The Invention of Women
MAKING AN AFRICAN SENSE OF
WESTERN GENDER DISCOURSES
Oyeronké Oyéwumi
University of Minnesota Press
‘Mrneapolts
LondonCopyright 197 by the Regen ofthe Unser of Mingo
Agha eerie. No ptf this pues ay be epee ord ines
fem, oc transite in ny form oe by any mea eon, mechan phorcopme
‘coving. otherwise, without the prio write permis of he publaber
Published by the University of Mian Pee
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Fat ining 2003
Library of Cangexe Cation Dat
yew, Oytrnky
‘The invention of women king an Aran smi of western peer
\soutses/Oyeronke Ope,
pm
loc big elrences and index.
ISBN 0.8166-24902 thes sk paper) = ISBN 016.2419 (nb
alk oper
1. Wome, Yorubs~Soxil conden 2. Wamen, Yoruks~ Hs
3. Philosophy, Yruks. 4, Sx ole Naga. $. Sex differences =
gta. 6 Boy, Homan ~ Socal ares Nigea Tie
DEsis.as.v67098 1997
sas 49'896555 der o-36162
‘The Unive of Mines 3
avahopporunity educa employe.
|
L
eae of store
For my children,
the soure: of life and its inspiration:
Qlasindo
Akinbaye
and
Mapacé
Omolays
Omplage
Omoniyt
Omonideandrocentrism became appar-
and interpretations of history.
of colonization, that iy the
in a more system-
in the nineteenth
Serine fhe our, sons
century.
Chapter 4
Colonizing Bodies and Minds
GENDER AND COLONIALISM
IEORISTS OF COLONIZATION like Frantz Fanon and Albert
I Memmi tell us that the colonial situation, being a Manichsean
worl." produces two kinds of people: the colunizet and the
colonized (also known as the setler and the native}, and what differen.
tiares them is not only skin color but also state of mind.? One similarity
that is often overlooked is that both colonizers and colonized are pre-
sumed male. Colonial rue iself is described as “a manly or husbandly
oF lordly prerogative.” As a process, i is often described as the taking
away of the manhood of the colonized. While the argument that the
colonizers are men is not difficult to sustain, the idea of the colonized
being uniformly male is less so. Yer che two following passages from
Fanon are typical of the portrayal ofthe native in the discourses on col-
nization: “Sometimes people wonder that che native rather than give
bis wife a dress, buys instead a transistor radio." And, “The look that
the native tums on the setler’s town isa look of lust, @ look of envy: it
expresses his dreams of possession — all manner of possession: to sit at
the setler's table, to sleep in the setters bed, with his wife if possible.
‘The colonized man is an envious man." But what if the native were
female, a6 indeed many of them were? How is this feeling of envy and
desire to replace the colonizer manifested or realized for women? Or,
for that macter, des such a feeling exist for women?
The histories of both the colonized and che colonizer have been writ:
fen from the male point of view— women are peripheral if they appear
at all, While studies of colonization written from this angle are noe nec.
esarily irrelevant co understanding what happened co native females,
\we must recognize thar colonization impacted males and females in sim,
ilar and dissimilar ways, Colonial custom and practice stemmed from "1
‘world view which believes in the absolute superiority of the human over
‘the nonhuman and the subhurnan, the masculine over the feminine
and the modern oF progressive over the traditional or the savage."
nmales aa Mab Gener nl Cools
m,
ean female bale
therefore he cloni eed ote mae and fe
ses mab ced conligly, Men were the prtary tage f pls am
7 ain hey mer the natives ard a0 were wide, Tse fats rom
fhe seandpeant of this study, are the jusiicacion for considering the
cae smance in ender tcne eater shan apting 0 3e¢ which
Sere leo females was dhe most exploited The elon process
Sov soeafeenine fa a he efloiaswae mal and wal ee
Sooty deterine pol, From the forego car that a
Sse birch col staat, in aio temp
Sa bat of ditnetn, sho ake in accounts SONG
aoe ouaponent The two racial dant and herr eateries
ar comer sad the naive should be expanded «four snp
AMS diegender cor However, ace and ger extgonks obvious
Farum de prenccopacon ih Westen culture with ce vse and
saa iaseat sapeces of human realty ee above). Both ators are
anya of ine bale of Western cule. Thu, i the eolonad
setealMhare was a hierarchy of four not ev, ators. Beginning
wife, thee were: men (European sen Een
‘ie er (Kam en He wn
‘Sadat and unspcid category of the Oter
ore ecea res, fein scholars haves
Tourney om enzo by focusing wo
mt Mca som
pean dominion and
imposed by. Ascan ten. Stephanie
alas is charac of tS et
the oxher frum indigenous tra
Urdang’s book Fighting Tivo Co
spective,’ While che depth of the culonal experince for African we
expressed suucintly by the idea of doubling, cere is mo consensus
aboot oat is being dnbled y perspective, tis nor eulomization
hac fy to, but the fornts of appression that flowed from the process
for native females. Hence its shading postulate two forms of cole
nation Uecaye fh wits of pein ae ene he
hierarchical racegander relations of the colonial sic ‘
inal were colonized by Exropeans as Africans and as African women.
They were dominated, exploitedy and inferioized a» AVricany gether
wich African men ane! then separately inferorized smd marginalized
Africars women.
Fo ete capbasze dh combination of rake an gener
0a ee cpsim women did oy the sme pion
idee a Afican wen. cea bod the Beh
wuts Riga shows te glaringly snes postion
Se eps of wee a he ea system. Te ts cht
Aue anu At: Grr al Color
“African woinen should be paid at 75% of dhe ates paid to the Bae
ropean worten."™ Furthermore, whatever the “status” of indigenous
ceusoms, the relanns herween African men and wounen dung this pe
‘oa cam be nether isolated from the colonial seuation mor described 35
4 form of colonization, particularly bocause African men were subjects
themselves.” The racial and gender uppressions experienced hy African
women should mor be seen in terms of addition, as if they were pied
‘one on top of the other. In the context of the United Seaes, Elizabeth
Speiman's comment on the relationship berween racism and sexisan #s
relevant, She writes: “How one form of oppression is experienced i in
fluenced by and influence’ how another form is experienced.” Though
itis necessary to discuss the impact of colonization on speci categories
cannot be separated from its
we Render relations ae not zerosiim — men and
women in any soeiety are inextricably bound.
‘This chapver will examine specific colonial polices, practices, and ide-
ologies and sscereain how they impacted males and females in different
ways. Im this exard, the gender idencity of he colonizers es as impor
tant. Ar the vel of policy, I shall look at administrative, educational,
legal, and refgious systems. Ie will become ckear thit certain ideole
fies and values flowed aut of these policies anu practices, and in an
‘often unstata, but no fess profound, way they shaped the behavior of
the colonized. Colonization was a nu differ
ent kinds of European personnel, including missionaries, traders, and
state officials Hence, Treat the process of Christianization as an inte-
ral part of she colonial process. Finally, enlonization was, above all
the expansion of the Es rencath the
al and adminiseative policy lay the unfolding,
"The capitalise economic system shaped
‘load domtination as effected,
‘The State of Patriarchy
1 of the Furopean state syster, with its attendant legal
and uremic machinery i he mon ending acy of Europe
colonial rule ia Africa, ‘The international ratio pied 7
ieaky i a tbe
state ystem as we knoe
re expansion of European traditions of gover
ation. One eradison thae was exputted
a ih 18 the exclusion of women from the newly
created colonial public sphere. In Britain, acess posier was pend
Inascs therefore, policies was largely mens ob and colonization, whichicing Boxtes sn Mas Geer and Cotas
is fundamentally a political affair was no exception. Ahough both AF
rican men and women as conquered peoples were excluded from the
hrigher echelons of colonial state succures, men were represented at che
lower keels of government. The system of indirect rule introduced by
the British colonial government recognized the male chiel’s authority at
the local kvel but did noe acknowledge che existence of female chiefs
“Therefore, wonnen were effectively excluded from all colonial stae struc~
tures, The process by which women were bypassed by the colonial stare
in the arena of polities —an arena in which they had participated during
the precolonial period —is of particular interest inthe following section.
“The very process by which females were categorized and reduced 10
‘women made them ineligible fer leadership roles. The basis for this
‘exclusion was their biology, a prccess that was a new development in
Yoribi society. The emergence o° women as an identifiable category,
defined by their anatomy and suberdinaced co men in all situations, re-
sulted, in part, from the impositien of a pateiarchal colonial state. For
females, colonization was a twofold process of racial inferirization and
gender subordination. In chapter 2, I showed that in pre-Brish Yoribi
Society, anafemales, like the anamles, had multiple idenaities that were
‘not based on their anatomy. The ext
fone of the very fist accomplishenents of che colonial state.
Ta book on Evropean women in colonial Nigeria, Helen Callaway
explores the relationship berween gender and colonization at the level
ff the colonizer. She argues that the colonial state was patriarchal in
many ways. Most obviously, colonial personnel was male, Although
1 few European women were present in a professional capacity as
hurses, the administrative branches, which embodied power and au-
thority, excluded women by lave!” Furthermore, she tellus thar the
Colonial Service, which was forme for the purpose of governing subject
peoples, was
4 male institution in all its aspects fs “masculine” ideology, its
military organisation and procoses, ts rituals of power and hicr
archy, its strong boundaries between the sexes. fe would ave heen
“unthinkable” in the belie system of the time even to consider
the pare women might play, other shan as nursing sisters, who had
earlier become recognised for ther important “feminine” work."
Ie is not surprising, therefore, that & was unthinkable for the ca
rial government 10 recognize female leaders among the peoples they
colonized, such as the Yorubs.
Likewise, colonization was presented as a "man sized” jal —the ul
timate est of manhood —especialy hecause the European deatherate in
Coleg Boles
Minds Gender and Coats
438 4 man's councty in which women" (European women) were “out of
lamented about the postion of European wornen: “I often found my:
do I the women of the colonar ver 0 ign hen on
‘could only imagine the postion ofthe “other” wonten, if thei existencs
ve acknowledged at all itis .
‘was said to have ceded Ibidin co the British was Laaléta, an iydlide,
an anafemale chief." The transformation of state power to wale-pender
in which power was not gender-determined. .
Corman Unk she Yrs sath close ak iene
‘The Arian males designated as chiefs by the colonizers had tach more
‘while increasing their powers over the people,” although we are co be-
Annie he Yon exon vale ste te eeadie and Md: Gerwer and Coloma
126. oseeee
shih Yori sey d-
ccs num of aspects of fie, In pete :
dtm of nptes reed wth nee elders Therefore, very ow
Manor cme under the parvo te ler andthe eon of bi
Burm the cloaladnansation, che Naive Aon stem with
omary cour, Jest wah al civil case nlaing mariage, divorce
Si ale
Tes preciely a the neta the sae wa Deming omnioten
shat women were excl from snstacon. This mprenofhe
state was now radon in orb soc, sf was many Aiean
Sov Theoromipotecs ofthe sate hs deep tos Ewronean pal
‘Gon Tose De Chulangess als ofthe Grek ty se
deo thi fet
Tate and was davon vo its dence, 1 the iy had eed af
mei pe comin ea
earn
BERS seniy dont remind soles hse wi
aa a tenance abe a a os
Soe see meme
Remar, Ed Shure, wing boot Farag soi,
edt be Coeange iverson “Tendo Ere cm
‘Be ul se ura nly he oman
recon Wor ay beats Rowsnss sheen whch hse
“Heine remedial ston by pie pinion and
Insel ple pote man ow nani as
sire my” st wen ws wee propa oe we
Wok So be rots fr propane es nd fre 9 mah
Sno eed cnt lye] ma ine
inthe fegtmatereven conse ee moe ts
‘Ste repery for gu nll Awe ate comminkyba
eponer obo marae tga ano a hi
‘tec wee aie ny al pti sry the
fa, the pb iy era toby Shr wa mls No
Sct sdme nfs mane we mld by Aton sxe, Bat
he handy fh ge ad pal on
ye pst tray ene xy o oe
stu as anafemsk, em have ben ext from she din mak
process of the family was much less than in Europe.
onizing Holes and Bina: Gene and ¢o tnseeneee 27
tay ee
ewan this unfortunate radon of male dominance that Africans
were raf — this was pariculaey diadvamrageous o women bees
sarin, divorce, aml even pregnancy came under the puri of the
state, Gien the lrezoing its clear chat the impact of eolnation was
profound and negative for women. Appeals of the impact of clo:
zation tha see certain “benefits” for African women are mistaken on
light ofthe overarching effet ofthe colonial stat, which efecely de
fine fers ¢ “women” and bene econ lass colonia subjects te
to determine ther own destiny. The postndepenienc second-best
tus of Arikan wore’ ctizetbhip i ood inthe proves of vein
them as women, Female aces o membership inthe group sw longer
aces 10 czenship is now mediated though emartag, thao
the "wiz of chizenship-”
Yee group of sehoars maintains that colanzation was of sme Ben-
efit to African wen Let ux consider two scholars whe hal that fa
some way, African wamen in elation to Affian men bene ora
clots rule, Accerdng co Jae Cage, the idea that African women
expiicaced a deci in sais under European rule misrepresented
i according to er, the sats gap between men and ween
lly narrowed due ro a “decline in men’s status." For one thing,
Gaye une he re ees ened er mals a ome ss
‘roups, Fasheemore, this obviously another way of expeesing the
takebised sucion that colonia experience ts lon ot nnd
by he colonized, thereby projecting the eroncons Blt
had thing (or uthnga Valuable) wo lose This isa treow ierpet,
tin ofthe eet of colomzatin in terms of vomethingineangile alod
tmanod). The colonized aho le ther apacy to mike ti on
tory wathout foreign otrferences they lost thet lor and tel les
many lost cee Ives and heen the colonized comprised both males
and females, women, too, evenly slfered these loses, Tuntesmone,
an analysis ofthe mon of manhood, whichis wualy lft undefined,
suggests thc tsa nase version ofthe concep ofthe sll A
Nandy has writen shout the colonial experience asthe lon of lf for
the native From Nandy’s more inclusive standpoint we can begin vo
analy the experience of females om the same terms a tha af le,
Nina Mba is anubee schol who ses some advantages for Af
‘cam women in colenzation. In er sty ofthe effec of Brash cue
‘on women in soutwestern Nigeria, she conclude thar the clonal
arti ardimane increased women’s Kal sats because enhanced
‘somen’ righc to marital property. This vew is inccurte fora wow
ter of reasons. To start with, her asummption ofthe sau of vse
ena with che “sats of women” leads 0 her nab to papewa
fossa in he ators
tS wes. doughy ada: tes dered om ferent bass. or
hampe lnck of aces to shar haba’ propre dl conse
Scrmlavy sas for "women fesse sy daughters and ses they
ital righ bo incyper shar mo tse fthrs, hr mer
he re pee te, cn cul mt
itr the ayes peoperty ef So the apparent provson of “mata
feiperty" hes Glo fw was nor neces 2 god hing for
Women because the contin of 2 new ester of propery ald
otal rey men tn rn dg ey
Sin tha bythe sme tke nak one thi wives
Sas the ever of
rope, Moreover she phn of wives athe b
Ran bo mast hat thes of sme ther women, suc mers
‘Snr, and doers wee aorpated swell, We mse als remember
mr man Nigian soe nd polyannns marigs stem which
tains the comple qwetion to wich eves ere WM pope
{ven tha some wins fa fren maid tothe some husband long
ot ths dws ot al wth ay of he te Fahy er
ite epsom a2 way of "improving aman 8s"
Ctra piven tet the sae slo wt a conted women
In ascond-clos ut. La ytems do moe work 3 we sd
ef int lb! we fr pn
take ndtamage othe sewn al yes In i the de ha
Thar mater avr emexiny of Pople among the colonies,
fom clonia oe cos eel
Upgrading Males: Sex Discrimination
in Colonial Education
{ean of eles ne ede ne
‘heim dasamsa sal em argu
thr mai er af women ny a ste
Spi st ined be cme ei
Tw bape nh coy of rts etn
Yorum Chretanty an Wes simon weve ne he
{ate thy ee the meet ivan masts The sch
sorte thon, and techie sh To se po of
“eo nes he psy of Cg sting te A
‘Sone war bs jms of Faroe. egal of
rasan won tan Man sei oe
Colonicing Boies an Ati Gevler ane Cokin
sess 129.
As envisaed by the missionaries, the African family system was
be targeted for cefoom and, in curn, to be the velile for the “eiiliza
sion” of these sacictien One missionary in Yorubalond was to betray
this bias when he posed the question: “Is it proper to apply the sacred
of a home 2 compound occupied by two w six oF 8 dazea men
pethaps with a plurality of wives?” “Spiriual rebirth” and the
construction of Afrian societies were intertwine! in the minds of the
To this end, schools were established to facilitate evangelization. Pos
'sbly the most important rationale for the establishment of shaols an
Yordbatand during this early period of missionary work is summarized
in Bapeise missionary. J. Bowen's buok published in 1837,
Our designs and hopes in regard cw Africa, are not simply cw bring
8s many individuals as possible co the knowledge of Christ, We
desire to establish the Guspel in the hearts and minds and social
fife ofthe people, so thar truth and eightevusmess may remain and
Alourish among chem, withou the insteumencalty of foreign mis:
sionaries. This cannot be done without civilizaion. To establish
the Gospel among any peopl, they must have Bibles, and there
fore must have the art to make them oe the muney to buy them,
‘They must read the Bible and this implies instruction,”
Two important points
Ai
This is
kno
nd out, First, the Eucopean missions needed
anaries for the purpose of Christiani ng theie wn kind.
prising in ehat during this period, Wese Africa was sil
as the white man's grave because few Europeans could survive
in the environment. Therefore, it was imperative to make use of African
personnel if Cheistianity was co be firmly planted Second, the ability to
ead che Bible was seen as critical co che maintenance of individual faith,
{a Fighe of the foregoing, i iy noc surprising shat makes were the target of
issionary education, They were seem as powential chtks,catechist, par
ssionaries inthe servie of the church, There was no place
these professions excepe as wives, as helpmates to thir
Jnashands, which indeed was the ole ofthe few women missionaries.
4 1842, the very fist school was established in Badagri by the Wes
leyan mission. By 1845, the Church Missionary Society (CMS) had
established a bnarding school for boys. Abgikita farther inland, was
fo become the hase and education capital uf Yoribsland, By 18S
three thousand Yorubs emigrants commonly callec Sirs?" many of
therm Chests, had seth in this towa, One of the mast prominent
aznong hem was Samuel Ajayi Crowther, who vas mo become the frst
‘Mricam Anglican bishop, Immediately after they arcved in Abgokita,1 Colony Hotes Minas: Gendernad akan
ite established ewer schwals, one for boys and ane
s. Cronther's sewing schoel seas very pop
tla tha “even the ans ine rests] brought sei Fle is
tio Mrs, Ceunrther for instruction." Separate-sex practices were esta
Tithe cary, was refed even in ee crseum of hoo cha
coeducational, Ajayi summarizes the Gimetable of the EMS schools in
#48 as follows:
for girls, We ate told chat Mr
Singing, Rehearsals of Scripture Passages, Read:
ing one chapter of Scripture, Prayers.
9.0 ams
Geammar, Reading, Speling, Writing, Genges-
phy, Tables fexcepe Wednesday, when there was
Catechism in place of Grammar].
Ciphering fis Arithmeriel, Reading, Spllioas
Meaning of Words.
Closing Prayers."
He adds: “This was more or less repeated every day except I nay, which
ve dot rea af Serie pss renin and xia
tions. Girs followed a similar curriculum, fut with han
In the aftcenoon session, from Monday co Thursday, chey fad Sewing
and Embroidery.”"* ve
‘Although males were the primary focus af missionary education iti
clese thatthe eatin of females was nr ineevane the msonar
Fes scheane. bn fact, they had a west interest in producing mothers who
would be the foundation of Chri nis. They were clearly con
{rrned thatthe home fluence “cowl he destroying the good seed sown
ia school." The ease of the Hervisony and their ferale wards dem
tnstrates the th sionarns om what this “home nln
Tboked like, Me. and Mes. Harrison kept the female pups away from
their mothers, who were presumed 10 be teying “vo keep thei daugh-
fers down to their off bad ways." T. H. Poplestour,» missionary and
Cducaton underlined the importance of she family in the education of
the child:
‘he isretion at shwol sompeends ie utp
Toa Thar inte bering. | of tefl and Christan
Motte the Be oti the sho mst always be akon
Stn ents pring fo ga Te
ves cam play am npn par (Fey are Cstions) Hos
Feet pene ho seen ei 8 ying, sealing deepion,
iam f
1%
Colonic Bases aut atin: Gonder nl Coal BL
for
the fe
‘each morality? How cae they teach cir children
both girls and boys necded to be educated,
but for dfferene places in'the sew society the colonizers were in the
process of fabricating. Thus, priority was given to male edueation, ad
Provisions were made for some form of higher edication for males in
some places:
In the memoirs of Anna Hinderer we are able ta see up close the
gender bias in the ways in which the m ies tained their Yor
wards. David and Anna Hindersr were
sgether spent more than seventeen years in Yoruhland beginning in
1853. In Anma’s memos, entitled Seventeen Yours in Yori Comair,
ive peta feel for what life was ike in ninetcenth-century Ui
artiving in Ibidan, the Finderers readily found a fri in a prominent
chief who immediacely sent his wo children —a boy and a gel —to ive
with them to acquire an education. Within a short time, they had sit
{cn childeen, males and females, as pupils— including children of other
promincot people and fe enslaved hen who a bes deed
the ms
However, as in the case of Anglican schools, the Hinderers had
sexcdiferentiated curriculum, Mes. Hinderee tells us that apart from the
‘epular “four Rs" hae all che eildsem were taught every day from 9
‘at uni noon, the girls were instructed in sewing and embroidery from
‘noon until 2 a” [is omly in Hight of this practice thar we understand
8 statement made hy Mrs, Hinderer that seems to east a shadow on
the academic ability of che girls. Commenting on the preparation for the
Fhaptisms in 1859, she said, “Th | peeparacion and exam
tation has been extremely interesting to my husbands che boys seem 9
we grasped the root of the mare.” Her observation isnot surpsising,
considering that the boys had atleast an extra two hours of preparation
everyday white the girls were learning to sew and embroider.
Apart from the day-to-day example of sepaeate spheres for Mr. and
Mrs. Hinderer, there were more subtle ways in which gender-based mes
sages were inculeated inco che children, For instance, when Mrs. Hine
rer received a parcel of “goodies” from England, she gave “each of
the girls one of she nice litle handkerchiefs, and a pretty pin to fas-
{em it, 10 their very yreae deight; and they looked so neat and tidy the
next Sunday at church, The boys had their share wf guns and tops, but
a pencil and piece of paper is their crowning pleasure.” The message
‘was plain: the boys were educated 0 become clerks, catchists, pastors,
tmissionares, diplomats, and even politicians. The role of che gids wa
rtJ Colonialism
ny, Bales and Minds: Gender a
10 look dainty and attractive, ready to become wives and helpmates of
these potentially powerful men. ;
Te Taare enough information about what some of these
strate the effec~
ioneering pupils became when they grew up to demonstrate
foundation pupils, became Mrs. Olubi, the wife of Olubi, the Hindecers
ery irs ward. Anna Hinderer wrote of hers “Mrs, Olubi had four chil-
Uren who kept her very busy." The specter of housewrifery for women
thd appeared on the Yorba landscape, contrasting with the eadionl
Yorilst practice of all adults (anamale and anafemale) being gainfully
employed In sharp contrast, Susanna’s husband, Olubi, became one of
fhe most powerful men in nineteenth-century YorUbiland. As an officer
ofthe Anglican Church and 25a diplomat, he negotiated treaties among
the warring Yoraba states and the British. Of course, unlike his wife,
‘Olubi and some ofthe other male students had had the benefit of higher
education atthe CMS training mission in AbgOKta. There were nosuch
Schools for girls unc much later, What about the brother/sister duo,
Shileren ofthe prominent Ibadiin chief who were also foundation pupils
of the Hinderers? Akinyele, the boy, spent fifty-five yeas as a teacher
and pastor and is remembered for his conribution in establishing the
‘Anglican church in Ogbimdq6, another Yoribé cown. His sister, side,
is remembered through her children and does nor seem ro have estab
lished herself in a profession. Konighagbe, one of the other girls, fared
peur. She became a teacher, but disappears early from the record.
‘One wonders whether her disappearance had to do with the fac hat
She got married and rook her husband!’s name: a new “tradition” that
‘was adopted by African families as they became Europeanized.
“The disparity between the number of boys and giels in school was
lating by the turn of the century and vias alzeady a personal problem
for educated men who were seeking Western-educated wives. As early
a 192, the ain iter on the agenda at the seunion of St, Andrews
ole i premier higher inssituion for men, was “Where shal
Cole, O90 Pr gd hw shoul they be ined?” By 1930
thee were thirty-seven thousand boys, but only ten thousand
approved mission schools. By 1947, the number of girs had increased
teihirty-cight thousand, but this was a mere 25 percent of the total
number of children in school: ;
‘The reason for this gender gap in education is usually attributed 10
the idea that parents preferred to educate their sons in-
“tradition,”
stead of daughters. Tc s not very clear to me, inthe Yoribs case,
particular tradition created this problem. The only writer | have come
Poross who offers some specifies about how “tradition” could have been
CColonizing Boclies anal Minds: Genter and Colonialism +
+133
an obstacle to education did not limit the problem ro females. Accord
ing to T. O. Ogunkoya, in mid-ninetcenth-century Abgokiita, “The Ifa
Priests (divinerpriests) had circulated it abroad that any black man who
touched a book might be so enfeebled as vo become impotent whilst a
‘woman might become barren. If by 1903, men had successfully crossed
the hurdle, it was not yer for women." Whatever the historicity of this
assertion, the fact that men soon transcended the barriers suggests there
were factors at work other than “tradition.” How, then, do we account
for the persistent underrepresentation of females in the school system?
Historical evidence does not support the conjecture that parents ini-
ally preferred to send sons to school over daughters. There is nothing
‘0 suggest that at the inception of the schools, whether in Badagri, La-
{g05, Abgdkcita, or further inland in Ibadan, pupils were overwhelmingly
boys. Apart from enslaved children who became pupils after they were
reddeemed by the missionaries themselves, there does not seem to be any
sec pattern (gendered or not) in the circumstances ofthe children, Chief
Ogunbonna in Abgokiita was said to have sent his daughter to one of
the mission houses because her mother had died and there was nobody
to take care of her." Chief Otunloyo in Ihidn sent a son and daughter
to live with the Hinderers because he was fascinated by the “magic” of
writing” Another young girl ended up with the Hinderers because she
‘ook a fancy so Mrs, Hinderer and insisted on going home with her."
Even the much-maligned Ifa priests were said to have been eager to send
theie daughters to a girls’ school founded by the wife of Yoribi mise
sionary Samuel Crowther in Abgokiita in 1846." Other ways in which
pupils were rectuited at First included redeeming enslaved children and
receiving “pawns.”® There is no indication that one sex predominated
in any of these categories.
It is clear that, initially, the response of Yori parents to schooling
for children was not that favorable. They were reluctant ro lose the ser
vices of their children, both male and female, on the farms and in the
markets. Therefore, the missions had to find incentives to get parents
to send their children to school. Thus, in ldyé, both the Baptist and
‘CMS paid pupils to come to school. Even in che coastal areas like Lagos
and Badagri inducements had to he provided. Free gifts from Europe
were one such inducement. As time went on, there were complaints
from parents that schoolchildren had become kzy and disrespectful to
elders. The preference for boarding schools was partially related to the
deste of parents to pass the cost of raising their “unproductive” chil-
dren to missionaries if schooling was to deprive them of the services of
these children. This situation was soon to change as parents realized the
value of education in salaried employment and important positions thataval Conant
134 sasesseesnneee Colin Hales al Mins
1 available to females
ne ro axeupy. Name of this wa
ax enger 10
hat parents subsequently were not
their sans. Western schools were
re roles but the teaming. gels
‘olonial
the educated
Iris nm wonder, chen,
‘educate theie daughters 3
priate for educating boys for chit
rape aut ife mapped out by the European missionaries 3
ffficals did no requite that kind of education.
educated women Were 50
seuscoay the creation of female secondary shoots by de Method
. she missions was due to the effort of women’s of
‘Armano They used teieprivkged positions as wives and daukluers
errmraminent nen eo establish schook for girs in Vitorian Lago,
aero dhe upeand-coming, Yoru professional men were beginning
virtee what av edveared woman coukd do for dir statas and