6

A Comic Empire: The Global Expansion

of Punch as a Model Publication, 1841-1936.1
Richard Scully

The historical scholarship of the weekly comic magazine Punch; m; the ,%!'
London Charivari (1841-1992; 1996-2003) (Fig.l) is without peer in terms of

l-rlu·.2l. Ut
. l'LEBITE, ANTONY AND OO'l'AVIUS,
.I.SD· OUR l.ODG&H$. .. SG:!o~ l"I:Ht TB!I 3T1!DY•
. av W.ltic i.!lMof~> • BV WALTER SAVAG!t tAiiDOR.
· :Stur~Cu·.in· £1"n:t,: U1 1!.:=rtrtt.tfr..e:~ l!h1ll!~1.T ..,D .£1"iY.\ U, ~Tt:h ~rtt1~

Fig. 1. Richard Doyle. Cover illustration. Punch; or, the London Charivari. March
8~ 1856.

its extent and its enduring fascination for experts and laypeople alike. Punch's
contents are still a saleable commodity, fully one decade after it folded (Walasek,
2012), and appeal to a worldwide readership. Many full-scale histories ofthe
comic are still widely-read (Spielmann, 1895; Price, 1957; Prager, 1979); the

JJOCA, Fall2013
 7

great cartoonists of the magazine possess innumerable biographical studies

devoted to them-- Sir John Tenniel (1820-1914) being the best represented
(Sarzano, 1948; Engen, 1991; Simpson, 1994; Morris, 2005) -- and thanks to the
likes ofPatrick Leary (20 10), the inner editorial workings ofthe magazine are
now better understood than those of any other similar contemporary
publication. As well as being the focus of study in its own right, Punch is still
-- as Arthur Balfour noted in 1901 -- one of the "great sources" for British and
imperial history. Historians ofBritain and its empire regularly have recourse to
Punch's pages, for evidence of all manner of social and political issues
(Huggett, 1978; Fredeman, 1987; Foster, 1993; McNees, 2004; Miller, 2009;
Goodall, 2011; Scully, 2011 a), as well as for useful illustrations to their work.
Such is the prevalence of studies drawing on, or dealing with Punch, that in
excellent style, Henry J. Miller has both explored aspects ofits history(2009a),
and highlighted "the problem with Punch" as a source: it blinds the historian
to the other, regional comic papers of Britain in the same period, which can
reveal much more than they have previously been given credit (2009b).
Voi.I.-No. ·!..I ;fifltU'tb t{).e Stb, 1849! (PRICE, ·id

.l{nlllT<'rlf llj/irr, ,r,,, 111, 811i111 l'mil\''i' .\'m•itr··~'{((d,

liold by all U1 ci Rooltsellers.

PUNCH (IN CANADA) WIU. Ht:Rl:AFTI':R Al'PJ.~\REVlmY [IORTNJGHT.

Fig. 2. J. B. Walker. Cover illustration. Punch in Canada. March 3, 1849.

IJOCA, Fall2013
8

Yet, despite its unique status among comic papers, aside from a very few
studies (Douglas, 1994; Bryant, 2008; Codell, 2006; Scully, 2012a), the
importance ofPunch for that greatest of 19th Century enterprises --the British
Empire-- has been little appreciated. The otherwise unrivaled work of the late
Richard D. Altick (1997) did not deal in depth with Punch as a key disseminator
of imperial ideology, and did not touch upon the role Punch played as the
center of its own "informal" empire. Not only was the London Charivari itself~j
circulated widely throughout the British Empire -- appearing on the news- '
stands from Montreal to Melbourne-- but it spawned a whole host of colonial
and other imitators. Some of these colonial Charivaris were short-lived--
such as Punch in Canada (1849-1850) (Fig. 2), Tasmanian Punch (1866-1879)
(Fig. 3), and Cape Punch (1888) (Fig. 4) in South Africa-- but many represented
the first flowerings of a British-style of satirical journalism that (together with
its American counterpart) has arguably come to infuse all global political
cartooning and caricature. The longer-lasting Melbourne Punch (1855-1925),
Sydney Punch (1856-1857; 1864-1888),HinduPunch (1871-1909), andAwadh

l'.l..TOi-&Oll.~TIItU1 SCO'Tl'SD.I\L:E:,
lA-.~et-'~~·
Ot-~f~~tll.tw O!ttlilt;~, tl("••• d ;filL~ h rl t t-
-~ ,.ltkc\:;at_dJnuku,£. .
AUt~(·t!l.c..ti..,t.~\>lc: t~~~~ tlt~~ It~ cml#', rnol•nnrron.

Fig. 3. Rudolf Jenny. Cov er illustration. Tasmanian Punch. Aug. 25, 1877.

IJOCA, Fall 2013

 9

[or Oudh] Punch (1877-1936), may have begun their lives as peripheral imitators
ofthe metropolitan paper, but came to embody aspects of the emerging national
consciousnesses of the Australian colonies and Indian provinces, and were
foundations of the Australian and Indian traditions of comic art.

Fig. 4. W. H. Schroder. Cover illustration. Cape Punch. July 4, 1888. Courtesy of

Chris Holdridge.

Refreshingly, it seems the relative paucityof"imperial" Punch studies is

about to end. Appropriately, it is scholars from the former 'jewel in the imperial
crown"-- the Indian Subcontinent-- who are leading the charge to analyze
Punch as paradoxically both an instrument of British imperialism and means
of fostering "Britishness" in the Victorian and Edwardian periods, as well as a
comic form that could be subverted, employed as a tool ofresistance to colonial
control, and foster divergent colonial nationalisms and print cultures (Mitter,
1994; Hasan, 2007; Khanduri, 2009; Hasan, 20 12). Areappraisal ofthe Australian
role ofPunch is also beginning to re-emerge after some four decades (Mahood,

IJOCA, Fal/2013
10

1973; Scully, 2013), looking beyond the "cultural cringe" (in the words of
Philips, 195 0) that has deemed the Melbourne, Sydney, and other colonial
Punches to be inferior to the British original, and downplayed their importance
in the development of a truly Australian form of comic art (as in Lindesay,
1979). While Punch in Canada is already well-understood (Desbarats and
Mosher, 1979: 40-42; MacDonald, 1993; Rabidoux, 201 0; Adcock, 2013), an
analysis of the various Punches of New Zealand has yet to be attempted. ,~;£
Analyses of the Punches of Egypt (Booth, 2013) and of South Africa '
(Holdridge, 2010) --as well as those of China (Rea, 2013) and Japan (Duus,
200 1; Rogala, 2004; Munson, 2011) -- are now underway, yet there is a difficulty
in examining each in the form of nation-centered case-studies. By its very
nature, as it spread around the globe between the foundation of the original
London Charivari and the extinction of the last colonial Punches (the
Melbourne, Hindu, andAwadhPunches, in 1925, 1930, and 1936, respectively),
the Punch model was not national, but transnational, and this realization is
something that, excitingly, forms the core of the collected studies in Harder
and Mittler (due June 30, 2013), and which should be published by the time
this article appears.
In what follows, therefore, I seek to examine the extent and nature ofthe
"empire" of Punch in its entirety, considering recent and forthcoming analyses
ofthat magazine as an important transcultural and transnational phenomenon.
In addition, I seek to add to understandings of the way transnational press
interactions (perhaps epitomized by Punch) established and maintained
complex webs of contact and communication that bound the British Empire
--and the "British World"-- together (something pioneered by Simon J. Potter,
2007, 2003a and b). It does need to be stressed that this article represents only
the first stages of a much larger project-- graciously funded by the Discovery
Early Career Researcher Award oftheAustralian Research Council (2013-2015
inclusive)-- and so many of its conclusions remain tentative. Yet, given the
recent international and transnational focus upon Punch as a worldwide
phenomenon (Harder and Mittler, 2013), it is hoped that this briefforaywill
further assist scholars in drawing-together the significance of the London
Charivari as a touchstone for comic art on a global scale, and not merely to
isolated national traditions.
As is well-known, Punch itself was founded as a rather radical comic
paper in 1841 (Altick 1994: 186-188), along the lines of the Paris-based Le
Charivari of the 1830s (Banta, 2003: 64). From its very beginnings, therefore,
Punch was an example of the transnational potential of the comic press, as a
French model was successfully adapted for a British market. However, Punch's
initial radicalism was dimmed as its founders departed (Altick, 1994: 730-736;
Leary, 2010: 25) and it became more and more popular with the well-to-do
middle classes ofVictorian Britain (Huggett, 1978: 37; Baer, 2012: 245), so that
by the "age of equipoise" (Burn, 1964), it progressively became a significant

IJOCA, Fall 2013

 11

part of the establishment it had been so determined to "bait" at its founding

(Miller, 2007b: 288-289). As "one ofBritain 's most visible signatures for English
values" (Banta, 2003: 62), Punch nevertheless maintained an aloofposture in
terms of party politics-- happy to sling mud at both W. E. Gladstone's Liberals
and Benjamin Disraeli 's Conservatives in equal measure, as in Fig. 5, a famous
cartoon by John Tenniel, detailing the state ofpolitical debate over the "Eastern
Question" (centering on what should be done about the decaying Ottoman
Empire). Mr. Punch stands unimpressed by the two statesmen who so defined
British politics in the 1870s, following the return of the recently-retired
Gladstone to political combat with his old enemy. Though because of its
editorial structure, Punch tended to express guarded admiration for the right
wing of politics, while maintaining an essentially Liberal bent (Morris, 2005:
248-251), the magazine did notably take up various political causes throughout
its life; these ranged from ending the tyranny of crinoline for women, but also
opposing women's suffrage (Thomas, 2004: 77-104).
..."
.
l'!J!'IOH, Ql\ THE I.ONDOX Q!!ARIVAI\L-Auc~~JO'-,
1~878.
_ _ __ _

1,.
t
1'
!!
J

A BAD EXAMPLE.
·D.a.l't.rnr, "WIL!.'r'B J.tt:.tlilst YOU, mr. IWO llllAD OOY$ OF 'l:ijl! JSCROOL, TRKOWJNa l!Ul)f
YOU 01!0111' 3'0 JJR .A.81LlURD O.P :VOUR.!/liLV.JI$1"

Fig. 5. ·John Tenniel. "A Bad Example." Pultc!z,· or, the Lf!ndon Charivari. Aug. 10,
1878: 55.

IJOCA, Fall2013
12

ln maintaining this stance, Punch's editors were quite deliberately

attempting to act as a "multi-vocal" mouthpiece for respectable, mainstream
politics ofa broadly middle-class kind (Leary, 2010: 5, 39-44). By the 1850s and
1860s in particular, the cartoons of John Tenniel were assumed by many to be
as authoritative a guide to the "true" flavor ofpublic opinion in the metropolis
as The Times (Morris, 2005: 248), and Punch spawned a number ofmetropolitan
imitators by those unhappy with its apparent shift in political approach. Thevi
playwright Henry J. Byron founded Fun in 1861, to attract the more Liberal "
and radical readership from which Punch had tended to distance itself
(Lauterbach, 1961); Charles H. Ross founded Judy; or the London Serio.;.
Comic Journal in 1867 to cater for those of a more "large-C" Conservative
persuasion than Punch would often allow for (Scully, 2012b: 136). The implied
flattery of these imitators was mostly welcomed by Punch's editors; Punch
contributor William Makepeace Thackeray referred to Fun semi-derisively as
"Punch," but often called for its latest edition to be passed around the editorial
dinner-table in order to match its quality and content (Silver, Feb. 12 and Oct.
8, 1862). As noted above, Henry J. Miller has highlighted the regional British
imitators of Punch from Leeds and Birmingham to Belfast and Edinburgh,
showing that the adoption and subversion of the Punch model was not merely
a phenomenon ofthemetropolis. Glasgow Punch (1846) andMacPunch (1869)
were notable spin-o:ffs from the major cities of Scotland, and Y Punch Cymraeg
(1858-1864) sprang up in Holyhead in Wales. There was also a Liverpool
Charivari in the Lion (1847-1848), and a Nottingham Charivari (1856), as
well as many others which did not directly take the Punch name. These regional
Punches are all largely forgotten, and require some further examination to
establish their historical significance. Of undisputed significance, however,
was another London-based imitator, The Tomahawkof1867, edited byArthur
aBeckett and Matthew Somerville Morgan, which actually provided Punch
with a serious rival. At its peak, it oftenotit-soid Punch itself (a Beckett, 1903:
174), but the Tomahawk eventually declined in circulation (Ellegard, 1971: 20),
folding in financial and narrowly-avoided social disgrace in 1870 (Scully, 2011 b:
309-311 ). Matt Morgan went across the Atlantic to work for Frank Leslie, and
aBeckett later joined the Punch table, only underscoring the importance of
Punch in relation to itsimitators.
That Morgan found a ready home in the United States is a good marker
of the trans-Atlantic connections between the British and American satirical
presses, and indicates that Punch had imitators far beyond British shores.
Though it is hotly disputed --largely because of the nationalist bent of some
American comics scholarship (e.g. Dagnes, 20 12) --the New York-based humor
magazines Puck (1871-1918) and Vanity Fair (1859-1863) certainly owed
something to the London Charivari (Brown, 2006: 14-22; Lewin and Huff,
2007: x). That there were briefly a Southern Punch ( 1863-1865) in Richmond
(Bernath, 2010: 190-193; Sloane, 1987: 268-270; Linneman, 1962) and an

IJOCA, Fall2013
 13

American Punch (1879-1881) in Boston is a good indicator of the influence of

the model of the London original in the former British colonies of the United
States; this is especially the case, given the American Punch was a monthly
publication that reproduced much of its content from the London Charivari
(Mott, 1970: 267). The liberal press culture ofBritain --that Punch epitomized
-- was also attractive to the founders of Kladderadatsch (1848-1944) and
Berliner Punsch ( 1866-1867) in Prussia (Koch, 2002: 407), and Die Fligende
Blatter(1845-1944) andDer Miinchener Punsch (1848-1871; 1875) in Bavaria
(Scully, 2011c: 171), and the influence ofPunch was such that it even came full
circle, returning to France. Just asLe Charivari (1832-1937) had inspired the
London Charivari, now Punch inspired Punch aParis (1850), published by
the renowned French cartoonist Charles Amedee de Noe ( 1818-1879), known
as "Cham." This Parisian Punch enjoyed a brief flowering under the Second
Republic ( 1848-1852), before being crippled by the censorship introduced by
President Louis Napoleon Bonaparte in 1850, and which ended the paper's
run after only six issues (Scully, 2011c: 163). One other notable example of
Punch's transnational influence was the 1854 endorsement of a Punch-style
humor magazine by no less illustrious a person than the Tsar ofAil the Russi as.
Nicholas 1 hoped a few comic barbs about the British, Turks, and French
might give him an edge in the Crimean War (1853-1856), and Anthony Cross
(2006) has argued that this attempt to co-opt the Punch style for autocratic
purposes may have single-handedly helped to found the Russian tradition of
political comic art.
It was the perception of Punch's status and importance-- as well as its
respectability (Miller, 2007 a) -- that led to the London Charivari also being
imitated throughout both the formal and the informal British Empire, and
beyond. Across the globe, self-consciously British subjects sought to ape
the fashions of''Home" in order to maintain their sense of class and of identity.
What Ruti G. Khanduri (2009: 474) has noted in the context oflndia is applicable
across the Punch ian Empire: ''The satirical mode which was articulated through
Punch in a literary and visual genre resolved and questioned social mores,
politics, sexuality and several practices to construct the modes of conduct for
the middle class." For the vast and scattered British diaspora, Punch and
papers like it were a key means of"transcend[ing] the imagined divide between
metropole and colony'' (Holdridge, 2010: 21).
In Fig. 6, 1 have taken the opportunity to "map" the empire ofPunch in
consciously imperial terms, both to elicit some amusement(!) as well as to
illustrate a key point. As with the British Empire itself-- the "pink bits" on the
map (here rendered a lighter shade in greyscale) --the empire of Punch can
easily be seen as more monolithic than, in fact, it was. Just as the uniform
pinkish tones on the most familiar of all imperial images obscures the enormous
variety of regimes, formal and informal arrangements, and cultures of
exploitation and collaboration that made up the British Empire, so too the

JJOCA, Fall2013
Fig. 6. Richard Scully. Map: "The Empire of Punch, 1841-1936." 2013. The inset
map at top right shows the various Punches of New Zealand.

relationship of each colony of Punch was distinct in its own way, and the
actual shape of the colonial Charivaris very much more dependent upon
local conditions than any imperial control exerted by the metropolis.
ln fact, each colonial imitator of Punch was just that: an imitator. The
London paper had virtually no input whatsoever into the establishment, day-
to-day management, or content of a paper like Punch in Canada. Occasional
requests to reprint Punch cartoons or articles aside, the imperial metropole
dealt with its "colonies" in a highly laissezfaire, liberal fashion. The empire of
Punch was therefore an example of a fascinatingly complementary (and often
paradoxical) imperial system: Punch's spread worldwide is a reflection of the
spread ofBritish economic, political, military, and cultural influence, but was
also a means by which that same system was established and perpetuated. It
was very much an "informal" empire, where influence was exerted without
hands-on control. The London Charivari provided the original inspiration in
terms of format and general style, but those sitting around the Punch table at
a Wednesday editorial dinner were usually blissfully unaware of their
counterparts' machinations in far-flung China or Japan, and one can perhaps
imagine them affecting to laugh, shake their heads in bemusement, and raise a
sarcastic eyebrow if ever they encountered a copy of a colonial Charivari.
This said, the staff of Punch was aware of the fact that their London-
based paper was exported across the globe (Khanduri, 2009: 464), and readers
inNew England in the United States could read their work within a day or so
(James, 1883:333-334; Spielmann, 1895: 370) --depending on the speed ofthe

IJOCA, Fall2013
 15

ocean liner that carried the first copies-- while readers in New England in
Australia might have to wait one or two months (Bartholomew, 1882),
depending on whether steam or sail brought the cargo out from Britain, and
whether rail or dray brought the papers up from Sydney or Brisbane. That the
colonial reach of the original Punch is a rather neglected aspect ofthe paper's
history seems rather odd given the findings ofHelen Walasek in relation to
the now long-forgotten lantern slide industry (Walasek, 2005: 146), not to
mention the large numbers of original copies that go up for sale worldwide,
sta1nped as they so often are with the emblems of various state libraries,
colonial parliamentary libraries, and mechanics institutes. Indeed, Ritu Khanduri
(2009: 463-465, 467-469) is the only scholar to have investigated the London
Punch's own deliberate -- but failed -- policy of overseas expansion: the
publishers-- Bradbury and Agnew-- briefly sought to expand their markets in
Cairo, Port Said, and in India around the turn of the 20th Century. To this end,
Lawrence Bradbury, one of the managing·proprietors, undertook a six-month
world tour from February20, 1902 (Khanduri, 2009: 465), in the hope ofbringing
Punch "more closely in touch" (Sydney Morning Herald, Aug. 22, 1902: 3)
with its overseas readership. Bradbury visited Egypt, India, and Ceylon, before
crossing the Indian Ocean to arrive in Perth (the only Australian colonial
capital never to possess its own Punch), travelling on to Adelaide and
Melbourne, where he was entertained at a lunch at Parliament House (Sydney
Morning Herald, June 20, 1902: 6). Bradbury visited New Zealand before
returning to Australia (Sydney), and then embarked for the long sea crossing
of the Pacific Ocean from Brisbane to Vancouver, wherefrom the Canadian
Pacific Railway took him across the continent, where he again took ship for
London and home. No doubt he was shown multiple colonial Charivaris and
. Provincial Punches along the way.
Close contact of this sort, between the metropolitan original and the
"self-governing Dominions" of the Punchian Empire, was rare. Bradbury's
concerns were also quite literally a world away fi·om those ofthe editors ofhis
colonial counterparts, whose perceived relationship to the metropole were
always mediated by more immediate, "peripheral" issues. A useful illustration
of this lies in the origins of the two chief Australian Punches: the Melbourne
Punch (Fig. 7-- established in 1855), and the Sydney Punch (established a few
months later in 1856). It was the local rivalry between the two largest Australian
cities that inspired the origillal foundation ofthe Sydney Punch. As a pretender
to the title of pre-eminent metropolis oftheAustralasian colonies, then held
by Melbourne (Mahood, 1973: 42-43; Fabian, 1982: 1), it was unthinkable that
Sydney should not possess a real British-and-London-style Punch when its
rival did. This rivalry for pre-eminence was something constantly played-
upon in both paper's pages and cartoons (e.g. "Lessons in the Geography
and History ofAustralia." Melbourne Punch. Oct. 18,.1855: 93), and probably
contributed in no small way to the persistence of the Melbourne-Sydney

IJOCA, Fall2013
Fig. 7. William Ilsley. Original drawing for the cover illustration. Melbour11e
Punclt. 1877. Courtesy of the State Library of Victoria.

Adelaide Punch lasted only until1884, and the Ballarat (1857; 1867-
1870), and Queensland (1866-1871; 1878-1893) iterations were similarly short-
lived (Fisher, 2009: 112-114). There were at least six (possibly seven) versions
of Punch in the colony of Tasmania (in both Hobart and Launceston) over a
13-year period: Tasmanian Punch ( J866); Hobart Town Punch (1867-1868);
Fun, or the Tasmanian Charivari (1867); two further Tasmanian Punches
(1869-1870 and 1877-1879), and another iteration oftheHobart Town Punch
(1878) (Craig, 1980: 15). Like their more successful counterparts, however,
they served important purposes. Colonial Australians of the "well-heeled"
type(Sleight, 2009: 05.4), wouldread theLondon Charivari when theycould,
in order to stay in touch with developments "at home" -- to become more

IJOCA, Fall 2013

 17

"British," or to sustain their existing sense of "Britishness" (e.g. as the

gentleman bushranger does in Hornung, 1910: 50) -- at the same time as adapting
the British model to local conditions via their own colonial Charivaris. Similarly,
other local elites or collaborators -- be they Oxbridge- or Canning-College
educated Indian clerks or Hong Kong compradors -- would read and discuss
the London Punch in order to ingratiate themselves as much as possible with
the ruling elites of the colonies, whom they aspired to join given the first
opportunity. The knowledge ofpersonalities, dramatic or literary culture, social
niceties-- and ofcourse, British-style humor-- was one way of circumventing
or penetrating an otherwise rigid imperial class-system based as much on
perceptions of education and status as on race, as David Cannadine showed
so persuasively over a decade ago (200 1: 125-126). Ifrace, or other factors, did
limit their ability to break into the system, readers might instead be attracted to
a local, "vernacular" Punch to build or maintain a sense of difference, or
outright resistance, to their imperial masters.

B ER I~ YIS:N.t!

Fig. 8. Tom Carrington. "Berryism! Is this thing to liv~ on!" Melbourne Punch.
Dec. 18, 1879: 245.

IJOCA, Fal/2013
18

Punch was not merely transnational in terms of the way its format and
basic style-- as well as actual copies of the magazine-- permeated borders and
transcended other kinds of boundary. The artists and contributors to the
colonial Charivaris also criss-crossed the globe, in much the same way as
other colonialists and imperialists did. Francis Thomas Dean Carrington (1843-
1918) --called Tom-- was one such man, who was born into a comfortably
middle-class London family before emigrating to Australia in the 1860s seekini'
his fortune. He eventually found work with the Melbourne Punch and stayed
on as chief cartoonist for over 20 years, employing an often vicious, fighting
style to expose the politicians of colonial Victoria as shysters and frauds. He
and his editors took particular offense to the Liberal reformer (and three times
premier ofthe colony) Sir Graham Berry (Morrison and Rowland, 2010: 50), as
seen in the grotesque image that is Fig. 8. Carrington also directed his ire at
Berry's successor (and four times Premier), Sir James McCulloch (Morrison
and Rowland, 2010: 46-49) who-- among other scandals-- illegally loaned
money to fund his own government's budget; fought battles against the elite,
gerrymandered, upper house; disputed the authority of the governor; and
even challenged the Colonial Office on constitutional questions (Bartlett,
1974; Waugh, 2006: 31-34). Though matters were never quite so extreme as
Carrington and his conservative readership would have us believe, McCulloch
even seemed prepared to declare "separation" from the British Empire, as in
Fig. 9, a quite beautiful cartoon of1868.

j::u T TiNl\ THt<: "J:>AINT ·.·•

Fig. 9. Tom Carrington. "Cutting the 'Painter; ' or, the Height of Impnd(mce."
Melbourne Punch. July 16, 1868: 19.

IJOCA, Fall2013
 19

Aside from maintaining a staunch imperial Britishness at the same time

as reveling in the local politics ofVictoria, Carrington was not above extending
his imitation of the original Punch to outright plagiarism. As is evident from
Figs. 10 and 11, Carrington's 1873 comment on one aspect of local politics
was a direct copy of an earlier cartoon by John Tenniel in the London Punch.
While it was common for cartoonists to allude to the same literary or cultural

.
OF THE , • --. -.

~~~~J••n (,itn'WNtMtnj·tA¢ JidtJ.I, PuWc}. ''I CAN'tJJBEXl'EQTllliT<) !'J:rnlin :til·otw\· ()~'iCIF, \\'LTH 'l'll!K
·. . . . . •. 'lXTIIin:Srtiftl i:oJiiO' ox ¥t l>lWtJLD~!Wt'.!.> .•.·. .

Fig. 10. John Tenniel. "The Old Man of the Sea.'' Punch; 01; the London Charivari.
Nov. 18, 1871: 209.
tropes as one another (e.g. the same tale was used by William Boucher in "The
French Sinbad; or, Irregular Warfare." Judy. Oct. 19, 1870: 256-257), the sheer
similarity of the Carrington and Tenniel versions indicates that the Victorian
cartoonist may even have traced the London original. ln Tenniel 's original of
"The Old Man of the Sea," the issue at stake was the way the Tichborne
Claimant case was dominating the public sphere (to the exclusion of issues of
fashion, politics, Irish troubles, socialism, army reform, what to do with the
former Emperor of the French, etc.). Carrington used the same reference to the
Sinbad legends to detail the problematic relationship between Victoria's James

IJOCA, Fall2013
j\i 20 .... . . .

fiJ~ :~S~~~!~!~~~~=:~~;!:c~i;;~~~~~~~~:)~:~!:~~~i:r:!)s:~~:~~
;~Jy Thattfietower ofMelbourne's Pentridge Prison looms in the background of
!iiJ: 'theYc~ttdbttisa reference to Stephen's opposition to the early release of the
' ·6~iriiit1als H. C. Mount and W. C. Morris, a public scandal that hampered
Francis's government.

. ..
THE OLD> M:.A..N O}r THE SEA.i

Fig. 11. Tom Carrington. "The Old Man of the Sea." Melbourne Punch. Oct. 2,
1873: 109. [Note also that Carrington deliberately aped Tenniel's monogram
(see Fig. 8)].

For some scholars-- such as the ultra-nationalist Vane Lindesay, in what

remains the most widely-read history ofAustralian satirical art -- The Inked-in
Image (1979) --this kind of apparently slavish devotion to the British original
is something to be demonized as "un-Australian," and this contributed to
Lindesay's claim thatthere was really nothing worthwhile in Australian satirical
atiuntil The Bulletin in 1880 (Lindesay, 1979: 1, 4). But this belies the possible
motives that underpinned Carrington's plagiarism. Carrington was perhaps

IJOCA, Fall2013
 21

either unaware that he was lifting the image wholesale, having seen it in a
recent issue of the London Punch and forgotten its provenance; or aware of
its origins, but banking on his readership having long forgotten the original of
- · two years prior. Or, more interestingly, Carrington was hoping the memory of
:~. the Tenniel version would still be fresh in some readers' minds, creating the
~:·

.:=::. kind ofintertextual knowledge beloved ofthe educated middle class ofBritain

li =t~:!~~~~e~~i~::~~~~~;:::e~~~n~:::;;:~~.~~~:;I~=~~;:::i~~~
!)\.-'::>·

:~\/ii article, but a deliberate and important dialogue between periphery and
~.[ >. metropole related to knowledge and an ongoing negotiation of identity.
t.. . '
~-. :".

~: .

Fig. 12. Matt Morgan. ''A Brown Study!" The Tomahawk. Aug. 10, 1867: 150.

Similar imitation occurred in relation to the other metropolitan British

Punch-like papers, as colonial artists and editors sought to go beyond their
original model and incorporate the latest technological and stylistic
developments from "home." That technological innoyation flowed along the
imperial trade-routes (Porter, 2001: 212-215) is also something that characterized

IJOCA, Fall2013
22

this Punchian empire, and this is well-illustrated in the use by cartoonist C. A;

Abbott and engraver F. W. Niven of Ballarat Punch (see Blee and Bridges,
2007: 15; Morrison and Rowland, 2010: 50, 52-53) ofthe same-- often garish
-- color-printing that was pioneered by Punch's rival The Tomahawk; some
examples of which are seen in Figs. 12 and 13. In Fig. 12 --Matt Morgan's
famously controversial "Brown Study!" implying a scandalous
unconstitutional relationship between Queen Victoria and her Highland Gilli¥i
John Brown --part of the humor and artistic merit ofthe piece derives from it
originally being printed in brown ink. Similarly, in Fig. 13 -- C. A. Abbott's
offering, "Bogus" from the Ballarat Punch -- the cartoonist attacked the
ultra-Protestant Orange Order for its perpetuation ofBritish-style sectarianism,
which threatens civil and religious liberty, and may plunge the colony into a
steaming pile ofAnarchy, Bosh, Bigotry, Malignity, and Bunkum. Again, the
humor and effectiveness of the cartoon is in part dependent on the orange ink
in which the original image was printed.
As with the Melbourne and Sydney Punches mentioned earlier, the
Ballarat Punch was originally conceived as a way of asserting the respectability
and importance ofVictoria's vibrant and ever- d-mining city(Blee

Fig. 13. C. A. Abbott. "Bogus." Ballarat Puncb. Sept. 18, 1869: n.p.

IJOCA, Fal/2013
 23

and Bridges, 2007: 15, 18) as a metropolis worthy ofrank alongside the original
British metropolis of London. That Melbourne had its own Punch was probably
rather galling to the denizens ofBallarat, who have always maintained a low-
level dislike for the larger conurbation. One means of Ballarat gaining the
upper hand in this odd game of one-upmanship over Melbourne appears, in
this case, to have been by adopting the new, color, printing of the sensational
rival to Punch, in order to make Melbourne look literally less vibrant than its
inland counterpart.
Similar patterns to these Anglo-Australasian (and therefore one might
say "monocultural," or decidedly less transnational) examples are evident in
the broader imperial context; notably in the best-studied context of"vernacular"
Punches and colonial Charivaris: India. Although certainly carried to India
by the traders and the administrators who managed the subcontinent for the
supposed good of its inhabitants, the London Punch was perhaps even more
noticeably imperial in India because its chief readership was drawn from the
·.officers of the Indian Army and Civil Service. Khanduri has found
correspondence between several enthusiastic officers and the Punch editors
in the magazine's British Library archive (2009: 463-464), consisting in the
main of requests for signed and framed cartoon prints for the mess-hall or the
barracks. As noted above, there was a concerted attempt to develop the London
paper's market in India around the turn ofthe century (464), but in this, it
largely failed, largely owing to the strength of the local "upstart Punches"
(Khanduri, 2009: 461, 469).
Of these-- and it seems more and more are being uncovered by Indian
scholars free from the nationalist concerns of previous generations -- the
most influential was theAwadh Punch (1877-1936) (Fig.14). It was founded in
the important imperial provincial capital ofLucknow as a mirror to the London
Charivari, and its apparently modest regular circulation ofbetween 230 and
400 copies in the 1870s (Khanduri, 2009: 471) belies its importance for the
development of Indian political comic art. Its founder and "indomitable
commander" (Hasan, 2007: 10), Sajjad Husain (1856-1915), was the son of one
ofthe Nizam ofHyderabad's senior tax collectors (Khanduri, 2009: 471), and
used his paper to advocate for the extension of socio-economic (Hasan, 2007:
37-45, 53-63) and political rights for Indians (63-72), but always with an eye to
the supremacy ofthe Muslim cultural elite (91). Printed in the local Urdu
language, the magazine com'mented widely on international affairs, as well as
the corruption of the British establishment, adapting many London Punch
.cartoons for its own purposes (Mitter, 1994: 158-159; Hasan, 2007: 36-37). In
this, cartoonists such as Wazir Ali, Lal Bahadur, "Musawwar," and "Shauq,"
were acting much as Carrington did in Melbourne (see above), although they
were prompted by a desire to undermine a sense of"Britishness," rather than
reinforce it. It was not only Punch cartoons which were plagiarized or
subverted, but also ones appearing in Punch's rival papers, Judy, and Fun,

IJOCA, Fal/2013
24 . ·..·· ··.. ·-

.· ·. . .

indicatingthat't4ey,.too, circulated as far afield as tbe Raj (2007: 42, 80).

Just a~ tlie London Charivari was a model publication for a global
comic cultUre, so.
too the Awadh Punch inspired numerous imitators and
competitors in its oWn right. ByMushirul Hasan's count (2007: 12), at least 70
were founded in India by 1900, in cities as widespread as Kolhapur, Allahabad,
Calcutta, Madras, and Gujarat (103). 2 Not all were independently-minded
nationalist papers; there were also broadly pro-British Punches that emerg,.~d
in India -- including the Hindi Punch (1878-1930) -- which incorporated
"professions ofloyalty'' (Mitter, 1994: 156) and attempted to be good empire
loyalists in its attitudes (Khanduri, 2009: 470). The Punches published by
"moderate" supporters ofthe Indian National Congress (such as Sir Phirozshah
Mehta of Hindi Punch) would thus assist in counterbalancing those more
radical supporters of independence (such as Sajjad Husain and Awadh Punch),
which were in any case closely monitored by the authorities. It is from the
records and post-marks that formed such an important aspect of the British
' ~ .;.. ·"' ·- ..

Fig. 14. Ganga Sahai ["Shauq"]. Cover illustration. Awadh [OudhJ Punch. c.l887.

IJOCA, Fall2013
 25

imperial state that Khanduri (2009: 4 70-471) has been able to build up a picture
of who read these papers: e.g. Awadh Punch was read in various universities
--including as far away as Calcutta and Allahabad-- as well as in Lahore in the
, North-West Provinces.
Despite their apparent importance, the Awadh Punch and its numerous
counterparts were first examined only recently. This is partly because Indian
cartoonists and scholars have tended to see the London Punch as the
and the originator of their tradition, and in so doing, are actually
perpetuating an old imperial strategy which, in denying the legibility of colonial
Indian cartoons and dismissing them as pale (or perhaps, "dusky'') imitators
v·" of the "genuine article," were equally harping on "the incompleteness and
impossibility of colonial modernity and liberalism" (K.handuri, 2009: 476). It is
therefore odd, as Ritu Khanduri (2009: 460) has noted, "that Punch and not
,.. ' the vernacular publications have became [sic] the vanishing point for
narratives of Indian cartooning"; after all, the London Punch was never as·
popular or successful in India as its imitators. The answer to this quandary
·.· . probably lies in anti-colonial politics as much as a myopia concerning these
·. provincial papers: Mushirul Hasan, in 2007's Wit and Humour in Colonial
· North India (103-109), has shown howtheAwadh and other similar papers
eventually became obsolete as a more strident form of nationalism took hold
(so too has Mitter, 1994: 158). Awadh Punch's very role in helping sustain a
strong culture of high-class Nawabi, anti-British identity over several decades,
''•
made it incompatible with the new Indian national narrative after 1947, and
,. hence, it was forgotten. As Khanduri points out (2009: 470), and as alluded to
t->·.
above, the various vernacular Punches were also-- certainly by the 1890s --in
intense competition with one another, and, thus, did not provide the unifying
,_. national story required of post-independence histories of the anti-colonial
press.
Other important colonial Charivaris have fared differently in terms of
the historical record. As noted above, the Punches of China -- Hong Kong
·:,··;, Punch (1867-1872) and Shanghai Punch (1864; 1867; 1918) --are now receiving
some attention from Chris Rea (hopefully rescuing them from the
condescension of contemporary reviewers in the London and China
Telegraph, July 6, 1867: 356; Feb. 22, 1869: 70); although their significance
""· · pales in the glare of the truly great Punch ofEastAsia: The Japan Punch (Fig.
15). This paper is of note not merely because it is conspicuously absent from
British imperial history-- the Yokohama Treaty Port (of 1859-1899) hardly ever
appears painted pink or red on maps of the empire-- but also for the alleged
significance of the publication for the emergence of one of today's most
dominant global comic forms: manga (Ito, 2005: 460-461; Ito, 2008: 29-30).
Japan Punch was a publication which arose from the satirical doodlings of
London-born Charles Wirgman (1832-1891) in 18~1, as he witnessed the
tensions of Japan's transition from the Tokugawa Shogunate to the Meiji

IJOCA, Fall2013
 Fig. 15. Charles Wirgman. Cover illustration. Japa11 Punch. July 1878.

Restoration. These were inherently bound up with the intrusion of Western

trade and influence in the early 1860s, and as Todd S. Munson (2012) has
noted, Wirgman directed most of his ire at the British authorities who tried to
manage the international settlement in what he believed was a decidedly "un-
British" way. The British consul general had the temerity to demand that
subjects of Queen Victoria register themselves and carry identity papers
(anathema to the liberal culture of metropolitan Britain); this, Wirgman likened
to the Japanese custom of having prostitutes wear fuda, or wooden identity
tags whenever they journeyed beyond the confines of the brothel (Munson,
2012: 619-621). The perceived failure ofBritish authorities to match French
influence in Yokohama and beyond was also a major theme ofJapan Punch in
its early days, underscoring a sense ofBritishness through reference to the
defining "best enemy'' (Munson, 2012: 622-623). Over the two-and-a-half
decades of its existence, Japan Punch ceased being a purely British paper,
and "found [its] way into the hands of curious Japanese readers" (Duus,

IJOCA, Fall2013
 27

1: 968). As such, Japanese cartoon culture evolved to become less British

more Japanese over time, though maintaining its transnational and
.c:·::...+~~ational connections as Treaty Port life gave way to a fiercely assertive,
culture.

;-'••'"""-•"~·-
-..;·-~
.
.. '
. ' j \\\I \
-.'~~
~---··-···- ' ' \ '' ~ .

VI B L ACX,
. 1'1\NClY UEEAD, BISO~I'i!; ·
. ·.. · . .i.ifli 1 •
P A B'i! R Y D A: K E E., ,
Con~-iln Gr li~o1lon&~ ~"D D.tl"o~ lh~~t~~ .·.

Fig. 16. Unknown cartoonist.. Cover illustration. Taranaki Punch. July 3, 1861.
Finally, and despite the excellentworkofianF. Grant(2005), the various
New Zealand Punches are in desperate need ofscholarly attention, not merely
as illustrative matter for the early history ofthat political entity, but as significant
publications in their own right. While the London Punch was imported to New
Zealand from early days, the first native-born Punch arose as a direct result of
brutal imperialism and frontier violence: the Taranaki Wars (1860-1861, 1863-
1866). That "ofall places" (McLintock, 1966), Taranaki should produce a version
ofthe respectable London Charivari is most likely due to the influx of British
soldiers to the area in order to re-establish order. The overtly military character
of much of its contents makes this likely, and grudging references to the
inspired tactics ofthe Maori warriors are frequent (Sinclair, 1990: 90). The
Taranaki Punch (Fig. 16) is-- unfortunately-- notable for its incredibly racist

IJOCA) Fall2013
28

attitudes towards the local Maori, as well as the "resentment and fi·ustration"
felt by settlers in the New Plymouth area, at the apparent favoritism shown
towards the Maori by European missionaries (Turnbull Library, 2006: 7).
The New Zealand Punches that followed differed from this wartime model,
showing a tendency towards respectability and a development of middle-
class "Britishness" in the New Zealand context, particularly in the papers
Punch in Canterbwy (Wigram, 1916: 181) and the later New Zealand PuncJz,
based in the same city of Christchurch, though listing Dunedin as another
main office. In that city, the earlier Dunedin Punch (1865-1866) had managed
to establish itself as a respectable paper in its own right, ofa similar tone and
status to the London original, before closing down owing to financial
difficulties (Strachan and Tyler, 2007: 85). Like the colonial Charivaris and
provincial Punches ofAustralia and India, there is in the New Zealand versions
a fascinating sense of inter-colonial rivalry, notably in papers Sll;Ch as the
Otago Punch (1866-1867), where the creator of "The Witches of the North"
(Nov. 10, 1866: 85) blamed the politicians ofthe North Island for all sorts ofills
in the South. The perusal of surviving examples ofthe early colonial Charivaris
in the New Zealand Cartoon Archive promises to yield much that is of note.
There remains much to be said about the transnational and "imperial"
nature of Punch, of which this article has been a brief and incomplete first
step. It is to be hoped that the advent of Harder and Mittler'sAsian Punches
--A Transcultural Reading (stemming from the Heidelberg seminar "Studies
on Asia and Europe in a Global Context") will inspire much further analysis
and debate than it has been possible to deal with here. Exploring the simple
question of whether there were any provincial Punches in the longest-
established British colonies-- in the Caribbean-- is a likely next step. Similarly,
in those areas where British influence was paramount, but were only part ofan
"informal empire"-- e.g. Argentina, Chile, and Uruguay(Brown, 2008; Winn,
1976; Mayo, 1981) --it is likely that some kind ofPunch-reading culture existed.
Indeed, while I have consciously confined myself to those colonial Charivaris
which actually bore the name of the parent publication, the sheer number of
Punch-like comics beyond this narrow field of study (e.g. the Sri Lankan
Punch dealt with by Warnapala, 2012) would indicate an even greater
significance for the global phenomenon of Punch. An important analysis of
the relationship of cartoons, caricature, and satirical art to imperialism and
anti-imperialism is in preparation.
The transnational mode of analysis also promises much for those
histories of comic art and political cartooning which to date have focused
only on defined national traditions. Are-examination oftheAustralian art form
and a more sophisticated understanding of Australia as a contributor to a
global form -- devoid of simplistic nationalistic, narratives -- is most pressing
in my own, immediate scholarly context. Hopefully the current leaders of the
field -- Robert Phiddian and Haydon Manning (the editors of Comic

IJOCA, Fal/2013
 29

2008) -- may turn their attention towards that task. In any

the transnational and imperial possibilities open to comics scholarship
extremely promising, and exciting, not least as yet another means of
Punch; or the London Charivari.

Endnotes

versions ofthis article were presented at: the British World Conference
ofSouthern Queensland, Toowoomba; July2, 2012); an invited
Seminar at the Flinders University (Adelaide, South Australia; Oct.
and the School of Humanities Seminar (University ofNew England,
26, 2012). The attendees contributed innumerable and valuable
for which I ·would like to express my gratitude, particularly to
,:_..L..L..., ........... Bones, Laura Saxton, Matthew P. Fitzpatrick, Andrekos Varnava, Robert
.l.l.l\.1\.lJ.U..L.l, and Lynda Garland. Thanks are also due to Chris Holdridge and Ritu
for their assistance on aspects of the South African and Indian

many Indian "vernacular" Punches have been discovered by the likes of

.._..._. . . .J ~~ and Khanduri that I have been forced to omit many of them from Fig. 6
...

map of the "Empire of Punch" -- for reasons of space.

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. . _.....~ .. ard Scully is Senior Lecturer in Modern European History at the

sity ofNew England (Armidale, New South Wales, Australia). He is
· .• ·. . •. .•· the recipient ofa Discovery Early Career Researcher Award, courtesy
· · · · ·• the Australian Research Council, a three-year project examining the global
of the political cartoon. His most recent book -- British Images of
:Admiration, Antagonism and Ambivalence, 1860-1914 -- includes
chapters examining political cartoons ofAnglo-German relations prior to
orld War I. Website: <http://www.une.edu.au/stafflrscully.php> . Email:
edu.au.

\ .

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