10 La Movida Popular Music as the Discourse of Modernity in Democratic Spain Héctor Fouce and Fernén del Val ‘The decades of the 1970s and the 1980s, the years ofthe transition from Francoism to democ= racy, were an exceptional event in Spanish contemporary history. Inthe fed of popular music, itis ako a unique and unrepeatable moment due to the fac thatthe music that it produced ives visibility to and works as a metaphor forthe cultural social and politcal changes that the ‘country experienced during those years. In particular, the various styles of popular music of| these decades became afield of symbolic negotiation of the new Spanish identity, marked by democracy and cosmopolitanisn, and the anxiety of modernity i tension with an ambivalent heritage ‘The idea of change (cambio), which implies the desire for and ambition of being modern and developed, is central to the culture of that time. Por el cambio was the motto of the first tlections thatthe PSOE! won, and ths idea permeated all the political and cultural discourses ofthe decade. The moderity impicitin this change allowed Spain to be on equal footing with other cultures t was a bath of cosmopoltanism after years of isolation. Le movida madrileia, with ts punk heritage, was the perfect image fora country that was radically breaking with its past and embracing the most contemporary and ground-breaking practices. However, it is necessary to question why la movida, “the New Wave,” occupied the attention ofthe media a that time and continues to occupy the current space of memory in contrast to the concealment of hard rock and heavy metal bands, which had immense popular success at that time, Ie obvious that the modernity postulated by the discourse of la movida was very Aiferent from the developmental ambition of urban rock, Two reasons can explain these extremely diferent relationships with media exposure. The frst is obviously political: as opposed to la movida’s celebration of urban modernity, haed rock and heavy metal bands «spoused the critical and sometimes explicitly political discourse ofthe singer-songwriters who had raise thei voices against Franco. The sscond explanation is that, in response to changing Sociological patterns, the musicians of la movida madrilea enjoyed a cultural, socal and eco omic capital that the urban rock and heavy metal groups lacked. La movida took place in Madria's city center, composed of educated youngsters who came from fale that were well connected to the new cultural estallishment. Conversely, heavy metal was the soundtrack ofthe Under-developed suburbs, which were stugeling to become integrated inte the urban structure ofthe ety As we will oe, the young people ving in these suburbs had less acces to education and had few career opportnitis I"Enamorad de Is moda joven” (in Love with Youth Fashion) song fom the fit record ofl movida band Rao Pte, was one ofthe anthers126 + Héctor Fouce and Fesnin det Val of the scene because it celebrates the youth energy, consumption ani fashion ofthis moment, nds of discourses and ive can question the involvement of all Spanish youth in these practices. Modernity and Traditi “The growing importance of popular music asa form of communication among young people, ‘which reached its peak in the 1980s, had by tht time been perceived as a threat by the cultural apparatus ofthe Francoist regime. The pres law of 1966 relaxed censorship ofthe press, but at the same time reinforced surveillance an Iyrcs and covers of rock and pop records (Valinio 2012), which reflected the fact thatthe Franco regime considered the new counterculture to be ‘8 dangee to the morals of young people and the policies of the regime. During the 1970s there ‘were several attempts to create a rock music that combined cosmopolitan ambition with a cer- ‘ain Spasish tradition, One of the most successful initiatives was the appearance of Andalusi rock, whose players had been nurtured both by rhythms and sounds othe new flamenco mus cians (Paco de Lucia, Camarén de la Isla, Enrique Morente) and rock music. They sang in Spanish but atthe same tie kept rock's formal structure. Much ofthis movement's music was released by the record label Gong, with Triana as the most successful group (Lopez 1987, 388). Represcstative of a fresher and more popula syle, the work of Veneno and Pata Negra per sisted through the next decade In Catalonia, the rock laitano fused the sounds of Mediterranean music wit jazz and rock. However, this initiative failed due to the regionalism and elitism of the proposal. The main ‘example ofthis failure was the Canet Rock Festival of 1978 in which the organizers had to showcase not only groups from this Catalan rock background but ako teenage rockers such as. Tequila and international stars of the New Wave such as Blondie and Ultravox in order to attract asuflicient audience (Corazones Automaticos cited in Ordovés 1986, 183). Al these artists and types of music, no matter ther differences, shared a common trait: the ‘use of Spanish and other peninsular languages inthe lyrics oftheir songs. While each ofthese ‘movements represents different relationships between Spanish musica ditions and rock and op styles, Spanish language isthe common feature of all the movements and styles of Spanish popular music until the explosion of indie rock inthe 1990s, under the inspiration of Nirvana, and Sonic Youth Popular Music during the Transition ‘The Social Context of Urban Rock and Heavy Metal Urban rock and heavy meal rather than designating genres, indicate scenes that emerged in Madi in the mid-1970s, Although these scenes have been geowing apart over the year, ini- tilly bth shared the ies of rock as an element of resistance and a way to report social issues, what the French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu (2002) called “social art” the concept of artistic production subject o realism and political commitment, and art as communication. ‘Urbas rock and heavy metal bands appeared in working-class suburbs of the Spanish “capital. Feripheral spaces emerged during the 1960s wen immigration from the countryside to the city nereased considerably. These poverty-ailicted suburbs, characterized by overcrowd- ing, lack of infrastructure, and unemployment, mark the context in which some musicians ‘began to develop work that was strongly influenced by the sounds of the city: noisy guitars, rough and grave voices, rude and emaciated texts. Bands adapted the sounds of hard rock, [bues-rock and progressive rock and sang about their cumstances and experiences in search a Movida © 127 for identification with their audiences and appealed tothe authenticity of the suburb. From the song and the stories ofthese bands we obtain an alternative account ofthe Spanish Transition {that more focused on the insetior of socal problems by the youth, important to keep in mind thatthe Spanish Transition happened ina very troubled eco- rosnic framework where two different elements converge: the international cil crisis of 1973 and a change in the Spanish production model, This change sought to kave behind industeial zation and agricultural employment in pursuit ofa service industry, which, during the fist half ofthe 1980s, rather than creating jos, ended up destroying employment. At the same time the largest generation of young Spaniards (the children ofthe Baby Boom) was tying to access the labor market. In 1981, this youthful population, represented one-third (12 million) of the total Spanish population (37 million). Abo at this time, new generations of women who attempted ta join the labor market emerged, supported by unprecedented levels of education. The result ofthese processes was a very high youth unemployment rate, which did not begin to decrease tant the mid-1980s Spain lacked a welfare state so voung people were dependent upon on their families and their socal classes of origin for vital opportunities. With this situation in mind, we ean draw a portrait of part of that generation, including the children of migration, growing up in isolated and poorly equipped suburbs with irsufficient education and no job opportunites. These youth hhad too much spare time, few economic resources, and no cultural activities other than bars, Dillards, night cubs and slot mackines, not to mention the increasing popularity of drugs (especially heroin). Naturally, all thes elements became part of the cultural imaginary of most rock band songs. From ol Rollo to Heavy Metal ‘The background of urban rock and Spanish heavy rock must take into consideration the previ ous cultural scene that appeared in the mid-1970s, called ef Rollo by journalist Jess Ordovis. This word was originally used to refer to the retail selling of drugs (Labrador and Monasterio 2006, 40), but ended up extending toa set of cultural, political and entertainment practices, the ‘nin characteristics of which could be a disenchanted vitalim, urban inscription and night life...1thas a strong anarchist slopeand entails certain drug abuse habits” (Labrador 2008, 82). Ordovis attempts to describe this movement in the text De qué vael oll, where he defines this. space as a synonym ofthe counter-calture that embraces most ofthe cultural production ofthe Lime, Its a mixture of comix artists (strongly inlluenced by authors such as Robert Crumb), counter-cultural or anarchist magazines (Star and Ajoblanco}, progressive rock bands (Méquina, lecberg, Companya Blectica Dharma) and hard rock bands (Burning, Cor, or Nu). ‘These bands were the origin and background of the urban and heavy rock. Also during these years, new music festivals appeared, such as Las 15 horas de rock de Burgas and the Canet Rock Festival following the model of Woodstock. In the eatly years (1975-1976) ofthe scene, bands did covers of English-speaking artists and ‘composed lyrics in English. This dyramic distanced them from the Spanish audience. In fat, the audience forthe concerts was sprse the venue circuits were small and the technical condi tions were poor. From 1977 onwards, the situation began to change because bands started sing~ {ng in Spanish and composing their own songs. Some music journalists devoted more space to these groups, Jes Ordavis, in the pages of Disco Expres, reviewed the concerts, while Mariskal Romero, in his radio program, played their songs and invited some of them to play at the128 «+ Héctor Fouce and Fern del Val M&M venue, which was the nucleus of the scene, Romero also decided to preduce most of these bands’ records. Alter some failed attempis, the record label Zair, with Romero, commit- ted tothe creation ofa label focused on urban rock called Chapa discos (Romero 2010). With the emergence of Chapa, which developed betwoen 1978 and 1983, rock bands broke ‘through their situation of marginalty and opened themselves to more general audience. The frst album released by Chapa was made by Asfalto, a band regarded asthe pioneer of urban rock Its style mixed long instrumental passages with a legacy of symphonic rock, with carefully arranged vocal melodies, following the Beatles or Crosby, Stills, Nash and Young. But what ‘stands out in the band are their lyrics, which are poetic and evocative but contain much social commentary. Somehow they collet the legacy of the anti-Francoist singer-songwriters but updated it by redirecting t towards their suburban stores of the disenchantment of youth and the grayness of everyday life. Very soon alter the record was published, the band split nto two, and a new band called Topo emerged. While Asfalto’s future work contained symphonic sounds with pacifist and enviconmental messages, Topo remained closer to pop sounds with the content oflocal customs in their lyrics, ‘Both Topo and Leda (another important band on the scene), tried to get closer tothe New ‘Wave sounds, This was perceived as an opportunist move within both scenes. It was difficult, for Topo to recover ther lost credibility, while Leo rushed to record a ie album to prove their fidelity to hard rock, Lefio's muse is known for il yes, which are harsher and less focused on. local customs, and thele rough sound, marked by the sandpaper voice style of theit singer, Rosendo Mercado The final blast of hard rock did not occur until the 1980s, wth the appearance of two key {gr0ups; Bard Rojo and Obiis, which follow the wake ofthe New Wave of British Heavy Metal, though with some peculiarities, They put aside the virtuosity of heavy metal bands in pursuit of| Iyries with social messages of resistance. Bardn Rojo musicians were veterans ofthe scene, since some ofits members hd played in Cot. They achieved massive success with thee frst two albums, and even got to record an album in London, geting the chance to play inthe Marque, Something unprecedented in Spanish rock. They ctowned their success by playing at the Reading Festival in 1982. Soon their Spanish tours began to il big venues such a sport halls rather than medium-sized venues, Obis was also formed by experienced musicians coming fiom bands ofthe 1970s, They reached thir succes through a contest organized by Madsia's Gaty Council, With innovative aesthetics (studs leather clothes) (Figure 10.1), the band also begun to esl fil big spor halls and even went touring in Lain America. Heavy rock cause a sensition among young people rom the poor suburbs allhough its audi- ence extended farther? Following the sucess of these groups and supported by well-sablished Imusic publications, uch as Popular 1, oF new publications such as Heavy Rock heavy bands ‘multiplied and flourished everywhere: Panzer, Sobredsis, Sans, Banzai, Sangre Azul, and “Angeles dl inferno. But from 1985 onwards the cene began o fade, hampered by the epetition ofthe same aesthti formulae andthe los of detifeation with the uence, who no longer ft Tepresented by the songs ofthe new groups whose vies no longer included an social message. In the Middle of Nowhere Within the polatization that popular music experienced during this period, there were bands that didnot fit well into either ofthe two scenes (the urban rock and the New Wave) due to stylistic and generational reasons. La Movida + 129 Fue 18 fanning ta Bar ep nt Spots Fav, aid, 138¢ ‘The band Burning was a leer example, Thei texts were impregnated by the marginal atmo: sphere of their suburb (La Hlipa, Madrid), something that brought them close to urban rock bands, but their musical influences included the Rolling Stones, Low Reed and glam rock. Their live performances, where they often played as transvestites, were always highly appreciated by the groups of la movida, Something similse happened with Cucharada, « distinctive band belonging to el Roll, Their Iyres were politically inflammatory with an anarchist approach, and thele concerts turned almost into theatrical performances in which the musicians played dressed up as nuns. Another musician with shocking live performances was Ramoncin, a Spanish proto-punk in Malcolm McLaren style, who received large financial advances for albums that record companies later didn't dave to record. An important element inthe development of Spanish rock during these years was the influence of Argentinian rock through two bands: Tequila and Moris. Tequila was a very young band led by two Argentinians whose families were exiles in Spain. Its style, heavily influenced by the Reling Stones and Chuck Berry, caused a sensation among Top 40 radio stations. Ther texts, fll of teen- age references, broke with the seriousness of progressive and wiban rock, while atthe same time their commercial success and thei legion of female fans brought some discredit to them, as they ‘were not considered authentic by the rock scene. Moris Brabent onthe ther hand, also came to Spain while Neeing Argentina's dictatorship after winning some recognition in his country. His siyle was somewhere between classic rock and a Spanish Dylanesque style, which was very shock Ing fora country where singe-songwriters and rock musicians were heavily diferentised. A few Years ater, musicians such as Joaquin Sabina were able to bring these two words together.130 + Héctor Fouce and Hern del Val Also during these yeas, the pioneer of Spanish rock’n'roll, Miguel Rios reinvented himself and moved towards hard tock, playing the role of “older brother.” warning young people against the risks of marginalization, In 1983, he toured Spain in an unprecedented manner: rock de una noche de verano (A Midsurnnver Night's Rock) offered 32 concerts in football stadi- tums and arenas which were Filled, in total, with more than 700,000 people Lefio opened his concerts, which included songs by Burning, Topo, and Moris, thus endorsing the work ofthese bands in the eyes ofthe general public. La Movida: The Golden Age of Spanish Pop Undoubtedly, la movida, the Spanish New Wave, has been the most successful musical move rent in Spanish popular music. It has been constantly described as “the golden age of Spanish pop.” As we have already pointed out, this success was largely due co the need of the media and the political establishment for an image and a sound that could act as a metaphor of the changes thatthe country had experienced during the first decade after Franco's death ‘The new political and social eaity that emerged after the death ofthe dictator soon created 1 generational disenchantment in certain youth sectors. Young people soon realized that their interests and their problems were not central fo the agenda of the new leaders and their new polices. The Transition implied the perpetuation of many characters and practices from Francoism in the new power structure. This eaction was described as desencanto(disenchant ‘mentor pasotismo (to pass, to cate less) (Imbert 1990; Vilarés 1998) and it was also contempo- tary with the punk explosion in the United Kingdom and New York. As pointed out by Hooper (2006, 3), for this generation, raised in the middle ofthe economic crisis and the rigor of the regime, “there were no jobs (o go and no demonstrations to join.” They feigned distegard for ‘what they themselves called the "ed years.” “This rejection by the previous generation and its projects ofthe future is the driving force of Ja movida madrilena, In the surroundings of El Rasto (the Sunday flea market), « group of ‘yung people interested in comics, fanzines, and punk started to gather. Kaka de Luxe was the product ofthese encounters, the seminal band of la movida although they never managed to fedit an album. Alaska y los Pegamoides, la Mode, and Radio Futura have their roots in this bend. After the dissolution of Kaka de Luxe, new bands started emerging, finding more and ore venues in which to play live creating a tremendously dynam and diverse scene in which New Romantics, rockers, punks, technos, New Wavers, sinsters, and poppies coexisted Despite their diflerences all these groups share their rejection of the politicized music of singer songwriters, their commitment to sing in Spanish, the celebration ofthe immediacy and hedonism, and the love for the urban experience (Fouce 2006). Change and! modernity posts lated in the 1980s were related fo international and contemporary musical references and tothe refusal ofthe Spenish musical tradition, which wa associated with the nationalist discourse that fueled the Franco regime, The traditional genees identified with Spain and Spanish culture are only referenced in an ionic and detached way: the castanets and the bullfighting theme in ‘pasodoble style in the song "Que Dios reparta suerte” (Good Luck from God, a sentence repeated to bulltightrs before thei performances) by Gabinete Caligaiis an example. Or the parody ofthe copla “La bien paga” (The One Well Pai) in Almodévar's film Qué he hecho yo ‘para merecerestl! (What Have I Done to Deserve This?, 1984), in which Almodévar is the ‘main character in a videoclip in which the female role is played by the transvestite Fabio McNamara. The legacy of punk is latent in these ironic or arnivalesque uses (Figure 82). a Movida « 131 gre 2 Punkin te Cana wen Man 180 See Fo Te 1 npr to mention tht he tainens ofa movida mada had a magnetic eft so bdsm teins ley le Troglt),te Basque Contry Detbos ‘t,o the Glan Sino Ttl ed fr lng pes in th cy. Cro enue cre hough andre of Nev Wave groups nee ome onlin Vigo de «movida st {ols movi mabe pps (nso 211 The over sear in wh la movida emerged mas lf fares and ccs asthe sre ofthe ol eine ccompoved and eons bg oe. Tis wantin cpsily vile nthe tela where new atonal newspapers sacha ta and Comb 16 energie son conse evs he conc ofthe new ban In conta the music pres, tonty std Daron, looked atthe pheomenon th dan (Mane 199527 In pone oth «coset af fain ous enanng reve few abun by lol and intematona oupa were of ences and ce thet inked to mata ens mt sen ew pubs wth rete nleca and st aon se, Ml rr eS Mo a eS Madris oon), The att cane te Unolicl oce othe scene tachi Seng the idea of postmodernism. sioner ut th cotintyof ractres epson ord Tovar the nd of he 196» decree fed cnvenonal ado stone to mana feqeney modulation (FM)132 + Héctor Fouce and Fern del Val program with differentiated content in parallel with ther already existing Medium Wave pro- ‘gram (MW), The majority of stations dil not believe in the future of FN and lett these radio programs in the hands of young broadcasters who dedicated their programs to the music they were interested in, These broadcasters were directly connected to Madrid's popular music ‘scenes, Onda Das and Ratio Popular were the fist broadcasting spaces for new music, but the decisive moment arrived when Radio 3 from Radio Nacional de Espana was create in 1981—a public radio station with national scope. Suddenly, as happened before withthe writen press, the local underground scene had a voice that allowed it to reach all the young people in the country, “The confluence of disenchantment and punk spurred the cretion ofthe bands of la movida, ‘Media inching radio, the national press, andl television, played 2 role in la movida, Television hada specific role in 1981 when Canto, the drummer of Tos, die ina car eras. Bands such as [Nacha Pop, Alaska and the Peyamoides, Paraiso, and [os Secretos (Canto's former band now renamed) commemorated his death one month after the crash by participating ina tribute con- ‘ert broadcasted by Popgramia, which was « music show on TVE, the only existing national tele vision station, The message sent to all he young people inthe country was that In the capital of the Kingdom a few new bands have formed. Although they played poorly, they had passionate songs. Als, they have an image announcing an emerging aesthetic, attempting to cancel the grayness ofthe Franco regime and the Transition, (anrique 1999, 10) Later onthe creation of the program La edad de ro (The Golden Age), which was broadcast beeen 1983 and 1985 with performances by major national and international bands, consol dated the artistic movement of la movida In parle to the radical reconfiguration of the medi, which allowed la movida sounds to circulate atthe ational level the recording industry also underwent some changes. Some age Companies hal already sensed the potential for sas of some groups of la movida: Hixpavon signed Radio Futura, Polydor signed both Mami and Los Secreto, but thir working structures, ‘vere no prepared to handle sch innovative aesthetic proposals nor the fiercely independent ttitede ofthe masicians Interestingly enough, CBS, the only multinational tha remained alien to the frenzy of la movide madrilena, made large profits on the only New Wave band they Signed, Mecano, which for years was the most important band in Spanish popular musi “The response ofthe groups agaist the pathy or incompetence othe lrg companies was to create thei own labels. Gabinete Caligai and Pardisis Permanente created Tres cprses to dlstribue a shared single. Many records of this incipient scene were recorded at Doubetronies Stadio, with the engineer Jexis Gémer doing production work. Later, the techno group Aviador Dro created the record label Discos Radiactvos Orgeizados (DRO), which signed the most succesful bands ofthe decade, until it was purchased by Warner atthe begining ofthe 109s (Gimmes 1989, 25; Glleo 1991, 344-351), Tm parallel tothe emergence of independent labels and the conslidation ofa mvdia conse lation which Gciltaed Hs visbiliy, the Madd scene continued to grow thanks to more vers The venue RockOls was undoubtedly the temple of la move madrilena(Pruda 209). “The city coun ued since 1979 bythe a socialist Easique Tierno Galvin, soon realized the potential of music to connect with the generation of disenchanted youth Fr this reason the ity council financed concerts and rock festivals, as wellas exhibitions and publications. During, La Movida + 13 the | dorm,” lining up, in an interesting way according to his cities, with the postulates of the New ‘Wave. The support ofthe city council was the key factor that converted la movida so quickly from underground to mainstream, becoming 2s we have scen, the image of the sucess of the “Transition in Spain. ‘Mary Fllen Mark's photograph, which opens an article in Rollng Stone (Spita 1985), devoted to the fist decade of democratic Spain, expresses the dynamic. A young punk weering a crest and Rarcones-stye leather jacket poses with his parents in the dining room of the family house, decorated in the Spanish traditional way. The mother, dressed in black, embraces her son while the father, in his pajamas, has a hostile gaze. The parents do not show enthusiasm forthe aes thetic choices made by their son, but they do not reject them radically. This photograph is a brillant visual metaphor representing a country that had opted for Transition instead of revolute. inch of an exhibition in 1984, Tiemo sad: “Bless the chaos, because it is sign of fee Conclusion: The Legacy of the 1980s Spain underwent a tremendous change during the 15 years after the death of Franco, a5 reflected in the rapid succesion of musa stl. A Ie end ofthe 1980s, urban rock and hear metal no longer had a cent role inthe calture of working-class yout lrg because the dices of pronpeiy and middle-class values was spreading in Spain. The bends of fa Imoid tad become prt ofthe msnstea, so the popular musi envirnment was tad for thecmergenceofkiphop, on the on hand, and indie rock on the other The guy of he 1980 fundamental to understand the moder dynamics of Spanish popular music The one we of the ents and the Spanish radionl ses roe the as Caton wth the abscre Spanish myths and gave them a moder, foxble ook. hiss why the 1990 generation view these ene rom diferent perspective, which explains the one. ray sce of bands that nix copa amenco with rock, ston muse, ap suc a Ojesde joo La Shia On th ther hand is undeniable that he 1980s contin an aesthetic canon of Spish pop and rock If we lok tthe music marine Its ofthe best mo Spanish pop rock theta ofl movida aways apperin the top postions. Tis may be due o pure aesthetic tars, bt we must ot et that he ournaits wo now hae the mba pow o make these Heng are those who started with a movida and sported it fom he very begining (Val Nope an rex Clman 2010) To ogitimie this sees eitimiz themselves Filly, the coexistence of euch diferent scenes (in background, tude, and impact) asl ‘movida an wan rock, exemplifies the tensions betwen two ways of understanding the ela Sonsip Between the call and the polit flds. Hey metal and bard ock inert om Singertongwrters the ambition fete musi wih scl ign ving viet pop demands whetess la vids defines pois rom anther point of view mare reed vo pt sonal experience: During the 980s mates sucha expt homosexual, the Wes ofthe sec ssa mecing pce, and the we ofthe dy (hough thing and Pascoe a pass of auton and fcedom and bad a poliical imension evn hough they were not ptt of & discourse on exli poltial etegres It emans king thatthe new fos of socal Seton that ae cure saking up Spin in ths prod of esis ae based on buh cen building vindictive speech, on the onc hand, and an expressive, ill apd sound dimen:13 + Histor Fouee and erin del Val Acknowled We would lke to thank Avia del Val an evsion of this chapter Anxlrea Ackers for thee help in the transation and Notes 1. 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Shroot pope Ma: Ar oe Mail 291 Ma den ge Oh Os 1975-2008 Mai aba eck Sp Ki New Spt ly ean TP Lenn devs Nona tin Pe Col 200, Mavi promi. wont de pop ak pai Inn Rc Rept MUNYA (Mine, Sc y Cred As) atin Rav 1012 Veet doses acu ead depp keel mgs Us in Vii Teen 8 Emon tens Uncle na eg, Moe igo XX Discography ‘ayo eyes Grane tr: Hpos HC 0626515, 182 34. ‘ti Aja: Chapa 133001 1738 ‘ur oj, Vou atl Chap 83088 198,39 pm, ‘Brming Mad Ost Ber BOLO 1975335 re (Cin Cpa. ae Du partes Tes press C204, 1983, 39% pm ahd ae as anos its CPEEAN 11983 3 pm Tek fos Chapa 3508 17938) (hier Chaps HS 380529, sp. No nea a arn Hi 90 98,3859. To Matsa Pato Nols NL 197%, 88 Foo Dp Chae HS 38010197936), Filmography Prd Antonio de Ra Ol Un ai Ak nik BD kn Avon, 208