996. The New Populism and the New Politics: New Protest Parties in Sweden
in a Comparative Perspective. London: Palgrave Macmillan.
Taggart, P. 2000. Populism. Buckingham: Open University Press.
Taguieff, P.-A. 1997. Le populisme et la science politique: Du mirage conceptuel aux vrais
problèmes. Vingtième Siècle: Revue d’Histoire, 56.
Preface
From ‘hate speech’ to ‘hate tweets’
Ruth Wodak

RAGE online
When the RAGE project started its research in 2014, few people would have
predicted the enormous impact of online media in national election campaigns.
Although Barack Obama’s victory in 2008 was supported by massive grassroots
mobilization, also via Facebook and other online media (e.g. Graff 2008), the out-
reach and influence of tweets, Facebook, Internet platforms, and forum postings
have only recently been systematically assessed from an in-depth, qualitative and
quantitative, interdisciplinary and multi-modal perspective (e.g. Angouri, Wodak
2014; Blasch 2011; Brodnig 2016; Forchtner, Krzyżanowski, Wodak 2013;
Gruber 2017; Kreis 2017; KhosraviNik, Zia 2014; KhosraviNik, Unger 2016;
Wodak 2015).
As KhosraviNik (2014: 288) summarizes, online communication is fundamen-
tally interactive, social, multi-modal, and circularly networked, as opposed to the
linear source–message–audience flow of traditional media. Official and unofficial
communication as well as top-down and bottom-up voices are merging, bounda-
ries between online and offline are blurred, and social media are usually equally
available (at least to those people who have access to the Internet). Thus, while
the power behind discourse may appear to have been compromised, the power
in discourse seems to have received a huge boost. Viewed positively, traditional
media’s power to push content onto mass audiences has been replaced by more
participatory communication, obviously supporting a decentralization of power.
This surprising and new unsolicited empowerment of media prosumers
(producer/consumers) – KhosraviNik (ibid.) argues – has created “new com-
municative spheres, and ‘repositor[ies] of authentic data’ with high interest and
applicability in various fields in the social sciences”, including political sci-
ence, communication studies, and linguistics. While official text and talk such
as newspapers, TV news, magazines, speeches, and manifestos have been eas-
ily accessible (and necessary) targets of analysis, research on social attitudes,
ideologies, and values has always required a well-designed research apparatus
using inter alia systematic fieldwork, focus groups, ethnography, and interviews.
Within its necessarily inherent limitations – such as issues regarding online ver-
sus offline boundaries, privacy concerns, the corporatization of the web, and so
xviii  Ruth Wodak
on – the Internet indeed provides rich data sources for various research interests
traditionally pursued by critical social sciences studies (ibid.).
However, Gruber’s (2017) review of studies on citizens’ use of social media
and ICTs for communicating on and during political events reveals quite mixed
results. While many studies that focus on citizens’ commenting activities on
political events (blogging, discussion boards, sharing of video documents) seem
to indicate a predominance of mediated self-presentation practices over genu-
ine political discussion activities, studies that investigate citizens’ use of social
media tools during political events show the emergence of new genres of citi-
zens’ political participation and communication (e.g. sharing of information on
police’s location and equipment during demonstrations, developing of online tac-
tics for pre-empting police actions). These results indicate that citizens’ participa-
tion through Web 2.0 communication tools actually improves their mobilizing
structures.
In the context of innovative and cutting-edge research in this area, the RAGE
project certainly proves to be salient, illustrating via systematic empirical analysis
(mostly employing qualitative frame analysis) how far-right and right-wing popu-
list parties in eight European Union member states disseminate their agenda and
exclusionary policies online. It describes how such campaigns started and how
both East and West sometimes employ quite similar but also different rhetorical
patterns, arguments, images, and frames, obviously with much success (although
a more precise reception study would certainly require and deserve another long-
term study). Nevertheless, the volume explores a most important and ambitious
question asked by many journalists, scholars, politicians, spin doctors, and laypeo-
ple alike: Is it at all possible to distinguish between the democratic and participa-
tory use of the Internet and its abuse/misuse due to the spreading of discrimination
and hate? Thus, the chapters in this book investigate both hate speech and counter
discourses, that is, strategies that challenge right-wing and radical-right populist
exclusionary rhetoric and provide possibilities of online emancipatory mobiliza-
tion against hate speech online.
The detailed comparison of the eight countries illustrates that in the early
2000s few right-wing populist parties had started to use the Web systematically;
however, this had already changed by 2013. Pajnik and Sauer (in this volume)
maintain that since 2010 all parties and organizations analysed had indeed pro-
fessionalized their political communication. Furthermore, and this result relates
well to the work conducted by Little and Feldman (2017), online communication
usually attracts younger users, Twitter mostly attracts journalists and politicians,
and Facebook is shared by a much larger number of users. Moreover, the results
of the RAGE project provide important evidence that national, local and regional
contexts have to be taken into account very carefully: topics, media strategies and
indeed the socio-political agenda and historical roots of the investigated range of
right-wing populist parties differ significantly. There exists no “one size fits all”
explanation for the right-wing populist phenomenon and no “one size fits all”
counter-strategy.
 From ‘hate speech’ to ‘hate tweets’ xix
Hate speech online
In his book Speaking Hatefully (2013), the anthropologist David Boromisza-
Habashi defines hate speech as utterances “directed against groups of people and
arous[ing] fear in them in a strategic and conscious manner” (Boromisza-Habashi
2013: 23). Thus, the expression of hatred per se frequently does not qualify as hate
speech. Importantly, communicative acts have to be performed intentionally and
strategically. Moreover, the author provides a useful typology for the analysis of
hate speech which includes: (a) the type of speaker (usually from a specific politi-
cal party); (b) the relative social influence of the speaker and target (an aggressive
attack is performed in the public sphere and disseminated); (c) the variety of com-
municative acts which can be interpreted and classified as hate speech (usually
associated with anti-Semitic, racist, sexist, and other discriminatory beliefs and
attitudes, threatening others with serious harm); (d) insinuations and references to
historical patterns and events (usually, historical events are redefined from a revi-
sionist perspective); and finally (e) existing legal (and moral) sanctions against the
producers of hate speech (Boromisza-Habashi 2013: 25).1 This typology enables
the classification of a range of expressions of hate speech for comparative pur-
poses and relates well to the frame analysis employed in this volume.
This definition draws on Article 4 of the International Convention on the
Elimination of all Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD), which condemns all
propaganda and organizations that attempt to justify or legitimize discrimination
or which are based on the idea of a so-called “racial supremacy”. The ICERD
obliges parties, “with due regard to the principles embodied in the Universal Dec-
laration of Human Rights”, to adopt “immediate and positive measures” to eradi-
cate these forms of incitement and discrimination. Moreover, it obliges parties to
criminalize hate speech, hate crimes, and the financing of racist activities and to
prohibit and criminalize membership of organizations that “promote and incite”
racial discrimination. However, in line with various constitutional rights, which
guarantee “free speech”, a number of countries and parties have expressed reser-
vations about this article, arguing that such a regulation would infringe on free-
doms of speech, association, or assembly. Accordingly, the ICERD has frequently
and repeatedly criticized parties for failing to abide by it and views the provisions
as necessary to prevent organized racial violence or the “political exploitation of
ethnic difference” (General Recommendation, No 15, § 1).2 Nevertheless, hate
speech continues to exist both globally and locally, and it is – as the chapters in
this volume illustrate – functionalized in many different ways for national and
transnational political ends (e.g. Wodak 2015, 2017).
In order to disseminate their ideologies or attract attention, radical-right and
right-wing populist politicians have successfully utilized digital media as these
new media have become more relevant. As Androutsopoulos (2013: 492) argues,
“digital media evolved from socially exclusive to almost ubiquitous in the West-
ern world”. Social media like Facebook or Twitter seem to provide an effective,
low-cost tool through which politicians can quickly share messages, interact with
xx  Ruth Wodak
their followers, and criticize the establishment (van Kessel, Castelein 2016). Cur-
rently, U.S. President Trump represents an unprecedented case in this regard, as
he has used and continues to use Twitter as a major platform of communication.
Donald Trump’s victory on November 7, 2016, is believed to stem – at least
partly – from his unconventional, aggressive, and offensive use of social media
and specifically tweets; it is also a well-established fact that Austria’s far-right
presidential candidate in 2016 Norbert Hofer attracted a large community of fans
primarily via Facebook.3
Right-wing populists seem to have quickly learned to leverage the communi-
cative and technological affordances of digital and social media and are using
them to reach larger audiences, mobilize followers, and gain power (KhosraviNik,
Unger 2016; Casero-Ripollés, Feenstra, and Tormey 2016). For example, Bartlett
(2014: 106) maintains that

[s]ocial media is in many ways the ideal medium for populist parties. It is
distributed, non-hierarchical and democratic. It is an alternative to the main-
stream media, which many supporters of populist parties strongly distrust.
It is therefore not controlled by the elites: the content is generated by us –
the honest, hard-working, ordinary citizens – exactly those people who the
populists are defending. Indeed, populist parties are far less likely to trust
mainstream media sources than the typical citizen.

Indeed, Kreis (2017) and Montgomery (2017), in recent studies of Trump’s elec-
tion campaign and his use of tweets, provide interesting evidence that Trump’s
language is conversational, drawing on the vernacular, highly repetitive, and
simple and direct, thus strategically emphasizing his polarizing messages. As
Engesser et al. (2017) maintain, “while the mass media adhere to professional
norms and news values, social media serve as direct linkage to the people and
allow the populists to circumvent the journalistic gatekeepers” (p. 2). This allows
them to appear closer to the people as they claim that they speak to the people
directly without mediation. The use of more personal and informal language also
contributes to this effect. Accordingly, Kreis argues, Trump’s use of capitaliza-
tion and exclamations reinforces his messages (ibid.). For example, detailed dis-
course analysis has revealed how Trump utilizes the construction of the imagined
homogenous community of the American people and the American homeland as
being threatened by the dangerous other – in a similar way to other right-wing
populist leaders and parties as exemplified in this volume (Hochschild 2016;
Wodak 2017).

From online communication to political action

“Inclusion” and “exclusion” have become the dominant meta-distinctions world-
wide, as sociologist Niklas Luhmann has strongly argued (Luhmann 1997; Wodak
2011); many groups do not have access to important domains or institutions and
live in parallel societies, outside of the conventional norms and rules of justice.
 From ‘hate speech’ to ‘hate tweets’ xxi
Politicians (seem to) have lost much of their attributed and perceived power to
global economic and political institutions’; “government” has transformed into
“governance” (Jessop 2002). These manifold changes, tensions, and contradictions
must inevitably have an enormous impact on public expectations and perceptions
of politicians. The increased fear and insecurity lead to a range of demands placed
on national politicians: to cope with all kinds of dangers and threats, which are
frequently global and not local. Globalization and the vast sociopolitical changes
it involves have, however, severely restricted the power of politicians (Hay 2007:
155). Thus, they are frequently expected to fulfil the unfulfillable. And this causes
massive disappointment, quite apart from daily dissatisfaction with corruption,
scandals, and so forth, which create the daily scoops for the media.
The most recent rise in distrust is certainly related to the major global and
European crises since 2008 (such as the economic crisis, the eurozone crisis,
the so-called refugee crisis, and ever more terrorist attacks), which brought the
problems of the political systems within the European Union (EU) member states
and the EU’s institutions to the surface and manifested the frustrations of the
public towards it. The loss of trust in the political system implies a search for
alternatives – which is where right-wing populist and extreme-right political
parties enter the scene: we thus encounter new and self-defined saviours of “the
people” dominating the political stage, presenting themselves as authentic and
trustworthy. The disenchantment with politics and the related loss of trust have
provided right-wing populist parties with much opportunity to adjust their ide-
ologies and related discourses accordingly, allowing them to gain greater elec-
toral support: the antagonists are the very same political parties that have been
unable to resolve the crises and depend, the right-wing populists argue, on the
technocratic elites of Brussels. Systematically coded Manichean dichotomies and
associated values are therefore the source of “ressentiment”, the sum of negative
feelings associated with it (Betz 2017; Wodak 2017).
Mainstream parties would be well advised to address the many problems which
have emerged due to recent global and local developments. There is little doubt
that the rising inequality across the globe is one of the most important causes
of current social problems. As the historian Tony Judt (2011: 6) rightly states,
“inequality is corrosive. It rots societies from within”. Alternative policies and
programmes must be launched. If change reaches no deeper than reframing labels
or using social media more professionally, right-wing ideologies will merely
become softer on the surface and hence, more difficult to challenge.

Notes
1 See, for example, International Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Racial
Discrimination (ICERD), a United Nations Convention, first signed on 21 Decem-
ber 1965. As of 2013, it has 87 signatories and 176 parties www.ohchr.org/EN/Profes
sionalInterest/Pages/CERD.aspx. [accessed 8 September 2016].
2 See the overview about different signatories and salient cases as well as recommenda-
tions in http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Convention_on_the_Elimination_of_All_Forms_
of_Racial_Discrimination; Regulation 2000/43/EG of the European Commission, 29
xxii  Ruth Wodak
June 2000, http://ec.europa.eu/justice/discrimination/files/com_2014_2_en.pdf [accessed
7 March 2017].
3 For an interesting and critical account, see www.thirdman.at/die-bundespraesidentschafts
wahl-im-internet/.

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Populism and the web
An introduction to the book
Mojca Pajnik and Birgit Sauer

Media shape discourses and frame debates, but they also have an impact on the
way political actors perform and behave. Political actors’ communication, for
example their rhetoric, style and their communication strategies generally, develop
in dependency with ‘media logics’ (Altheide, Snow 1979), and this applies both
for traditional media such as newspapers, radio and television (Mazzoleni, Stew-
art, Horsfield 2003) and for digital media. The processes of ‘mediatization of
societies’ (Mazzoleni 2014; Blumler 2014) have led political actors to largely
adopt populist communicative strategies that reproduce language, news values
and work routines that adapt to both journalistic standards and public relations
techniques. The Internet has played an increasingly important role in the dialectic
of democracy versus populism, something that requires more research attention,
and this book aims to bridge the gap. While during the early years of the Internet,
enthusiasm about the newly emerging democratic public was widespread, empiri-
cal research dispelled such optimistic scenarios (Larsson, Ihlen 2015: 2; Margolis,
Moreno-Riano 2015: 36).
In recent years, populist political parties and movements discovered and
started to use the Internet for purposes ranging from mobilization and cam-
paigning strategies to promoting own ideas and ideologies, including the (mis)
use of the Internet for spreading fear, anger and hate against ‘others’. A trend
of erosion of democracy and decline of a democratic public has intensified, and
parties perform politics as spectacle and employ populist propaganda. The “new
hybrid nature of modern politics”, that is “online and offline actions”, “blur
the boundaries of traditional politics” (Nixon, Mercea, Rawal 2015: 1). Fur-
thermore, the rise of ‘image’ or ‘symbolic’ politics, accelerated by new infor-
mation and communication technologies, tends to embrace characteristics of
populism such as the personification of party politics and simplification, for
example by launching popular catchy slogans to gain voters’ attention, by polar-
izing political issues and ideas and by antagonizing “the people” and “the elite”
(Mazzoleni 2014; Strömbäk 2008). Populism includes the rise of demagogy that
promises ‘power to the people’ in times of post-democracy (Campani, Pajnik
2017). These media techniques, further accelerated by the rise of digital media,
have become largely accepted ways for politicians from all parties to address
the citizenry nowadays.
2  Mojca Pajnik and Birgit Sauer
Although studies on populism start with definitions of the phenomenon, the
definitions are blurred. The chapters of this book see populism not only as a politi-
cal style, a specific way of political communication, but also, following Mudde
(2007), as a discourse based on a ‘thin ideology’. The presumption of the book
is that populism is not an isolated feature of a particular part of the political field
but can be found across the political spectrum. Our aim is therefore to detect what
could be called ‘populism in the normal’, that is to analyse where and how popu-
list discourses and practices are part of mainstream politics.
As this book discusses the role of the Internet in the context of the rising right-
wing populist political parties and movements across Europe, it therefore has a
strong focus on right-wing populist and extremist parties and movements. This
focus is also justified by the fact that right-wing organizations have been forerun-
ners in using new technological developments in political communication. Also,
right-wing populist parties and movements introduced specific, that is exclusive
antagonisms in their political communication strategies, not only the polarization
of ‘we’, the ‘people’ against ‘the elite’ or the ‘establishment’ but also against the
‘other’, be it mainstream media, migrants, LGBT people or feminists.
Hence, the book engages with different notions of populism, the ideological
and discursive manifestations of populisms in the context of political communica-
tion. Therefore, this book also deals with challenges of democracy in a European
context. Most importantly, the book adds the lacking ‘media dimension’ to the
growing debates about populism (cf. Canovan 1981; Taggart 2000), right-wing
populism (Mudde 2007; Lazaridis, Campani, Benveniste 2016), and it adds the
digital media focus and a comparative analysis at the European level to the few
existing works that debate (right-wing) media populism (Mazzoleni, Stewart,
Horsfield 2003; Wodak, KhosraviNik, Mral 2013; Caiani, Parenti 2013, 2015;
Aalberg et al. 2017).
Moreover, the book takes a rigorous country comparative perspective. The
material of most of the chapters comes from nine European countries: Austria,
Bulgaria, Denmark, Finland, France, Greece, Italy, the UK and Slovenia. This
selection of countries includes different geo-political regions in Europe, as for
instance northern welfare states (Denmark and Finland), former state-socialist
countries (Bulgaria and Slovenia), southern European countries partly hit by the
economic crisis (Greece and Italy), ‘old democracies’ (UK, Italy and Austria), and
countries with a long tradition of right-wing parties and organizations after World
War II (Austria and France).
Overall, the book has two research foci. The first focus of the book is a com-
parative analysis of the Web-based communication of parties and organizations,
relying mainly on existing studies in the nine European countries. These chapters
explore online political parties’ and movements’ communication and reflect their
meaning for ‘mediatized citizenship’, that is for political participation rights and
activism, which are largely influenced by the development of new information
and communication technologies. The authors analyse how parties and move-
ments use the Web, how they utilize social platforms such as Facebook, Twitter,
YouTube, and Online TV to spread ideas and mobilize supporters. They analyse if
 Populism and the web: an introduction 3
and to what extent political parties explore possibilities of Web communication to
enhance citizens’ participation. Guiding questions are: To what extent do parties
utilize and promote online citizenship possibilities, and what is the relationship
between the ‘participatory Web’ and the ‘promotional Web’? How is the Web
(mis)used to spread ideas, mobilize supporters, and disqualify adversaries? What
are the differences between various political actors across the political spectrum
and across countries?
The second focus of the book is the analysis of ‘the Web of hate’. These chapters
explore discourses and practices of online communication of parties and move-
ments that reproduce exclusion of constructed ‘others’ such as migrants, Muslims,
women or LGBT persons. Anti-Europeanism, anti-elitism and welfare national-
ism are additional visible topics along which online hate is reproduced. The third
topic of the book is the analysis of online strategies of progressive movements
that counter populist exclusion and open the possibilities of online emancipatory
mobilization against racism on the Web. All three topics are explored in com-
parative perspective, by engaging in a cross-country multi-disciplinary analysis,
without neglecting the particularities of the national contexts.

Methodological foundation and methods

Most of the chapters use empirical material that was gathered as part of the com-
parative research project RAGE, ‘Hate Speech and Populist Othering in Europe
through a Racism, Age, Gender Looking Glass’ in the nine countries mentioned
earlier.1 The material was gathered by nine native-speaking country teams accord-
ing to jointly set rules. The interpretation of the material also followed common
rules. The project applied several research methods, combining quantitative with
qualitative text analysis, and it included an analysis of visual material.
The quantitative analysis focused on the Web communication of political par-
ties and movements and included at least 30 selected websites per country. The
websites covered all political parties from the whole range of party families,
including their youth and/or regional branches. The aim of the quantitative analy-
sis was to identify populist arguments and messages for the whole political field
in a country. Overall 275 websites online between 2013 and 2015 in the nine
countries were analysed. The vast majority (93.1 per cent) of the websites from
our database were political party websites, while 6.9 per cent are party repre-
sentatives’ personal websites or blogs. From the political party websites 76.4 per
cent were official websites of the mother party and 16.7 per cent represented the
youth branches. Our analysis showed that 79.6 per cent of these websites were
of high quality with a rather professional setup. Most of the websites addressed
national publics and made content in the national language available. Only some
use English as a second language. Some 56.7 per cent of the analysed websites
were administered by parties, which at the time of our study were represented in
national parliaments; the rest belonged to extra-parliamentary political parties,
and 48.4 per cent of the websites belonged to parties which were represented in
the European Parliament. Also, 78.9 per cent of the websites presented parties and
4  Mojca Pajnik and Birgit Sauer
politicians which target the national level – only a minority (2.9 per cent) focused
on the EU. Referring to (the self-proclaimed) ideological orientations, 42 per cent
of the analysed websites were run by nationalist, 40 per cent by liberal, 35 per
cent by social democrat, 31 per cent by conservative, 25 per cent by Christian
conservative, 22 per cent by communist and 14 per cent by green parties.
The coding sheet consisted of five sections. Section I explored general informa-
tion of websites, that is their geographic location, language and the quality of the
setup. The second section focused on the type of the parties’ websites, their opera-
tional level, presence in the parliament and value orientation. Section III explored
communication, participation, networking and citizenship forms, that is asked
for contacts that were available on websites, communication, participation and
campaigning strategies and included analyses of specific social media, namely
Twitter. The fourth section focused on the front page of the websites and analysed
pictures, slogans and symbols, with a particular focus on populist representations.
The last section provided larger textual analysis exploring main policies, target
groups and populist ‘othering’ in textual materials. This section discussed tar-
get groups, main messages, ‘anti’-standpoints and ‘anti’-propaganda strategies or
promotion of the party leader(s). Data were analysed using SPSS.
Following Farrell (2012: 36), we distinguished several communication tools on
the websites: 83 per cent of all websites published a social media link (Facebook
and Twitter), 50 per cent had a newsletter or a mailing list and 47.6 per cent pub-
lished an activities calendar. Also, 48.7 per cent included video clips, while own
TV (8.7 per cent) and radio channels (4.7 per cent) were still rare. Hence, most
of the communicative tools still focused on one-way communication, but with
national differences.
The qualitative analysis focused on online communication of right-wing par-
ties and movements only and was methodologically based on a critical frame
analysis of the textual documents. One party and one movement were selected for
analysis (with the exception of the Greek team, which selected two movements);
both should have a strong presence in online media. The analysis was conducted
in December 2013 and beginning of January 2014. The parties included the
Freedom Party of Austria (Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs, FPÖ), the Bulgarian
Attack (Ataka), the Danish People’s Party (Dansk Folkepartis Ungdom, DF), the
Finns Party (Perussuomalaiset), the French National Front (Front National), the
Greek Popular Orthodox Rally (LAOS), the Italian New Force (Forza Nuova),
the Slovenian Democratic Party (Slovenska demokratka stranka) and the UK
Independence Party (UKIP). The right-wing movement database encompassed the
Movement Pro Austria (Bewegung Pro Österreich), the Bulgarian National Union
(Български Национален Съюз), the Danish Association for Freedom of Speech
(Trykkefrihedsselskabet), the Finish Finnish persistency (Suomen Sisu), the Inde-
pendent Greeks (Anexartitoi) and Golden Dawn (Chryssi Avgi) in Greece, Skin-
house in Italy, the Slovenian Civil Initiative for Family and the Rights of Children
(Civilna iniciativa za družino in pravice otrok) and the English Defence League.
For the qualitative analysis different types of digital texts were analysed, in sum
24 to 30 documents per country. Overall 219 texts were gathered and analysed
 Populism and the web: an introduction 5
according to critical frame analysis. Also, some country teams conducted inter-
views with various protagonists of populist politics, leaders of right-wing political
parties and movements or their visible representatives. The transcribed interviews
were also analysed with the method of critical frame analysis.
Critical frame analysis has been developed since the mid-2000s by Mieke
Verloo and her collaborators (Verloo 2005; Verloo, Lombardo 2007; Lombardo,
Meier, Verloo 2009). The basic element of this analysis is a frame, a notion taken
from Erwin Goffman’s work (Goffman 1974). A frame is defined as “interpretative
schemata that signifies and condenses the ‘world out there’ by selectively punc-
tuating and encoding objects, situations, events, experiences, and sequences of
action in one’s present or past environment” (Snow, Benford 1992: 137). Frames
are “organized ideas” that provide “coherence to a designated set of elements”
(Ferree et al. 2002: 105). In other words: frames are forms of explanation or
sense-making cognitive structures (Bacchi 2009). Hence, framing is “concerned
with the negotiation and (re)construction of reality by social/political actors” (Tri-
andafyllidou, Fotio 1998: 2). Frames refer to shared beliefs, images, symbols and
narratives of a community, be it a group, a social movement or a nation (ibid.).
Carol Lee Bacchi (1999), for instance, stresses the fact that problems are not given
but are always constructed in political processes. She thus labels her approach
to policy analysis as the ‘What’s the problem’ approach (ibid.). In other words,
frames are “an ensemble of ideas, concepts, and categories through which mean-
ing is given [. . .] to social and physical phenomena, and which is produced and
reproduced through an identifiable set of practices” (Hajer 2005: 299).
Critical frame analysis is epistemologically grounded in social movement the-
ory, where frames are understood as the intentional shaping of political claims in
order to create a movement and to mobilize people for political aims by providing
collective action frames. Moreover, political actors have to shape a proposition
in a way that is directly linked to particular “political and cultural contexts, and
to political and cultural histories and ideologies” (Verloo 2005: 17). The specific
activity of shaping interpretations of reality in order to influence policy processes
is labelled ‘strategic framing’, that is the “conscious and intentional selection of
language and concepts to influence political debate and decision-making” and to
give particular meaning in a specific social setting (Bacchi 2009: 39).
Finally, another feature of public discourse has to be mentioned: analysts agree
that there is an important connection between the definition or framing of a soci-
etal or political problem and, eventually, of the policy output or political decision.
Framing therefore refers to the way in which actors define social or political prob-
lems (diagnosis) and policy solutions or goals (prognosis; Benford, Snow 2000).
The goal of critical frame analysis is to identify interpretive and conceptual
schemas or frames in textual documents which try to produce and to promote
certain understandings of social and political issues. Methodologically, Verloo
(2005) suggests asking for the constructed problem on the one hand and the solu-
tion of the problem on the other. Hence, the method of critical frame analysis
consists of this dual structure – a thorough analysis of the ‘problem’, the diagnosis
of a social situation and of the ‘prognosis’, that is, suggestions to solve or at least
6  Mojca Pajnik and Birgit Sauer
deal with the problem. In the RAGE project the particular definition of the prob-
lem (diagnosis) and the proposed solution to the problem (prognosis), as well as
the argumentation and structure of norms, have been translated into an analytic
framework that consists of a coding scheme with a set of questions, which help
identify and sensitize for frames in the text. These sensitizing questions include,
for instance, the following: What is the problem to be solved? Who is affected by
the problem (passive actor)? Who/what causes the problem to appear or reproduce
(active actor)? What needs to be done (solution)? What is the objective of the
solution? Who should solve the problem? Who is the target group for the solu-
tion? (See also Verloo, Lombardo 2007: 35.)
The results of this coding process in each country were integrated into one data-
base. The next step in the process of analysis was the synchronization and renaming
of the sub-frames. The final step in the analysis included the grouping of the iden-
tified sub-frames into main frames, that is frames which synthesize the message
of the sub-frames. Main frames built the basis for the interpretation of the cases
and country results as well as for the country comparison. Major main diagnos-
tic frames which occurred in our material were ‘anti establishment/elite’, ‘Islam/
Muslim threat’ and ‘immigration/Asylum threat’. Prognostic main frames included
‘anti-immigration/anti-asylum’, ‘anti-homosexuality/homosexuals’ rights’ and
‘anti-Islam/Islamization’. These main frames are to some extent reflected in the
chapters of the book.
The denotation-connotation analysis as a method for exploring the visual web
materials combined the compositional with the social modality in order to detect
the formal components of the image, the things, persons, events and signs in the
visual. The analysis of visual material is based on Roland Barthes’ (1967, 1977)
concept of denotation and connotation as a tool to analyse what meanings visual
material conveys. A ‘thing’ referred to by language, written words or through a
visual image, a sign has an obvious or ‘commonsense’ meaning. Therefore, in
a specific context people have a similar understanding of what a particular sign
means. This first level of meaning is referred to as ‘denotation’ (what we see, the
objects, the people, events in a picture). On the denotation level, it is presumed,
every member of one culture would recognize the same objects in a picture due
to a (cultural, traditional) consensus on the meanings of the objects. Denotation is
thus a descriptive level.
However, a sign can bear multiple meanings. On a second, ‘connotative’ level
the same signs in a picture might communicate a great variety of meanings.
Hence, connotation refers to this multiplicity of meanings which people attribute
to a sign according to their cultural knowledge and experience (i.e. ideological
background, cognitive or emotional condition). Connotation is thus an implied or
suggested meaning of a sign (Chandler 2002).
But Barthes’ theory has some weaknesses. It is for instance not necessarily
the case that connoted meanings are shared by the sender and receiver of the
visual message. The receiver may always interpret and find meanings that were
not intended by the sender. Therefore, due to differences in experience, inter-
pretations can be arbitrary and hence differ widely even among members of the
 Populism and the web: an introduction 7
same cultural group. Moreover, interpreting visuals is not a single event but an
ongoing process in which the meanings are changed and re-interpreted (Kuhar
2003: 17).
Our analysis of pictures and videos of right-wing websites included first
denoted meanings of the signs visible in the pictures and videos (What do we see
in the picture or video?). Secondly the analysis focused on connoted meanings,
which are not explicitly readable from the sign or object in the picture or film
(What are the various meanings the picture or video conveys?). Moreover, an
analysis of visual material included the written (or spoken) words which accom-
pany the visual material. This so-called ‘relay’ often comments on what is on the
picture and thus gives a certain interpretation of the signs in the visual. Intro-
ducing a textual analysis of visual material might overcome the weakness of a
sole denotation-connotation analysis, as words guide the way the receiver should
denote and connote the message of the visual.

Structure of the book

The book comprises three sections. The first section sets the contexts of online
political communication and mobilization. It defines basic concepts of the chap-
ters and contributes to the state of the art of ‘populism on the Web’ by adding
sound country knowledge and comparison to populism, democracy, online party
and movement use, mobilization and communicative strategies. The second sec-
tion focuses on the content of online communication of populist parties and move-
ments in a country comparative perspective. The chapters draw special attention
to the specific characteristics of online communicative strategies creating public
issues as contested. The third section widens the focus on communicative strate-
gies of movements, which try to counter populist ‘othering’. It for the first time
theorizes online mobilization and activities of NGOs and movements based on
sound country studies.
In Chapter 1, which follows this introduction, Birgit Sauer, Anna Krasteva
and Aino Saarinen lay the ground for the chapters of this book. The authors
contextualize right-wing populist agendas and the rise and success of right-wing
and far-right parties in the long-term decline of traditional party politics and
new (post-) democratic constellations across Europe. Also, the chapter sheds
light on the crucial role political communication plays for right-wing populist
parties in the context of general changes of political communication towards
‘commercialization’ and ‘entertainment’. The aim of the chapter is to discuss the
double ‘innovativeness’ of right-wing populism, first with respect to the trans-
formation of the party landscape in European countries and second with respect
to right-wing populist communicative strategies. The chapter therefore focuses
on the transformation of party politics into antagonistic symbolic politics, which
reframe societal and political cleavages such as class into value politics. To illus-
trate these transformations of party politics and democratic publics the authors
discuss the creation of an exclusive political imaginary and, hence, the introduc-
tion of new forms of political communication by right-wing populist parties.
8  Mojca Pajnik and Birgit Sauer
Chapter 2 discusses ‘collateralism’ of media and politics, a model emphasizing
reciprocal media–politics interactions. Mojca Pajnik and Susi Meret work with
the concept of ‘mediatization’, which refers to different degrees in which media
and political logics interact and try to ‘prevail’ over one another. Web commu-
nication, which often allows the sidestepping of the filter of mainstream press
media and allows populist parties to reach a wider audience directly, is explored.
The chapter explores how various parties across Europe use media communica-
tion tools on the Internet; to what extent they enable participatory communication
and how they are open to forms of ‘network populism’. Also, the authors discuss
whether populist right-wing parties make use of social media as a megaphone
for their position, to promote their charismatic leaders and to disseminate their
‘othering’ ideologies and ‘politics of fear’ in ways substantially different from
traditional and established parties. The authors attempt to theorize populist poli-
tics in relation to the Web and analyse empirically in a quantitative and compara-
tive perspective how parties of different ideological background in nine European
countries make use of the Web to communicate their ideas.
In Chapter 3 Iztok Šori and Vanya Ivanova show that in many aspects, right-
wing populist political actors represent an ‘ideal type’ of media personality and
consequently enjoy high attention from various kinds of media. While main-
stream mass media provide a favorable environment for right-wing populist
political actors, their success is also very much dependent on professional use
of online and offline communication and in particular the online-offline ‘spillo-
vers’ in their communication strategies. The authors show how right-wing popu-
list parties and movements seem to be particularly successful in creating and
applying multi-directional online-offline spillover effects, most successfully
with blogs, web pages and social network profiles as well as by organizing and
staging events. It is argued that their communication strategies have proved to
be ‘liquid’, that is flexible and adaptable to various media systems, depending
on the life cycle period of the party or movement and shaped by ideology and
political goals.
Populist and post-populist Europe in times of ‘videocracy’ is discussed by
Giovanna Campani in Chapter 4. Focusing mainly on the Italian experience, this
chapter takes into account three debates: the emergence of ‘populism’ in Europe,
the ubiquity of mass media in the construction of political communication and the
debate on Internet politics and its implication for democratic participation. The
author discusses the ‘media populism’ of Silvio Berlusconi and Beppe Grillo as
a specific product of the Italian political and cultural context, showing how the
‘media factor’ has allowed populist parties and movements to become hegem-
onic. The Italian ‘anomaly’, represented by Berlusconi’s ‘media populism’, is
understood by the author as a visible sign of a deep crisis touching representa-
tive democracy in Italy and largely in contemporary Europe. European citizens
perceive themselves as being dominated by alienated and alienating technocratic
elites. In respect to the predominately negative interpretation of populism as a
demagogic and anti-system phenomenon, the author argues that we are entering
a phase of ‘post-populism’, where the so-called populist parties are offering new
 Populism and the web: an introduction 9
political choices – both on the right and the left of the political spectrum – in order
to transform the present order.
Chapter 5 by Ildiko Otova and Heini Puurunen shows that the economic crisis
since 2008 and its social effects on European states and citizens gave a strong
impulse to right-wing populist types of rhetoric ranging from anti-Europeanism to
welfare nationalism. The analysis discusses different kinds of ‘othering’ discourses
reproduced in speeches and written documents of right-wing populist actors, such
as anti-elites, anti–EU, anti-globalization and anti-minorities. What is significant
in these populist discourses is that the role of the state as redistributor of welfare
is not questioned per se but rather the boundaries of the community it encom-
passes; right-wing parties claim that welfare benefits and services, including those
concerning social and health services as well as education, should be restricted to
nationals. Consequently, minorities are viewed as threatening national cohesion
and simultaneously causing a burden for state welfare. The chapter analyses the
online communication strategies of populist parties and movements in a country
comparative perspective by taking examples of old European liberal democracies
(namely Finland) as well as of post-communist states (Bulgaria), showing that
the Internet is an important means to legitimate this exclusive welfare solidarity.
Denitza Kamenova and Etienne Pingaud in Chapter 6 explore the different ways
used by populist right-wing organizations to communicate online about migra-
tion and Islam. Populist communication on the Web serves the building of a new
political enemy, defining the opposition between ‘us’ and ‘the others’. Internet
communication serves the struggles for the defence of a supposed authentic iden-
tity, considered as threatened by migrants. The chapter explores how the Internet
has been decisive in the forging of movements, based on transnational links and
on circulation of concepts, ideas and arguments against Sharia, Quran or Islam.
It is shown how every event, news item or story can be used as long as they help
these groups in their online communication to legitimize their struggle to ‘protect’
the traditional and historical identities considered as threatened by immigration
and the rise of Islam in Europe.
Gabriella Lazaridis and Vasiliki Tsagkroni in Chapter 7 show that despite the
fact that the Internet has grown as a softener of social barriers or as a means
to erode clear-cut gender typologies, online communication in general does not
seem to alter societal stereotypes that pertain to gender inequality. The analysis
concentrates on the assessment of metaphors, symbols and narratives of far-right
populist groups across Europe for mobilizing antagonism in the field of gender
and the way they use difference by appealing to ‘national purity’, the ‘hetero-
sexual family’, ‘nature’ and the roles it prescribes for men and women. Although
the far right in Europe varies from country to country, ideologies of gender and
sexuality remain central to these movements. The chapter shows how sexism,
homophobia, abortion, imaginings of a ‘proper’, that is heterosexual, family and
‘traditional’ gender roles mobilize right-wing actors and their ideas.
Chapter  8 by Roman Kuhar and Edma Ajanović shows how mass protests
against marriage equality, organized by Manif pour tous in France, and simi-
lar counter-movements in Slovenia, Italy and elsewhere which centred around
10  Mojca Pajnik and Birgit Sauer
oppositions to sexual citizenship rights and to the so called ‘gender ideology’,
have gained powerful dimensions through skilful use of new social media on the
web. The continuously re-appearing debate about reproductive rights of women
and the vocal demands of LGBT communities for equal rights (including the
resounding debates on gay marriage and same-sex families) are a fruitful field
within which right-wing populist groups and parties take these issues as their
main topic of contestation or use examples from it as ‘arguments’ for their specific
nationalist and xenophobic causes. This chapter shows on the one hand which
right-wing populists and extremists in the nine countries of research refer to sexu-
ality and discusses on the other hand the discursive strategies of one case study,
the Slovenian Civil Initiative for the Family and the Rights of Children (CIFRC),
in constructing the ‘internal others’ via references to sexuality and by this oppos-
ing ‘natural’ families to ‘internal others’, that is LGBT people.
Chapter 9 by Birgit Sauer, Mojca Pajnik and Susi Meret tries to assess populism
across the political spectrum and to theorize a ‘reactionary’ versus a ‘progressive’
Web. At the same time the chapter points out differences among populisms and
their use of the Web. The chapter critically deals with concepts of populism –
reducing populism to a political or defining populism as a specific democratic
strategy that allows mobilizing antagonism in order to appeal to and construct ‘the
people’. Overall, there is consensus in the definition that populism is not some-
thing that ‘comes alone’, for example in the form of a personal characteristic or
as a single feature defining the ideology of the extreme right. A tension, however,
obviously emerges in comparisons dealing with populism of the right and the left.
In this respect, while Laclau and Mouffe would welcome left-wing populism as
a strategy to counter neoliberal hegemony, other authors are generally sceptical
towards populist mobilization and generally perceive it as a threat to democracy.
Based on this, RAGE material is used to further refine these contesting concepts
of populism. The chapter answers questions such as: Do right-wing and left-wing
groups have different strategies on the Web? Do they use the Web differently for
mobilization? What are the activated frames and counter-frames? How do they
phrase and create a ‘we’ and the ‘other’?
Different actors and forms of activity which aim to encounter populist and rac-
ist othering on the Internet are discussed in Chapter 10 by Kaarina Aitamurto and
Evelina Staikova. The chapter discusses the ways in which different civil-society
actors, ranging from established NGOs to loose informal networks, use the Inter-
net and how the Internet can change civic activism by providing new opportuni-
ties and the forms of relationship between online and offline activism. Examples
from several national contexts (Bulgaria, Finland and Great Britain) are used to
demonstrate the wide array of innovative methods that the actors of civil society
use in order to counter racism and discrimination online. It is also shown that
civic activism, which aims to counter right-wing populist othering, often faces the
challenge of avoiding ‘enclave communication’ and of maintaining the dialogue
with their opponents.
To conclude: the chapters in the book are able to show that today, parties and
organizations are forced to use new media in order to communicate with their
 Populism and the web: an introduction 11
constituencies, to mobilize support and followers but also to strengthen identity
and internationalize (Caiani, Parenti 2015: 136). While in the early years of the
new millennium only a few parties used the Web (Gibson, Ward 2009: 87), dur-
ing the time of our study all the parties and organizations analysed had profes-
sionalized their political communication – including Facebook, Twitter, blogs and
YouTube. The use of the Internet has changed the style of political communica-
tion, making it faster, more immediate and tailored for a specific constituency.
However, the analyses of the chapter show that new social media mainly target
younger people. Also, the analyses show that right-wing and right-extremist par-
ties showed higher activity on the Internet than for instance left and far-left parties.
The chapters in this book further show that populisms differ not only from coun-
try to country but also with respect to different topics and media strategies. The
authors are able to point to a sort of normalized populism present in mainstream
parties, which aim at targeting a huge audience (of especially young people).
Nevertheless, the research showed that there is a difference between a normal-
ized populism and an excluding right-wing populism. Finally, social groups fight-
ing right-wing populism and extremism also use the Internet and might be – to
some extent – labelled as populist. The latter results feed into debates about the
(political and scientific) use of the concept of populism, which by some research-
ers is restricted to a leftist, emancipatory appeal to the people (in the sense of
democracy).
The chapters in the book show the complexity of a country comparison. The
authors of the book find that comparison thoroughly needs to take into account
specific contexts in which political debates on the Internet emerge. The chapters
of this book do not find specific patterns of Internet populism in the countries.
Of course it makes a difference if a country is well supplied with Internet – such
as Finland – or if in a country access to Internet is still restricted – as is the case
in Greece and Bulgaria. Differences in framing for instance issues of gender and
sexuality occurred between the more gender equality–oriented countries in the
Scandinavian region and conservative welfare states. Overall, the chapters point
to the fact that although the Internet is organized internationally and although
organizations borrow campaigns from international partners, Internet populism
has to reflect national contexts and conditions.

Note
1 The project was funded by the EU’s Justice and Home Affairs (Just/2012/FRAC/
AG/2861) between 2014 and 2016.

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