ABSTRACTS OF THE SAA 8OTH ANNUAL MEETING 1% reservoir changed everything. Treating each ruin as an individual site would ignore the interconnectedness of rural economies and the contagiousness of abandonment. However, treating these ruins as individual features within larger sites of watershed creation, their interconnectedness 's prioritized, Spatial gaps between each ruin come into focus as places where economic and social activities once took place. The secondary growth forest, the dry creek beds, and the quarried clits are cultural features in need of interpretation. Standing and occupied structures are also integral features whose documentation allows for assessments of resilience. Together, these multiple feature types provide information on not only where but also when and why abandonment occurred across vast sites, This landscape contains 150-years of data on cultural impacts of environmental engineering that can inform future watershed projects and contribute to research on rural and urban abandonment [222] Discussant Bokvalac, Jelena [299] see Conlogue, Gerald Belanger, Claude [147] see Pierce, Karen Belardi, Juan [185] see Barrientos, Gustavo Belardi, Juan (Univ Nac de la Patagonia Austral), Flavia Carballo Marina (Universidad Nacional de la Patagonia Austral ), Patricia Madrid (Universidad Nacional de La Plata ), Gustavo Barrientos (Universidad Nacional de La Plata, CONICET) and Patricia Campan (Universidad Nacional de la Patagonia Austral) [251] Hunting Blinds from Plateaus and Hills in Southern Patagonia (Santa Cruz, Argentina): Tactics and Beyond ‘The aim of this paper is to present and discuss the distribution patterns of Late Holocene hunting blinds from two distinet environments of southern Patagonia (Argentina): basaltic plateaus and hill These are mostly semicircular stone structures built for the hunting of guanaco (Lama guanicoe), a ‘medium-size wild camelid that was the main staple for the hunter-gatherer populations throughout the Holocene, Despite of the existence of a number of shared trats (e.g. obsidian from the same source, similar rock art motifs) that suggest tight social ties and interactions, both environments show differences in frequency and diversity of hunting blinds as well as in the inferred tacties implemented by the hunters, which can be explained by differences in topography, seasonally, and prey biomass, Belfer-Cohen, Anna [16] see Goring-Morris, Nigel Belter-Cohen, Anna (The Hebrew University of Jerusalem) and Nigel Goring-Morrs (The Hebrew University of Jerusalem) [82] Refiections on the Origins of the Neolithic “House” inthe Near East Large-scale urabe architecture appears quite suddenly with the emergence ofthe semi-sedentary Natufian (ca. 15,000 calB.C.) in the Near East. Subsequently, during the course of the Natufian, structure sizes diminish. Construction tradtons, including house that were sem-subterranean, constructed with wooden posts, stones and puddled mud continued during the PPNA (ca. 10,000- 8.500 calB.C.),albet with the innovation of mud-brck superstructures. An important distinction between the Nautian and the PPNA is the appearance of pubic architecture, reflecting tho dichotomy between residential housing, homes’, and communal structures, hardly recognized during the Natutian. This portrays changes in the social dynamics of eommunitis participating nthe processes of Neolithisation, culminating in the fully sedentary village societies of the PPNB (ca. 8.500 calB.C. onward), Changes were quite rapid, involving the shift to rectangular architecture, assumed to indicate ‘modifications in basic social unit behaviors - the rectangular house is supposed to be the domain of a nuclear-com-extended family as the plan enables additions according to need. Through time the sense of ownership grew, most probably together with hygienic demands accompanying increasing