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Historical Profile Kukulkan PDF
Historical Profile Kukulkan PDF
Volume
Lama van Broekhoven, Rogelio Valencia Ri vera, Benjamin Vis, Frauke Sachse(eds.)
Separata
VERLAG
ANT ON SAURWElN
2010
Wayeb Advisory Editorial Board
Alain Breton
Andres Ciudad Ruiz
Elizabeth Graham
Nikolai Grube
Nom1an Hammond
ISBN 1419-1
Fraukc Sachse
Druek: Wissner, Miinchen
Bindung: Scllmldkon:l,
Printed in
The Historical Profile of Kukulcan
building, which is called Kukulkan, function of a warlord and a more secular ruler
shows this to be true. They say that he (empire builder).5
arrived from the West; but they differ Furthermore, the dramatic final journey of
among themselves as to whether he Quetzalcoatl to the Eastern Gulf Coast, was
arrived before or after the Itzas or with equated to and merged with the journey of the
them. They say that he was favorably Creator-God Quetzalcoatl, who, in his travels,
disposed, and had no wife or children, gave names to places and founded kingdoms.
and that after his return he was Codex Yuta Tnoho (p. 47) tells us about the
regarded in Mexico as one of their Mixtec equivalent: the Culture Hero Lord 9
gods and called Quetzalcouatl; and Wind in the Mixtec distributing the waters of
they also considered him a god in heaven to the different towns of Nuu Dzaui,
Yucatan on account of his being a just the Mixtec region.
statesman; and this is seen in the order
which he imposed on Yucatan ... '
(Tozzer 1941: 20-23) Symbolic aspects
This great Lord Kukulcan is credited with Clearly, Quetzalcoatl / Kukulcan as the
having founded the city of Mayapan; he lived Plumed Serpent is a highly symbolic and
for a number of years in Yucatan and then complex character. His name is a metaphor for
went back to his capital in Central Mexico: the whirlwind, a great creative power, the
'This Kukulkan lived with the lords in bringer of rain (life). As such, he is also a
that city [Mayapan] for several years; potent nahual, i.e. a being in nature, into which
and leaving them in great peace and powerful rulers and shamans could transform
friendship, he returned by the same themselves. From here, he became a central
way to Mexico, and on the way he symbol of visionarj power, an emblem of
stopped at Champoton and, in memory royalty and civilization.
of him and of his departure, he erected Thus, Quetzalcoatl-Kukulcan is generally
a fine building in the sea, like that of credited with providing legitimacy to the
Chichen Itza, a long stone's throw (Postclassic) dynasties. The Mexica priests
from the shore.' (Tozzer 1941: 26). addressed a new mIer during the enthronement
ritual with a reference to this personage as the
At least one Central Mexican version states ultimate source of power.
that the historical Quetzalcoatl arrived in
Cholula, coming from Yucatan, that he ruled 'Fiom now on, Lord, you remain
this capital for twenty years afterwards, and seated on the throne that was installed
then went back to the area he had come from.4 by Ce Acatl Nacxitl Quetzalcoatl... In
The sources agree that at the end of his life his name came Huitzilopochtli and sat
Quetzalcoatl died on a jOlL.rney bet\veen down on this same throne, and in his
Central Mexico and the Maya region, in the name came the one that was the first
country known as Tlapallan ("Place of king, Acamapichtli, ... Behold, it is not
Colors"). your throne, nor your seat, but it is
It is logical to assume that the historians of theirs, it is only lent to you and it will
Tula (Xicocotitlan) saw the departure of the be returned to its tme owner .. .'
priest-king Quetzalcoatl from their hometown (Tezozomoc 1975: 439).
to Cholula as a traumatic event: in retrospect it The Popol Vuh tells us that the first K'iche'
was the beginning of the end of Tula's rulers in their quest for legitimacy received the
dominant position and of Toltec civilization in insignia of kingship from him:
general. Passing over Quetzalcoatl's rule in
Cholula, they seem to have blended several 'And then they came before the lord
successive events into one, creating the named Nacxit, the great lord and sole
portentous story of a pious ruler who left his judge over a populous domain. And he
capital and ultimately went to the Gulf Coast to was the one who gave out the signs of
die there. The lamentation that the priest-king lordship, all the emblems; the signs of
was seduced by war-demons suggests to us the Keeper of the Mat and the Keeper
that Quetzalcoatl in the process of moving to of the Reception House Mat were set
Cholula shifted from a mainly ceremonial forth... Nacxit gave a complete set of
office as a priest (or theocratic ruler) into the the emblems of lordship... They
The Historical Profile of Kukulcan 91
brought all of these when they came Naturally, this had to involve the southern part
away. From across the sea, they of Mesoamerica (Oaxaca). In fact, the
brought back the writings about historical Quetzalcoatl is reported to have had
Tulan." (Tedlock 1985: 203-204).6 his influence in the Mixtec and Zapotec
regions:
In their admirable paper, Sachse and
Christenson (2005), incorporating suggestions '[Quetzalcoatl] left Tula very annoyed
by Van Akkeren (2000) and others, have and came to Cholula, where he lived
analyzed the metaphors present in texts such as many years with his people, several of
this, and shown the symbolic character of which he sent from there to the
many constituent elements of this story. Tula provinces of Oaxaca, to populate it,
as a place on the other side of the sea, they and to the whole Mixteca Baja and
argue, may be understood as a reference to the Alta and to the Zapotec regions. And
locale of creation in the watery underworld. those people, they say, made those big
Indeed, important Mesoamerican toponyms and luxurious roman buildings in Mitla
have often such sacred and metaphorical ... ' (Torquemada, book III: ch. 7; cf.
connotations, but, at the same time, may refer Acuna 1984-85, I: 129).
to specific places in real geography. The It should come as no surprise, then, that we
"Place of Heaven" in the Nuu Dzaui account of can identify references to the same epic cycle
creation, published by friar Gregorio Garcia in of Kukulcan / Quetzalcoatl in several pictorial
1607, is such an example: it is both a sacred manuscripts from Southern Mexico. Already
locale, from where power is derived, and a some time ago (1996), I proposed that this
specific place: the archaeological site of the important personage may be identified in the
Rock of Heaven (Kaua Kaandiui) to the East of Nuu Dzaui (Mixtec) codices Tonindeye
the town of Yuta Tnoho (Apoala) in the (Nuttall), Iya Nacuaa (Colombino-Becker) and
Mixteca Alta (Anders, Jansen and Perez Nuu Tnoo - Ndisi Nuu (Bodley). Here he
Jimenez 1992a). appears as the Toltec ruler Lord 4 Jaguar, who
In fact, it is diagnostic for the ancient plays a prominent role in the biography of
Mesoamerican rhetorical tradition to describe Lord 8 Deer 'Jaguar Claw'.7
important events in religiously charged terms Earlier efforts to link the Mixtec and Toltec
(cosmological associations and metaphors), in histories - such as the contribution by
order to integrate human agency into sacred Chadwick (1971) to the Handbook of Middle
history. In this \vorld of epic story-telling it is American Indians - suffered from a high
the value-system, the morality and social- degree of speculation and therefore were
religious ethos, that counts, much more than rapidly disqualified. A central flaw in tI:,ose
the analytical presentation of "what really theories was that they regarded certain Nuu
happened" with its causes and effects (cf. the Dzaui rulers and chronological indications
classic study of the psychodynamics of orality from the Nuu Dzaui codices as identical with
by Ong 1988). personages and dates of Toltec history, without
The fascinating aspect of the Kukulcan / taking into account the quite different character
Ouetzalcoatl narrative is its combination of a of both sources and contexts. Since then, a
ri'ch symbolic texture with precise general feeling that such an enterprise was
geographical and historical data, against the doomed to fail has dominated the field. This
background of an archaeological reality of explains the scornful disbelief expressed by
contacts between the Toltec realm and the H.B. Nicholson and some others about possible
Maya world. This makes it all the more references to the famous Toltec ruler in the
worthwhile to try to figure out where legend Mixtec pictorials. John Pohl, for example,
meets history. remarks in his Texas notebooks:
'Jansen is now projecting Mixtec
codical history onto the broader
The historical Quetzalcoatl in Oaxaca landscape of ancient Mesoamerica, a
specious preposition comparable to
Focusing on the geographical referents in the theories advocated decades ago by
Quetzalcoatl narrative, we find an internal David Kelley and Robert Chadwick,
logic: an overall movement from West (Tula, with the Eight Deer saga being played
Cholula) to East (Yucatan, Guatemala). out from Tula to Chichen Itza .. .'
92 Maarten ERN.G. Jansen
This is a good illustration of how these which was a prominent capital in the early
colleagues have jumped to criticize the idea a Postc1assic period. This city's Dzaha Dzaui
priori by identifying it (wrongly) with those name, registered by Fray Antonio de 10s Reyes,
earlier discredited theories, but without taking is Nuu Ndiyo, "Town of the Staircase", which
notice of its precise purport and without seems to correspond to one of its Nahuatl
reviewing the argument itself. One of the names, Temamatlac. In Nahuatl sources,
crucial differences between my study of Lord 4 however, Cholula was also known as Tollan
Cholollan; it is represented as a Place of Tule
Jaguar and those earlier theories is precisely
Reeds in the Historia Tolteca Chichimeca and in
that this unique person in the Nuu Dzaui
its own Relaci6n Geognifica. It was a major
codices has long been recognized (by Alfonso religious and political center, its main temple
Caso, Mary Elizabeth Smith, Nancy Troike being dedicated to Quetzalcoatl. Early colonial
and others) as a Toltec, giving us all the reason authors compared it to Rome and Mecca. 12
to investigate whether he can be connected to As symbol of the alliance between them,
anything known from Toltec history. I will Lord 4 Jaguar had Lord 8 Deer pass through a
recapitulate briefly the reasons and fundaments nose-piercing ceremony, bestowing on him a
for the proposed identification, focusing on the turquoise nose-ornament. 13 More than twenty
diagnostic characteristics of our hero. 8 years later, he granted the same favor to Lord 4
Wind, the assassin and successor of Lord 8
Identifier 1: "The Toltec ruler of Cholula, ... " Deer. This ritual has been documented
precisely (and uniquely) for Cholula, where
The Nuu Dzaui codices identify Lord 4 princes from all over Mesoamerica came to be
Jaguar, the ally of Lord 8 Deer, as a Toltec (or confirmed in their royal dignity by such an ear-
• • 14
rather a Toltec-Chichimec) by applying a black or nose-ptercmg ceremony.
or red painting around his eye, which in Dzaha In other words, the image provided by the
Dzaui, the Mixtec language, reads tay sahmi Nuu Dzaui codices of the Town of the Tules
nuu, "man with the burned eye". i.e. a indicates that the capital of the Toltec ruler
"Mexican" or rather a speaker of Nahuatl called Lord 4 Jaguar was Cholula. Alternative
(Smith 1973: 203). In addition, Lord 4 Jaguar identifications that have been put forward, such
is shown as seated on, i.e. as ruler of, Town of as Tulixtlahuaca de Jicayan (Mixtec Coast) or
the Tule Reeds (Cattail Frieze).9 This place Tulancingo (Coixtlahuaca Valley), simply do
sign is read: Nuu Cohyo in Dzaha Dzaui. not fit the above-mentioned criteria. We might
Today, this is the Mixtec name of Mexico City, go as far as saying that if the Nuu Dzaui histo-
but it is obvious that this toponym originally rians would have had one of those towns in
referred to a Toltec capital. mind, they would have included specific refer-
What was the location of this Town of Tule ences in order to avoid confusion with Cholula.
Reeds where Lord 4 Jaguar ruled and came An additional geographical confirmation is
from? The problem is, of course, that more the circumstance that the two intermediaries
than one place name in Mesoamerica contains who played a crucial part in establishing
the element 'tule'. Contextual evidence from contact between the two lords, were from the
the Nuu Dzaui codices, however, clarifies the Mixteca Baja region, i.e. the area between the
geographical position of this particular town. Mixteca Alta (with the important center of
The Town of the Tule Reeds was situated in a Tilantongo) and the Valley of Puebla, where
large valley, separated from Nuu Dzaui, the Cholula is located. The crucial deity was Lady
Mixtec region, by a snow-topped volcano. JO 9 Reed, situated at Mountain of Blood, which
This is diagnostic of Cholula, where one arrives has been identified as Nuu Nifie, i.e. Tonala. 15
from Nuu Dzaui, passing either the Matlalcueye One embassador, Lord 1 Deer 'Coanacoch', is
(Malinche) or the Popocatepetl. Another associated with Jaguar Town, identified as Nuu
instance shows that one had to pass a River of Nafia (Cuyotepeji).16
the Hummingbird. 11 This would be the
Huitzilapan, which gave its name to Puebla Identifier 2: "called Quetzalcoatl, Ce
(Yuta Ndeyoho, "River of the Hummingbird").
Acatl or Nacxitl ... "
The Town of Tule Reeds is portrayed as a
Toltec capital of great political and ritual Lord 4 Jaguar's face painting and beard in
importance. The alliance with its ruler had a Codex Tonindeye (Nuttall) are typical
decisive impact on the political career of Lord 8 attributes of the God Quetzalcoatl, while his
Deer. This fits well the profile of Cholula, white-red striped body paint is typical of
The Historical Profile of Kukulcan 93
Mixcoatl (God of Hunting) and of the Venus has become known as "the Crown of
deity, called Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli or Ce Acatl Moctezuma" (Anders 2001). This attribute is
(1 Reed).17 The names Quetzalcoatl and Ce not necessarily unique for the historical
Acatl are used frequently by Nahuatl sources Quetzalcoatl, however. A more diagnostic
in referring to the historical Quetzalcoatl. In element is the pimple on his nose, which seems
the Lienzo of Tlapiltepec (Caso 1961) appears to have been a real physical mark of this
Lord 4 Jaguar's given name, but unfortunately specific personage. Friar Bernardino de
it is not well legible: the sign consists of a Sahagun and the chronicle Annales de
serpent with a peculiar element on its tail. Caso Cuauhtitlan describe his countenance as ixayac
(1961) read it as a flute. In our eyes the sign is iuhqujn tetecujnpol tehtlanipol, "pock-marked
a somewhat crude drawing of a serpent with a face, full of pimples (stones)", xixiquipiltic yn
feather on its tail, which would represent the ixayac, "bag face", and amo tlacacemelle,
name "Plumed Serpent", Le. Quetzalcoatl. atlacacemelle, "bad looking, ugly".
Another name occurring in the sources is Codex Tonindeye (Nuttall) depicts Lord 4
Nacxitl, a contraction of an archaic calendar Jaguar not only with the typical Quetzalcoatl
name: Na(hui) (i)cxitl, "4 Foot". The calendar beard, but also with a large feather headdress
names '4 Foot' and '4 Jaguar' have the number of the Apanecayotl type and with a pimple or
4 in common. It is possible - but clear tumor on his nose or forehead. The latter
evidence is lacking - that the sign Foot element is a personal characteristic that is
corresponds to Jaguar, or, rather that the Nuu extremely rare in the codices and therefore
Dzaui painters chose to represent the day very distinctive and significant. The
'Foot' (not present in their calendar) as correspondence with Duran's description is too
'Jaguar', maybe thinking of the impressive striking to ignore.
paws of this animal. 18
Identifier 4: "a provider of royal power
Identifier 3: "with a pimple on his nose, and legitimacy ... "
wearing a feather crown ... "
The Popol Vuh, as we saw above, describes
On the base of an ancient pamtmg, the Nacxitl as a great ruler who awarded to the
Dominican chronicler Diego Duran provides founders of the K'iche' dynasty the emblems
an interesting description and image of the of their royal investiture. Among these the
historical Quetzalcoatl: nosepiece is explicitly mentioned:
'This Topiltzin, who was also called 'Nacxit gave a complete set of the
Papa ('priest"), was a very venerated emblems of lordship ... Here are their
and religious person, held in great names:
esteem and honored and adored as a
Canopy, throne.
saint. There is a long story about him. I
saw him painted in the way that is Bone flute, bird whistle.
reproduced above, on a very old paper, Paint of powdered yellow stone.
in Mexico City, as a noble personality.
He was shown as an elderly man, with Puma's paw, jaguar's paw.
a large gray and red beard, a long nose Head and hoof of deer.
with some pimples (ronchas) on it, or
somewhat eaten, a tall body, long hair; Bracelet of rattling snail shells.
... when he celebrated his feasts, he Gourd of tobacco. Nosepiece.'
put that feather crown on .. .' (Dunin
1967,1: 9, 14,cf.p1.1). (Tedlock 1985: 203-204)
The beard, the pimple on the nose and the Similarly, Lord 4 Jaguar bestows a turquoise
feather crown are all present in the copy of the nosepiece on Lord 8 Deer and on his
ancient picture that Dunin includes in his work. successor, Lord 4 Wind. He is the only
The large feather headdress is a diagnostic of character who performs such a ritual in the
Toltec rulers, ki'1own as the Apanecayotl, Nuu Dzaui pictorials. The nose piercing
corresponding to the Toltec title Apanecatl. A appears as a crucial act of legitimization for
copy of such an item has been preserved in the those historical rulers. It was the culmination
Museum flir VOlkerkunde in Vienna, where it of an intricate process of creating an alliance.
94 Maarten ERN.G. Jansen
Interestingly, this process involved a meeting they had settled the whole of Anahuac
between the protagonists in a ball-court (Codex where they are still living today':
Iya Nacuaa I, p.! 1; Codex Tonindeye, pp. 45 (Anales de Cuauhtitlan, 1975: § 67;
and 80; Codex Nuu Tnoo - Ndisi Nuu, p. 10- Lehmann 1938: 107-109).
IV). The Central Mexican chronicler
This process of Toltecs establishing
Ixtlilxochitl (1975/77, I: 279) describes how
themselves all over Mesoamerica is described
Topiltzin used an art-work composed of
by the Anales de Cuauhtitlan as part of the
jewels, representing a ball-court, as a symbol
downfall of Tula. The references to Cholula
of one power shared between different rulers
.
1.e. as a precious emblem of a political
' and Coixtlahuaca, but also to Copilco and
Topillan, which are situated on the Gulf Coast,
alliance.
suggest, however, that this process was
Another detail: in order to make this alliance
actually still one of expansion,
with Lord 8 Deer, Lord 4 Jaguar sent a
contemporaneous with (and related to) the
hunchback to the Mixtec region. Sahagun
Toltec contacts with the Maya area.
(Book 6: ch. 41) documents that Quetzalcoatl
Connecting this text with the statements by
of Tula used hunchbacks (corgovados in the
Torquemada and others, we note that this is the
Spanish text) as messengers.
very same period that the historical
Quetzalcoatl is reported to have ruled in
Identifier 5: "who invaded the Mixteca Cholula.
Baja and Alta and founded the The foundation of the dynasty of
Coixtlahuaca dynasty ... " Coixtlahuaca by Atonal ("Lord Water") [J] is
depicted on the Lienzo of Tlapiltepec (Caso
1961). The first ruler's name is actually Lord 7
The above quoted text from Torquemada
(book Ill: ch. 7) about Quetzalcoatl sending his Water. He is associated with a House of the
pe?ple from Cholula to the Mixteca Baja, Eagle: Old Cuauhtitlan as mentioned in the
Mlxteca Alta and to the Zapotec region, to above quoted Anales. The enthronement ritual
"populate" these areas, may be interpreted as a is situated on the Mountain of Pointed Leaves
reference to campaigns of conquest and i.e. the Cerro Verde, a very prominent and
politica~ reorganization. A particularly sacred mountain in the Coixtlahuaca Valley
mterestmg example of these Toltec activities in (Ruiz Ortiz and Jansen 2009). This event takes
the Oaxacan region is the foundation of the place in front of a warlord, who approaches
ruling dynasty of Coixtlahuaca (a major center with a macuahuitl, a wooden "sword" inlaid
in the Chochon-Mixtec region in Western with obsidian blades, a favorite weapon of the
Oaxaca). The Nahuatl chronicle known as the Toltecs (Hassig 1992: 112-113). The name of
Anales de Cuauhtitlan specifies that the heroic this warlord was Lord 4 Jaguar. Comparing
defender of Coixtlahuaca against Mexica this scene with the text of the Anales de
invasion, Atonal [I1], was a descendant from Cuauhtitlan \-ve have to conclude that this Lord
the Toltecs. Furthermore, it explains that the 4 Jaguar was an important Toltec leader,
founder of the Toltec dynasty of Coixtlahuaca probably based at Cholula, in the time of
had been a person from Tama90lac, also called expansion during the final phase of the Toltec
Atonal [I], who was enthroned in Coixtlahuaca empire, i.e. during the ruie of the historical
during the final phase of the Toltec realm. 19 Quetzalcoatl.
This event is described in some detail: The Lienzo of Tlapiltepec mentions several
dates in association with Lord 4 Jaguar: he had
'The Toltecs went. .. and passed by been engaged in warfare in the region for ten
Old Cuauhtitlan ["Place of the Eagle'], years, between the year 10 Reed and the year 6
where they waited sometime for a Flint. This chronological indication allows us
native of Tamazolac, who was in to identify this Lord 4 Jaguar with the person
charge there, named Atonal. He of the same name who appears in the Nuu
brought his subjects with him. Then Dzaui (Mixtec) codices as the ally of Lord 8
the Toltecs left. .. Going and entering Deer 'Jaguar Claw', a central figure of the
in the towns, some established Early Postc1assic history of the region. The
themselves in Cholula, Tehuacan, encounter between these two individuals took
Cozcatlan, Nonohualco, Teotli1lan, place on the day 13 Alligator of the year 7
20. .
Coixtlahuaca, Tamazolac, Copilco, H ouse, 1.e. 1n the year following the year 6
Topillan, Ayotlan and Mazatlan, until Flint, which is mentioned in the Lienzo of
The Historical Profile of Kukulcan 95
Tlapiltepec as the last year of his campaign in dynasties and making important alliances. This
the Coixtlahuaca region. Their alliance, Toltec campaign was part of the expansion
confirmed with a nose-piercing ritual, is given that, according to Central Mexican sources,
much attention in the Nuu Dzaui codices, took place when Ce-Acatl Nacxitl Topiltzin
because it was the basis for Lord 8 Deer's Quetzalcoatl was king of Cholula. The Nuu
enthronement in Tilantongo. Dzaui codices emphatically state that Lord 4
That we are dealing with the very same years Jaguar was the ruler of Cattail Frieze (Toll an -
6 Flint 7 House here, is confirmed by further Cholollan) at the time. This Lord 4 Jaguar,
information in the Lienzo of Tlapiltepec. The therefore, must be the same person as Ce-Acatl
grandson of Lord 7 Water (founder of the Nacxitl Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl, the historical
Coixtlahuaca dynasty when he was already an Quetzalcoatl, known to the Maya as Kukulcan.
adult) visited Lord 4 Wind in Town of Flints -
this Lord 4 Wind was the prince who killed
Lord 8 Deer and became his successor as
Identifier 6: "who traveled to the East,
strong man in the Nuu Dzaui Highlands,
precisely in Nuu Yuchi, Town of Flints, now
crossing a large lagoon ... "
an archaeological site known as Mogote del
The characteristic feature of the Quetzalcoatl
Cacique near Tilantongo. The direct contact
I Kukulcan narrative is the journey of the
between the grandson of Lord 7 Water and this
Toltec ruler to the East, crossing the waters of
Lord 4 Wind demonstrates that Lord 7 Water,
the Laguna de Terminos and entering into
and Lord 4 Jaguar who played an active role in
Maya country. The Historia de los Mexicanos
his enthronement, were indeed
por sus Pinturas gives the following
contemporaneous with Lord 8 Deer.
description:
Looking at the geography we see the logic of
the sequence of dates: Lord 4 Jaguar needed 'This Ce-Acatl ... built a very big
ten years of war to advance from Cholula to temple in Tula, while he was doing so,
Coixtlahuaca, passing through (and Tezcatlipuca came to him and said that
conquering) the Mixteca Baja. From there it toward Honduras, in a place called
was the logical next step to enter the Tlapalla, was his house, and that there
neighboring Mixteca Alta region. he had to go and die, he had to leave
This, in turn, makes it very likely that the Tula, and in that place they consider
Lord 4 Jaguar in the Lienzo of Tlapiltepec and Ce-Acatl to be a God. He answered to
the Lord 4 Jaguar who became the ally of Lord the \vords of Tezcatlipoca that the
8 Deer were one and the same person, heaven and the stars had told him that
especially as he plays an identical role in both he had to go there in four years. And
stories: that of an outsider whose arrival is a thus, when the four years had passed,
crucial element in the enthronement he went away and took with him all the
(legitimization) of a new ruler. commoners. Those he left the city of
In this context, we should consider the Chulula, and the inhabitants of that
foundation of the Postclassic kingdom of town descend from those people.
Xochitepec in the Mixteca Baja. The central Others he left behind in the province of
scene in the Lienzo of that town shows the Cuzcatan ... and Cempual... He
victory of an unnamed warrior (armed with a himself arrived in Tlapalla and that day
macuahuitl), coming from a Town of Tule he became ill and died.' (Garibay
Reeds, as the base of the local dynasty, with 1979: 38).
approximately the same time-depth as that of
Coixtlahuaca and that of the Tilantongo The Leyenda de los Soles presents this series
dynasty: in all cases around 20 male of events as a military campaign:
generations separate these events from the time 'Then Ce Acatl conquered the town of
of the Spanish Conquest (Caso 1958). Ayotlan. After that conquest he went
It seems safe to conclude that in the time of to Chalco and Xicco, which he also
Lord 8 Deer a Toltec ruler, named Lord 4 conquered. Then to Cuixcoc, Cacango,
Jaguar, advanced from Cholula toward Tzonmo1co, Mayatzonco, Tzapotlan,
Coixtlahuaca and the Nuu Dzaui Highlands which he all conquered. Then he went
(Mixteca Alta), passing through the Nuu Dzaui to Acallan, where he crossed the water,
Lowlands (Mixteca Baja), setting up new and he also conquered it, until arriving
96 Maarten E.R.N.G. Jansen
at Tlapallan. There he fell ill, five days they climb a huge pyramid that rises into
he was ill, and then he died.' (Leyenda heaven and have a meeting in a large ball-
de 10s Soles in Anales de Cuauhtitlan court, exchanging precious gifts.
1975: 125; cf. Lehmann 1938: 371). Sun temples were, of course, present all over
Mesoamerica. Bruce Byland and John Pohl
There is a structural parallel between the
have noted that according to oral tradition such
Central Mexican / Maya version and the story
a sanctuary formed part of the ceremonial
told in the Nuu Dzaui codices. Lord 8 Deer
centre at Achiutla and have taken that
accompanies the Toltec ruler Lord 4 Jaguar on
reference as a basis for postulating that the
a large journey, passing along many places that
whole campaign of Lord 8 Deer and Lord 4
do not occur elsewhere in the Nuu Dzaui
Jaguar was just a trip from Tilantongo to the
codices and therefore seem to be located in
neighboring town of Achiutla. This is in
foreign lands. Among them is an active
accordance with their opinion that most of
volcano (not present in the Mixtec region). At
Mixtec history took place in the immediate
a crucial moment of this campaign the two
vicinity of Tilantongo and Jaltepec, where they
rulers cross a broad extension of water in a
had carried out their archaeological survey. As
canoe and conquer an island. 21 A flying fish,
there are no towns to be conquered, no lagoon
an alligator and a conch suggest that we are
to be crossed, and no active volcanoes in this
looking at a tropical lagoon. The comparison
area, they proposed an unsatisfactory solution:
with Mexica sources suggests that this is the
Laguna de Terminos. The Mixtec name for "To date these events have defied
these waters is painted as a frieze with step-fret analysis, for there are very few, if any,
motif meaning nuu, "place", in combination bodies of water in the Mixteca Alta
with a series of rectangles in different colors, large enough to make this scene
i.e. "Place of CoIors", which would correspond physically possible. An alternate
to the Nahuatl toponym Tlapallan. 22 One of the proposal explored here is that this is a
towns nearby is painted as a river with a house representation of a supernatural
in it, a sign that may represent Acallan, "Place journey, not a real one.' (By land and
of the Canoes", literally: "Place of the Water Pohl1994: 152)
Houses".23
Focusing on the similarity in narrative
Identifier 7: "and met with the Sun structures, I agree with Waiter Lehmann
(1938: 372), who, in a time that little was
known about the contents of Nuu Dzaui
The Mexica accounts tell us that Nacxitl codices, already equated the impressive scene
Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl went to the East, where of the crossing of the lagoon in Codex
Tlapallan is located, crossed the Laguna de Tonindeye (p. 75) with the account of
Terminos (Acallan, Xicaiango) and entered the Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl crossing the waters
Maya region. Quetzalcoatl used to say that the during his voyage towards Tlapallan.
Sun himself had called him: In geographical reality the great sanctuary of
the East may then have been Chichen Itza, the
'And when the people asked him what
final destination of Quetzalcoatl-Kukulcan's
he was going to do there, Quetzalcoatl
journey. Bishop Diego de Landa documents
answered that the ruler of those lands,
the prominence of a Sun Priest (and therefore
who was the Sun, had called for him.
of a Sun cult) at this site: the Ab Kin May, who
This story was wide-spread among the
seems to have been the central religious
Mexicans.' (Torquemada, book VI: ch.
authority among the Mayas ofYucatan (Landa
24).
1966: 14; Tozzer 1941: 27).
This answer is formulated in the lordly Interestingly, Guatemalan Maya sources,
language of metaphors, according to which such as the Popol Vuh and the Titulo de
"going to the realm of the Sun God" means Totonicapan, locate the Tollan ofNacxitl in the
"looking for fame", following the destiny of a East, "where the sun rises". Obviously this
warrior.24 world direction has its symbolic connotations
The }:~uu Dzaui codices show how Lord 4 (see the study by Sachse and Christenson), but
Jaguar and Lord 8 Deer at the end of their at the same time this statement may be
journey arrive at the Temple of the Sun God connected to the Yucatec Relaci6n Geognifica
(symbolically associated with the East).25 Here of Izamal and Santa Maria, which speaks about
The Historical Profile of Kukulcan 97
a great ruler in the past, who had his court in The scene carved on the lintel above the door
Chichen Itza, and received tribute from across shows the encounter between these two
Mexico and Guatemala (de la Garza 1983: personages: Lord Plumed Serpent presents
305). This suggests that the great capital himself before Lord Sun.26
Chichen Itza, with its important Sun priest, As the original is lost and was already very
was symbolically connected to the world fragmented when it was copied, the painting is
direction 'East'. difficult to date and open to diverse
interpretations. It is suggestive, however, that
A possible reference in Maya art the protagonists and their actions show such a
clear (thematic) resemblance to what is
The fore-going analysis leads us to the represented in Nahua sources and Mixtec
conclusion that the interaction of a Plumed codices as the meeting of the Toltec Plumed
Serpent (Quetzalcoatl-Kukulcan) and the Sun Serpent (Quetzalcoatl - Kukulcan) with the
God, was an important literary theme, which Maya Sun God or his human representative
occurs in Nahuatl texts from Central Mexico (Ah Kin May), after a long military campaign.
but also was painted in the Nuu Dzaui codices
Tonindeye (Nuttall) and Iya Nacuaa Evaluation of the argument
(Colombino-Becker). It is interesting to see
that a similar iconographical theme appears at The late Henry B. Nicholson had announced
Chichen Itza itself. in his erudite monograph on the figure of
The severely damaged frescos of the Temple Quetzalcoatl (2001: Hi) a forthcoming paper
of the Jaguars in Chichen Itza next to the great which criticized the hypothesis presented
ball-court (preserved in drawings, e.g. those above. The review was published in a volume
made by Adela Breton in 1903/4), describe a in honor of Mixtec codex scholar Mary
large-scale military conquest. Two groups of Elizabeth Smith (Nicholson 2005). In this text
warriors, dressed in loincloths or white tunics, Nicholson clarified that his comments on my
with sandals, feathered headdresses and analysis were "not intended to 'refute' it but
sometimes jade earings and precious rather to emphasize its very hypothetical
necklaces, armed with large spears on their character" (op. cit.: 156). Indeed, although the
spear-throwers and decorated shields, engage overall tone of his treatment is that of a
in military action against the background of criticism, his actual counter-arguments are
local villages of small huts with thatched roofs surprisingly few and not at all decisive.
and defenseless women walking around, in an As most investigators of the Mixtec codices
idyllic landscape of green hills and trees with now do, Nicholson accepted the identification
monkeys, birds, serpents and other animals. of Lord 4 Jaguar as a Toltec ruler, but rejects the
We see captives being taken and hit, huts put identification of this personage as the historical
on fire. Big volutes indicate shouting and Quetzalcoatl. He did not give an alternative
turmoil. One of the battles takes place among suggestion as to how Lord 4 Jaguar then might
high red (sand-stone) mountains and cliffs, relate to the known Toltec king lists (cf. Davies
with little vegetation and a few nopal cacti, 1977, 1980; Prem 1999; Graulich 2002).
suggesting that a campaign of conquests In calling the identification of Lord 4 Jaguar
passed through different ecological zones. with "the most famous Toltec of them all" an
Dominant in one of the groups is a warrior "audacious hypothesis" (op. cit.: 157),
surrounded by a large plumed serpent (with Nicholson did not take into account the epic
large green quetzal feathers). He plays an character of ancient Mexican historiography,
active role in the warfare, appearing which would precisely focus on the fame and
prominently at different locations, wielding his ideological importance of such a legitimating
spear and his shield covered with pieces of outsider and which would precisely try to
jade, but also is shown seated in front of others establish a narrative link with him. Why create
as giving instructions, heading talks (peace such a detailed memory of the alliance and
negotiations?), and accepting homage and cooperation of Lord 8 Deer with a Toltec ruler
surrender. and keep it alive through painting, reciting and
Another prominent figure is a noble warrior performing the story, for some 400 years after
seated in a sun disk, watching over the battle, the events, if that Toltec ruler actually was a
signaling and speaking (giving instructions?), "nobody", who does not even figure in the
but without actually participating in it. Central Mexican sources?
98 Maarten ERN.G. Jansen
character. Lord 4 Jaguar appears together with arrival of Kukulcan I Nacxitl. The problem is
Lord 8 Deer as the protagonists of an epic that these dates occur in cycles. Efforts have
narrative about a Toltec ruler marching to the been made to narrow down these katun datings
East (the land of the Maya) , in a clearly by connecting them to information in other
defined chronological context. As we argued documents such as the Relaciones Geognificas.
earlier, the year 7 House in which Lord 4 Erik Boot has investigated this matter in his
Jaguar and Lord 8 Deer met and entered into dissertation on the Maya hieroglyphic
their alliance, must have been the year after 6 inscriptions of Chichen Itza (2005).
Flint when Lord 4 Jaguar presided over the The following points are the most relevant.
enthronement of Lord 7 Water in Coixtla- The Books of Chilam Balam from Tizimfn and
huaca. According to the modem chronology of Mani seem to associate the name of Nacxitl
the Nuu Dzaui codices, this year 7 House was with a katun 8 Ahau, which in cyclical
AD. 1097. The ten years between 10 Reed and repetition might refer to the periods of AD.
6 Flint, during which Lord 4 Jaguar was 672-692, 928-948, 1185-1204, 1441-1461, or
engaged in war campaigns before entering the 1697-1717 (Boot 2005: 214). Other Yucatec
Coixtlahuaca Valley according to the Lienzo of sources from the early colonial period (such as
Tlapiltepec, would correspond to AD. 1087- Sanchez de Aguilar) refer explicitly to the
1096. The following expedition towards the "arrival of the Mexicans" 600 years before the
East took place in the following years, Spanish conquest, i.e. approximately A.D. 940.
culminating in the encounter with the Sun God This would coincide with a katun 8 Ahau
in the year 9 Reed, i.e. in AD. 1099. (AD. 928-948), as mentioned in the Books of
Admittedly, the correlation of dates in the Chilam Balam.
Nuu Dzaui codices with the Christian calendar The Books of Chilam Balam from Chumayel
is not without problems. The years in these and Tizimin, however, date "the second
manuscripts occur in cycles of 52 years, without coming" of Kukulcan in katun 4 Ahau, which
something like a Long Count. The original in cyclical repetition might refer to AD. 711-
synchronology proposed by Alfonso Caso has 731, 968-987, 1224-1244, 1480-1500, and
been corrected by Emily Rabin in different 1736-1756, as calculated by Boot (2005: 202).
papers (e.g. 2004). The difference for the period The Relaci6n Geograt1ca de Muxuppipp puts
we are looking at is only one Calendar Round of the time before the introduction of "idolatry"
52 years. According to Caso, Lord 8 Deer lived by the "Mexicans" under Quetzalcoatl
from AD. 1011 ti111063. Rabin has argued that somewhat less than "800 years ago", i.e.
his life span is better calculated as AD. 1063- shortly after AD. 780 (De la Garza et ai. 1983,
1115. On the base of a gloss in the Mixtec I: 368-69, 377). If we take the reference to
colonial Codex Nuu Naha or "Muro" (Jansen "800 years ago" to mean 8 periods of 104
1994), one might construe an even shorter years, i.e. 832 years, and subtract those from
cPJonological sequence, according to vvhich 1580, we would arrive at A.D. 748. Supposing
Lord 8 Deer's dates would be A.D. 1115-1167, that this statement originated a few years
but this goes against a reasonable generation before 1580, we might even interpret it as
length and is therefore less likely. The Rabin situating this event in the katun 4 Ahau that
synchronology is in view of all available data occupied the twenty years between A.D. 711
the best founded. Less likely are the 'Caso syn- and 731.
chronology' (52 years earlier at this point) and Obviously, the Nuu Dzaui date of AD. 1099
the 'Nuu Naha synchronology' (52 years later at ± 52 years does not fit into this set of
this point). Other proposals, involving much calculations. On the other hand, how sure can
larger discrepancies in years from what Rabin we be of those? The early colonial Yucatec
has proposed, must be discarded as too chronicles are unclear and even contradictory
speculative, not being based on the same solid about this matter. Landa confirms this by
reasoning and detailed calculations. indicating that already in his time there was
Summarizing, the Nuu Dzaui codices date considerable chronological dispute about the
the Toltec invasion of Yucatan in AD. 1099 arrival of Kukulcan in Yucatan ("they differ
(Rabin) ± 52 years (Caso: 1047; Nuu Naha: among themselves as to whether he arrived
1151). How does this compare with the dates before or after the Itzas or with them").
given in the Maya sources? The Books of Chilam Balam may be
The texts known as the Books of Chilam qualified as "mantic historiography", which
Balam provide the most specific dates for the tends to join different historical events under
100 Maarten ERN.G. Jansen
symbolic headings, aiming at a combination of contacts with Central Mexico (Tula?) in the
history with prophecy (Farriss 1987). A period beginning of the Postc1assic, without any
named after 4 Ahau, for example, may have relationship to the Cholula of Ce-Acatl Nacxitl
been chosen because of the symbolic Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl. Similarly, a katun 4
associations of this day as a sacred date that Ahau or another date in the SOl century (as
marks the beginning of a new era. Thus we suggested by the Relaci6n Geognifica de
cannot even be sure if such statements should Muxuppipp) may actually signal the incursion
be taken in a chronological sense. of a group of wise men (tlamatinime), who
The dates of the Relaciones GeogrMicas, during the final days of the empire of
although straightforward at first sight, are Teotihuacan migrated from that capital to the
actually far from precise and seem to be Maya area (Lehmann 1938: 90). The wall
modeled after (European) units of hundred paintings at Cacaxtla are another testimony of
years, which makes us wonder whether those such interregional contacts during the Late
were indeed the intended quantities. It was Classic.
easy to get misunderstandings in the complex We should consider the possibility that the
search for equivalences between the coming of Ce-Acatl Nacxitl Topiltzin
Mesoamerican count in calendar rounds of 52 Quetzalcoatl (Lord 4 Jaguar) was simply
years and the Christian count in centuries. classified under the dates assigned to such
Furthermore, when we read about the 'earlier arrivals from Central Mexico'. Its
"second coming" of Kukulcan another historical impact probably was quite
question imposes itself: are we talking about significant, and precisely because of that
the same events? Let us remember that reason a symbolic date may have been chosen
contacts between people from Central Mexico to adequately register (and interpret) this event.
and the Mayas had been going on at least since In any case, read with these considerations in
the Early Classic. For example a captain with mind, the dates given by the Maya sources
the name of Siyah K'ak' from Teotihuacan, neither prove nor disprove our identification of
identified in the inscriptions as Town of Tule the Quetzalcoatl narrative in the Nuu Dzaui
Reeds, reached Tikal as early as A.D. 378 pictorial manuscripts.
(Stuart, in: Carrasco, Jones and Sessions
2000). Preliminary conclusion
The recent ideas about artistic influences
from Central Mexico in Chichen Itza suggest The information given about the Toltec ruler
that these already took place in the Epiclassic Lord 4 Jaguar in the Llenzos from
and may have been part of the spread of a Coixtlahuaca and in the Nuu Dzaui codices
specific religious cult in combination with shows strong similarities with the well-known
intensified economic and cultural interaction at narrative of the historical Quetzalcoatl I
the End of the Classic (Ringle et al. 1998). Kukulca.n. The coincidences, in the geographic
Indeed, the early segments-of Nuu Dzaui reality and in structure of the story, as well as
codices suggest that the transition between the in specific details (pimple on the nose) are
Classic and Postclassic periods of Oaxaca was striking. Apparently, the authors of these
accompanied by a "crisis cult" centered around pictorial manuscripts connected the foundation
the Plumed Serpent (Jansen 2004). of dynasties (Coixtlahuaca, Tilantongo) and
It has been demonstrated that 'Quetzalcoatl' the activities of specific heroes (Lord 8 Deer)
functioned as a royal title in Teotihuacan, as to this important personage, in a similar way as
well as in the cultural and political sphere of other peoples did (Mexica, K'iche'). The
Tula and Cholula. It is quite possible, then, that conclusion is warranted that these diverse
the Maya recorded several "comings" of a sources from different peoples all refer to the
person with the Kukulcan I Quetzalcoatl title. same story. It was a truly Mesoamerican story,
Thus, if the frescoes of the Temple of the which many peoples had in common, and to
Jaguars in Chichen Itza indeed have a related which many royal families traced their origin
subject matter, they do not necessarily refer to and legitimization.
the Quetzalcoatl that would correspond to Lord By the time of the Spanish conquest this
4 Jaguar~ They might even express a literary theme had acquired epic qualities, comparable
theme, not date a particular historical event. to the works of Homer or the saga of King
A katun 8 Ahau, "600 years before the Arthur and the Round Table. During the
Spanish conquest" (± 940), might well refer to colonial period the narrative was incorporated
The Historical Profile of Kukulcan 101
into the Spanish ideological justification of the logically still poorly understood - may have
conquest (cf. Lafaye 1976; Stenzel 1980). In been the incubation and matrix for the
such cases it is difficult to identify or even production and distribution of the so-called
discuss their possible historical value. The Mixteca-Puebla style and iconography.
religious associations of the protagonist, Pre-colonial memory saw Lord 4 Jaguar /
named after the Plumed Serpent (deity, nahual, Quetzalcoatl / Kukulcan as an important
and symbol of power), together with a rhetoric historical ruler during the zenith and final
tradition that embeds human agency within a phase of Toltec expansion, who, with great
cosmic design, makes the situation even more success in different wars, played a crucial role
complex. Understandably, many modem in Toltec-Maya interaction. Archaeology
scholars are reluctant to even consider a suggests that there had been already
historical quality of the Quetzalcoatl / considerable exchange and interaction between
Kukulcan figure. On the other hand, nobody those two culture areas long time before late
doubts the historical existence of Siyah K'ak'. Toltec times. The story of the historical
Similarly, students of the Nuu Dzaui codices Quetzalcoatl makes us aware of the agency of
generally do not question that of Lord 8 Deer. important individuals in propelling such
The main importance of having recognized processes, and helps us to see Mesoamerican
in the Nuu Dzaui codices an independent history and archaeology in a less anonymous
version of the Kukulcan / Quetzalcoatl epic, is manner. We find here a suggestive analogy
that this is a completely pre-colonial with the spread of the international Hellenistic
confirmation of the story line. Without style in the Mediterranean world and the
minimizing the literary character and religious historical role of Alexander the Great-- also
symbolism of the narrative, we may start subject oflater mythification.
exploring the possible historical reality of Lord Obviously, further research on this matter is
4 Jaguar / Quetzalcoatl / Kukulcan. The necessary. Until now the discussion about
Coixtlahuaca lienzos and the Nuu Dzaui Kukulcan has basically been an effort to
codices describe his actions as human and connect Yucatec, Guatemalan and Central
normal historical events. They even provide a Mexican sources. I hope to have demonstrated
precise chronological framework: according to that there is reason to use also the testimony of
the Rabin correlation, Lord 4 Jaguar was active Nuu Dzaui codices in the discussion of this
between A.D. 1087, when he started a military topic, and to not disregard the historical
campaign toward Coixtlahuaca, and A.D. dimension of this personage altogether.
1119, when he conferred the nose ornament to
Lord 4 Wind in Cholula. His absence at the
immediately following enthronement and
Acknowledgements
marriage of Lord 4 Wind suggests that Lord 4
Jaguar died shortly after 1119. These dates This paper is the outcome of a long-term
may be harmonized with a realistic active life research program on Mixtec culture, history
and language, carried out by the author
span of at least 32 years. These dates might
together with Gabina Aurora Perez Jimenez at
harmonize with a life span of 56 years
the Faculty of Archaeology, Leiden University,
attributed to the historical Quetzalcoatl (which
with the financial support of the Netherlands
would place his birth in ± 1064, i.e. the Aztec
Organization for Scientific Research (NWO).
year 1 Flint) and with the statement that,
having come (returned) from Yucatan, he ruled
for twenty years in Cholula, and that after that
period he died on another journey to Notes
Tlapallan. 27
It is interesting to notice that all sources See for example the detailed discussions by
agree on the prominence of Cholula as the Davies 1977, 1980, and Prem 1999, who reach
quite different conclusions.
(main) capital of this personage. References to
Tula Xicocotitlan (Hidalgo) - always focused 2 See for example Sachse and Christenson 2005
for the Maya part, while Carrasco 1992,
on by archaeologists because of the known Florescano 1995, 2004, and Graulich 2002
similarities with Chichen Itza - are limited in concentrate on Central Mexico.
these accounts to the "earlier life" (priesthood) 3 In this article I use the new nomenclature for
of Quetzalcoatl. The pivotal importance of the codices as proposed in Joosen and Perez
Cholula in the Early Postclassic -- archaeo- Jimenez 2004: Codex Yuta Tnoho
102 Maarten E.R.N.G. Jansen
Vindobonensis; Codex Tonindeye = Nuttall; metian en una capilla que para este efecto
Codex Iya Nacuaa I = Colombino; Codex Iya estaba dedicada, en la cual los dos sumos
Nacuaa II = Becker I; Codex Nuu Tnoo - Ndisi sacerdotes los senalaban horadandoles las
Nuu = Bodley; Codex Anute = Selden. orejas, 0 las narices 0 el labio inferior, segun el
4 "Este, segun sus historias (aunque algunos senorio que tenian. Con 10 cual quedaban
dicen que de Tula), vino de las partes de confirmados en sus senorios, y se volvian a sus
Yucatan a la ciudad de Cholula ... Afirman de tierras" (Acufta 1984/85, II: 130-13]).
Quetzalcoatl que estuvo veinte anos en Cholula, IS Codex Iya Nacuaa I (Colombino), pp. 9-10;
y estos pasados, se volvi6 por el camino por do Codex Tonindeye, pp. 50 -52.
habia venido llevando consigo cuatro mancebos
16 Codex Nuu Tnoo - Ndisi Nuu (Bodley), p. 10-
principales virtuosos de la misma ciudad, y
m, cf. Codex Tonindeye, pp. 65-66 and Codex
desde Guazacualco, provincia distante de alli
Nuu Nana (Egerton), p. I.
ciento y cincuenta leguas hacia el mar, los tom6
a enviar .... " (Mendieta, Book n, ch. 10). 17 See Codex Telleriano-Remensis, f. 14v (edition
by E. Quinones Keber 1995).
5 Chimalpahin (1998, I: 108) tells how Nacxitl
Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl attacked Teotenanco and 18 The day sign Jaguar is represented as a paw in
in vain tried to conquer and destroy it. Codex Tezcatlipoca (Fejervary-Mayer), p. 6
6 References to Nacxitl are also found in other (see the edition and commentary by Anders,
sources from the Guatemalan highlands, such as Jansen and Perez Jimenez 1994).
the Annals of the Cakchiquels and the Titulo de 19 "4 calli, 5 tochtli [1457-58]. En este ano,
Totonicapan (Recinos and Chonay and Goetz Moteuc,(omatzin el Viejo se apercibi6 a
1967: 64,176). combatir; y salieron todos de guerra a
7 For a more detailed analysis of the dramatic conquistar a Cohuayxtlahuacan, donde reinaba
life-story of Lord 8 Deer and his interaction entonces el gran rey llamado Atonal [11], cuya
with the ToJtecs), see Jansen and Perez Jimenez atenci6n absorbia el negocio del tributo de
2005 and 2007. todas partes del Anahuac. De este Atonal [11] se
dice que era todavia hijo [0: principe] de los
8 See also Jansen 2006 for a more detailed
toltecas y [descendiente de quien fuel natural de
presentation of this argument.
Tama'(olac de Toltitlan, de donde parti6,
9 Codex Nuu Tnoo - Ndisi Nuu (Bodley), p. 9-II. cuando se desbarataron y se salieron los
10 Codex Iya Nacuaa I, p. 14. Nicholson (2005: toltecas." (Anales de Cuauhtitlan 1975: 52, cf.
156) points to the fact that the dots in the white Lehmann 1938: 252-253).
covering of this mountain are different from the 20 Codex Tonindeye (Nuttall), p. 52.
usual u-shaped fill motif, and proposes to
21 Codex Tonindeye (Nuttall), p. 75.
interpret the sign therefore as "a sand- or ash-
covered eminence". A mountain of sand or 22 Codex Iya Nacuaa I (Colombino), pp. 22-23.
ashes, is represented in a different way, how- 23 Codex Tonindeye, p. 74-1; Codex Iya Nacuaa I
ever (cf. Codices Yuta Tnoho, p. 42-IV, and Iya (Colombino), p. 2l-II!.
Nacuaa I1, p. 13). The form of the covering in
24 Sahagun, book VI: ch. 4, 21 and 33.
Codex Iya Nacuaa I, p. 14, conforms clearly to
that of snowcapped mountains (cf. Codices 25 Codex Tonindeye, p. 78, and Codex Iya Nacuaa
Tonindeye, pp. 11, 14, and Yuta Tnoho, p. 39). II 03ecker i), p. 3-III.
11 Codex Nuu Tnoo - Ndisi Nuu, p. 34-11. 26 The lintel is reproduced by Seler, Gesammelte
12 "Asimismo, traian estas ofrend as los indios que Abhandlungen I: 683. The scenes have been
de toda la tierra venian por su devoci6n en analyzed by Kutscher (1971) and Miller (1977).
romeria a visitar el templo de Quetzalcoatl, Valuable watercolor copies made by Adela
porque este era metr6poli [!ease: Tollan] y Breton in 1903/4 are preserved in the Bristol
tenido en tanta veneraci6n como 10 es Roma en City Museum and Art Gallery (Bristol, U.K.).
la cristiandad y Meca entre los moros." (Acuna Digital images of these have been made and
1984/85,11: 131-132). published on disc by the Bristol Digitalisation
Bureau (October 2006). For a general
13 Codex Nuu Tnoo - Ndisi Nuu (Bodley), p. 9-11;
evaluation, see Schele and Freidel, 1990: ch. 9.
Codex Tonindeye (Nuttall), p. 52; Codex Iya
Nacuaa I (Colombino), p. 14. 27 See the Leyenda de los Soles (in Anales de
Cuauhtitlan 1975: 122) and Mendieta (Book 11,
14 The Relaci6n Geognifica of Cholula states:
ch. 10), respectively. There are other
"Asimismo, tenian por preeminencia los dos
chronological statements from Central Mexican
sumos sacerdotes dichos de confirmar en los
sources, however, many of which are unclear or
estados a todos los gobemadores y reyes desta
contradictory on this issue.
Nueva Espana, desta manera: que los tales reyes
y caciques, en heredando el rdno 0 sefiorio,
venian a esta ciudad a reconocer obediencia al
idolo de ella, Quetzalcoatl, al cual ofre clan
plum as ricas, mantas, oro y piedras preciosas, y
otras cosas de valor. Y, habiendo ofrecido, los
The Historical Profile of Kukulcan 103