Professional Documents
Culture Documents
CONSTITUTION II
Introduction:-
and imposes personal obligations, which the law protects and enforces against
the parties to the agreement. The general law of contract is based on the
conception, which the parties have, by an agreement, created legal rights and
obligations, which are purely personal in their nature and are only enforceable
by action against the party in default.
Section 2(h) of the Indian Contract Act, 1872 defines a contract as "An
agreement enforceable by law". The word 'agreement' has been defined in
Section 2(e) of the Act as ‘every promise and every set of promises, forming
consideration for each other’
Government Contract A contract to which the Central Government or a
State Government is a party is called a 'Government Contract'.
The Indian Contract Act, 1872 does not prescribe any form for entering
into contracts. A contract may be oral or in writing. It may be expressed or be
implied from the circumstances of the case and the conduct of the parties.But
the position is different in respect of Government Contracts. A contract
entered into by or with the Central or State Government has to fulfill certain
formalities as prescribed by Article 299 of the Indian Constitution.
Government Contract:-
A contract to which the Central Government or a State Government is a party
is called a 'Government Contract'.
The Indian Contract Act, 1872 does not prescribe any form for entering
into contracts. A contract may be oral or in writing. It may be expressed or be
implied from the circumstances of the case and the conduct of the parties.
"It may be noted that like other contracts, a Government Contract is also
governed by the Indian Contract Act, yet it is distinct a thing apart. In addition
to the requirements of the Indian Contract Act such as offer, acceptance and
consideration, a Government Contract has to be complied with the provisions
of Article 299.
Thus Article 299 lays down three conditions which the contracts made in
the exercise of the executive power of the Center or a State must fulfill to be
valid –
It is observed that the contract with the Government will not be binding if it is
not expressed to be made in the name of the President or the Governor, as the
case may be.
"it is clear from the words "expressed to be made" and "executed" that
there must be a formal written contract…The provisions of Article 299(1) are
mandatory in character and any contravention thereof nullifies the contract
and makes it void.
The provisions of Article 299(1) have not been enacted for the sake of mere
form but they have been enacted for safeguarding the Government against the
unauthorized contracts. The provisions are embodied in the constitution on
the ground of public policy on the ground of protection of general public and
these formalities cannot be waived or dispensed with."
"In view of the provisions of Article 299(1) there is no scope for any implied
contract. Thus no contract can be implied under this Article.if the contract
between the Government and a person is not incompliance with Article 299(1),
it would be no contract at all and would not be enforceable as a contract either
by the Government or by the person."
CONCLUSION
The reason for enacting Article 299 of the constitution of India is that in order
to bind a government there should be a specific procedure enabling the agents
of the government to make contracts.
It is a provision made to save the state from spurious claims made on the
strength of unauthorized contracts.
Introduction:
According to Article 324 (1) the election commission was constituted for
purpose of superintendence, direction and control of the preparation of the
electoral rolls for, and the conduct of, all elections to Parliament and to the
Legislature of every State and of elections to the offices of President and Vice-
President held under this Constitution shall be vested in a Commission
(referred to in this Constitution as the Election Commission).
According to Article 324 (2), The Election Commission shall consist of the Chief
Election Commissioner and such number of other Election Commissioners, if
any, as the President may from time to time fix and the appointment of the
Chief Election Commissioner and other Election Commissioners shall, subject
to the provisions of any law made in that behalf by Parliament, be made by the
President.
As per Article 324 (3) says that When any other Election Commissioner is so
appointed the Chief Election Commissioner shall act as the Chairman of the
Election Commission.
According to Article 324 (4), Before each general election to the House of the
People and to the Legislative Assembly of each State, and before the first
general election and thereafter before each biennial election to the Legislative
Council of each State having such Council, the President may also appoint after
consultation with the Election Commission such Regional Commissioners as he
may consider necessary to assist the Election Commission in the performance
of the functions conferred on the Commission by clause (1).
Every Election Commissioner has a term of six years from the date he/she
assumes office or till he attains the age of 65 years (whichever is earlier).
The Chief Election commissioner cannot be removed from his office, except in
a like manner and on like grounds as a judge of the Supreme Court. All the
three members are entitled to the same salary and other facilities, as are
provided to a judge of the Supreme Court.
The election commission plays a pivotal role in the electoral mechanism of the
Country. The Election Commission primarily exercises administrative functions
but it also has some adjudicative and legislative functions as well.
Article 324 (1) assigns the following powers and functions of Election
Commission:
Q3. Define Gram Sabha under Panchayath Raj Institutions? Explain its
Composition, Costitution and powers and function of Panchayath?
Introduction:
In India there is a government at the Center and State levels. But there is
another important system for local governance. The foundation of the present
local self-government in India was laid by the Panchayati Raj System (1992).
But the history of Panchayati Raj starts from the self-sufficient and self-
governing village communities. In the time of the Rig-Veda (1700 BC), evidence
suggests that self-governing village bodies called ‘sabhas’ existed. With the
passage of time, these bodies became panchayats (council of five persons).
Panchayats were functional institutions of grassroots governance in almost
every village. They endured the rise and fall of empires in the past, to the
current highly structured systemLocal self-government implies the
transference of the power to rule to the lowest rungs of the political order. It is
a form of democratic decentralization where the participation of even the
grass root level of the society is ensured in the process of administration.
Gram Sabha reviews annual budget, accounts of the Panchayat and also
discusses its audit and administrative reports and tax proposal. Further, it
approves development schemes formulated by the Panchayat. It also plans and
organizes various resources for community development programs.
Two meeting of the Gram Sabha, are organised every year, wherein the first
meeting is to consider the budget of the Gram Panchayat and the second
meeting is held to take into account the reports of the Panchayat. The
members of the Sabha elect their representatives at the Village Panchayat, i.e.
its members and the Chairperson, through voting by a secret ballot.
1. Village Panchayat:
In the structure of the Panchayati Raj, the Village Panchayat is the lowest unit.
There is a Panchayat for each village or a group of villages in case the
population of these villages happens to be too small. The Panchayat chiefly
consists of representatives elected by the people of the village.
Only the persons who are registered as voters and do not hold any office of
profit under the government are eligible for election to the Panchayat. The
persons convicted by the court for criminal offences are disqualified from
election of the Panchayat.
There is also provision for co-option of two women and one member of the
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, if they do not get adequate
representation in the normal course.
The Panchayat Secretary and the Village Level Worker are the two officers at
the Panchayat level to assist the Sarpanch in administration.
2. PanchayatSamiti:
The PanchayatSamiti is the second on join tier of the Panchayati Raj. The
BalwantRai Mehta Committee report has envisaged the Samiti as a single
representative and vigorous democratic institution to take charge of all aspects
of development in rural areas. The Samiti, according to the Committee, offers
“an area large enough for functions which the Village Panchayat cannot
perform and yet small enough to attract the interest and services of residents.”
3. ZillaParishad:
The Chairman of the ZillaParishad is elected from among its members. There is
a Chief Executive Officer in the ZillaParishad. He is deputed to the ZillaParishad
by the State Government. There are subject matter specialists or officers at the
district level in all the states for various development programmes.
The ZillaParishad, for the most part, performs co-ordinating and supervisory
functions. It coordinates the activities of the PanchayatSamitis falling within its
jurisdiction. In certain states the ZillaParishad also approves the budgets of the
PanchayatSamitis.
State Legislatures have power, to confer on the Panchayats such powers and
authority as may be necessary to enable them to function as institutions of
selfgovernment[Arts. 243G243H]. They may be entrusted with the
responsibility of (a) preparing plans for economic development and social
justice,(b) implementation of schemes for economic development and social
justice, and
(c) in regard to matters listed in the Eleventh Schedule (inserted by the 73rd
Amendment). The list contains 29 items, e.g., land improvement, minor
irrigation, animal husbandry, fisheries, education, women and child
development etc. The 11th Schedule thus distributes powers between the
State Legislature and the Panchayat just as the 7th Schedule distributes powers
between the Union and the State Legislature.
Obligatory functions:
Discretionary Functions
Other functions.
Under section 44 of the Act, the Taluk Board can transfer the maintenance of
the institutions like minor muzrai institutions or Dharmashala and execution of
any other works. According to section 46 of the Act, the government can assign
some more functions to the village panchayat. For example, the management
and maintanence of forest adjacent to the village, make over to the panchayat
the management of waste lands, pasture lands or vacant lands belonging to
the Government situate within the village, entrust the panchayat with the
collection of land revenue on behalf of the Government and themaintanence
of such records as are connected therewith. Besides theGovernment has
power to give new functions to panchayat inconsultation with the Taluk Board
and subject to such conditions as may be imposed by it.
Conclusion:
Local government has deep roots in Indian history. The local bodies organized
life of stability at the local levels. The grass roots system had shown a peculiar
identity and stability despite frequent changes ofpower occurred at the super
structural level.Keeping in view the importance of the village in the economy
of India, the makers ofthe Indian Constitution inserted Article 40 into the
Constitution. The 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act, 1993 was a land mark in
the history ofrural local self-government. It uniformly introduced athree-tier
Panchayati Raj system through out the country.
A few centrally administered units which do not form any part of the state but
have been kept as a separate & distinct entity because of several because of
several historical, cultural, or political reasons. These administrative units are
designated as union territories. In India we have 7 Union Territories; Delhi,
Andaman & Nicobar islands, Lakshadweep, Dadar & Nagar Haveli, Pondicherry,
Chandigarh, Daman & Due. Before 1956 the present day union territories were
characterized as part C states. The states Registration Act & the seventh
constitutional amendment act abolished the part C states created the present
day Union Territories.
In Devij Vallabhai V/S Administrator, Goa Daman Diu (AIR 1982 SC 1029) in
this the Apex court of India has given its opinion as, that the administrator of
Union Territory is not purely a constitutional functionary, his position is
different from that of the state Governor.
The administrator may act under the order of the president, which means the
central Govt . The administrator is not purely constitutional functionary.
In Vindya Pradesh V/S Shri MoulaDas (AIR 1962 SC 145), in this case the SC
declares that the Union Territories though centrally administered under the
provision of Art 239, they are not part of the central Govt but distinct
constitutional entities.
The president who is the head of the union territories does not function as the
head of the central govt but as the head of the union territories under the
powers especially vested to him u/art 239. Thereby occupying a position
analogous to the governor of a state. Status of the union territory is not the
same as that of the state. In this connection the SC, in Govt of NCT Delhi V/S
AICCA (AIR 2001 SC 3090) , has stated that the Union Territories are certainly
administered under the provision of Art 239 they do not get merged with the
central govt.
Pondicherry:
The constitution makes special provisions for administering the union
territory of Pondicherry, the parliament is empowered to create by law
for Pondicherry, a legislature u/Art 368, and such law is not regarded as
an amendment of the constitution even though the law in question
contains provision amending the constitution. The ordinance making
power of the administrator is similar to that of the state govt except
that,
An administrator cannot promulgate an ordinance without seeking the
instruction from the president.
He cannot promulgate ordinance if when the legislature is suspended or
dissolved.
The ordinance is to be laid before the legislature of the union territory & it
ceases to have effect after six months of reassemble of the legislature or
earlier if the legislature disapproves the same. The ordinance has the same
effect as that of the Act of the legislature.
Delhi :
Delhi is the national capital of India it is maintained as the union
territory it has not been given the status of full fledge state, because it
was felt that it must remain under the effective control of the Union
Govt , it was also felt that the people of Delhi must enjoy some
semblance of democracy .
By the virtue of the constitution sixty Ninth Amendment Act 1991 Delhi
has been given special status. U/Art 239 AA introduced by the 1991
amendment, Delhi is now called as National Capital Territory of India.
The administrator appointed u/Art 239 is designated as the Lt Governor.
Delhi has a legislative Assembly elected by the people under the
supervision of the Election Commission. The assembly can make laws
with respect to matters enumerated in the state list or in the concurrent
list barring certain entries u/Art 239AA (3)(a).
The chief minister is appointed by the president & the other ministers
are appointed by the president on the chief minister’s advice. They hold
the office at the pleasure of the president & are collectively responsible
to the assembly. The L Governor of Delhi has got the power to
promulgate ordinance similar to the ordinance of Pondicherry. U/Art
239 AB the president has the power to take over the administration in
case there is a breakdown of the constitutional machinery or for proper
administration of National Capital Territory. The parliament has been
given the power to make laws & give effect to those provisions or
supplement the provisions; such a law is not deemed to be the
amendment of the constitution u/Art 368. The parliament has enacted
the NCT Act 1991 to effectuate & supplement the constitutional
provisions in Delhi.
Historical Background
Jammu & Kashmir has the contrast of being the only state in the Indian Union
that negotiated in terms of accession. The then ruler (Maharaja Hari Singh) of
Jammu & Kashmir at the time of independence from the British rule decided
not to join either India or Pakistan and thereby remain independent. But then
after 2 months on 6thOctober 1947, the border areas (some of which is now
called PoK) of Jammu & Kashmir were attacked by the Azad Kashmir Forces
supported by the Pak Army. Subsequently, after the attack, the ruler decided
to join India because of their own lack of Army and Weapons. So in October
1947, accession was made by the ruler considering certain promises made by
Pt. JawaharLalNehru(The then Prime Minister of India). It was the aftereffect of
these promises that Article 370 was included in the constitution of India. And
only matters related to Defense, Foreign relations, Communication and
Finance of Jammu & Kashmir comes under the jurisdiction of Constitution of
India.
Special Status
A State is said to have special status if all the provisions of a Union don’t apply
to that state. Different states may have different provisions. Article 370[1] of
the constitution of India gives such special status to the state of Jammu and
Kashmir. Article 371 of the Indian Constitution provides special status to 10
other states which are Assam, Nagaland, Sikkim, Manipur, Mizoram, Goa,
Andhra Pradesh, Arunachal Pradesh, Maharashtra and Gujarat.
Part IV Principles of State Policy (DPSP) and Part IVA i.e. Fundamental
Duties are not applicable to the State of Jammu & Kashmir where on
the other hand it is applicable to other states. DPSP actually means
that the states are required to do some things for the welfare of the
community.
Fundamental Right to Property is still guaranteed in J&K i.e. Articles
19(1)(f) and 31(2) of the Indian Constitution are applicable in this
state.
The only Fundamental Right which has been added in the history of
Indian Constitution which Right to Education is not extended to the
State of J&K.
A special constituent assembly set up by the State has framed a
separate constitution of this state and it is the only Indian State that
has its own official flag.
It is the only state which does not have to provide a detailed record of
money flowing in the state and where and how is it used.
Land or Property of this state cannot be purchased by the Indians of
other states.
Without the consent of state legislature, Parliament cannot make any law
relating to:
-In respect of J&K, the residuary power is with the state government and not
with the Union of India.
-The permanent residents of the J&K state have been granted with some
special provisions with respect to employment under state; settlement of the
state; attaining of immovable property in state etc.
Emergency Provision
Limited power rests with the High Court of J&K as compared to other High
Courts within India. It doesn’t have the power to declare any law
unconstitutional and also it can issue writs only for the enforcement of
fundamental rights, unlike other High Courts which can issue writs under
Article 226 in relation to other matters also.
Conclusion
As per what constitutional experts say Article 370 should not be repealed or
abolished. Rather it should be extended to the remaining states of India.
Extension of such a provision to other states would provide greater freedom to
them for making laws. And such an Autonomy will give greater scope for
development. But for doing this centre should continue to support backward
states which are ponderously dependent on Central Government Aid.
Also, Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) has been enforced in Jammu &
Kashmir since 1990, which gives provides special power to Indian security
forces. Therefore a special status should be there if such a rule is implemented
as it cannot be denied that it is a disturbed zone. Also, this rule is not helping
the state as it doesn’t permit any person living outside the territory of J&K to
buy any property here which eventually hampers the development scene of
the state and that is why the state lags behind in Industrial growth. There are
lesser job opportunities for people and as no outside companies can set up
here, therefore it leaves a blank in the infrastructure scene.
5th UNIT
The Constitution of India is the supreme law of the land. The Supreme Court of
India has the supreme responsibility of interpreting and protecting it. It also
acts as the guardian-protector of the Fundamental Rights of the people. For
this purpose, the Supreme Court exercises the power of determining the
constitutional validity of all laws.
It has the power to reject any law or any of its part which is found to be un-
constitutional. This power of the Supreme Court is called the Judicial Review
power. State High Courts also exercise this power but their judgements can be
rejected or modified or upheld by the Supreme Court.
The power of Judicial Review is incorporated in Articles 226 and 227 of the
Constitution insofar as the High Courts are concerned. In regard to the
Supreme Court Articles 32 and 136 of the Constitution, the judiciary in India
has come to control by judicial review every aspect of governmental and public
functions.
The initial years of the Supreme Court of India saw the adoption of an
approach characterised by caution and circumspection. Being steeped in the
British tradition of limited judicial review, the Court generally adopted a pro-
legislature stance. This is evident from the rulings such as A.K. Gopalan, but
however it did not take long for judges to break their shackles and this led to a
series of right to property cases in which the judiciary was loggerhead with the
parliament. The nation witnessed a series of events where a decision of the
Supreme Court was followed by a legislation nullifying its effect, followed by
another decision reaffirming the earlier position, and so on. The struggle
between the two wings of government continued on other issues such as the
power of amending the Constitution. During this era, the Legislature sought to
bring forth people-oriented socialist measures which when in conflict with
fundamental rights were frustrated on the upholding of the fundamental rights
of individuals by the Supreme Court. At the time, an effort was made to project
the Supreme Court as being concerned only with the interests of propertied
classes and being insensitive to the needs of the masses. Between 1950 and
1975, the Indian Supreme Court had held a mere one hundred Union and State
laws, in whole or in part, to be unconstitutional.
After the period of emergency the judiciary was on the receiving end for having
delivered a series of judgments which were perceived by many as being
violative of the basic human rights of Indian citizen and changed the way it
looked at the constitution. The Supreme Court said that any legislation is
amenable to judicial review, be it momentous amendments to the Constitution
or drawing up of schemes and bye-laws of municipal bodies which affect the
life of a citizen. Judicial review extends to every governmental or executive
action, from high policy matters like the President's power to issue a
proclamation on failure of constitutional machinery in the States like
in Bommai case, to the highly discretionary exercise of the prerogative of
pardon like in Kehar Singh case or the right to go abroad as in Satwant Singh
case. Judicial review knows no bounds except the restraint of the judges
themselves regarding justifiability of an issue in a particular case.
In the initial stages of the judicial adjudication Courts have said that where
there is a political question involved it is not amenable to judicial review but
slowly this changed, in Keshavananda Bharathi’s case, the Court held that, "it is
difficult to see how the power of judicial review makes the judiciary supreme in
any sense of the word. This power is of paramount importance in a federal
constitution…. Judicial Review of constitutional amendments may seem
involving the Court in political question, but it is the Court alone which can
decide such an issue. The function of Interpretation of a Constitution being
thus assigned to the judicial power the State, the question whether the subject
of law is within the ambit of one or more powers of the legislature conferred
by the constitution would always be a question of interpretation of the
Constitution."
Than it was in Special Courts Bill, 1978, In re, case where the majority opined
that, "The policy of the Bill and the motive of the mover to ensure a speedy
trial of persons holding high public or political office who are alleged to have
committed certain crimes during the period of emergency may be political, but
the question whether the bill or any provisions are constitutionally invalid is a
not a question of a political nature and the court should not refrain from
answering it." What this meant was that though there are political questions
involved the validity of any action or legislation can be challenged if it would
violate the constitution. This position has been reiterated in many other
cases and in S.R. Bommai’s case the Court held, "though subjective satisfaction
of the President cannot be reviewed but the material on which satisfaction is
based open to review…" the court further went on to say that, "The opinion
which the President would form on the basis of Governor’s report or otherwise
would be based on his political judgment and it is difficult to evolve judicially
manageable norms for scrutinizing such political decisions. Therefore, by the
very nature of things which would govern the decision-making under Article
356, it is difficult to hold that the decision of the president is justifiable. To do
so would be entering the political thicker and questioning the political wisdom
which the courts of law must avoid. The temptation to delve into the
President’s satisfaction may be great but the courts would be well advised to
resist the temptation for want of judicially manageable standards. Therefore,
the Court cannot interdict the use of the constitutional power conferred on the
President under Article 356 unless the same is shown to be male fide."
There is genuine concern about misuse by the Centre of Article 356 on the
pretext that the State Government is acting in defiance of the essential
features of the Constitution. The real safeguard will be full judicial review
extending to an inquiry into the truth and correctness of the basic facts relied
upon in support of the action under Article 356 as indicated by Justices Sawant
and Kuldip Singh. If in certain cases that entails evaluating the sufficiency of the
material, so be it.
What this meant was the judiciary was being cautious about the role it has to
play while adjudicating matters of such importance and it is showing a path of
restraint that has to be used while deciding such matters so that it does not
usurp the powers given by the Constitution by way of the power of review at
the same it is also minimizing the misusing of the power given under Article
356 to the President.
Though one does not deny that power to review is very important, at the same
time one cannot also give an absolute power to review and by recognizing
judicial review as a part of basic feature of the constitution Courts in India have
given a different meaning to the theory of Checks and Balances this also meant
that it has buried the concept of separation of powers, where the judiciary will
give itself an unfettered jurisdiction to review any thing everything that is done
by the legislature.
The following are some of the key principles applied specially in interpreting
the provisions of the constitution -
The underlying idea behind this principle is that the grant of power
includes everything necessary to exercise that power. However, this
does not mean that the scope of the power can be extended to any
unreasonable extent. Supreme Court has consistently cautioned against
such extended construction. For example, in R M D Charbaugwala v
State of Mysore, , SC held that betting and gambling is a state subject as
mentioned in Entry 34 of State list but it does not include power to
impose taxes on betting and gambling because it exists as a separate
item as Entry 62 in the same list.
Doctrine of Colourable Legislation:
This doctrine is based on the principle that what cannot be done directly
cannot be done indirectly. In other words, if the constitution does not
permit certain provision of a legislation, any provision that has the same
effect but in a round about manner is also unconstitutional. This
doctrine is found on the wider doctrine of "fraud on the constitution". A
thing is Colourable when it seems to be one thing in the appearance but
another thing underneath. K C Gajapati Narayan Deo vs State of Orissa,
is a famous case that illustrates the applicability of this doctrine. In this
case, SC observed that the constitution has clearly distributed the
legislative powers to various bodies, which have to act within their
respective spheres. These limitations are marked by specific legislatives
entries or in some cases these limitations are imposed in the form of
fundamental rights of the constitution. Question may arise whether
while enacting any provision such limits have been transgressed or not.
Such transgression may be patent, manifest or direct. But it may also be
covert, disguised, or indirect. It is to this later class of transgression that
the doctrine of colourable legislation applies. In such case, although the
legislation purports to act within the limits of its powers, yet in
substance and in reality, it transgresses those powers. The transgression
is veiled by mere pretense or disguise. But the legislature cannot be
allowed to violate the constitutional prohibition by an indirect method.
In this case, the validity of Orissa Agricultural Income Tax (Amendment)
Act 1950 was in question. The argument was that it was not a bona fide
taxation law but a colourable legislation whose main motive was to
artificially lower the income of the intermediaries so that the state has
to pay less compensation to them under Orissa Estates Abolition Act,
1952. SC held that it was not colourable legislation because the state
was well within its power to set the taxes, no matter how unjust it was.
The state is also empowered to adopt any method of compensation. The
motive of the legislature in enacting a law is totally irrelevant.
Doctrine of Eclipse:
This reasoning was also adopted in the case of Bhikaji Narain Dhakras
And Others v. The State Of Madhya Pradesh And Another. This case also
held that “on and after the commencement of the Constitution,
the existing law, as a result of its becoming inconsistent with the
provisions of article 19(1)(g) read with clause (6) as it then stood, could
not be permitted to stand in the way of the exercise of that fundamental
right. Article 13(1) by reason of its language cannot be read as having
obliterated the entire operation of the inconsistent law or having wiped
it out altogether the statute, book. Such law existed for all past
transactions and for enforcement of rights and liabilities accrued before
the date of the Constitution. The law continued in force, even after the
commencement of the Constitution, with respect to persons who were
not citizens and could not claim the fundamental right”.
The court also said that article 13(1) had the effect of nullifying or
rendering the existing law which had become inconsistent with
fundamental right as it then stood, ineffectual, nugatory and devoid of
any legal force or binding effect, only with respect to the exercise of the
fundamental right on and after the date of the commencement of the
Constitution. Finally the court said something that we today know of as
the crux of Doctrine of Eclipse. “The true position is that the impugned
law became, as it were, eclipsed, for the time being, by the fundamental
right.”
We see that such laws are not dead for all purposes. They exist for the
purposes of pre-Constitution rights and liabilities and they remain
operative, even after the commencement of the Constitution, as
against non-citizens. It is only as against the citizens that they remain in
a dormant or moribund condition.
Thus, the Doctrine of Territorial Nexus has been applied to the States as
well. There are two conditions that have been laid down in this respect:
In various cases relating to taxation statutes, the courts have time and
again stated that it is not necessary that the sale or purchase should take
place within the Territorial Limits of the State. Broadly speaking local
activities of buying or selling carried in the State in relation to local
goods would be sufficient basis to sustain the taxing power of the State,
provided of course, such activities ultimately result in concluded sale or
purchase to be taxed.
Extra-Territorial Operation
It is well-established that the Parliament is empowered to make laws
with respect to aspects or causes that occur, arise or exist, or maybe
expected to do so, within the territory of India and also with respect to
extra-territorial aspects or causes that have an impact or nexus with
India.
“Such laws would fall within the meaning, purport and ambit of grant of
powers of Parliament to make laws ‘for the whole or any part of the
territory of India’ and they may not be invalidated on the ground that
they require extra territorial operation. Any laws enacted by the
Parliament with respect to extra territorial aspects or causes that have
no nexus with India would beultra vires and would be laws made for a
foreign territory.”
This clearly indicates that as long as the law enacted by the Parliament
has a nexus with India, even if such laws require extra territorial
operation, the laws so enacted cannot be said to constitutionally
invalid. It is only when the‘laws enacted by the Parliament with respect
to extra territorial aspects or causes that have no nexus with India’ that
such laws ‘would be ultra vires.
Each and Every word of the Preamble has been cautiously chosen. Even
the arrangement of the words- the order, in which they have been placed-is
not without significance and suggestion. The Preamble to the Constitution has
played a predominant role in shaping the destiny of the country. The Preamble
of the Constitution like the preamble of any statute furnish the key to open the
mind of the makers of the Constitution more so because the Constituent
Assembly took great pains in formulating it so that it may reflect the essential
features and basic objectives of the Constitution.
The opinion of K.K Mathew J. said that the preamble stands part of the
constitution and there seems to be no valid reason why the Preamble, being a
part of the constitution, cannot be amended.
Scope of Preamble:-
The Preamble does not grant any power but it gives direction and
purpose to the Constitution .It outlines the objective of the whole Constitution.
The Preamble contains the fundamental of constitution. It serves several
important purposes:
1. It contains the enacting clause which brings the Constitution into force.
2. It declares the basic type of government and polity which is sought to be
established in the country.
3. It declares the great rights and freedom which the people of India intended
to secure to its entire citizen.
4. It throws light on the source of the Constitution, viz., the People of India.
The framers of the Constitution of India set out three broad purposes
preamble: First, they sought to constitute India into a “Sovereign Socialist
Secular Democratic Republic”.
Interpretation of Preamble:
The interpretational value of the Preamble can be studied in the following
dimensions-
Examples:
In this the majority propounded the novel doctrine of „basic features ‟as
an implied limitation upon the amending power confereed by Article
368, not from the Preamble- but from an interpretation of the word
amendment in Article 368 itself.
1. In formulating the basic features, the court referred to the objective
specified in the Preamble, as other provisions, but it was nowhere stated
that the Preamble as such constituted any substantive source of power
or limitation apart from its enacting provisions.
One of the various questions raised in this case was the extent of the
power of the Parliament to amend under Article 368. A 13 Judge
Constitutional bench was formulated under Chief Justice Sikri in order to
evaluate the intricacies of Golaknaths case. The Supreme Court
overruled its decision in Golaknaths case and held that, Article 368
contained power as well as procedure for amendment. The majority
held that there are inherent limitations on the amending power of the
Parliament and Article 368 does not confer power so as to destroy the
“Basic Structure” of the Constitution.
What is true about the powers is equally true about the prohibitions and
limitations. Besides, it is not easy to accept the assumption that the first
part of the preamble postulates a very serious limitation on one of the
very important attributes of sovereignty itself. It can be restored to
where there is any ambiguity in the statue. Thus, if the terms used in any
of the articles in the Constitution are ambiguous or are capable of two
meanings, in interpreting them some assistance may be sought from the
objectives enshrined in the preamble and construction which fits the
Preamble may be preferred.
PROSPECTIVE OVERRULING:
Now, the concept of Prospective Overruling, as the title of the project reflects,
is a deviation from the principle of retroactive operation of a decision and thus,
a deviation from the traditional Blackstonian principle too. This principle,
borrowed from the American Constitution, found its application first in the
famous case of Golaknath v. State of Punjab . To illustrate, in very simple
words, the implication of the invocation of the doctrine is that the decision of
such a case would not have retrospective operation but would operate only in
the future, i.e., have only prospective operation. This project now seeks to
embark on a detailed analysis of the application and implications, both positive
and negative, of the doctrine in the light of its invocation in the above
mentioned case.
This has been a question of debate whether one could resort to the writ
jurisdiction for imposing contractual obligations on a public authority. The
question of breach of contract is one which primarily falls within private law
under contract Act, and that the remedy therefore lays in a civil court and not
under writ jurisdiction.
The view started to change. The court observed that Art. 14 strikes at
arbitrariness in governmental action and ensures fairness and equality of
treatment.
The position now is that where the dispute lies within the contractual
field pure and simple a writ petition is not maintainable. The relation between
the parties is governed by the contract. But contractual obligations may fall
under judicial review if there is some public law involved therein.
Thus, when the matter falls with the realm of public law rather than of
private law, the High Court can take cognizance of the same under Art. 226. If
the government takes unreasonable and arbitrary decisions while acting in
pursuance of a contract, the matter would fall under the writ jurisdiction.
3. Doctrine of Estoppel
It is a principle of law
When one person has, by his declaration, act or omission intentionally caused
or permitted another person to believe a thing to be true and to act upon such
belief, neither he nor his representative shall be allowed in any suit or
proceeding between himself and such person or his representative to deny the
truth of that thing.
Ingredients.
4. There must be some representative.
Illustration
‘A’ intentionally and falsely leads ‘B’ to believe that certain lands belong to ‘A,
and thereby induces B to buy and pay for it. The land afterwards becomes the
property of A, and A seeks to set aside the sale on the ground that at time of
sale he had no title.
the Government of Uttar Pradesh announced that new industrial units in the
State would be granted exemptionfrom payment of sales tax for a period of
three years. The petitioner approached to the High Court but failed. On appeal,
the Supreme Court said (Bhagwati, J):-
“It is elementary that in a republic governed by the rule of law, no one high or
low, is above law. Every one is the subjects to the law as fully and completely
any other or the Government is no exception. It indeed the pride of
constitutional democracy and rule of law is concerned: the former is equally
bound as the latter. It is indeed difficult to see on what principle can a
Government, committed to the rule of law claim immunity from the doctrine
of promissory estoppel.”