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Ss. Cyril and Methodius University of Skopje, R.

Macedonia

ETHNOGRAPHY AND
ANTHROPOLOGY OF
BITOLA OLD BAZAAR:
THE POLICIES AND
DISCOURSES ABOUT
THE HERITAGE
Graduation Thesis

Efrosinija Parevska
4-30-2013
Efrosinija Parevska

ETHNOGRAPHY AND ANTHROPOLOGY OF BITOLA OLD BAZAAR: THE


POLICIES AND DISCOURSES ABOUT THE HERITAGE

Abstract: The subject represents an ethnographic display of the Old Bazaar in Bitola,
Macedonia which is one of the largest and best-preserved bazaars in the region. And also, it is
an important part of the cultural heritage, not only of Bitola, but the entire country. More
specifically the theme deals with its tangible and intangible heritage and the problems that exist
in the cultural policy for their preservation.

Key words: old bazaar, cultural heritage, preservation, cultural policy, Bitola

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Contents

1. Introduction ......................................................................................................................................... 3
2. Theoretical aspects of anthropology of cultural heritage .................................................................... 5
3. Ethnography and anthropology of Bitola Old Bazaar: the policies and discourses about the heritage
............................................................................................................... Error! Bookmark not defined.9
3.1. Ethnography and history of Bitola Old Bazaar ............................................................................ 9
3.2. Immovable cultural heritage of the Old Bazaar .......................... Error! Bookmark not defined.2
3.3. Movable cultural heritage of the Old Bazaar .............................. Error! Bookmark not defined.7
3.4. Intangible cultural heritage of the Old Bazaar ........................................................................... 18
3.5. Cultural policy for protection of Bitola Old Bazaar.................... Error! Bookmark not defined.2
3.5.1. The central government and cultural policy......................... Error! Bookmark not defined.5
3.5.2. The local government and cultural policy ........................................................................... 26
3.5.3. The civic sector and cultural policy .................................................................................... 27
4. Critical discourses on the cultural policy for Bitola Old Bazaar ...................................................... 29
5. Summary ............................................................................................ Error! Bookmark not defined.2
6. Field research .................................................................................................................................... 34
7. Appendix ........................................................................................................................................... 35
8. Bibliography ...................................................................................... Error! Bookmark not defined.1

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1. Introduction

The Old Bazaar in Bitola, Macedonia was and still is an integral part of the life of the city
and its surroundings. It represents a segment of everyday people lives that unites all their small
necessities and itself is a representative of their material, social and intangible culture in the
past and today. Bitola Old Bazaar is located in the very center of the city, that is, all Bitola
roads "lead to it". Considering the fact that I am originally from Bitola and that even as a little
kid, when my mother took me for a walk, that walk always ended with going to the Old Bazaar.
Whether we had to buy food from the market, some household items from the “Bezisten”
(covered bazaar), or we intended to treat ourselves with some "sweets" or some piece of
clothing from the “Deboy” or the shops, our final destination was always the Old Bazaar.
Indeed, in that period all my roads led right to it.

It is considered that Bitola Old Bazaar is over five centuries old, despite the fact that it was
demolished and upgraded many times, nevertheless, it has preserved its crooked and narrow
streets and alleys. Some of them are still covered with the original cobblestones. Those streets
and alleys and the small shops with the once wooden and now iron shutters, as well as the
larger buildings such as the Bezisten and the Deboy, have always fascinated me. Only now do
I realize how important it is, not only for me, but for all of us, whose lives are part of it. Because
of these feelings and the fear whether the bazaar will remain as it is, that I felt the need to know
more about it: whether other people feel the same need for its preservation, and in the same
time to learn about everything that is being done to preserve it for the future generations. That
is why I titled my graduation thesis "Ethnography and Anthropology of Bitola Old Bazaar: The
Policies and Discourses about the Heritage".

In order for this thesis to be successfully made, it was necessary to use appropriate
literature as well as qualitative field research, which are inherent in ethnology and
anthropology. Before starting the field research, I prepared two guides with research questions
that were the basis for the realization of the upcoming interviews with my interlocutors. The
reason for that was the specificity of the two groups of people who were interviewed. The
interviews were conducted in two ways, by recording and by writing down. The interviews
included experts, who are directly involved in the process of preservation of cultural heritage
and their narrower field of interest is the bazaar and ordinary citizens, i.e., people who own
some of the shops in the bazaar and craftsmen who work within it. The interviews I conducted
were structured or semi-structured depending on the research group. For the first group, i.e. the

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experts in the field of preservation of cultural heritage were used structured interviews, while
for the second group, shop owners and craftsmen, the interviews were semi-structured.
Regardless of the technique, every conversation was started with a short list of structured
questions with data related to education and / or occupation of the interlocutor. At the beginning
of each conversation, permission was sought from the interlocutor to record it. However, some
of the conversations were recorded in the form of notes because I did not get permission to
record them. In those cases where the interlocutors allowed the recording with a dictaphone,
those conversations were later systematically transcribed and formed the basis for the creation
of the empirism from which the analysis of the results emerged. The other conversations, the
ones which were not recorded, the ones which I wrote down, were also subject to systematic
sorting and were useful for further analysis in the preparation of this thesis.

It can be said that for the entire field research the method of deliberate selection of the
sample was used, i.e. the goal was to include people with certain characteristics, selected
because they work on the preservation of Bitola Old Bazaar or own a building that is part of it.
Consequently, interviews were conducted with eight interlocutors, four of which were with
professionals directly involved in the process of preservation of the bazaar as part of the cultural
heritage of Bitola and four interviews with owners of shops and craftsmen working within the
bazaar. The research was stopped when it was felt that enough information had been gathered
that was needed for the realization of the problematic, I had set for myself.

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2. Theoretical aspects of anthropology of cultural heritage

Being part of a group is a fundamental human need. People have always lived in
communities that were a feature of their time. Today, those communities are the various
contemporary groupings that are inherent in the modern way of life. Everyone needs to feel
protected, connected and supported, as well as part of the community in which they live and
function. That is what shapes their "I". Identifying and connecting with that community makes
what they are, the way others see them and most importantly, how they see themselves, or
rather, we can say all these things shape their identity. Identity is a feeling that is maintained
and transmitted. Mostly this is being done through a sense of shared history and culture and
finally, through the merging of these two terms into a concept called cultural heritage. Anthony
Giddens1 believes that "identity is a highly modern project, in which individuals construct or
organize self-narratives in an attempt to establish and control their past and secure their future."
In fact, cultural heritage is defined as a legacy of a group or community which consists of
physical artifacts and intangible assets and that is inherited from previous generations, so it is
carefully kept in the present in order to be re-inherited by the future generations. Cultural
heritage is a medium of communication, a means of conveying ideas, values and knowledge
which include materiality and immateriality. Views on what cultural heritage actually
represents and how it is interpreted are divided and can be observed from several different
perspectives. On one hand, ideologically, it is a continuous way of life, behavior, position,
material remnants, history and consequences that are shared within a particular human
community.2 On the other hand, many like Tomas Hilan Eriksen believe that culture, and thus
cultural heritage in a sense, are almost always invented, and the relationship between cultures
as ideologies and cultures as facts, is loose.3 Therefore, despite the objective values of cultural
heritage, subjective elements often occur. Many researchers believe that heritage in general is
a celebrated, misplaced representation and version of the past in which negative historical
moments are either missing or their influence is diminished.4 The theory of Fred Davis5 is the
one that develops the notion of nostalgia. He defines nostalgia as different from other past-
oriented subjective states of the mind, such as memory and recollections, because it is

1
Brian Graham, “Heritage as Knowledge: Capital or Culture?”, Urban Studies, Vol. 39, Nos 5–6, 2002, 1004.
2
Davorin Trpeski, Koj go poseduva minatoto? Kulturnata politika i zaštitata na kulturnoto nasledstvo vo
postsocijalistička Makedonija, (in manuscript) Skopje, 2013, 31.
3
Tomas Hilan Eriksen, Etnicitet i nacionalizam, Biblioteka XX vek, Beograd, 130; Davorin Trpeski, Koj go
poseduva minatoto..., 30.
4
Kellee Caton and Carla Almeida Santos, “Heritage Tourism on route 66: Deconstructing Nostalgia”, Journal of
Travel Research, 45, 2007, 371.
5
Brian Graham, “Heritage as Knowledge: Capital or Culture?”,... 1006.

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necessarily comparative, and because it involves measuring of what was valuable, and also,
filtering of memories. Nostalgia involves comparing separate constructions of the past and
separate constructions of the present, more precisely; the past is associated with beauty, joy
and pleasure, while the present is seen as something dark, ugly, miserable and unfulfilling.
Such thoughts and views are the same ones that in the period of Romanticism contributed to
the understanding and the new vision of the cultural heritage. During this period, the study of
tradition and culture began to be forced more and more, thus forming the first national identities
with the help of nostalgia for the past, and the expression of interest in the heritage as a
fundamental component of that national conscience and identity.6

We know very well that identity is never static and time stable, it can change over time,
and with that it can change the history and the way cultural heritage is used. An identity that is
marked by cultural heritage is imagined as taking place in a political or sub-political
(economic) domain.7 This means that despite the cultural context of the heritage, in the same
time it has taken on a social and political ones, i.e. the cultural heritage is at the same time both,
a culture and an asset. Brian Graham believes that cultural heritage can be interpreted in
different ways in one culture at different times, as well as between different cultures over time.
Its content and interpretation are chosen in accordance with the requirements of the present.
Stuart Hall8 says that "the way we use things, how we speak, think and feel about them and
how we represent them, is what gives them meaning. We are the ones in society, within human
culture, who determine the meanings of things, that is, what something means, therefore the
meanings will always change depending on one culture or period." What was once considered
cultural heritage today may be attempts to be forgotten, depending on the current governance
policy of the society. Thus, heritage is as much a memory of the past as it is its
disremembering.9 Pierre Bourdieu mentions the concept of "cultural capital" according to
which the ruling elite accumulates the cultural products of the society and the criteria for taste
in the selection and evaluation of those cultural products, in order to legitimize its exercise of
power, of course if those products are legitimate enough, influential and strong enough.
According to Eric Hobsbawm, this is also what he calls "invention of tradition", that is, nothing
is as old, authentic and traditional as it seems to us at that moment. But the fact is that this

6
Davorin Trpeski, Koj go poseduva minatoto?..., 18.
7
Lindsay Weiss, “Heritage-making and political identity”, Јournal of Social Archaeology, 7, 2007, 413.
8
Christopher Tilley, “Introduction: Identity, Place, Landscape and Heritage”, Journal of material culture, 11,
2006, 9.
9
Brian Graham, “Heritage as Knowledge: Capital or Culture?” ..., 1004.

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statement may be too strict and that the cultural heritage is "real", it exists and a person sells
only what they own. Some creations of the past have lasting values, whose meaning is not
limited in time and space.

From what has been written above, we can conclude that cultural heritage is at the same
time knowledge, cultural product and a political resource. As a political resource, which makes
it also an economic one, today, cultural heritage is widely used for economic purposes, that is,
it becomes a means of production of consumer goods and services.10 It is seen as a magical
solution to all economic problems. Cultural heritage here becomes the basis for sustainable and
upward development.11 Graham speaks of what he calls the "outer city," the "home city," and
the "knowledge-based city." Although he mainly speaks about city's cultural heritage, these
divisions can be linked on a general level when it comes to heritage. The outer city is actually
the function of the role of city’s cultural heritage as a tourist capital. In this case, there is often
a problem in trying to strike a balance between meeting the needs and interests of the visitors,
boosting social and economic development, and enhancing cultural heritage and cultural
values. The problem arises when some exploited parts or activities of cultural heritage, over
time, just to meet these tourist needs are so commercialized and altered and as a consequence
they feel pressured to migrate outside their original cultural environment. Unlike the "outer
city", the "home city" of the mind reflects the cultural dimension of the heritage. This is a much
more internal, domestic retrospective of the "city", which is affected by social inclusion and
exclusion, lifestyle, diversity and multiculturalism.12 Graham believes that both official and
unofficial forms of cultural heritage are a knowledge that shapes both the outer and inner city,
which are later consumed and sold out as economic and cultural capital. The abundance of
roles, forms and uses are what make cultural heritage so ubiquitous, but at the same time an
unattainable, hybrid and ambiguous form of knowledge.13 When we talk about an ambiguous
form of knowledge, it refers more precisely to the innate and powerful tensions between its
economic exploitation and its social and political uses. According to Graham, heritage is often
even subordinated to its economic use, especially in tourism, which is a powerful economic
product whose cultural dimension has been overshadowed and blurred.

10
Antonio A. Arantes, “Diversity, Heritage and Cultural Politics”, Theory, Culture & Society, 24, 2007, 290.
11
Ivaylo Markov, “Cultural Heritage and Policies for Local Development”, Етнолог, број 14, Скопје, 2012,
196.
12
Brian Graham, “Heritage as Knowledge: Capital or Culture?”..., 1009-1011.
13
Ibid, 1015.

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In the end, we can only conclude that cultural heritage is, in fact, much more than just an
ancestral heritage and has many uses and interpretations that immensely complicate any
assessment of its role.

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3. Ethnography and anthropology of Bitola Old Bazaar: the policies and discourses
about the heritage

Speaking about the Old Bazaar as part of the cultural heritage, we refer to a complex that
is part of the city, almost always in the very center of it, which in that arrangement was mostly
developed during the Ottoman rule in these parts. Historically, the bazaars in the cities were
created with the development of the crafts in the old city cores that had favorable geographical
conditions and through which the larger and more important trade routes passed.14 The Balkan
Old Bazaar as we know it today has its roots in the Ottoman and Islamic tradition and is one of
the most important features of the Ottoman city. Most often it included mosques, shops and
public fountains, although sometimes also included baths, city administrations, etc. The Old
Bazaar was the economic center of the city, the area where most of the commercial activities
took place.15 But according to many authors, it was much more than that, it was the soul and
heart of the city. Jean-Arnault Dѐrens says : "In the bazaar we talk about the prices of things,
about local and global politics, city’s progress and problems, the last vices done one to another,
and especially the vices of the powerful. The bazaar knows, before all the experts and scientists,
whether the winter will be cold, whether there will be war or peace, whether there will be a
change of currencies. The bazaar is a powerful organism in people’s collective consciousness
and an anonymous voice."16 Therefore, the bazaar is much more than just preserved objects
from the time of the Ottoman Empire that are part of the material culture. It is at the same time
part of the social and intellectual culture of today's Balkan nations.

3.1 Ethnography and history of Bitola Old Bazaar

Bitola Old Bazaar is one of the largest and most preserved old bazaars in Macedonia and
the Balkans and is a very important part of the cultural heritage of the city and the entire region.
It is a unique example in the Republic of Macedonia that has autochthonously preserved its
characteristics, the architectural and plastic features. What we see today from it is in fact the

14
Zoran Altiparmakov, Nadežda Ǵeorǵieva, „Urbaniot razvoj na gradot Bitola vo kontekst so istorisko urbaniot
razvoj na starata Bitolska čaršija“, Zbornik na trudovi, Zavod i Muzej Bitola, Bitola, 2009, 3.
15
Vladimir Macura, Čaršija i gradski centar: razvoj središta varoši i grada Srbije XIX i prve polovine XX veka,
Gradina, Niš, 1984, 29.
16
Jean-Arnault Dѐrens, “Quoi de neuf dans la Čaršija?“, Bazars ottomans des Balkans, Éditions Non Lieu, Paris,
2009, 13-14.

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very core of the old bazaar.17 Historically, as we already know, as an economic center appeared
with the arrival of the Turks and the establishment of the first waqfs in the 15th century.18
Unfortunately, from that period until the 17th century there is not much documented data on
its development. Thanks to the preserved Bitola khadi sigils from the 17th century, we find out
about the formation of numerous guilds at that time, such as the guild of tabak, grocers, soap
makers and candlesticks, shoemakers, saddlers, abadzi, guilds from the Bitola bezisten, etc.19
The number of these guilds indicates the size of the bazaar at that time, as well as its importance
in the Ottoman Empire. This division of the craftsmen into guilds also contributed to the
separation of the space of the bazaar into parts, i.e. individual markets such as: At bazaar,
Arasta (covered bazaar), Akhtar bazaar, Tabachka bazaar, Muma bazaars, Tereke bazaar, Zitni
bazaar, Grocery bazaar, Tus bazaar, Teneqe bazaar and S’gr bazaars.20 Some of these names
are still being used today for parts of the bazaar. Proof for its size at that time is also the division
of the bazaar into Upper, Middle and Lower Bazaar.

The development of Bitola Old Bazaar is closely related to the development of the city and
its biggest bloom in the 19th century, when it was one of the largest bazaars in then European
Turkey, and the city of Bitola was one of the largest economic centers in the empire. At that
time, it stretched from the Drven bazaar to the At bazaar. The names of the following bazaars
were added to the already existing ones: the Royal Bazaar and the Bazaar of the tailors, the
Bazaar of the Blankers, the Livestock Market, the Fish Market and the Oil market.21 In addition
to the developed crafts and trade in this period, the catering industry was also developed with
the existence of many inns, cafes and teahouses such as Deveani, Piper an, Ingiliski an,
Kicevski an, as well as many restaurants on the right bank of the river Dragor, in the famous
Dembel bazaar.22 It is known that despite meeting the needs of the domestic market, Bitola
craftsmen and traders had trade links with foreign countries where they exported and sold their
products. The centers that are mentioned are Italy, Trieste, Venice, Shkodra, Constantinople,
Alexandria and Vienna, Wallachia, Leipzig, Berlin and Marseille. At that time, the bazaar was

17
Radmila Momidiḱ-Petkova, Zdravka Maretiḱ, Blagica Stojkov, „Stara čaršija – Bitola – ideen proekt“, Zbornik
na trudovi, broj 6-7-8, Zavod za zaštita na spomenicite na kulturata, prirodnite retkosti, muzej i galerija – Bitola,
Bitola, 1985/86/87, 236.
18
Radmila Momidiḱ-Petkova, Kulturno-istoriski spomenici, Bitola, Ljubljana, 1985, 107.
19
Radmila Momidiḱ-Petkova, „Razvitok na Bitolskata čaršija (do Vtora svetska vojna)“, Zbornik na trudovi, broj
4-5, Zavod za zaštita na spomenicite na kulturata, prirodnite retkosti, muzej i galerija – Bitola, Bitola, 1983/4,
131.
20
Ibid, 132.
21
Ibid, 134.
22
Zoran Altiparmakov, Nadežda Ǵeorǵieva, „Urbaniot razvoj na gradot Bitola vo kontekst so istorisko urbaniot
razvoj na starata Bitolska čaršija“, …, 8.

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divided into about thirty smaller bazaars with approximately two thousand shops, fifty inns,
ten cafes and twenty-five taverns.23

With the political changes in the beginning of the 20th century, as well as the penetration
of industrialization and its rapid progress, there were major changes in the way of working in
the bazaar. Its size and the number of crafts were rapidly decreasing, so, from existing thirty
bazaars, in this period only the following are mentioned: Bit bazaar (where socks and woolen
shirts are sold), Zitni bazaar (for selling grain), At bazaar (selling goods and woodwork),
Pekmez bazaar (honey and jam, and in summer ice and woodwork exclusively for bakers),
Odun bazaar (wood, charcoal and construction wood), Flax bazaar (flax), Fish bazaar, Sheep
bazaar (milk, cheese, oil, butter, poultry), Solski bazaar, Jemish bazaar, Stambol bazaar,
Kujundziska bazaar and Wallachian bazaar.24 This decline, despite the political changes, was
mostly due to the maladaptation of Bitola craftsmen to new forms of technological production,
their individuality, outdated way of working, as well as the non-competitiveness of unique
products with the mass penetration of industrial goods.25

However, the biggest blow to the bazaar was the establishment of socialism as a political
order after World War II, when it completely lost its former function. The only exception was
the bazaar for agricultural products, which continued to function with undiminished intensity.
In that period, the economic life of the city, based on trade and highly developed craftworks,
was transferred outside the city to a planned organized industrial zone, as a new form of
production. In addition, during this period many of the shops, as well as entire blocks of the
bazaar were demolished as a result of reckless political decisions and decrees. The part of the
bazaar around the Clock Tower, where the former Pekmez bazaar was located and which was
considered one of its most beautiful segments, was also demolished. Later on, with the
construction of the department store "Javor", the part of the bazaar "Kaj kazandziite" and Zitni
bazaar, was destroyed, and finally, with the penetration of the new street between the Bezisten
and the new shops opposite it, the organic connection between the center of the bazaar and its
other parts was cut off forever.26

23
Radmila Momidiḱ-Petkova, „Razvitok na Bitolskata čaršija (do Vtora svetska vojna)“, …, 138-139.
24
Ibid, 141.
25
Zoran Altiparmakov, Nadežda Ǵeorǵieva, „Urbaniot razvoj na gradot Bitola vo kontekst so istorisko urbaniot
razvoj na starata Bitolska čaršija“, …, 14.
26
Radmila Momidiḱ-Petkova, Zdravka Maretiḱ, Blagica Stojkov, „Stara čaršija – Bitola – ideen proekt“, …, 223.

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However, with the collapse of the socialist regime and the these industrial complexes,
Bitola Old Bazaar regained its economic importance.27 The shops started working again,
although with altered function. Thus, today, despite all the crises, the Old Bazaar is still a living
representative of its tangible and intangible cultural heritage, which unequivocally speaks
about the social characteristics of the population that lived and worked in that area.

Tangible cultural heritage refers to objects or things that can be seen and touched, i.e. have
their own physical form as opposed to the intangible heritage which is transmitted by oral
tradition. Tangible cultural heritage can be immovable and movable, therefore, further in this
paper the cultural heritage of Bitola Old Bazaar is divided into these categories.

3.2 Immovable cultural heritage of the Old Bazaar

Talking about immovable cultural heritage, we refer above all to cultural monuments, i.e.
buildings or structures that are tied to the ground. That is why the immovable cultural heritage
is also called a monumental. As we know already, Bitola Old Bazaar is the only example in
Macedonia that autochthonously preserved every one of its architectural, urban and plastic
features and characteristics. It is one of the largest preserved complexes with distinct historical,
architectural, aesthetic and artistic values of the buildings that are part of it, whose number is
about 700, together with the preserved 30 streets and alleys.28 The historical values of the Old
Bazaar are characterized through its:
- Archeological sites,
- Cultural monuments,
- Urban sections.

The urban sections are divided into five zones according to their specific functions:29
1. Bazaar - central part of the Old Bazaar with the basic function of traditional
craftsmanship and trading;
2. Residential zone of the bazaar - peripheral, transitional part of the Old Bazaar that passes
into the residential zone of the city;

27
Jean-Arnault Dѐrens, “Quoi de neuf dans la Čaršija?“...,16.
28
Radmila Momidiḱ-Petkova, Zdravka Maretiḱ, Blagica Stojkov, „Stara čaršija – Bitola – ideen proekt“, …, 217-
218.
29
Zoran Altiparmakov, Nadežda Ǵeorǵieva, „Urbaniot razvoj na gradot Bitola vo kontekst so istorisko urbaniot
razvoj na starata Bitolska čaršija“, …, 15-16.

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3. Zone with special treatment - part of the Bazaar for trading and housing, that forms a
connection with the residential zone;
4. Defined ambiental sections and
5. City market.

The first zone covers the area in the central part of the Bazaar, i.e. the part we first think of
today when we imagine an Ottoman Bazaar. In this area there are buildings of a monumental
character, as well as buildings with: ground floor and one story, ground floor and two stories,
ground floor and mezzanine or “magazi” (type of warehouses). In fact, this zone includes shops
whose activity is trade and craftsmanship (today the traditional crafts are represented to a lesser
extent). The first and oldest shops built in the Bazaar were made of timber from weak quality
and wooden shutters were used for closing them. However, in the great fires that occurred in
1834 and 1860, i.e. 1862/3, during which one third of the city of Bitola was destroyed; most of
these shops burned down, and as a result, later, were built shops from more solid material. We
can regard that as the first reconstructions of Bitola Old Bazaar. In 1897 the third fire broke
out in the bazaar when the whole Zitni bazaar burned down. After this fire, the third
reconstruction of the Bazaar took place, during which most of the wooden shops disappeared,
with the exception of the shops "At the cheakpeasers" and "At the blacksmiths", which today
are regarded as the oldest ones. During this third renovation, what is characteristic is the
appearance of low and high buildings. As a result of the economic power of the owners, but
also as a result of the small plots, in order to get the necessary space, everything was built
vertically. These reconstructions of the Bazaar changed its likeness not only in a material sense;
they also changed its architectural image. The general urban conception retained its spirit and
remained completely the same. The present-day appearance of the shops dates back to the 19th
century, after the third great fire when the shops and the warehouses were built of more solid
material, more precisely, brick and lime, with iron shutters that cover almost the entire facade
on the ground floor. In these buildings the influence of the western trends in architecture in that
time can be seen, which is associated with the proximity of the city and the strengthening of
trade relations with Thessaloniki.30

30
Radmila Momidiḱ-Petkova, Zdravka Maretiḱ, Blagica Stojkov, „Stara čaršija – Bitola – ideen proekt“, …, 221-
223.

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The second zone is exclusively a residential zone of the Bazaar and covers the north-eastern
part, where mainly residential buildings and several new ones of temporary and residential
character are located.

The third zone is a transitional zone from the city center to the Bazaar. In this zone the
building "Magaza" is located, today converted into an art gallery that houses numerous
exhibitions of different kinds, literary readings, concerts and various events. Regardless of its
original purpose (trading), it still retains its original look of stone with iron bars on the small
windows, a small front door and a roof covered with stone slabs.31

The fourth zone has defined sections, meaning, it is an area of modern buildings built in
recent times, such as the department store "Javor", the new shops opposite “Bezisten” and
residential and business buildings, built in continuation from "Javor" on st. "Ivan Milutinovic"
to the cultural monument "Deboy".

Finally, the fifth zone consists of the city market, which represents one formed unit with a
specific function.

Within the bazaar, as we already know, there are several cultural monuments with
exceptional historical, architectural and aesthetic values, such as the Bezisten, the complex of
Haji Mahmud - Bey or Haji - Bey Mosque, the Double Hammam - Deboy and the Synagogue.32

Bezisten is one of the oldest and most impressive buildings from the period of the
Ottoman rule. It is located near the city center, and was built in the 15th century by the Begler
Bey of Rumelia, the Grand Vizier and famous founder Kara Daut Pasha Uzuncarshili.33 It is
first mentioned in 1506, in the waqfnama of the Ishaq Celebi ibn Isa Mosque, where the legatee
Ishaq Efendiya set aside money to be given with 10% interest “...to the wealthy merchants from
the house of the manufactures – Bezisten…”.34 With its numerous lead-covered domes, three
inner streets and four large gates, it is one of the largest covered markets in the region. During
its existence it was often robbed, set on fire and restored. It includes a number of shops where
in the past textiles and precious stones were sold, and today, various goods. At the same time,
it was a kind of safe where money from taxes from the whole Rumelia Vilayet was kept in
special compartments, before being taken to the royal treasury.35 Today, Bezisten has retained

31
“Gallery Magaza”, http: //www.bitolatourist.info.
32
IN_EABTC_EP_01, IEA Archive of Ethnological and Anthropological Resources, own field research.
33
Meri Stojanova, “Bezisten (Covered bazaar)”, http://www.bitolatourist.info.
34
Radmila Momidiḱ-Petkova, Zdravka Maretiḱ, Blagica Stojkov, „Stara čaršija – Bitola – ideen proekt“, …, 238.
35
Meri Stojanova, “Bezisten (Covered bazaar)”, http://www.bitolatourist.info.

14
its original commercial function despite the demolition of buildings built and attached to it
during the 20th century.36

The Hadzi Bey complex is the only partially preserved mosque complex in Bitola, that it
started to form in the 16th century in the former Chekrechiska bazaar, the Fish Market today.
This complex is simultaneously one of the oldest and most striking complexes not only within
the Bazaar, but also in the city. According to the historical data, the main building - the mosque
was built by Mahmud Bey, in whose hands was the entire administrative power of Bitola in
1522.37 Besides this name, the mosque is also known as Minar or Mimar Hoxha beg mosque
and is the only building among the Bitola mosques with a unique decoration in the form of
hexagons and the Cyrillic letter "S" on the dome and the minaret, which is built of bricks. This
ornament first appeared in Turkestan and Northern Persia in the 10th century on the lavish
polychrome masonry and decorated minarets.38 Unfortunately, this part of the minaret was
destroyed in the 1994 earthquake. The complex is also interesting because only at this mosque
in Bitola, there are preserved ancillary buildings that indicate an inn, madrasa, school, library,
daira, etc. and which are built entirely of carved stone. However, there is no reliable data about
their function, only assumptions. There are only short regests according to which, as early as
1621, there was a madrasa that was active until 1921 and was known as the "Turkish Madrasa".
From these sources we learn about the existence of a library, first mentioned in 1652 and the
existence of a school since 1640, then “zavie” 1677, or an inn 1782. As for the possibility of
the existence of a daira (set of commercial warehouses around a courtyard), that is indicated
by the appearance of the entrance of the complex.39 More detailed data cannot be obtained,
primarily because of the lack of documents, although, it is known about several reconstructions
and repairs of the buildings as far back as the 17th century, then, due to the three major fires
and their damage, the bombings during the wars, and finally, the destruction of part of the
complex and the construction of new modern facilities. Detailed information about the ancillary
buildings of the mosque can be obtained only if a complete research is performed.

The Deboy or Turkish double hammam built in the 16th / 17th century, is a massive
representative, not plastered building, built of stone and brick. Based on the data from Bitola

36
Radmila Momidiḱ-Petkova, Zdravka Maretiḱ, Blagica Stojkov, „Stara čaršija – Bitola – ideen proekt“, …, 238.
37
Radmila Momidiḱ-Petkova, „Kompleksot na džamijata Hadži Mahmud-beg vo Bitola“, Zbornik na trudovi 12-
13-14, Zavod za zaštita na spomenicite na kulturata, prirodnite retkosti, muzej i galerija – Bitola, Bitola, 1992-
1995, 90.
38
Ibid, 92.
39
Ibid, 94.

15
kaddish sigils, starting from the 15th century until 1912, the names of a dozen baths appear,
the locations of which in most cases are not known, so it is not known which of those baths is
actually the Deboy. Although, accurate data on the year of construction is missing, the
monumentality of the building, the masonry and the decorations indicate a building that
belongs to the golden age of the Ottoman architecture, especially evidenced by its "playful"
fifth facade, as its most representative part. In the past, in its immediate vicinity there were two
mosques, that were later demolished, and the inns of Zitni bazaar, which formed a functional
urban unit: mosque - bath - inn, typical for the oriental urban areas in order to satisfy the
hygienic, religious and the housing needs of the local population and visitors. The double
hammam consists of two parts: female and male part. The female department is larger than the
male one and is much more richly decorated, and both sections are separated by a thick wall.
The female part consists of a “şadırvan” (wardrobe), “kapaluk” (room intended for rest),
“maidan” (massage area), two small rooms intended for depilation and of course, the rooms
belonging to the “halvet” (intended for bathing). The male section consists only of a şadırvan,
a kapaluk and a halvet. The parts where the water tank and the fireplace were placed are
missing.40 All these rooms are vaulted with domes, semicircular arches with star openings that
provide lighting. This building in the 90s of the 20th century was adapted into a sales area,
while today it is transformed into a warehouse.

The synagogue is a rectangular building, located behind the new shops opposite Bezisten.
This building today is in ruins. The city already had several Jewish communities and two
synagogues in the 16th century: the Aragorn (Spanish) and the Portuguese synagogue. Still,
today it is not known whether this synagogue is one of those two or quite a third synagogue
built in the later period, located on an old or new foundation. The building consists of a ground
floor and a first floor, with an accentuated altar in the interior on the east side of the first floor,
on whose walls existed a painted decoration. Unfortunately, this building, like the previous
ones, is “bare” and out of its historical context after the destruction of part of the bazaar called
"At the scales", during which some ancillary buildings of the synagogue were demolished.41

Talking about the cultural monuments within the Old Bazaar, in the end, it can be concluded
that they are all “lonely” in terms of their historical framework and all lack their ancillary

40
Radmila Momidiḱ-Petkova, „Deboj amam“, Makedonsko kulturno nasledstvo: osmanliski spomenici,
http://www.academia.edu
41
Radmila Momidiḱ-Petkova, Zdravka Maretiḱ, Blagica Stojkov, „Stara čaršija – Bitola – ideen proekt“, …, 239.

16
facilities with the exception of the complex of the Haji Bey Mosque, which in the future could
be reconstructed with the help of a good initiative, detailed research and a prepared plan.

3.3 Movable cultural heritage of the Old Bazaar

The term movable cultural heritage refers to objects, i.e. works of art and artifacts that are
usually housed in museum institutions. Today in Bitola museum, there is part of the movable
cultural heritage of Bitola Old Bazaar and portion of it is displayed in the permanent museum
exhibition. Primarily, it includes the tools of the old craftsmen and the original objects made
by them.42 Larger part of these museum objects belongs to the made items, and fewer pieces
are crafting tools. Most of them are from the period of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th
century, and for the most part are related to the trades they are associated with:
- Clothing - items that are part of the collection of city costumes. These items are divided
by gender: male and female ones and by type: "Ala Turka", traditional costumes where oriental
influences prevail and "Ala Franga", where Western European influences dominate;
- Jewelry - objects that are part of the jewelry collection, i.e. items for personal and clothing
decoration;
- Home accessories - items that are part of the collection of carpets and of fabrics and
textiles, used as part of everyday and holiday furniture and include various carpets, bed covers,
curtains, blankets, rugs and more;
- Items for personal use;
- Weapons - rifles, pistols and knives;
- Folk music - bagpipes, drums, zurnas and more.

Of all these objects, the most numerous are those belonging to the collection of city
costumes numbering about 120 and the items that are part of the collection of jewelry and
decorative items, which number about 350.43 With the penetration of Western industrial goods
from the middle of the twentieth century and the disappearance of many of the traditional crafts,
the handicraft of these items ceased, so most likely those that were purchased by the museum
are the only ones who are well-preserved.

42
IN_EABTC_EP_01, IEA Archive of Ethnological and Anthropological Resources, own field research.
43
Ethnology department, http://www.bitolamuseum.org.

17
3.4 Intangible cultural heritage of the Old Bazaar

Intangible or immaterial cultural heritage is a knowledge or activity that has no physical


form and is passed down through oral tradition. The intangible heritage of Bitola Old Bazaar
unquestionably includes the traditional crafts, as the primary function of the Bazaar and the
knowledge and skills related to them, as well as the customs that were practiced by the
craftsmen.44 Craftsmanship as a specialized activity in Bitola began to develop with the
formation of the Bazaar in the 15th century. Before that, it was only a secondary activity on
the feudal estates or in the suburban areas. With the arrival of the Ottoman Turks, the existing
crafts began to develop rapidly, along with the new ones, brought by the Turks and served
above all, to meet the military needs and the needs of the ever-growing Turkish Muslim
population. Unlike the craftsmen in the medieval cities, who were among the dependent people,
paritsi and otrotsi, in this period, free craftsmen began to appear, organized in guilds, in which
both the Muslim and the Christian population worked. Along with the development of the
crafts, trade also began to grow. The arrival of the Jews in Bitola at the end of the 15th and the
beginning of the 16th century is of particular significance for this trade development.45

In the 18th century, after the cessation of sources of income, caused by the defeat of the
Ottomans at Vienna (1683) and the attempt of the Austrians to expel them from the Balkans,
Rumelia began to weaken economically. This economic decline was caused by the replacement
of the previous conquest revenues of taxes and other cuts on the people. Due to the difficult
situation of the population, the craftsmanship and commerce in this period began to diminish
rapidly.46 At the end of the 18th century as a result of the difficult living conditions in the area
of Bitola, much of the population moved to the city and parallel with this micro migrations,
increased the number of craftsmen and apprentices. What is noteworthy here is the increase of
Christian craftsmen in the city, who were previously in much smaller numbers.

At the beginning of the 19th century, as a consequence of the growth of the population in
Bitola and after the reforms of Selim III, there were major economic changes that took place.
As a result, but also because of the professional development of the craftsmen and their
implementation of some modern tools in the production process, as well as the applying of
various raw materials at their disposal, the crafts began to develop again at an accelerated pace.

44
IN_EABTC_EP_01, IEA Archive of Ethnological and Anthropological Resources, own field research.
45
Radmila Momidiḱ-Petkova, „Razvitok na Bitolskata čaršija (do Vtora svetska vojna)“, …, 128-129.
46
Miloš Hr. Konstantinov, Zanaeti i esnafi vo Bitola i okolijata – pričini za razvitok i opaǵanje so osvrt vrz nivnata
uloga vo 19. i 20.vek, Naučno društvo – Bitola, Bitola, 1961, 13-14.

18
In the production development of great importance were the settlers from the town of
Moscopole, among which there were quite well-trained masons, blacksmiths, stonemasons and
others, as well as the Mijak refugees who settled in the village of Smilevo.47 Additionally,
Bitola had developed trade relations with abroad where a large number of goods were exported.
All these factors contributed for the craftsmanship in Bitola in the 19th century to reach its
greatest prosperity and progress in the city’s history, therefore, this period can be called its
golden age. Only such highly developed crafts could show up in 1862 at the World Craft
Exhibition in London.48 The number of existing crafts in this period is about one hundred and
forty, and those mentioned are related to:

- Food and accommodation: innkeepers, “ashchii” (cooks of various dishes of oriental


origin), butchers, “mezedzii” (cooks of "kukurec", "shirden", "sujuk", etc.), “pachadzii”
(cooks of jellied meat), “bowelers” (processers and sellers of livestock intestines),
sausage makers, kebab makers, cheese makers, milkmen, fishermen, “pezioldjii”
(knitters of fishing nets), bakers, millers, sitars, spooners, sieve makers, gardeners,
greengrocers, “emishcii” (fruit sellers), producers of red pepper, halva makers,
“bozadzii” (makers of the boza beverage), soda makers, ice-makers, candy makers,
confectioners, ice cream makers, chickpeasers, seeders, winemakers, brandy makers,
tinkerers, coffee makers, coffee grinders, etc.;
- Clothing, jewelry and weapons: weavers, spindlers, combers, wool weavers, knitters,
roller makers, dyers, tailors, abaya tailors, needle workers, fashionistas, tailors of
“mintan” (type of shirt), cord makers, seamstresses, hatmakers, rope makers, quilters,
button makers, hats mold makers, furriers, shoemakers, mold makers, patchers,
goldsmiths, silversmiths, ring-makers, knife makers, rifle makers, gunpowder makers;
- Constructions of apartments and items for home use: masons, bricklayers, tile makers,
house painters, carpenters, painters, brush makers, potters, tile cutters, lime makers,
florists, faucet makers, plumbers, well diggers, sewer workers, cobblers, upholsterers,
parquet makers, saw makers, woodworkers, glaziers, woodcarvers, agricultural tool
makers, chair makers, broomers, straw mat makers, basket weavers, carters, coopers,
case makers, lathe makers, lining makers, trough makers, clockmakers, blacksmiths,

47
Miloš Hr. Konstantinov, Zanaeti i esnafi vo Bitola i okolijata – pričini za razvitok i opaǵanje so osvrt vrz nivnata
uloga vo 19. i 20.vek, Naučno društvo – Bitola, Bitola, 1961, 15-20.
48
Ibid, 21.

19
locksmiths, farriers, nailers, tilers, founders, bell-ringers, flask makers, scales makers,
tinsmiths, sharpeners;
- transport of passengers and cargo: saddlers;
- personal hygiene: soap makers, barbers, hairdressers, combers;
- music: drummer makers, bagpipe makers, etc.49

This kind of developed craftsmanship began to decline gradually in the last decades of the
19th century with the penetration of industrial goods and the inability of the craftsmen to adapt,
as well as the economic weakening of the Turkish population. Thеrefore, those crafts that failed
to evolve and adapt to the new conditions had completely died out, such as the farriers, the
saddlers, the abaya tailors, the tinkerers and some others. Unlike them, other craftsmen have
introduced new technical approaches into their work and have been able to adapt to the new
requirements and conditions. Such were the shoemakers, the blacksmiths and others.50

In the beginning of the 20th century this declination of the craftsmanship continued, due to
the aforementioned reasons and because of the economic ones – poverty, and also because of
the political conditions - the collapse of the Ottoman Empire and the secession of Florina,
Kastoria and part of Albania, whose population was a large consumer of the craft products
from Bitola. In place of the died out and declining crafts, new ones began to appear, related to
the technical process, but their number is insignificant. The first electricians, drivers, electro-
mechanics, radio mechanics, bicycle makers, mechanics and others appeared. Mentioned
among the crafts that died out are: the mortar makers, “ashchii”, gunpowder makers,
“bozadzii”, well diggers, snuff box makers, embroiderers, bagpipe makers, shoe and fez
moldmakers, case makers, tar makers, quilters, starchers, trough makers, spooners, “mezedzii”,
knife makers, fabric printers, chair makers, soap makers, ladder makers, tanners, lathe makers,
combers, umbrella makers, pipe makers, faucet makers and sorbet makers.51 Because of this
difficult economic situation, the state government tried to organize the production on a
cooperative basis and to support the craftsmanship, but that was reduced to a formality. The
economic crisis has caused many craftsmen and their families to be deprived of their basic
income. This ultimately caused the arising of a non-productive class of men in the city, which
in turn caused a huge wave of migration to North and South America, Australia and some other
countries, and as we already know only those crafts that have managed to adapt to the new

49
Ibid, 23-66.
50
Ibid, 74-75.
51
Ibid, 75-88.

20
conditions and requirements have survived. Great damage was also done by the pogrom of the
Jews, from whose midst originated a great number of valuable and skilled craftsmen. After the
Second World War, several larger companies, cooperatives and independent shops were
established in the city, and the craftsmanship consisted only of making custom items and
providing services.52 Craftsmen began to organize in associations and chambers of commerce,
which means that during this period the guilds disintegrated completely along with their entire
organization. Speaking of the guilds, a few things should be noted because they constituted not
only a large part of the life of the craftsmen themselves, but also of the rest of the population
in the city.

The guilds, as we know, were professional ranked organizations in which worked only
those craftsmen who had professional training. They developed along with the development of
craftsmanship. The most characteristic feature of the guilds was the aspiration to maintain small
production for longest possible period of time. This phenomenon is explained by the fact that
every member of this organization at the same time was a small producer. The craftsmen
exercised all their rights and demands jointly, through the guilds. The highest organ of the guild
was the lounge or the council. It consisted of all the masters of one craft or group of related
crafts, who were unconditionally shop owners. The council was convened as needed, at least
once a year and treated all the important subjects: regulating the relations between the masters,
the issue of production, labor, etc., the relations with the government, the church etc.
Apprentices were not allowed to attend these councils. It is important to emphasize that most
often the skills and knowledge of a certain craft were passed from generation to generation in
the family. In addition to the council, а guild court was also active, resolving all disputes on
the basis of inviolable norms that relied on craft rules, with great impact on the craftsmen lives.
The penalties handed down by this court were in most cases monetary and the main word in
this guild court belonged to the “Ustabashi” or the Chief Master. The court rulings were upheld
by the Ottoman authorities. The guild, also took care of its sick and poor members, as well as
poor girls, widows and children, who received financial aid from the so-called "guild box" in
which every craftsman invested. Each guild had its own Day, except the Muslim guilds,
because this Day is exclusively associated with a religious holiday dedicated to a saint, whom
the guild chose as its protector or patron. The customs associated with the Day were: boiling
wheat on the eve of the holiday by the Ustabashi in his yard, afterwards sprinkled with sugar.
Additionally, he provided wine for the "loaf blessing", as well as panagia or prosphoron. The

52
Ibid, 89-102.

21
loaf (the panagia or prosphoron) was blessed the day before the holiday, in the church, at the
liturgy or service. After the service, the wheat was distributed to all present, and the masters,
leaving the church, wished each other success, happiness, health and long and prosperous life.
On the Day the members of the guild again went to church service, where they brought and
distributed wheat once more, but this time the apprentices were also present. After that the
celebration continued in the house of the Ustabashi, where there was a great party and а
“chalgi” band was invited. But, as has already been pointed out, with the political
circumstances in the middle of the 20th century, these relations weakened and shattered, and
the craftsmen, transforming themselves, became complementary to the industrial production
and the developed service craftsmanship.53

3.5 Cultural policy for protection of Bitola Old Bazaar

Bitola Old Bazaar is placed under the protection of the law, with verdict 01-422/1 dated
April 10, 1967, with relatively preserved seven hundred buildings and thirty streets. In the
Sector Study for cultural-historical heritage of the city of Bitola from 1978 and later its revision
in 1981, both made by the Institute for Preservation of Monuments and Natural Rectoids, now
the NI Institute and Museum of Bitola, it is marked as the Main Protected Zone 3, part of the
monumental unit - Old Town core of Bitola.54 The protection of the Bazaar as cultural heritage
was and still is under the jurisdiction of this institution, while the NI Institute and Museum
Bitola is under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Culture of the Republic of Macedonia.
Unfortunately, until the adoption of the Law on the Protection of Cultural Heritage in 2004,
this study is the only one that deals with the protection of the Bazaar as cultural heritage.
According to this law, the category of cultural heritage includes: “the material and immaterial
goods which, as an expression or testimony of the human creation in the past and in present or
as common works of human and nature, due to their archaeological, ethnological, historical,
artistic, architectonic, urban, ambiental, technical, sociological and other scientific or cultural
values, characteristics, contents or functions, have cultural and historical significance and due
to their protection and use are settled under legal regime”.55 However, despite the adoption of
this law, according to Violeta Simjanovska's research, Bitola does not have a defined cultural

53
Ibid, 107-115.
54
Zoran Altiparmakov, Nadežda Ǵeorǵieva, „Urbaniot razvoj na gradot Bitola vo kontekst so istorisko urbaniot
razvoj na starata Bitolska čaršija“, …, 15.
55
Law on Protection of Cultural Heritage, Article 2, Official Gazette of Republic of Macedonia, 20/04, 2004.

22
policy and no strategy for cultural development, although she quotes Milena Dragicevic as
saying that “the lack of cultural policy is a kind of cultural policy”. What the people in charge
of the Institute and Museum - Bitola are doing is not on "a long run". She seeks the main
culprits primarily in the unchanged “modus operandi” of state institutions that continued to
operate as in the socialist period, the non-investment in them and their poor condition, then the
centralization and politicization of those institutions and the investment in Skopje only as the
capital and finally, the lack of scientific approach and research in the field of culture in Bitola.56
Plans and projects exist and are prepared, such as the preparation of a Detailed Urban Plan, but
according to the staff of the Institute and Museum in Bitola, they are realized only if there are
finances for them: "The Ministry of Culture finances if we apply with projects and if they think
there is a need, i.e. if they have finances for Bitola ".57
Lack of cultural policy is not the only problem that exists in the protection of cultural
heritage. According to my interlocutors, the existing legal regulations are not respected and are
not implemented. In fact, they believe that their implementation is perhaps the biggest factor
in the preservation of cultural heritage: "... the most important moment in the protection of
cultural heritage is the consistent implementation of legislation."58 Although, there are fines
for violating these legal regulations, still, my interlocutors think that they are not implemented:
"... as someone, some fines, allegedly if you change the joinery there will be fines. No one has
paid a fine so far."59 According to them, this is due to the connection between the violators of
the legal regulations and those persons who are in charge of enforcing the penalties for those
violations: "…nobody is stopping them, especially if you are linked with the government, oh
no brother who is stopping you."60 In most cases these violations refer to the buildings in the
Bazaar and are done by their owners, as a result, on the one hand, perhaps, of their ignorance,
lack of education and unawareness of the importance of the heritage they possess: "... the
modernization of the bazaar is already underway, there is nothing old-fashioned left and
whoever can, finances it and does it himself, will renovate it, say overnight or on Saturday, on
Sunday, will do it, no one will see them and they will dress it up... "61, and on the other hand,
the lack of financial resources needed to maintain the authenticity of the building. Their

56
Violeta Simjanovska, Strategy for Cultural Development of City of Bitola as instrument of the local Cultural
Policy, University of Arts in Belgrade, Belgrade 70-71.
57
IN_EABTC_EP_01, IEA Archive of Ethnological and Anthropological Resources, own field research.
58
IN_EABTC_EP_02, IEA Archive of Ethnological and Anthropological Resources, own field research.
59
IN_EABTC_EP_07, IEA Archive of Ethnological and Anthropological Resources, own field research.
60
IN_EABTC_EP_06, IEA Archive of Ethnological and Anthropological Resources, own field research.
61
Ibid.

23
unprofessional interventions and non-compliance with the instructions and advice of the
conservators, requests for thorough reconstruction of buildings, all lead to a building that gets
a completely new look and which often has nothing to do with its previous authenticity. Some
of the researchers believe that the problem is not only in the uneducated owners, but also in the
architects, designers and urban planners, who have totally different approach.62 For these
reasons, the experts working on the protection of the Bazaar believe that a revalorization of the
Bazaar is needed and a development of a new regime for preservation, or a revision of the old
study, given, as they say, the spontaneous changes made by the owners.63
Considering that, for the time being, the preservation of the Bazaar is implemented on the
basis of the previous studies. It is protected as a complex, which includes its immovable,
movable and intangible cultural heritage.64 Although, its intangible heritage is protected by
law, i.e. the crafts, customs, practices and skills related to them, on its preservation is worked
only in the last period, while previously it was worked only from ethnological and historical
aspects. The reasons for such delays and disregard should be sought in the evolution of the
technological, economic and social processes.65 During these processes many of the crafts and
practices of the craftsmen vanished along with the craftsmen themselves. As a result, today
there are no documented sources, so we finally come to the conclusion that we cannot preserve
something that no longer exists. Regardless of the statements of my interlocutors from the
Institute and Museum from Bitola, that the treatment of tangible and intangible cultural heritage
is starting to equalize,66 those few old craftsmen still left in the Bazaar claim the opposite: “...
the Old Bazaar was full of crafts. So, there are no crafts. We are absolutely not satisfied with
the craftsmanship. For the craftsmanship, how much they stimulate it. As if we are paying a
chamber contribution, and in fact, nobody does anything to preserve the crafts, for them to
continue. Those institutions do not work at all for what they are, for that purpose."67 Whether
the treatment will begin to equalize, the time when the intangible heritage was studied only
from an ethnological and historical point of view, and its preservation and protection were
neglected, cannot be so easily compensated.

62
Viktorija Momeva Altiparmakovska, “Etnoloshkoto nedvizhno kulturno nasledstvo I negoviot tretman”,
Etnolog, 14, Skopje, 2012, 223-225.
63
IN_EABTC_EP_04, IEA Archive of Ethnological and Anthropological Resources, own field research.
64
IN_EABTC_EP_01, IEA Archive of Ethnological and Anthropological Resources, own field research.
65
IN_EABTC_EP_01, IEA Archive of Ethnological and Anthropological Resources, own field research.
66
IN_EABTC_EP_02, IEA Archive of Ethnological and Anthropological Resources, own field research.
67
IN_EABTC_EP_07, IEA Archive of Ethnological and Anthropological Resources, own field research.

24
As for the immovable cultural heritage of the Bazaar and its preservation, it has been taken
into account since the establishment of the NI Institute and Museum in Bitola and it has been
worked on for a long time.68 Although much of it has been demolished and altered without
legal permits, both by government decrees in the period of socialism and by personal decisions
of the owners, today it is still the most preserved, compared with the movable and intangible
cultural heritage. It is easier to supervise it if timely interventions are taken on it.69 Moreover,
it is still actively used, albeit for a different purpose from the original, as opposed to the
movable and intangible cultural heritage. In the end, however, it is reasonable to conclude that
it is much easier to preserve something that is present in space than something that does not
have a physical form.

3.5.1 The central government and cultural policy

The protection of Bitola Old Bazaar is under the jurisdiction of the NI Institute and
Museum - Bitola, while this institute and museum falls under the authority of Ministry of
Culture of R. Macedonia, which would mean that it is a strictly centralized institution.
Therefore, Bitola largely depends on the central policy. The Ministry of Culture is considered
one of the most centralized ministries of culture in the region, and hence the city has very little
or no opportunity to do anything for the protection of cultural heritage.70 The central
government has the biggest and most important role in the protection of the cultural heritage in
the city, and thus, of the Bitola Old Bazaar. All decisions and activities come directly from the
Ministry of Culture, which are often in disagreement with the city’s needs and those of its
citizens. As we already know, the Ministry of Culture is where the expert control, conservation
approvals and financing of all projects made by the employees in the culture sector, are
performed.71 Nevertheless, most of those finances and projects are for Skopje, as the capital of
the Republic of Macedonia, at the expense of the smaller cities such as Bitola, which have been
deprived of the opportunity for development in the field of culture.72 Those finances who
manage to reach the Institute and Museum – Bitola are usually limited. The other big problem
is the finances that the owners of the buildings in the bazaar ask for and expect from the

68
IN_EABTC_EP_04, IEA Archive of Ethnological and Anthropological Resources, own field research.
69
IN_EABTC_EP_01, IEA Archive of Ethnological and Anthropological Resources, own field research.
70
Violeta Simjanovska, Strategy for Cultural Development of City of Bitola as instrument of the local Cultural
Policy…,70.
71
IN_EABTC_EP_03, IEA Archive of Ethnological and Anthropological Resources, own field research.
72
Violeta Simjanovska, Strategy for Cultural Development of City of Bitola as instrument of the local Cultural
Policy…,70.

25
authorities, but do not receive, and thus the implementation of the preservation of the buildings
under the jurisdiction of the Institute and Museum - Bitola is prevented: "… if I go to ask for
something then they will limit you and money and means, they will not help with anything. So,
you just give money for an application, so will it ... then a project. So, you have to pay for the
project yourself, for what project, what should the shop look like if you want to renovate it and
bear it all yourself and pay for it yourself. If it is under protection, let them make a project, let
them give us something, tell us you should do this. Even so, and plus we need to pay more
money. Nobody wants to give money ...".73 Taking this into account, independent interventions
that cost far less than the restoration that would be performed by expert conservators, in order
to avoid a complete collapse of the building, are to some extent justified.

It should also be mentioned that those people who are appointed to manage the
institutions in the field of culture, which includes the Institute and Museum - Bitola, in most
cases are political figures appointed by the central government, and whose profession and field
of interest do not always coincide with their work. They are usually not competent, not
sufficiently educated, and do not have enough experience in the field of culture, or more
precisely in the field of protection of cultural heritage, but are selected according to their
political party affiliation and devotion, so all their decisions are in agreement and in correlation
with the "headquarters", i.e. with the Ministry of Culture of Republic of Macedonia.74

3.5.2 The local government and cultural policy

Hence, the main role in creating the cultural policy for protection of Bitola Old Bazaar
has the central government, or more precisely the Ministry of Culture. Local government’s
only role is supporting the decisions made by the central government.75 According to the stuff
of the Institute and Museum - Bitola, the local government has so far done nothing to preserve
the structures in the Bazaar, just as it has done nothing to preserve the cultural heritage in
Bitola.76 The priority in the agendas and plans of the local government has always been the
economic development and the reduction of the unemployment rate.77 To better preserve the

73
IN_EABTC_EP_07, IEA Archive of Ethnological and Anthropological Resources, own field research.
74
Violeta Simjanovska, Strategy for Cultural Development of City of Bitola as instrument of the local Cultural
Policy…,71-72.
75
IN_EABTC_EP_03, IEA Archive of Ethnological and Anthropological Resources, own field research.
76
IN_EABTC_EP_01, IEA Archive of Ethnological and Anthropological Resources, own field research.
77
Violeta Simjanovska, Strategy for Cultural Development of City of Bitola as instrument of the local Cultural
Policy…,91.

26
Bazaar and not only the Bazaar, what is needed is an active involvement and engagement on
part of the local government. Although the NI Institute and Museum - Bitola is an institution
under the auspices of the Ministry of Culture, still with the involvement of the local authorities
a lot could be done. The experts in the Institute and Museum - Bitola believe that by economic
means the local authorities could provide greater financial support, such as: "... grants, long-
term loans with low interest rates, tax exemption for the owners of the buildings that are part
of the cultural heritage of the Bazaar, stimulation of that heritage for tourism purposes, and
with that making the Bazaar part of the economic development of the city."78 Likewise,
according to the interlocutors from the Institute and Museum - Bitola, it is necessary to have a
greater cooperation and better coordination between the local government and the institutions
responsible for protection of the cultural heritage, as well as cooperation between all levels of
authority: "... in the area of protection of cultural heritage there should and must be a strong
connection and cooperation between all levels of government ... ".79 The local government must
also show greater support in implementing the basic principles for the protection of cultural
heritage and ultimately limit the behavior of the owners in the bazaar with provisions.80 From
all this it can be concluded that despite the centralized institutions in charge of heritage
protection, the engagement of the local government and the creation of its own strategy would
be of great importance and help in improving the protection policy.

3.5.3 The civic sector and cultural policy

Popularization of the cultural heritage and its protection in recent years is becoming
one of the main directions of interest in the programs and projects realized by the so-called
NGOs or civil society organizations. These associations can be formed on two bases: local
initiatives and initiatives of foreign donors.81 Regardless of the manner of their formation, these
civic associations actively develop and apply for projects related to cultural heritage and its
popularization and protection. Unfortunately, despite the fact that this sector is called non-
governmental, politics has taken its share here as well. Many believe that these projects are
usually approved only to those associations that are pro-government and run according to the

78
IN_EABTC_EP_01, IEA Archive of Ethnological and Anthropological Resources, own field research.
79
IN_EABTC_EP_02, IEA Archive of Ethnological and Anthropological Resources, own field research.
80
IN_EABTC_EP_04, IEA Archive of Ethnological and Anthropological Resources, own field research.
81
Meri Stojanova, “Ulogata na NVO sektorot vo popularizacijata na etnološkoto kulturno nasledstvo na Prespa”,
Etnolog, 14, Skopje, 2012, 234.

27
government's agenda.82 Moreover, many gross mistakes are made in their making and planning,
especially in the printed materials, and no one is taking responsibility for that. The reason for
that is that experts are not involved in the preparation and production of these promotional
materials, and the associations themselves do not feel the need for their involvement. For these
mistakes to be overcame it is necessary an involvement of professionals in all steps of the
preparation and implementation of project ideas, better information about project programs,
interdisciplinary approach in developing those project ideas, developing institutional networks
for collaboration, intensive cooperation between consulting companies and the non-
governmental sector and, most importantly, establishment of legal mechanisms for heritage
protection.83

Despite some negative examples from the activities of these associations, there are still
many positive aspects, in the sense that the NGO sector helps to popularize and promote the
heritage and its significance, and thus informing the general public through the media, raises
the social awareness of its importance and prevents its further underestimation and ignorance.84

82
Violeta Simjanovska, Strategy for Cultural Development of City of Bitola as instrument of the local Cultural
Policy…,94.
83
Meri Stojanova, “Ulogata na NVO sektorot vo popularizacijata na etnološkoto kulturno nasledstvo na Prespa”,
Etnolog, 14, Skopje, 2012, 234.
84
IN_EABTC_EP_01, IEA Archive of Ethnological and Anthropological Resources, own field research.

28
4. Critical discourses on the cultural policy for Bitola Old Bazaar

Bitola Old Bazaar is the economic center and the landmark of the city. The numerous shops
and professions that are part of it, have dictated and still dictate the economic activities and the
pace of life of the entire population, both from the city and the surrounding area. The Old
Bazaar is a cultural gem that unites the material and the intangible culture of the people of
Bitola. In time, this gem disappeared, leaving only its social functions at the expense of the
collapse of the material and the intangible culture. The question is why is that so? Why in a
society in which the glorious past of the people of this area is so accentuated in the last period,
their historical and cultural achievements and sizable cultural heritage left by their ancestors as
their stamp, are vanishing in front of everyone’s eyes. As a great paradox it can be noticed that
the protection and preservation of what already exists is ignored, while on the other hand, a
new cultural heritage is "created". The problem, on one hand, is that heritage is not only a
cultural asset but also a political one. What does not fit into the political ideology is "not
worthwhile" and is condemned to be forgotten. Elsewise, the protection of cultural heritage is
only written "on paper", while its actual protection is not implemented.

If in the first decades of the formation of Yugoslavia, Bitola Old Bazaar was forgotten,
however, it regained its former "glory" with the preparation of the Study for its protection in
the seventies of the 20th century, and later with its revision.85 But it is also the only cultural
policy that has been followed so far, and many things have obviously changed. Evidently,
whatever is being done right now is not working. Regardless of the adoption of the Law on
Protection of Cultural Heritage and the desire for its preservation, and all the projects prepared
and made by the professionals who deal with it, the most important thing is always missing -
financial support and consistent implementation of those legal measures. The only bright spot
are the projects financed by foreign investors, but even those are not always in cooperation
with experts. The fact is that in order for this situation to improve, many things need to change.
The Bazaar needs a new long-term plan, where politics will not have its place (if possible), and
thus greater independence and decentralization, in which will be included not only the
immovable cultural heritage, but also the movable and the intangible, and their treatment will
be equal, while the finances will not be reduced only to foreign investments. In addition to this
depoliticization, it is necessary to depoliticize the NGO sector, which is ironically called a non-

85
Zoran Altiparmakov, Nadežda Ǵeorǵieva, „Urbaniot razvoj na gradot Bitola vo kontekst so istorisko urbaniot
razvoj na starata Bitolska čaršija“, …, 13-14.

29
governmental one, and to have a greater mutual cooperation between it and the professionals.
With such policy, the much-desired economic development could be achieved, in terms of
popularization and promotion of the Bazaar in the tourist offers. Both, the development of the
tourism in Bitola and the care for the Bazaar are interconnected and interdependent. Namely,
with the preservation of this cultural good increases the quality of the tourist offers, and with
it the number of tourists who visit the Bazaar, who in turn contribute to the economic
development, and all this encourages even greater care for it, in order to further the arrival of
foreign visitors. Bitola Old Bazaar represents a huge potential that should be used in the future.

Unfortunately, there is another big problem that arises in the preservation of the Bazaar and
the cultural heritage in general, and that is the ignorance of the ordinary citizens about its
importance. In reality, we as humans are not always aware of the treasures we possess and see
every day. They are present our whole lives, and simply for us they are nothing new, unusual
and interesting, as are for the tourists who come specifically to see them. The problem with
this ignorance is great, because it leads to the destruction of the cultural heritage of the Bazaar.
Culpability should not be sought only in the mismanagement and lack of cultural policy by the
authorities and the experts, but also in its conscious or unconscious destruction by the citizens,
who treat the heritage as a passive value, not as an active source of knowledge about the present
and the future or as one of my interlocutors said: "...in our country it is as if it is in our blood
to destroy something that is beautiful...".86 Parts of the Bazaar continue to be visibly altered
and demolished without anyone's permission, and crafts disappear, but people forget that
cultural heritage is the source and basis for new creations, as the modern creative life is
inextricably linked to the values and experiences of the past. Truly known cultural heritage is
an individual’s spiritual pillar, it ennobles the person with humane universal values which
allow easier overcoming of possible human weaknesses that lead to any kind of destruction.
Individual and collective awareness are important preconditions for effective protection of the
cultural heritage.87 The more developed the awareness, the more the society has the opportunity
to provide a higher degree of protection. Awareness, then again, is neither bought nor sold, it
is acquired through a long and complex process of learning and socialization, in which all social
actors should help the individual in building a positive attitude towards cultural heritage and
its protection, with intensifying educational contents and methods for developing awareness

86
IN_EABTC_EP_07, IEA Archive of Ethnological and Anthropological Resources, own field research.
87
Viktorija Momeva - Altiparmakovska, „Prikaz na knigata „Opštestvenata zaštita na kulturnoto nasledstvo“ vo:
Zbornik na trudovi, 15, Zavod za zaštita na spomenicite na kulturata i muzej – Bitola, Bitola, 2004, 238.

30
among the social entities.88 In my opinion, if a cultural policy for protection of the Bazaar is
prepared in the future, as well as a general policy for protection of the cultural heritage, part of
it should be the inclusion of heritage contents in the educational system.

88
Ibid, 238.

31
5. Summary

Cultural heritage, simultaneously, represents knowledge, cultural product and a


political resource. No matter how it is interpreted, it represents one spiritual value. It is a
representative of one or more groups of people, carried on from generation to generation,
regardless whether it is in a form of a building, a picture, an object, a thought or as creation of
folklore. When it comes to the cultural heritage of Macedonia and the whole Balkans, one
cannot but mention the Bazaars as an indispensable part. The Bazaar, as we know it today, has
its roots from the period of the Ottoman Empire. It is the economic center of the city, the area
in which most of the economic activities take place, and at the same time it is its soul and heart.
The Bazaar is a powerful organism in people’s collective consciousness and an anonymous
voice. Bitola Old Bazaar has kept its characteristics until this very day and it represents a very
important part in the daily life of the people living in the city and its surroundings. It is a
representative of the city’s tangible and intangible culture. Bitola Old Bazaar is a unique
example in Republic of Macedonia that has preserved its indigenous characteristics,
architectural, urban and plastic features. Its heritage includes several urban units, such as the
cultural monuments like the Deboj or Amam Bath, Haji Bay Complex and the Synagogue, the
artifacts that take place in the museum of Bitola and the crafts as part of its intangible heritage,
which are living their last days.
In this paper, an attempt is made to treat Bitola Old Bazaar as a complex that includes
a cultural heritage that is still in use. Also, in that context, an attempt was made to analyze the
cultural policy for protection of this heritage. Although the situation has been improved
recently, some things cannot be compensated for, such as the unequal treatment of the tangible
and intangible heritage as well as some spontaneous alterations to some of the entities in the
Bazaar. One of the biggest problems nowadays is that there is no defined cultural policy. Lack
of funding by the competent ministry, strict centralization of the institutions in charge of the
protection, non-involvement of the local government and the lack of heritage priority in its
agendas, then inconsistent implementation of the legal measures, politicization of most of the
governmental, local and non-governmental sector and their arbitrariness, are only part of that
bad cultural policy and the problems that arise in the implementations of preservation. The
second big problem is the uninformed, uneducated and unaware citizens of Bitola, especially
the owners of the buildings in the Bazaar about its cultural importance and their arbitrariness
that results from of all of the that. By devising a good plan for its protection, which would take

32
into account the measures for solving all these problems, it would be manageable to preserve
the Old Bazaar for future generations.

33
6. Field research
1. IN_EABTC_EP_01, IEA Archive of Ethnological and Anthropological Resources, Faculty
of Natural sciences and Mathematics, Ss. Cyril and Methodius University – Skopje
2. IN_EABTC_EP_02, IEA Archive of Ethnological and Anthropological Resources, Faculty
of Natural sciences and Mathematics, Ss. Cyril and Methodius University - Skopje
3. IN_EABTC_EP_03, IEA Archive of Ethnological and Anthropological Resources, Faculty
of Natural sciences and Mathematics, Ss. Cyril and Methodius University - Skopje
4. IN_EABTC_EP_04, IEA Archive of Ethnological and Anthropological Resources, Faculty
of Natural sciences and Mathematics, Ss. Cyril and Methodius University - Skopje
5. IN_EABTC_EP_05, IEA Archive of Ethnological and Anthropological Resources, Faculty
of Natural sciences and Mathematics, Ss. Cyril and Methodius University - Skopje
6. IN_EABTC_EP_06, IEA Archive of Ethnological and Anthropological Resources, Faculty
of Natural sciences and Mathematics, Ss. Cyril and Methodius University - Skopje
7. IN_EABTC_EP_07, IEA Archive of Ethnological and Anthropological Resources, Faculty
of Natural sciences and Mathematics, Ss. Cyril and Methodius University - Skopje
8. IN_EABTC_EP_08, IEA Archive of Ethnological and Anthropological Resources, Faculty
of Natural sciences and Mathematics, Ss. Cyril and Methodius University - Skopje

34
7. Appendix

Photo 1: Segment of Bitola Old Bazaar today

Photo 2: Haji Mahmud Bay Complex (middle of 20th ct.)

35
Photo 3: Aragon Synagogue (beginning of 20th ct.)

Photo .4: Bezisten (20th ct.)

36
Photo 5: Drven bazzar 1914

Photo 6: Dembel bazaar (beginning of 20th ct.)

37
Photo 7: Zhitni bazaar (beginning of 20th ct..)

Photo 8: Bitola Old Bazaar (beginning of 20th ct.)

38
Photo 9: Bitola craftsman - shoemaker (end of 20th ct.)

Photo 10: Master Jani - bell ringer

39
Photo 11: Master Dimitrija - shoemaker and bell ringer

Photo 12: Old craft shop (middle of 20th ct.)

40
8. Bibliography

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kontekst so istorisko urbaniot razvoj na starata Bitolska čaršija“, Zbornik na trudovi,
Zavod i Muzej Bitola, Bitola, 2009.
2. Arantes, Antonio A., “Diversity, Heritage and Cultural Politics”, Theory, Culture &
Society, 24, 2007.
3. Bezisten (Covered bazaar), http://www.bitolatourist.info.
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5. Deboy Amam, Makedonsko kulturno nasledstvo: osmanliski spomenici,
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7. Ethnology department, http://www.bitolamuseum.org.
8. Graham, Brian, “Heritage as Knowledge: Capital or Culture?“, Urban Studies, Vol. 39,
Nos 5–6, 2002.
9. Hilan Eriksen, Tomas, Etnicitet i nacionalizam, Biblioteka XX vek, Beograd, 2004.

10. Konstantinov, Hr. Miloš, Zanaeti i esnafi vo Bitola i okolijata – pričini za razvitok i
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na kulturata i muzej – Bitola, Bitola, 2004.
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41
17. Momidiḱ-Petkova, Radmila, „Kompleksot na džamijata Hadži Mahmud-beg vo
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instrument of the local Cultural Policy, University of Arts in Belgrade, Belgrade, 2007.
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kulturno nasledstvo na Prespa“, Etnolog, broj 14, Skopje, 2012.
22. Tilley, Christopher, “Introduction: Identity, Place, Landscape and Heritage”, Journal
of material culture, 11, 2006.
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Archaeology, 7, 2007.

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