HORSFALL - Aeneas The Colonist PDF

AENEAS THE COLONIST
Author(s): Nicholas Horsfall

Source: Vergilius (1959-), Vol. 35 (1989), pp. 8-27
Published by: The Vergilian Society
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AENEAS THE COLONIST1
The contrast between Odysseus, explorer and adventurer, and Aenea

settler and administrator, here deliberately offered in exaggerated and provoc
tive form, is in essence familiar and recognized. But it has not at the same tim
been sufficiently acknowledged that Virgil repeatedly, even systematically, pr
sents Aeneas in the characteristic and unmistakable guise of a Greek oeci
And not Aeneas alone: Acestes, Oilean Ajax and his Locrians, Anteno
Ascanius, Caeculus, Capys, Danae, Dido, Diomedes, Helenus, Idomeneu
Latinus, Neoptolemus, Philoctetes, Romulus, Saturn, and Salaminian Teuc
are likewise explicitly presented as being, for varied reasons and motive
founders of new (usually colonial) settlements in the Aeneid; one could sprea
the definition a little and extend the list a good deal, by means of-e.g.-Telon
and the princes of Tibur. (see Appendix 2)
So ponderous a catalogue might seem inflated; that is not so and th
Aeneid is, amongst much else, very much an epic of urban settlement an
colonization. A solid, undramatic, unromantic aspect of the poem which
attracted, we shall see, virtually no attention. That the Nostoi , the homecomi
of the heroes after the fall of Troy, are recounted and developed in the wake
actual Greek colonization, is an entirely familiar notion,2 but the impact of
ideals and practice of Greek colonization upon the Aeneas-story and the Aene
has failed, amid all the vast Virgilian bibliography, to raise a spark. No colon
or colonus in the Enciclopedia Virgiliana , a few words to the point under fun
The last chapter of Father B. Schmid's Fribourg dissertation on Greek found
tion stories (1947), excellent but not easily or often consulted, is indeed entitl
" Griechische Ktisissagen und Vergils Aeneis" (189-98); he has an exceptio
mastery of the Greek material, but unfortunately does no more than sk
Virgil's text; I am therefore duly grateful to him for his ample survey of the h
torical evidence, but its application to Virgil is almost entirely my own, and
except where otherwise indicated, surprisingly new.3
* Dr. Michael Paschalis, of the University of Ioannina, whose devotion to the seriou
study of the Aeneid in the unsupportive environment of NW Greece is warmly to be admir
most kindly invited me to speak there on Virgil and the Nostoi. That visit had to be canceled
account of an ecological protest which blocked the harbor of Igoumenitsa, but I offer my frien
in Epirus grateful thanks for provoking this paper.
z The Nostoi-stories have provoked hallucinatory speculations about the history
colonization. See however, for what I take to be the plain distinction between chicken and e
Horsfall, "The Aeneas-Legend and the Aeneid," Vergilius 32 (1986) 15, and Roman Myth
Mythography , BICS Suppl. 52 (1987) 13; R. Ross Holloway, Italy and the Aegean (Louvain 19
97-102; and J. Poucet, Les origines de Rome (Bruxelles 1985) 184-8.
ó R. Heinze, Virgils epische Technik -3 (repr. Stuttgart 1965) 85 touches lightly on the to
E. D. Carney, "City-Founding in the Aeneid" in Studies in Lat. Lit. etc. Coll. Lat. 196 (19
8 Vergilius
Aeneas The Colonist
Just how Virgil came to know so much about Greek coloniza

entirely clear to me: though Plinio Fraccaro showed that Var
exiles and foundations in the West, and though there are clear tr
ronian influence in Diomedes' speech about the Nostoi (11. 252-93
in the case of Diomedes himself that Virgil did demonstrably
Varro.5 The role of Timaeus is likely, but formally unprovable.6
more solidly probable that Virgil, like many other educated
Herodotus,7 and it is in the Histories that we find some of the c
tion narratives. I shall point to some close similarities and certain
not have worried, as modern scholars do, about the "authen
material used. But it should not be thought that the theme was i
preserve of prose authors (cf. Schmid, 64-83): thus Callimachus f
Sicilian cities and his Hymn to Apollo 65 ff. recounts Battus'
Cyrene, while Apollonius of Rhodes8 wrote on the foundatio
Alexandria, Caunus, Cnidus, Naucratis, Rhodes, and Lesbos. Th
scratch the surface; further indications of widespread Hellenistic
topic, in prose and verse, will emerge.9
How best to organize the rather copious and varied mater
best neither by colonist founded,10 nor by founder-heroes, but ra
cally:
The Aeneid is rich in non-epic registers of language; if they are not
identified and appreciated, we lose something fundamental in our reading. One
422-30 is quite inadequate. No help is to be found in the Enc. Virg., s. v. "Apollo." On the history
of colonization I cite below by author only: A. J. Graham, Colony and Mother-City in Ancient
Greece (New York 1964), J. Seibert Metropolis und Apoikie (diss. Würzburg 1963), F. Prinz,
Gründlingsmythen und Sagenchronologie (Zetemata 72, München 1979), T. J. Cornell, "Gründer"
in Reallex. Ant. Christ 12 (1983), 1108-45.
4 De gente fr. 29 Fracc. = fr. 17 Peter = fr. 776 Cardauns ap. Hagendahl, Augustine and
the Latin Classics (Göteberg 1967).
J See P. Fraccaro, ed. Varro de gente (Padova 1907), 184-97. Enc. Virg. s. v. "Diomede,
81 (A. Russi; cf. id., "Virgilio e il Gargano," Athenaeum 64 [1986] 226-30) is notably superficial
and misleading.
" R. Ritter, De Timaei fabulis per Varronem Vergilio traditis (diss. Halle 1901), repr. in his
De Varrone Vergiliique in narrandis urbiuni populorumque Italiae originibus, diss. phil. Hal , 14.4
(1901), 291-328; T. J. Cornell, "Aeneas and the Twins, PCPhS 21 (1975) 22 sounded a welcome
note of deep skepticism; cf. Horsfall, BICS Suppl. 52 (1987), 20.
7 Horsfall, "Camilla, o i limiti dell' invenzione," Athenaeum 66 (1988) 31, E. Courtney,
"Vergil's Military Catalogues and their Antecedents," Vergilius 34 (1988) 3- 8.
0 These fragments are still only to be consulted in J. U. Powell, Collectanea Alexandrina
(Oxford 1925) 5-8.
" P. M. Fraser, Ptolemaic Alexandria 1 (Oxford 1968), 135, 144, Schmid-Stählin, Gesch.
Griech. Lit. 2.1.141, F. Susemihl, Gesch. der gr. lit. i. d. Alexandrinerzeit 1 (Leipzig 1891), 392, F.
Cairns, Tibullus (Cambridge 1979) 68- 70.
For Virgil s terminology, cf. Appendix, 1.
Vergilius 9
Nicholas Horsfall
of those registers is, clearly and unmistakably from Вис . 411 o

thus the promise of Aeneas' gratitude to Dido echoes the prophe
Midas;12 thus too, we have all learned to acknowledge that with
Aen. 6.85*1 Anchises assumes recognizably the language of Sibylli
less familiar is the notion that "Thybris," used of the Tibe
narrative, is likewise, most probably, a form of "Sibylline" orig
cunctis dominabitur oris renders a pro-Roman expansion of Pose
in II. 20.15 We should therefore be reading Virgil's accou
commanded journeys and oracularly promised goals in the positi
that themes and language shall turn out to reflect Greek usage
field; it is not clear why Heinze (note 3 above) and Schmid (p
enthusiasm for this rich topic.
When the Delian Apollo tells Aeneas and his men Antiqu
matrem (3.96), that is, Italy, the ancient homeland of the Trojans,
W. Suerbaum16 has recently suggested, on the basis of the last w
note on Aen. 7.207, that an oracle in similar terms might fir
Aeneas with Samothrace in the Annales of Cassius Hemina. Suerb
learned man, who has done a great deal to advance intelligent st
use of his prose sources in Germany, but I hesitate to follow all t
particular argument. That Italy was the Trojans' original homelan
a Virgilian invention;17 the language of "homeland" is familiar
for example, the Aenianian maidens sang, to their menfolk and t
may ye return to the well-loved soil of your homeland" $Wr'v èç
a mercy; after long wanderings they had found rustic prosperity
Delphi told the Heraclidae to "seek the country of their fa
11 See above all R. G. M. Nisbet, "VirgiPs Fourth Eclogue : Easterners a

BICS 25 (1978) 59-78.
12 See R. Janko, "Vergil, Aeneid 1.607-9 and Midas' Epitaph," CQ 38 (1
the Greek, see OCT Homer, vol. 5, 198-9.
13 Noted by E. Norden, etc.; for the Greek, see v. 3 of the oracle quot
and (2) by Phlegon of Tralles, Peri Macrobiotia FGH 257F36. The verses qu
thought to be c. 2 В. C., but the possibility of an Hadrianic antiquarian recon
borne in mind. Cf. however, Hor. Carm. 3.6.2; Norden's point remains valid.
14 Cf. v. 5 of the oracle quoted, note 13 above, and cf. Horsfall s. v. "Tev
forthcoming.
^ Cf. Strab. 13.1.53; note the suspicion of Aristophanes of Byzantium ap.
47; cf. Horsfall BICS Suppl. 52 (1987), 12.
16 "Die Suche nach der antiqua mater " Festchr. G . Radke (Münster 198
17 The arguments I advanced in "Corythus: The Return of Aeneas i
Sources," JRS 63 (1973) 74-9 have been accepted even by scholars who reject t
Corythus that I proposed (BICS Suppl. 52 (1987), 99, note 88); see ibid., 99-10
restatement of the matter.
10 Plut. Mor. 297В, = QGr. 26.
10 Vergilius
Aeneas The Colonist
патрфау lèi/ai xtbpav.19 An oracular commonplace, I conclude, is

a rare development of the Aeneas-story, the "return," so well su
aspects of Virgil's purpose.20
It is a commonplace of Virgil-scholarship that the Troj
progressive revelation of the whereabouts of their ultimate goal,2
been at the same time recognized that the stages and manner of
are characteristically Greek and oracular:
Thus Creusa's ghost tells Aeneas (2.781-2):
et terram Hesperiam venies ubi Lydius arva

inter opima virum leni fluit agmine Thybris.
Neither the land, Hesperia, nor the river, Thybris, are immediate
to the recipient of the information. This is however quite typical
above], 7): we may compare the oracle which told Aeneas to build
river Numicus (Zonar. 7.1) or the oracle given to Antiphemus and
build a city "Gela by the mouth of the sacred river of the same
where might Hesperia, or Italia (4.345) be? No more did Myscellu
the oracle's reference to Croton (D. S. 8.17), or the Athenian
reference to Sice lia (Paus. 8.11.2). Better still, the people of Ther
to obey the oracle seeing that they knew not where Libya wa
send a colony out to an uncertain goal" (Hdt. 4.150, Loeb tr.).23
One oracle was not enough: Aeneid 3, we all know, is full of
error, mishap, misinterpretation; over and over again the g
consulted for further clarification of the obscure and ambiguou
they have given, and the Trojans' depression24 is intensified by th
uncertainty. Typical, again: thus the Therans settle first on an i
African coast; nothing goes well for them (cf. notably Aen. 3.14
return again to Delphi to seek clarification (Hdt. 4.157). The mot
Isocr. Archid. 17; cf. Pind. Pyth. 5.69-72; the analogy with Virgil was
Pease. "Notes on the Delphic Oracle and Greek Colonization," CPIt 12 (1917) 1
20 Cf. my "Externi duces," Riy. Fil. (forthcoming), for some thoughts
motif.
21 See especially R. B. Lloyd, "Aeneid 3 and the Aeneas-Legend," AJPh 88 (1957) 136-8;
C. Saunders, "The Relation of Aeneid 3 to the Rest of the Poem," CQ 19 (1925) 85-91 = Vergil's
Primitive Italy (New York 1930) 194-209.
22 D. S.8.23.1; cf. 8.23.2, D. H. 19.1.3, Paus. 7.5.3.
Italy, at 4.345-6 is represented as a remote, oracularly ordained goal; at 3.396 it had
been just over the water; that is a just and subtle alteration of perspective.
Z4 Mishaps, misunderstandings: 3.60, 100-1, 143-6, 189-91, etc.; depression: 3.493-7,
5.629, 5.636, 3.364, 6.692.
Vergilius 11
Nicholas Horsfall
common one.25 The very existence of oracular advice vouchsafed

in versions of the story earlier than Virgil26 has been strangely
we shall see, and divine instructions normally entail uncertainty,
troubled: interpretation. Suerbaum (note 16 above, 272-3) p
Cassius Hemina's words et tum quo irent nesciebant (fr. 9P) to a
of perplexity in the Trojans' voyage.
Virgil has perhaps rejected, very deliberately and co
artistically boring, those versions of the story in which Aeneas
steady supernatural guide: thus Varro27 ait hanc stellarti Lucife
dicitur, ab Aenea, donee ad Laurentem agrum veniret, sem
Naevius:28 Venus gave Anchises libros futura continentes. Both ve
devastatingly undramatic possibilities.29
Celaeno warns the Trojans that they will reach Italy and m
but will not fortify a city before hunger drives them to devou
(3.253-7); that warning finds agreeable fulfillment on the banks
This warning and its happy resolution had long been present
legend.31 As narrated by Virgil, it reflects with particular
characteristic features of the oracular manner, as has in this
noted:32 (i) the oracle lays down an improbable and inexplicab
Trojans' wanderings (cf. Pease [note 19 above], 9); compare th
Thurii, "where there was water to drink in due measure, bu
without measure," D. S. 12.10.5, Cf. St. Byz. s. v. Boúveijua, B
25 Cf. Liv. 8.22.6 (Neapolis), D. S.8.17 (Croton), FGH 270F6 (Menecles

Cyrene), Strab. 6.2.2 (Theocles gets to Sicily oy accident). See H. W. Par
Wormell, The Delphic Oracle 1 (Oxford 1956), 73-7.
26 Cf. D. H. 1.51.1, 1.52.1, О. G. R. 9.1, 4,5,10.1: the О. G. R. is unas
solid scholarship of the Augustan period; cf. J.-C. Richard's admirably rich
1983 Budé ed., 38-48, with my remarks at CR 37 (1987), 192-4.
2' Res. div. 2, fr. к Cardauns = Serv. ad, Aeti. 1.382, cf. DServ. adAen . 2.8
28 Fr. 9 Strz.; cf. H. T. Rowell, "The Scholium on Naevius in Parisinu
AJPh 88 (1957) 2.
y quaerenti Aeneae, 'fatorum * iam pater inquit 'explicui libros ; quae no
detulerint, dicam ... is not an opening that throbs with drama. More seriously, c
by W. Suerbaum in "Und der Stern zog ihnen voraus," Et scholae et vitae (B
(München 1985), 25-6.
3U I suggested some time ago ("Virgil and the Conquest of Chaos," Anti
146) that the "inconsistency" simply reflected VirgiPs unwillingness to decide be
versions of the story, but serious attempts continue to be made to unravel the
dismiss: cf. E. L. Harrison, "Foundation-Prodigies in the Aeneid ," PLLS 5 (1
my remarks in CR 39 (1989) 73 and T. Berres Die Entstehung der Aeneis ( Her
1982) 189-239, with my remarks at CR 37 (1987) 15-7.
31 Lyc. 1250-4, D. H. 1.55.2-3, Conon, FGH 26 ch. 46.5, etc.
32 Heinze (note 3 above), 84f.; H. Boas, Aeneas* Arrival in Latium (A
228.
12 Vergilius
Aeneas The Colonist
oracle given to the Teucrians: on reaching the Troad from Crete th

settle on the spot where the earth-born (i. e. mice) should attack th
13.1.48); cf. too St. Byz. s. v. Г otXeGtai: they should settle where an
the sacrifice.33
E. L. Harrison's analysis of the portent of the horse's head fou
site of Carthage is typically thorough and prudent (note 30 above,
the three passages which preserve the story drawn upon by Virgil
curiously flat and unhelpfiil, as Harrison himself recognizes:34 the d
both a horse's head (Carthage would be warlike) and an ox's (fe
simplified by Virgil. I wondered indeed if we had lost the origin
version of the portent, no longer anomalous and dull, but more alo
of: "where the plough shall uncover a war-horse, where a spear-butt
upon a farm-animal." I return to the portent of the eating of the ta
Trojans' very hunger is itself the key to the solution of the riddle; t
similarly present in the story of the Aenianians, as told by Plutarch
above), and Polemo of Ilium writes of a temple of Voracity in Sicily
solution to the "eating of the tables" is, well, unlikely and comi
above all on a physical ambiguity: tables not of wood (but of bread,
or celery, in other versions). Thus Locrus was to settle, for exampl
has collected many instances of this type of oracle) where he was b
wooden dog, that is to say, pricked by a briar, Kuvócrjjaroç.36
It might at first sight appear that Virgil had decided conscious
perhaps because beneath the dignity of the Trojans' mission, tho
which the colonists are led by an animal or bird;37 in particular we
that the sedentary sus of bks. 3 and 8 becomes in other versions a
distance trotter.38 But the motif is in the end irresistibly attractive, tho
makes notably dignified and discreet use of it: the two doves, Venus
lead Aeneas to the discovery of the Golden Bough are widely famil
contexts, associated with fcítás-stories, as Eduard Norden noted.39
33 Cf. too Od. 11.126Í.

34 Harrison (note 30 above), 133; Justin 18.5.15f., Serv. ad Aeri. 1.443, E
Perieg. 195.
35 FHG 3, p. 126, fr. 39.
36 plut. Mor. 294E = Q.Gr. 15; cf. Parke and Wormell (note 25 above), 60-1
19 above), 9, Boas (note 32 above), 231.
Pease (note 19 above), 7-8; Frazer on Paus. 10.6.2; Parke and Worme
above), 61; J. Heurgon, Trois Etudes sur le "ver sacrum" (Coll. Lat. 26, 1957) 6.
38 Fab. Piet. fr. 4P, D. H.l.55.3-4, O. G. R. 11.1.
&Aen. 6 4, 173-4; cf. Veil. 1.4.1 (Cumae), Hdt. 2.55 (Dodona), Stat. Silv
(Naples); cf. Clitophon of Rhodes FGH 293F3: a Schwindelautor or faker of s
particularly revealing, because his novelties are relatively undramatic.
Vergilius 13
Nicholas Horsfall
Acestes' arrow-shot (5.519-40) is of a very different

identifiable Roman character,40 but it does portend the found
(with etymological play on the name of the archer Acestes
foretold to the natives of the place (Croton) that also in after
city would arise which should bear the name of the man who h
tally killed by Heracles) (D. S. 4.24.7).
On their voyage West, the Trojans receive information
whereabouts and future destiny from (and this will have been
accounts of colonization-voyages) a variety of sources: nota
word (or perhaps just one, О . G. R. 12.3, where the Delph
inexplicably corrected to Deliaci , by Richard, but not by Puc
editor) of Pythian Apollo,41 inspirer of so many colonial
numerous other seats and localizations are specified:
Celaeno inspired by Apollo (3.251); Delos (3.73-120,
Helenus in Apollo's temple at Buthrotum (3.370-1); Claros
7.5.3); Grynean Apollo (4.345, a clear case of literary allusion,
Gallus, Euph. fr. 97 Powell, Gallus ар. Serv. ad Вис. 6.72); t
(again 4.345; cf. 12.516; they cannot in truth be identified)
whom we find in the Aeneas-story outside Virgil at O. G. К 1
D. H. 1.55.4 (?Erythrae). We might add the prophetic role
recalled by Helenus (3.183-5; note the prophetess who spo
DServ. ad Aen . 1.273).
It is most unfortunate that in the days when no trust w
authenticity of the citations in the O. G. /?.,43 it was conclud
guidance had no place in the Aeneas-legend outside Virgil and
survived,44 though its theoretical basis (cf. note 43 abov
appeared; the curious story of the daughter of King Anius
"some of the Greek mythographers" as reported by Dionysius
an (indirect) role of Apollo outside Virgil and the O. G. R..
40 B. Grassmann-Fischer, Die Prodigien in Vergils Aeneis (München 1

41 But cf. Aen. 6.21, with M. Paschalis, "Virgil and the Delphic Orac
(1986) 46, 64.
J. Fontenrose, The Delphic Oracle (Berkeley 1978) 137-44; Pease on Cic. Div. 1.3;
Parke and Wormell (note 25 above), 49-81; Cornell (note 3 above) 1129-30; O. Murray, Early
Greece (Brighton 1980) 117; P. Boyancé, La religion de Virgile (Paris 1963) 110-1; С. Bailey, Reli-
gion in Virgil (Oxford 1935) 163~7.
43 See now Richard's ed., 22-8, following a remarkable paper by Momigliano, "Some
Observations on the Origo Gentis Romanae," JRS 48 (1958), 56-73 = 2 Contr. 145-76. See 9.1,
oraculi admonitu (after Alexander of Ephesus), 9.5 (Delos), 12. (Delos, following Domitius). Cf.
Suerbaum (note 29 above), 27.
44 Paschalis (note 41 above), 46, n. 13, citing e. g. Heinze (note 3 above), 84.
4:) Cf. Suerbaum (note 29 above), 27.
14 Vergilius
Aeneas The Colonist
Virgil's Aeneas does not travel to Dodona (though he d

1.51.1,55.4) and Dodona has a modest role in other colonization st
neys inland are eschewed by Virgil as distracting and retardator
Helenus at- Buthrotum has oracular powers enough. But Aen
information through dreams,47 as is the case elsewhere in the A
and in several other foundation-stories,49 from his mother Venu
father Anchises. In book 3, Apollo is inevitably foremost (Sue
above], 23); that is appropriate, indeed unavoidable: it is the
voyages, par excellence, and it would be hard to think of him u
guidance: certainly Virgil's sources would not have encouraged
colonizing wanderer under the patronage of Jupiter or Venus; V
the due priority of Apollo and places the role of dreams, of Venu
of Anchises, in appropriate subordination. No inconsistency
Saunders [note 21 above], 199-200) but rather variations in
another indication of Virgil's ability to select the version that i
the passage and to the moment in hand.50 Anchises becomes eve
tive in counsel as his death approaches;51 that accounts for his s
despair, on top of emotional grief. But at least in Virgil Anchis
in life exact knowledge of the future; Ennius52 seems in this re
gone further than both Naevius (note 28 above) and Virgil.
We may now turn to consider in detail Aeneas' activities as
has first to build ships (3.5-6, 9.80); an indispensable prelim
both in other versions of the Aeneas-story53 and from the very f
we have of Greek colonial ventures.54 Virgil's Aeneas also starts
substantial number of followers (2.794-8, 3.8); other narratives
46 Cornell (note 3 above) 1131, Pease (note 19 above), 4, and on Ci

Dodona and Virgil, cf. Lloyd (note 21 above), 392 and Paschalis (note 41 above
47 2.268-97, 3.147-71, 4.553-70, 5.722-45, 6.695-6.
48 Fab. Pict. fr. 3P, DServ. adAen. 3.148, D. S. 7.5.5.
49 Cornell (note 3 above) 1132, Pease (note 19 above), 4-5.
50 Cf. my remarks referred to in note 30, followed with enthusiasm by S
above), 24-5.
•>l Cf. Lloyd (note 21 above), 143; Rowell (note 28 above), 15- 6.
52 doctus I que Anchisesque Venus quem pulchra dearum fari donavi
habere. Cf. Rowell (note 28 above), 19- 20; his whole article is a warning against
of the scholium on Aen. 7.123 (Anchises qui ubique divinus dicitur). O. G. R. 1
pendent value (Rowell, 22) or may simply garble Aen. 7.122-3.
53 Naev. fr. 7 Strz.: one ship, or possibly, one ship built by Mercury out
ber; O. G. R. 9.1 navibus fabrica tis , D. H. 1.47.6 (after Hellanicus).
54 Tlepolemus' colonization of Rhodes: Ii. 2.653-70; implied at Od.
Therans at Hdt. 4.153.
Vergilius 15
Nicholas Horsfall
become, as is to be expected, increasingly and improbably

question of number, the colonization narratives are tantalizin
nowhere does the scale seem to be markedly larger than that in
outset, Aeneas has twenty ships (1.381); Dido's generosity la
the damage and loss caused by the storm that brings them to
the losses caused by the fire in Sicily are not, cannot be made
is forced to leave behind the women (most of them) and t
(sorely confused) motif of the burning of the ships is well-at
variety of texts;57 it is a counter freely movable on the boar
geography and aetiological invention. The implication and
Aeneas now sails on to Latium with picked fighting men, is n
most unusual but not quite unknown for Greek colonists to s
womenfolk; Cyrene is the great exception, which here as in ma
shall see, closely parallells Virgil's narrative.59 Unsurprisingly,
mon for Greek female colonists to protest, like Beroe, against
voyage.60
We might also note that en route the Trojans acquire a small number of
allies;61 the notion of a joint, or at least a reinforced, band of colonists is widely
familiar.62
On the one occasion when there might have seemed to be "democratic
consultation" in the classical Greek manner about what is next to be done, the
text of Virgil proves engagingly misleading: after the repulsive and alarming
portent of Polydorus and the bleeding bush delectos populi ad proceres primům -
que parentem monstra deum refero et quae sint sententia poseo. The narrative of
the Aeneid helps the patient reader to identify a number of "senior" Trojans,63
55 Cass. Hem. fr. 7P: not more than 600 sodi; multi alii e Troia Naev. fr. 6.2 Strz.; Dares
43, 44: 22 ships and 3400 men, Ov. Met. 14.8 manu magna: cf. D. H. 1.47.2.
56 1.281 ^started with 20 ships); 1.108 (three ground); 1.383 (Aeneas himself arrives with
seven on the Nortn African coast); 1.583 (< ciassem sociosque receptos).
Aen. 5.713, 754: loss of ships, for discussion of the motif, cf. E. Bickermann, "Origines
Gentium," CPh 47 (1952), 66, T. J. Cornell (note 6 above), 18, Horsfall, CQ 29 (1979) 381-2, D.
H. 1.52.3 (cf. 1.51.1 [the most vigorous follow Aeneas to Dodona]).
58 Suerbaum (note 16 above), 272-3 makes a good case for Cass. Hem. fr. 9P referring
to a stay in Sicily, after which Aeneas continues with a small and select band.
59 Cyrene: cf Murray (note 42 above), HQ- 1.
60 Hdt. 1.166.3: sailing with families (cf. 1.165.3, longing for homeland); discontent: D. S.
8.21.3, Strab. 6.3.3, Arist. fr. 554R (Melos): those who stayed behind said their wives were sickly
or their shins leakv!
61 3.470-1: from Helenus; 5.298: an Arcadian and an Acarnanian; 12.518 an Arcadian
killed (a real Arcadian, not one of Evander's men, it seems).
62 Hdt. 1.146.1, 1.166.1, Paus. 7.4.S, (Chios), Strab. 6.2.2, SByz. s. v. "Chalcis," Thuc.
6.2.3, 6.4.2, 6.
63 "Non viribus aequis: Some Problems in Virgil's Battle-Scenes," G & R 34 (1987) 51-2.
16 Vergilius
Aeneas The Colonist
the primi duces of 7.107, but Aeneas does not here assemble a G
at Ithaca the assembly had met once in twenty years and heroic s
in a very limited sense democratic;64 Aeneas is here rather a Ro
who refers a portent to the Senate for discussion.65
Above all, Aeneas carries with him the Penates of Troy. Th
shall see, fundamental, and I shall discuss their role in Aeneas' f
in Italy below (18-19). It is amply attested that the oecist of
shall carry cult-objects with him from the mother-city;66 relig
between homeland and colony is essential;67 the oecist h
responsibilities in the foundation of the new city68 (cf. 18-19 b
furthermore expect ultimate deification,69 as we know wi
(1.259-60, 12.794-5).
The goal of Aeneas' wanderings, of Dido's, Antenor'
Diomedes', etc. (see Appendix 2) is expressed as "the foundation o
the city, whenever Virgil offers detail (and he quite often does; s
is described in classical, urban terms - with walls, forum, temp
We would do well to remember that such details reflect the his
tion and poetic imagination (nourished by sources in both verse
how a city might actually have been founded in heroic (or regal
foundation of Carthage is particularly full of realistic but i
anachronistic detail (1.421-9).
One fundamental preliminary is characteristically Roman:
on the digging of the primigenius sulcus , the furrow which encloses
ritory:71 1.425-6 pars optare locum tecto et concludere sulco (Did
designai aratro (Aeneas in Sicily), 7.157 humili désignât moenia f
the Tiber-mouth), just as Romulus was later to do, with such fa
for his brother.
64 Cf. E. S. Staveley, Greek and Roman Voting and Elections (London

Seymour, Life in the Homeric Age (New York 1914) 101-6; M. I. Finley, W
(London 1956) 84-9.
65 R. G. M. Nisbet, "Aeneas Imperator," PVS 17 (1978-80) 51.
Horsfall, "Some Problems in the Aeneas-Legend," CQ 29 (1979), 38
PW 19, 435, 4, Hdt. 1.164, Paus. 7.2.11, cf. Plut. Camill. 21.2, Hor. Carni. 2.18,
67 Graham, 15.
68 Cf. Graham, 30 and Cornell, 1136 (both note 3 above).
69 Graham, 29- 30, Seibert, 129 (both note 3 above).
70 T. J. Cornell, Papers in Italian Archaeology , BAR Suppl. Ser. 41
image of "foundation" in PI. Leg. is notably suggestive: 740a, 741c, 745b, 778d,
71 1.425 ôy pars optare locum tecto et concludere sulco (Dido), 5.755 urbem
(Aen. in Sicily), 7.157 humili désignât moenia fossa; cf. Cornell (note 3 abov
copino, Virgile et les origines d'Ostie (Paris 1968), 368, J. N. Bremmer, (title
Suppl. 52 (1987), 35-6, W. F. Jackson Knight, Vergil's Troy (Oxford 1932), 114
Vergilius 17
Nicholas Horsfall
Walls, homes, forum, court-house, temples are built (s

the need for the swift establishment, in however rudimentary for
nizable social, administrative and religious structures, the esse
the polis in the new land, is similarly, clearly visible in our ver
of colonial settlement.72 The acquisition of new land to farm a
ution is another essential element both in the Greco-Roman c
proper nature of a colony73 and in Virgil's narrative of the Tr
2.781-2: et terram Hesperiam venies ubi Lydius ARVA inter O
fluit agmine Thybris ; 3.136 (in Crete) arvisque novis operata i
sterilis exurere Sirius agros ; 7.261-2 non vobis rege Latino divitis u
opulentia deerit ; 7.290 (Juno's dismay that the Trojans) iam fid
(Latinus' abortive peace-offer to the Trojans) est antiquus ager
(if Turnus wins) cedet lulus agris' cf. too 4.311. Nor should it
the Italians themselves are often described as "ploughing a stra
a rifle on their backs" (7.539, 748, 9.608, 11.319). The words so
(5.756, Sicily) contain a further refinement, an historical refere
by by all the commentators I have to hand: Aeneas is here follo
procedure appropriate to a Greek oecist, the distribution of p
accommodation) by lot.74
Lastly, the founder's central role is symbolized by his abil
name, sometimes but not always his own, upon the new settle
says Aeneas, will bestow her name upon the new settlement i
inevitably, for it was, as a matter of geographical fact, called
Usage in the Aeneid in the matter of naming is once again, we
in keeping with Greek historical practice,76 and it was also com
nomenclature to evoke - just in the manner of the various Tr
that we find attested77 - memories of the homeland.78
12 IL 2.668, Od. 6.9f.

73 Cornell (note 3 above) 1121-5, Od. 6.10, Arisi. Pol. 5.1319a, 7-19,
D. S.8.23, Murray 1. c. (note 59 above), Schmid, 76- 8.
74 Hdt. 4.153, PL Leg. 741b, Thuc. 3.50.2, Plut. Per. 34, G. Glotz,
Graham (note 3 above), 59, G. Busolt, Griech. Staatskiuide 2 (München 192
75 1.277, 12.194 and 823, 10.145, 3.18, 10.200, 7.63, 8.358, 3.166 = 1.5
Buchheit, Vergil über die Sending Roms ( Gymn . Beiheft 3, 1963), 143,
Venus (Heidelberg 1967) 36, n. 62, W. Suerbaum, "Aeneas zwischen Troia
(1967) 185-7 (76) Str. 5.4.4 (cf. Seibert, 137), Paus. 7.4.8, cf. FGH 392F1, A
Met. 15.57 (with Bömer's note).
76 Str. 5.4.4 (cf. Seibert [note 3 above], 137), Paus. 7.4.8, cf. FGH 39
68R, Ov. Met. 15.57 (with Bömer's note).
77 3.133, 3.334-6, 350, 5.637, 756, 9.644, Strab. 13.1.53-4, Liv. 1.1.3-5
(with Schroder's note), D. H. 1.51.1, Varr. ар. Serv. adAen. 3.349, D. Musti
Troia," Arch. Class. 33 (1981), 1-5, Carcopino (note 71 above), 356.
Cf. Graham (note 3 above), 14-5; for sentimental or evocative nam
Cumae, Locri, Megara, Phocis-Phocaea, Paros-Parium, Rhodes-Rhode.
18 Vergilius
Aeneas The Colonist
That so much of the political or public matter of the Aeneid (I a

not to say "message" or even "content") seems to be clarified when s
terms of Greek colonial history is perhaps a surprise. Certainly
settlement,- as E. D. Carney [note 3 above] rightly recognized) is a m
in the texture of the poem, and a great deal still remains to be done
elucidating the refinements and complexities of Virgil's political argu
For the moment, let us take three further steps, two small, one rathe
try to clarify, similarly, in terms of conventional Greek political p
language (i) the motif of kinship, oruyyéveia, (ii) the settlement at
proposed by Dido and (iii) the final settlement outlined between
the Trojans.
(i) Kinship. There shall, first, be special ties of kinship (3.502) between
the Romans and the very recent Augustan foundation of Nicopolis.79 Secondly,
the tie of kinship80 encourages Aeneas to propose peace and good will to
Evander (8.132), though Evander is also related (and it is really not clear just
how) to the Atridae (8.130). Thirdly, Acestes (5.24,771) is kin to the Trojans;
the Trojan origins of Segesta are indeed of real and vivid historical significance
(v. infra). Lastly, 7.366 and 12.40: Turnus and Lavinia are first cousins; that is a
factor of weight behind Amata's support for the Turnus-Lavinia marriage.
"Kinship" founded upon the Romans' supposed Trojan ancestry becomes the
basis for claims, pleas and pretexts in the diplomatic maneuverings of the c. 3-2
в. c.81 This use of genealogical argumentation (which I hope shortly to discuss
more fully elsewhere), these appeals to kinship, cruyyéveux or oixeícdcnç, are an
extremely common feature of Greek diplomatic language and activity, as
reflected both in the historians and in the documents.82
(ii) Dido's proposal to the Trojans (1.572-4): vultis et his mecum paritefö
considere regnis? urbem quern statuo vestra est; subducite navis; Tros Tyriusque
mihi nullo discrimine agetur. Venus cautiously inquired (4.112) whether Jupiter
would approve misceri . . . populos . . . aut foedera iungi' Dido excitably assumes
that a Union of Peoples has already taken place (4.374 et regni demens in parte
locavi), and Ilioneus, speaking to Latinus, refers proudly but perhaps with a hint
of relief that nothing of the kind had ever actually happened, to the many
79 M. Paschalis, "Virgil's Actium-Nicopolis," Nicopolis I (Preveza 1987), 68.

80 As presented, a notably remote and fanciful one: an element of literary reminiscence,
cf. W. Clausen, Virgil's Aeneid and t he Traditions of Hellenistic Poetry (Berkeley 1987), 119-20,
does little to redeem its slender credibility.
81 Freshly analyzed by Horsfall, BICS Suppl. 52 (1987) 21-2.
82 Thuc. 1.6.3, 95.1,7.57.1, H. Bengtson, etc. Staatsverträge des Altertums 3 (München
1969), 523.57-8, 537.4, 9,552.2,585.1.
°3 énì tau; ïoraiç, cf. 7.256, 12.190.
Vergilius 19
Nicholas Horsfall
peoples who et petiere sibi et voluere adiungere gentes (7.238)

propose a joint Trojan-Tyrian foundation of Carthage (v. infra); c
does not acquire reinforcements from the mother city.84 What
resembles rather in some ways sympoliteia, the sharing of council
citizenship, etc. that occurred e. g., when Theseus achieved th
Attica.85 More to the point, there is one famous case of a colonia
precisely in North Africa, warmly welcoming reinforcements: C
Battus II.86 It is again, we shall see (note 95 above), Cyrene th
striking example of intermarriage between colonists and indigen
anticipated between Trojans and Latins. The stories of Lamis at L
the Chalcidians and other Euboeans at Zancle88 may be compared
Thirdly, then, we come to the settlement which Aeneas
Latinus in the case of his eventual victory (12.189-94; cf. Lat
12.202), which is anxiously assessed by Juno (12.821-5) and resolv
by Jupiter himself (12.834-7). Aspects of this settlement have at
deal of attention recently,89 but not enough thought has hitherto
how Virgil may have come to his ideas of the issues to be res
language, dress, worship and the throne; Suerbaum (note 89 ab
identified the first four as indicators of nationhood in ethnograph
that was not quite the end of the matter. We need to see a little
how these ideas might fit into an Augustan author's concepts
diplomatic settlement. Certainly, historians found the analysis o
between two groups of colonists or between colonists and
extremely interesting topic:
Hdt. 4.186 (cf. 1.172): analysis of the penetration of Libyan
Cyrene.
Veil. 1.4.2 Neapolis founded from Cumae: sed illis (the Neapolitans)
diligentior ritus patrii mansit custodia, Cumanos Osca mutavit vicinia.
84 Graham, 64-7, Thuc. 1.25 J, etc.; ěnoixoi to reinforce the original Snoucoi.
J. A. O. Larsen, Greek Federal States (Oxford 1967), xv, C. Phillipson, Иге International
Law and Custom of Greece and Rome 1 (London 1911), 141-5; Thuc. 2.15, Isocr., Helen 35.
00 Hdt. 4.159, cf. F. Chamoux, Cyrène, BEFAR 177 (1953), 134-5.
ö/ 4.112 strictly speaking refers to intermarriage between successive waves of colonists!
Thuc. 6.4.1,5, but Zancle was itself a Cumaean, i. e. originally Chalcidian, foundation,
so the parallel is less close.
D. A. West, "The Deaths of Hector and Turnus," G&R 21 (1974) 24; T. P. Wiseman in
Poetry and Politics in the Age of Augustus ed. T. Woodman and D. West (Cambridge 1984) 120;
M. Pani, "Troia reusurgens," Ann. Fac. Lett. Fil Bari 18 (1975) 66-7; Suerbaum (note 75 above),
1947; Buchheit (note 75 above), 139-43; it is still worthwhile to consult W. Warde Fowler, Death
of Turnus (Oxford 1919) 137-8; cf. now Horsfall "I pantaloni di Cloreo," Riv. Fil. (forthcoming).
H. J. Schweizer, Vergil und Italien (Aarau 1967) 7ff.
20 Vergilius
Aeneas The Colonist
Thuc. 6.5.1-2 (cf. 1.6.3) (of Himera): "their language was a m

Chalcidic and Doric, but Chalcidic institutions prevailed."
Antenor (1.248-9) and Helenus (3.493-7) have achieved, notably,
programatkally peaceful settlements; the Locrians (3.400) hold theirs by the
sword; Diomedes rules at Argyripa after a military victory (11.247) in the
Iapygian territory of Mte. Gargano;90 there are (1.549) Trojan anna (i. e. the
wary settlers of Acestes) in Sicily; Dido, lastly, makes war, not love with her
African neighbors, whom she has already cheated in the best Carthaginian
manner.91 Such bad relations between colonists and indigenes are amply
attested in the texts.92 The Trojans have not come on a piratical raid, they
protest both to Dido (1.525-8; cf.l. 300, 540, 567, 571) and to Latinus
(7.229-33), but their unexpected arrival in both places was, in the ethics and
practice of the heroic age, open to interpretation as piracy (Thuc. 1.5.1-2) and
their conduct remained likely to be viewed as piratical by their enemies (7.362,
10.774, 11.484) particularly in versions of the Aeneas-story less favorable to the
Trojans than Virgil's.93 In the repeated emphasis on Dido's instructions to her
people to treat strangers roughly, there may be reflected the notorious
Carthaginian hostility towards shipwrecked mariners (Strab. 17.19.1); the
Lucanians' treatment of Palinurus (6.359-61) clearly reflects an experience
familiar in those parts in the early days of Greek colonization (cf. Str. 6.1.5, F.
Brenk, Lat. 46 (1987), 571-4).
There is nothing odd or unprecedented in the very notion of large-scale
co-operation between colonists and indigenes (Dido-Trojans; Latinus-
Trojans).94 It is not clear with whom the Trojans intermarry at 3.136; Crete
(3.122) is said to be deserted. Do the Trojans begin to marry among
themselves? Or with the few natives they can find? This intermarriage,
suggested, as we have seen (page 14 above) by Dido, did in fact often occur95
and what she envisages will have been called by the technically-minded,
epigamia , the right of intermarriage between two peoples.96 Such large-scale
90 Iapygis is lightly archaizing in usage: cf. Ps. Scyl. 14-5, Dion. Perieg. 379 App. Hannib.
45, Plb. 3.88.3 with Walbank's note; cf. A. Small, Class. Views 5 (1986) 87-8; the distortions
perpetrated by A. Russi (note 4 above) lose all justification once it is realized that V. is not using a
rigorously up-to-date terminology!
91 1.339,368; cf. 4.36-8, 211^t, 320-1, 534-5.
Cornell (note 3 above) 1122; Str. 6.2.2; Thuc. 6.3; Hdt. 1.166.2, for example.
93 Cato, frs. 9a, lOaP, Liv. 1.1.5; cf. J.-C. Richard, "Ennemis ou alliés?," Hommages R.
Schilling (Paris 1983), 403-12.
94 Cornell (note 3 above) 1117, 1122.
95 Arist. fr. 549R, Ath. 13.576A (Massilia), Hdt. 1.163.2 (Tartessus), Hdt.4.186, Call. H.
2.85 (Cyrene).
96 On the right of intermarriage, cf. index s. v. "epigamia" in Bengtson (note 82 above),
Larsen (note 85 above), 56.
Vergilius 21
Nicholas Horsfall
intermarriage becomes a central theme of Aeri. 6-12: the ma

Aeneas and Lavinia serves as key example and symbol of a gener
be adopted of intermarriage between the (exclusively male) Troj
the local girls.97
I turn finally to the details of the settlement between
Latins:
Virgil has very little room for maneuver: his resolu
negotiations is to a large extent predetermined by the known fact
ethnography. There are, if you will, five clauses to the treaty:
(i) Juno asks Jupiter to let the Latins retain their language
. . . aut vocem mutare, 12.825); Jupiter agrees (834 sermonem
tenebunt; 837 faciamque omnes uno ore Latinos). Indeed, an hist
inhabitants of Latium spoke Latin, not Phrygian; in the Aeneid, t
epic world," not complete even in Homer, and decidedly weaken
is, as we shall see, broken at several points.98 In the case of lang
the Greeks recognize the disguised Trojans, atque ora sono di
Latin has taken over most of Italy by Virgil's time, and has alre
large areas of the Western Mediterranean; the Romans did very
even, to impose their language on their subjects, but as the langu
acquired an inherent advantage.99
(ii) Yet more fundamental than the Latins' language is their
Juno asks:
ne vetus indígenas nomen mutare Latinos

neu Troas fieri iubeas Teucroscue vocari (12.823-4)
... sit Latium (826)
. . . occidit occideritque sinas cum nomine Troia (828)
And Jupiter replies: utque est nomen erit (12.836). We have seen
13 above) how important, both in practice and in the text of th
right to bestow a name. It is a conventional privilege of victory
keeping with standard ethnographical and historical practice, us
Aeneid, changes of name, metonomasiai, as indicators and eviden
change, in the normal historical and poetic manner of his conte
97 6.93, 7.96, 7.253, 271-2, 333, 9.600, 12.42, 821, 827, 835-6.
Cf. Horsfall (note 89 above) (concentrating on clothing).
99 H. Homeyer, "Observations on Bilingualism and Language Shift in
(1957), 431-2, J. P. V. D. Balsdon, Romans and Aliens (London 1979), 118,
Making of Roman Italy (London 1982), 121-5, J. Kaimio, The Romans and th
(Helsinki 1979), 94-7, N. Petrochilos Roman Attitudes to the Greeks (Athens 197
100 1.267, 1.532, 7.777, 8.329, 331-2; cf. my remarks (with bibl.) (note 7 a
treated by Callimachus, cf. Pfeiffer (note 9 above), 135.
22 Vergilius
Aeneas The Colonist
Lavinia, Aeneas' wife, and at least according to the version in boo

by him ancestor of the kings of Alba, will give her name to the po
people (Aeneas, 12.193-4). Again, Virgil's hands are tied: hist
inhabitants -of the territory South and East of Rome are called L
land Latium; the region and the football team are still "Lazio."
not as in earlier versions of the narrative, over Aborigines,102 b
Latini or Laurentes: the name of the joint people, that is, pre-ex
ment, and the Trojans (12.836) are explicitly absorbed into a t
already in being.103
(iii) Clothing. Juno requests: ne iubeas . . . Latinos . . . aut ver
and Jupiter replies more generally Ausonii . . . moresque tenebun
recently discussed the ideological importance of clothing in the
detail104 and it has attracted a good deal of attention in the end
Numanus Remulus' programmatic speech, 9.598- 620. 105 Virgil's
occasion wear strahge oriental garb, worthy of Roman opprob
4.261-4, Aeneas has been dolled up by Dido at a time of deepes
ness; Chloreus is a priest of Cybele and dresses exotically ev
(11.769-77); though that fatally attracts Camilla's attention, it
Chloreus, whom Turnus slaughters casually in the next book (12.
Remulus' accusations of effete oriental garb against the Troj
anachronistic; they reflect the actual dress of the priests of Cyb
prejudice those priests attracted at Rome. Salamis and Actium, as
Aeschylus (Pers. 14-58, 396, 406) and Virgil (8.685), are victor
uniform over exotic and variegated panoplies. Not so, in practice
the Latins retain yet another distinguishing feature of nationho
silences suggest that the Trojans do not lose much thereby (cf. p
for historians' interest in survivals of distinguishing features of
population).
(iv) Latinus, already an old man (7.46; Aeneas himself lives only three
years after his victory, 1.265-6) may keep his throne and army intact so far as
101 With 6.760-6, cf. Liv. 1.1.11; with 1.267-71, cf. Liv. 1.3.2; see Horsfall, Antichthon
(note 30 above), 146.
1.02 Though cf. the etymological hint at 7.181.
103 Cf. Eric. Virg. s. v. "Latini" (Castagnoli), "Laurentes" (Horsfall), Carcopino (note 71
above), 536, Boas (note 32 above), 96- 7.
104 Riv.Fil. 116.4 (1988), 7, and I am most grateful to Larissa Bonfante for suggesting I
look more closely at the wardrobe of the Aeneid.
Au:) Summarized, Enc. Virg . s. v. "Numano Remulo" (Horsfall); cf. most recently M.
Dickie, "The Speech of Numanus Remulus," LLS 5 (1985), 165-221; not in all respects satisfac-
tory; cf. CR 39 (1989), 73-4.
106 M. J. Vermaseren, Corpus Cultis Cybelae Attidisque, 1-9 ( EPRO 50, 1977- ).
Vergilius 23
Nicholas Horsfall
Aeneas is concerned. Aeneas emphasizes that this is a settlement é

(12.190, cf. note 83 above) the concession is therefore, form
considerable. Latinus' position is to become quite closely compara
a strategos of a league established on a basis of isopoliteia, mutu
rights.107 Virgil does not invite us to dwell on Latinus' position
death; he has, indeed, no historical significance beyond the end
if we wish to define his position as proposed by Aeneas, we are, u
able to do so in Greek diplomatic terms.
(v) Lastly, however, religion. Aeneas is very clear: 12.192 sa
dabo. Juno says not a word, and Virgil perhaps thereby conveys t
indeed fati . . . lege tenetur, unlike the other matters she re
Jupiter is as explicit as Aeneas: morem ritusque sacrorum adiciam
on the point people he assures his consort supra homines supra i
videbis (839). The entire Aeneid is an aition, an explanation i
terms, for the presence at Lavinium of objects venerated a
Penates.108 Aeneas does not seek to impose Trojan religion in Ita
be most deeply and implausibly unRoman.109 Aeneas, like many
(12) has brought his gods with him, and this is the religious purp
ney, most explicitly (cf. 1.5 inferretque deos Latio). The Rom
Jupiter promises to Juno retains as its example and model, the
Aeneas, savior of his father and gods.110 Callimachus111 had alr
some of the poetic possibilities of aetiological explanations of the
tices in Greek colonies. Virgil executes a vast and unprecedented
this motif. The Aeneas-legend at the outset was one nostos-story
the curious chances and vicissitudes by which it acquired dom
importance I have too often discussed elsewhere:112 in the form
by the time Virgil came to write (that is to say, in its fullest p
retailed by Varro, of whose narrative we can form some idea bo
and from Dionysius of Halicarnassus) it inevitably already display
acteristic features of historical Greek colonization and had much in common
Ю7 Larsen (note 85 above), xv, Staatsverträge (note 82 above), 3.480.29-30 on the

Aetolian-Acarnanian treaty of 263-2.
108 Tim. FGH566F36; Horsfall BICS Suppl. 52 (1987) 19; F. Castagnoli, Lavinium 1
(Roma 1972), 109.
109 X . J. Haarhoff, The Stranger at the Gate (London 1938), 316, E. T. Salmon, Samnium
and the Samnites (Cambridge 1967), 175-6, W. H. C. Frend, Martyrdom and Persecution in the
Early Church (Oxford 1965), 104-26.
HO D. Feeney, "The Reconciliations of Juno," CQ 34 (1984) 179-94, Horsfall, BICS
Suppl. 52 (1987) 13-4.
Ш Call. H. 2.71, Aet. 43.78, 86-91, Iambi fr. 200a.
112 BICS Suppl. 52 (1987), 20-2, Enc. Virg. s. v. "Enea (la leggenda)."
24 Vergilius
Aeneas The Colonist
with numerous other foundation stories (that much will be clear s

numerous citations from the O. G. R. and from Dionysius ab
turned his version of Aeneas' story into the foundation-story (of
Lavinium/Rome) par excellence, and at the same time into the aition of the
Roman cult of the Penates, and of her piety in general. To do this, it has, I
think, become clear that he immersed himself to a degree far greater than
hitherto realized in the vast literature of Greek ktiseis : Apollonius, Callimachus,
and, as I think will now have become as good as certain, Herodotus too.
Nicholas Horsfall
Appendix (1): Terminology Used of the Settlers:
(i) coloni (not in Enc. Virg.!): 1.12, Tyrii tenuere coloni (Dido's followers
settling Carthage): 7.63 Laurentesque ab ea nomen posuisse colonis (Latinus' fol-
lowers at the foundation of their (nameless) city); 7.410 Acrisioneis Dana
fundasse colonis (the Argive foundation of Ardea); 7.422 et tua Dardaniis trans-
cribí sceptra colonis (Allecto/Calybe to Turnus; does he want his [future] royal
powers made over [for ř., see 18] to Trojan coloni?); 4.626 qui face Dardanio
ferroque sequare colonos (Dido on the future Hannibal, scourge of the Troja
coloni , now settled on Italian soil).
(ii) Profugi. A term very well discussed by F. R. Bliss in "Fato Profugus"
in Classical . . . Studies in Honor of B. L. Ullmann 1 (Rome 1964), 99-105. 1.
fato profugos (Trojans; cf. Bliss 102 of profugus: "by itself little more tha
nomadic"; fato profugos therefore a virtual oxymoron); 7.300 profugis toto me
opponere ponto (Juno of her persecution of the wandering Trojans); 8.118 quos
illi bello profugos egere superbos (Aeneas of the Trojans driven off (not very fa
by the Latins under Allecto's impulse); 10.158 profugis gratíssima Teucris (of Mt
Ida, figurehead of Aeneas' ship; see P. Hardie "Ships and Ship-Names in th
Aeneid" in Homo Viator; Classical Essays for John Bramble , [Bristol 1987] 168
Cf. Liv. 1.1.5 Aenean ab simili clade domo profugum, sed ad maiora rerum init
ducentibus fatis, 1.1.8 cremata patria, domo profugos sedem condendaeque urbi
locum quaerere , Sail. Cat. 6.1 Troiani Aenea duce profugi sedibus incerti
vagabantur. The word, that is, can, if the context does not help, carry a pejor
tive or hostile connotation, as "refugee" could do in Europe in the summer of
1940.
(iii) exsilium and exsul: Of the Trojans:
2.638 Anchises unwilling exsilium . . . pad 2.780 (Creusa speaking) longa
tibi exsilia et vastum maris aequor arandum , 3.4 diversa exsilia et desertas quaere
terras auguriis agimur divom , 3.11 feror exsul in altum cum sociis natoqu
Vergilius 25
Nicholas Horsfall
penatibus et magnis dis , 5.51 Aeneas would celebrate the ann

father's death even if he were an exile on the coast of North Africa, 7.359
Allecto asks Amata exsulibusne datur ducenda Lavinia Teucris. Cf. 8.320 of
Saturn,' 8.492 of Mezentius, 11.542 of Metabus, 11.263 of Menelaus in Egyp
There is some discussion of the terms in Ene. Virg.
Appendix (2): Urban Foundations:
1.5 dum conderet urbem (Aeneas); 1.247-8 hie tamen ille (Antenor) urbe
Fatavi sedesque locavit Teucrorum et genti nomen dedit armaque fixit Troia ;
1.270-1 regnumque ab sede Lavini transferet et Longam multa vi muniet Alba
((Ascanius); 1.276-7 et Mavortia condet moenia Romanosque suo de nomin
dicet (Romulus); 1.549-50 sunt et Siculis regionibus urbes armaque (Aceste
1.620 nova regna petentem (Salaminian Teucer); for Dido, v. (e. g.) 1.421-9
446-9; ergo avidus muros optatae molior urbis Pergameamque voco, et aetam cog
nomine gentem hortor amare focos. .(3.132- 4, Aeneas in Crete); 3.334-6
(Helenus) qui Chaonios cognomine campos Chaoniamque отпет Troiano
Chaone dixit, Pergamaque Iliacamque iugis hanc addidit arcem' 3.399 Naryc
posuerunt moenia Locri' 3.400-1 Sailentinos obsedit milite campos Lyctius
Idomeneus ; 3.401-2 hie ilia ducis Meliboei parva Philoctetae subnixa Peteli
muro ; 6.773-4 hie tibi N omentum et Gabios urbemque Fidenam , hi Collatina
imponent montibus arces (Alban colonies); 7.61-3 primas cum conderet arc
(Latinus Laurentisque ab ea nomen posuisse colonis , 7.409-10 urbem . fundasse
colonis (Danae; Ardea); 7.670-1 (Tibur); 7.678 (Praeneste); 8.321-2 is genus
indocile et dispersum montibus aids composuit (Synoecism; cf. note 14 above!)
legesque dedit (Saturn); II. 246-7 ille urbem Argyripam. condebat Iapygis agris.
Appendix (3): Elements Involved in an Urban Foundation:
(1) walls: 1.264 (Aeneas in Italy, with mores); 1.267 (Romulus); 1.423 (Did
3.17 (Aeneas in Thrace); 3.132 (Aeneas in Crete); 3.399 (Narycian Locrians
5.631 (Trojans in Sicily); 5.717-9, 9.218 (Acestes); 7.157 (Aeneas on Tib
bank). Note the symbolic function of Dido's building programme (1.366
419-37, 4.74, 86-9, 260, 266).
(2) citadel (arx): 1.424 (Dido); 3.336 (Helenus); 3.134 (Aeneas in Crete); 6.78
(Rome); 7.61 (Latinus); 8.313 (Evander); 8.357 (Saturn).
(3) naming the settlement: 3.133 (Aeneas), 5.756 (Aeneas) and cf. further note
77.
(4 ) fundamenta: 1.428, 4.266 (Carthage).
26 Vergilius
Aeneas The Colonist
(5) foci 3.133 (Aeneas), 5.756 (Aeneas in Sicily).

(6) tecta and domi : 1.425 (Dido); 3.134, 137 (Aeneas), 4.260 (Aen
4.311 (sought by Aen.), 7.126,7 (Aeneas), 7.290 (Aeneas).
(8) mores 1.264 (Aeneas); contrast 12.834 and pages 17-18 above
(9) forum and iura 1.293 (Romulus and Remus); 1.426, 507, 52
(Aeneas), 4.231 (Rome), 5.758 (Acestes), 8.322 (Saturn); cf
(Augustus).
(10) urbs : 1.5 (Aeneas in Italy), 1.522 (Dido), 3.387 (Aeneas in Italy), 11.247
(Diomedes); note that Aeneas' camp by the Tiber an be ailed urbs (9.8, etc.).
(11) gens: 1.33 (Aeneas).
(12) temple: 1.446 (Dido to Juno), 5.760-1 (Acestes/Aeneas); cf. dei 1.6
(Aeneas), 6.68, 2.320; cf. also penates - of Libya (1.527) and Idomeneus
(11.264) too.
MEZENTIUS ARDENS (Aeneid 10.689)
Contemptorem divom cernunt Teucri nunc Mezentium.

Eheu nunc tremescunt fortes; terror est terrentium.
Appropinquat; ecce luctus, ecce stridor dentium!
Saeviens sonore gaudet feminarum flentium.
Di benigni, vota caesos comités dolentium
Exaudite; poscit tempus alterum Mezentium.
Herbert H. Huxley
Wolfson College, Cambridge
Vergilius 27

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AENEAS THE COLONIST

Author(s): Nicholas Horsfall

The contrast between Odysseus, explorer and adventurer, and Aenea

Just how Virgil came to know so much about Greek coloniza

of those registers is, clearly and unmistakably from Вис . 411 o

11 See above all R. G. M. Nisbet, "VirgiPs Fourth Eclogue : Easterners a

патрфау lèi/ai xtbpav.19 An oracular commonplace, I conclude, is

et terram Hesperiam venies ubi Lydius arva

common one.25 The very existence of oracular advice vouchsafed

25 Cf. Liv. 8.22.6 (Neapolis), D. S.8.17 (Croton), FGH 270F6 (Menecles

oracle given to the Teucrians: on reaching the Troad from Crete th

33 Cf. too Od. 11.126Í.

Acestes' arrow-shot (5.519-40) is of a very different

40 B. Grassmann-Fischer, Die Prodigien in Vergils Aeneis (München 1

Virgil's Aeneas does not travel to Dodona (though he d

46 Cornell (note 3 above) 1131, Pease (note 19 above), 4, and on Ci

become, as is to be expected, increasingly and improbably

64 Cf. E. S. Staveley, Greek and Roman Voting and Elections (London

Walls, homes, forum, court-house, temples are built (s

12 IL 2.668, Od. 6.9f.

That so much of the political or public matter of the Aeneid (I a

79 M. Paschalis, "Virgil's Actium-Nicopolis," Nicopolis I (Preveza 1987), 68.

peoples who et petiere sibi et voluere adiungere gentes (7.238)

Thuc. 6.5.1-2 (cf. 1.6.3) (of Himera): "their language was a m

intermarriage becomes a central theme of Aeri. 6-12: the ma

ne vetus indígenas nomen mutare Latinos

Lavinia, Aeneas' wife, and at least according to the version in boo

Aeneas is concerned. Aeneas emphasizes that this is a settlement é

Ю7 Larsen (note 85 above), xv, Staatsverträge (note 82 above), 3.480.29-30 on the

with numerous other foundation stories (that much will be clear s

Appendix (1): Terminology Used of the Settlers:

penatibus et magnis dis , 5.51 Aeneas would celebrate the ann

Appendix (2): Urban Foundations:

Appendix (3): Elements Involved in an Urban Foundation:

(5) foci 3.133 (Aeneas), 5.756 (Aeneas in Sicily).

MEZENTIUS ARDENS (Aeneid 10.689)

Contemptorem divom cernunt Teucri nunc Mezentium.

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