Figure 25 (tile page) “The medieval walls of Sultan Kala The wall were later ‘strengthened by being infiled and encase this has preserves ‘the crellated decoration and arrow sits ofthe earlier phase ‘ofthis tower on the south wal MEDIEVAL MERV: AN HISTORICAL OVERVIEW BY HUGH KENNEDY FROM THE MUSLIM CONQUEST TO THE RISE OF THE TAHIRIOS ‘he fst deta references to Mew inthe Arabic hoi erature came rom the yeas 650-1 when the last of the Sasaran kings, ‘andar, red 10 take refuge in the ety and use it asa base to ress ‘the pursing Arabs. The cy at iste was governed bya more (itary governor of a rant area, whose name i given 22 ‘Mananayh b. Mafanah b. Fad Taba 1879, 2873-4, 2876-268, ew at this ime seems ta have conssted ofthe quhorc iealy, ols cst, ie Erk Kala) andthe walled mdi or cy, Gyaur Kala) hovgh ‘the arban I sald to have had a palace onthe Asa Khas’ canal to te east ofthe city. Mery lay on the bordesof the Turksh steppes {and the marin and the acl o=3 wor cay, were engaged in ‘requent confit with trem. The nahn himself was amos cera 4 Magan; at one point he is sad to have hae cuba, or Magan vies. with im and a member of the Mapian community in Mery ‘came out to help the Hein Yardgar with the rituals. There was also 4 Chistian community headed by armavin(mevepoltan or ‘arenishop), wha was calle liye Taba 1879.1, 2883). There iso mention inthe Arabic sauce of ether Buddhits ows inthe cy The marzban viewed the eval ofthe fleeing shah with some appreherson, fearing apparently that he woul takeover he city rom Fam, According tone account, Mahawayh had put hs son Bare, eserves a the nn (nae) of Mann charge of he defences with ‘fds not t let Yang in, Yandgard wished to anstr the ‘governorate to one Farzad, in another account, to his brothers Son Sanjgn Hearing af hs, Mhawagh mage contact with Ue Trish leader, Nzak Tarkhdn, and aske for his suppon against Yazdgatd. The Shah as obliged to flee and took rege ina iin the vilage of Za, ear where the waters ofthe Murghab were died int canals to ‘igate the oasis. Here he was recognized and murdeteby the rile no doubt hoping to ingratat hms wth tha mara, His body ws ‘taken bythe Christan community, because the shahs grancnother had been a Christian, and buried in vault or chapelin a garden below the ty ‘30 often happens, neatly slamic conquest narratives, her isa ‘901 eal af confusion and cntradicion between the cifeent ‘epats, However, e canbe reasonably certain hat Yardoard approached Mew hoping fx suppor, that thiswas refuse and he was ‘ot allowed to enter the ety The Person morn was prepared to alyMONUMENTS OF MERV with the Turks to est hi if necessary and he was done to death an ures outside the city. ‘Surprising, the Musim conquest ofthe cys ony gen a bare remton ts said that Haim b,aliNuan a Bhi made peace with the mazbdn in exchange for the payment of around 2,000,000 {éehams pet annum aba 1879, 1, 2888, According toa Balad (Baladhurt 1868, 405-6 was the mazdn who took the nitive, asking fora peace agreement, and this wes granted in exchange for the taut, 2000 jars of wheat and bee ad an agreement hat he ‘eonle of Mery shoul make space fr the Musims in their houses. The collection of tribute was tobe organized by the people of Mer’ themes under the cont ofthe marr, and the Arabs simpy took the sum rad, Theres ne menton af ay fighting, anat woul pear that he cy as taken gut (by Weal) athe an ‘anactan (by fore. Ths would have alowed the inhabitants to retain their houses and possessions in exchange for tibute. Even oo these easy ‘teem thee wae opposition, and Mahawayh vas abiged 0.90 to Kuta ‘uring the ton of AF (56-61) ad as hi to wee to the ahd, ‘a and cher (goverers of lage), dering them to pay the twbute Gaachur 1865, 408). [At this tage, thee seers ta have ben very tle Ara settlement in Mery, andthe Arab gaisons were probably rotated, oops returning to rag as new ones were sant out. Inthe yar S671, however, ths hanged when the governor of tra ar the eas, Za bb, sent 50.000 men from Basa and Kuta to settle pemanentyn Khutzan abort 1879, , 81 Baledhur 1886, 410, Shaban 1970, 32-8). At this stage the settlament sem to have been confined to Mery and the vilages ofthe Merroass. Among the eters were Abo Barza ‘Abd ‘lah. Nadla aA! and Burayda ba Husayb aA Baya i ‘id to have ce in Merv in the calpnate of Yai (661-8, and his tomb fst shown a one ofthe two ahi Arabic oo companions ofthe Prophet inthe southern suburb of Stan Kala (Figure 20. n 53/673 Khurasan became a separate governorate, rather tan a dependency of req, when the caliph appcinted saya lh Zyad to the province For the next seventy-five yeas, Mery was the capital of Umayyad hurasan ad the sat ofthe governor. The province was vast streteing from Ray South of Terrain the west to the furthest its cf klamic conquest nthe east a from Khwarazm nthe roth 10 the furthest eoge of Stan inthe south, The fact that large numberof ‘Aras had setled there, certainly move than in any ote area of ran. and that i was the base for mlitaryexpections beyond the Arm Darya, oF Os, meant that the governarate of Khurasan was one of the most important offices ofthe eiphate and Mer a poitial centre of major importance Al those, both Arabs and newly converted non- ‘Arabs (asi), cameto Mery to jon the armies. was probably in Mer, oo, that much of te booty was dstbuted to the pareipants. The establishment ofthe governor of Khurasan in Mer mace the cy 2 magne for merchants and sets. Fay lame administration invohed the collecting of tars, ringing them tothe provinal capital {and paying salaries and alowances ta those whose names appeared in ‘he tax and payment registers (rs). Peple, Arabs and non-Arab ake, who wished to take pat in lity campaigns, lob the governor for favours sll gods and sence o officals and soles flocked to the ty ‘We can reconstruc ite ofthe topography of Mervin this peo Tove is no eidence tat the quo was he centr of government, although tas used a state prison on eceason.n 102/720-1, eight ‘men who had been appointed as ol governors in Kurasan by the paced Vaid b. ab Muhalab were confined to the cade, where Some of them were tortued and killed Taba 1879, 419) a 1260748 ‘he last Umayad governor of Khuresan, Nasr b Say, confina his ‘opponent Juda’ abKianin the quhandz but he subsequent escaped though a vaterchannel rj olni). Apparently at this time ‘there was 2 desonated officer in charge ofthe quborelz, Mug." bur [aba 1879, i, 1859, 1861), Late, in 128/745-6 wen Nast, Saya was tnestened by the gtowing pve of the supporters ofthe [Aboasds, he moved te armoury and the cwsns tothe quhand for safe keping Taba 1879, i, 1919-20), However ato time in the confused srugales for power in Mew atthe end ofthe Umayyad period, waste qubord defended or used fr mitary purposes The conte of government in Umayyod tines was not the qutansiz but the Dar a-imara or government house. The fst Dar amar, ‘were the governors of Khurasan had ved” was certainly inside the wale city Taba 1879, i, 1984) but we are not given any coser location, Hower, by analogy with ater ea Slamic poli centes (Kuta, for example we can be resonably certain that wae clos to the mosque, Now we know fam the acount ofthe Azab geographer stake and from excavation thatthe fest masque was inthe centre 1 the walled cy below the ste ofthe Sek masque. The Dar a "imra was probably inthe area and may even have shared a common wall yh the mosqueBefore the end ofthe Umayyad period, howeve the cent of ec Ie was shifting westwards to the area af the Bab Madina, or Cty Gate inthe west wal ofthe great ramparts Alla, enplans tha Islam expanded the ty anather mosque (canfusingy known a the (ld tosque) was built atthe Bab ab: Masina. This was ako where the ‘main markets ofthe ity were to be found tis net clear om the Arabic text whether the “ld Mosave’ was inside or outside the ty walls but ‘ven thatthe and siopes aly abrupt tothe Razk canal erste the gate, we should probably lok forthe mosque and ss side, possy Inthe area now occupied by the small itary camp. In 128745-6 tis ea wes the scene of haw Fgting between the Umayyad governor Nast b Sayyar ands enemies, The enemy atterped to enter the rmadina but were opposed by Nair’ son Tamim who defended the lwidge over the Raz cana whieh father prevent hem frm taking the sig (Taba 1879, 1928), ‘Mere atacted seters fom elsewhere in Khursan. Among these was the Bukhara Khus, or local Kenan ruler of kha, who had retained much of his power and prestige after the Musim conquest. He bit a palace win the walled cy presumably so that he could stay there when he wished to vis the Muslim goverat It sem to have hen avaiable 2 a sar of offical guesthouse: when a-Herth b. Say ‘came trom Tansoxania to Mero 127/744-5, the peonle went out to meet him in Kushmayhan and Nast wha hoped tate would prove to be an ally, arranged fri) ta stay atthe Bua Khuds pace (Taba 1879, i, 1888). Unfortunately we ae gen no more Information dau its locaton. Humble foe also came to the iy. We have reports of sweets (ae) sete by the Tukhaia com Tukhaitn on the Upper Ons, the people of Buthara and the Sughd (om Soghdia, the aea around Samatkand (Taba 1879, 1920-2), Many ofthe Arab settlers had dsperse in the vilages ofthe cass but some certainly ved in the ‘madina ist, such as Hamaa bb Sali a-Skam who had 2 walled enclosure (oppose the palace ofthe Bukhara Khu Taba 1879, i 1918), People were cawn to Mev by the commercial opportuites which rested fom ts role a 2 provncial captl Tadesmen, erie workers {and metalerkers would have found the capa a very attractive pace to work. The edence of he geosranhers makes tle thal fine ‘colton manulacture was a major local indus, nd archaeobotanical evidence supports the picture of widespread cotton grossing (Boardman in ton 0 1995, 49-52), Recent archaeological evidence so points to the development of high-quality ste making (ran xR 1995, 4-5), “There may also have been socal reasons forthe growth in population. In an important escusion af the ces of ary amie -Khutasan, let has pointed out tht many cites in the area show an exparsen from a smal fotiedencosure to mach age informal settleents (Bullet 1994, 67-79). The evidence fom Men inccates 3 similar development but, tke everyting ese in Mery, ona ager scale and probably eae than ebewhere. Given the city’ pastion as 3 captal an asthe site of he fs lrgescele Masi Sttirent, his is to be expected, Bult suggests thatthe early Hamic period sees \iespread migration fom county to town an that thsi connected th the process of conversion to Ham, Many ay converts woud eck to escape from a village entonment, where they might be ostracized or persecute, oa torn, where ther could associate with other Musi. If hs models covet, Mew in he midighth century ‘may have been crowed with newly converted immigrants seeking 3 place inthe new Muslim poly would not besuping i there were tensions between them and the oestabished Arab-Musien eit. All the evidence suggests that such tersions were amar factor inthe outbreak of the Abas evolution, in Jumadal, 130Februan, 748 Abd Musim ed the Abbasid supporters to the walled iy at Mev and eslihed the power of ‘the new dynasty. Fom here he cect the Abas armies inthe campaign in tan and aq tat foal edt the establishment ofthe [Abbas Caliphate in 132/750, Abd Muslim continued to rule inthe cy {352 somicindependent potgntae unt he vas bred to ag and assassinated in 137/755 Kennedy 1981, 51-2, 61-2) After Aba ‘Muslin departure, Mere sl remained a major poltical centre, The [Abbas rege, though based in kag, and havi capital at Baghaed from 768, drew much of its support fom the Khuasans. The ‘avetnor of Khuretan, ted in Mer, as one the most mperant Figuesin the caliohate and was anos always chosen from the leading ‘rao families ofthe Merv ate, ‘Aba Musi’ rl also save emportant changes nthe cy Asaf. Even before the Abbasid Revolution, settement had 2een expanding long ‘the Majan canal tothe west ofthe ald moxie. Nat, Saya had had his plce on the Mijn canl where the Drama ltr stood (Tabar 1879, i, 1767), Abo on tis canal as te house of Abd ahr ‘maw (eedman inthis contest) of he family of Aba Mat, where, in a dome chamber which stil ested in alistaturs ime, was saidthatthe Fst robes had been dyed withthe black ofthe Abbasids at the tine of the resolution, ADO Muslim she the Dit a-Imira fam the old mon to the Maja cana. Hee he bul a new and magnificent structure, & dome chamber with four nan, n which heel court was, according to ifakt wn saw 0 centuries ater, a huge Bulg wth a come 55 cbs (grobabiy about 33m the lars cubit was approwately 0.5m) in height. (The ext postin of this bling snot lar though It as prababiy inthe vc of the later Mausoleum of Sultan Sanja and indeed it's not ‘possible that, s Yekubosky hinted Yakubowsky and Bosnoth 1981), the mausoleum actualy reson the ste of AbD Muslim’ government house. Anew masque Was estabished net to the Dar aa, and this mosque was to remain the cente of religous ie until the Mongol conquest. Ab Mus aso moved the ‘main sx fom the Bab a-Masina to te Maan canal. Flom 132/750 ‘onwards, then the Majin cana suburb, the area later enclosed by the Sultan Kala wal, became the main centre of potcal and commercial lei the ct By the tenth century the ques described as Krab (ne, dificult of access and used for gardens. There remain he intiguing posit that Mer provide the inspiration for the planning ofthe Abbasid capta at Baghead. ln 1457768 alMangur began the foundation af his new cy onthe Tas Trough no trace oft now remains, teary sources make i clear hat the cent of this complex was a round administrative city with a mosque and government house in the mide. Tis design had always puzzled architectural historians fr round cies ae unusual and thre 1898 90 abous example in aq and no reason in amc traction for choosing this shape. Cesvel found a number of precedents in Sisaian ets in aq and western an, notably at Hata, Fruzabad and Darabjel (Cresnell 1940, 18-22!) but there no indication that ‘anyooe in the Abbasid court had even been to any af them, stl ess ‘hat they should have coniered them as a suitable mad forthe ow capital The great, almost cruarquborlzat Mer provides a much more ely point of origin. Aleady very old and immensely impressive it symboized ancient sovereignty. Furthermore, almost al the people ‘evoled inthe planning of Baghdad hale from Khurasan and would hve known Mew. Al:Manso himself would have seen the quhande when he sted Abo Musim in Mer just after the Abbasid revolution (abr 1879, 58-61, Like Mery, Baghdad suit ona fat ste ‘where the main buieing materals mus brick. The possiaty cannot For turner decusion of Central son cnt othe design of aohd, be dismissed thatthe gutonde of Mavis inde the else model fe absansirs great round cy For most ofthe early Abbas period, the history of Merv was uneventful, marked by the comings and goings of governors Kennedy 1981, 177-87; Daniel 1979). Among these were ab Fab. Yahya the Barmaki, from the famous famiy a vers, whe was governor from 17710 179 (793-5). He came from an astocatic Family fom Balen whose ancestors had been the guardians ofthe great Buddhist sre ‘there, the Nawbahar, a the time ofthe Rusim conquest. He ended 10 favour the cbgors, the local Persian aristocrat, over the Khurasans of Dab descent Ms departure was flowed by a major change of policy ‘withthe appointment ofA kab. Main He remained governor Lunt 197806 and pursued a plc hostile to the loca aristocracy, attempting to atest the Mery aristocrat, shim 8. Forkhuscaw. Al was removed fom office 352 result of widespread protests Khurasin, but ension stl remained between the descendant ofthe 2a settlers andthe lca Persian nebilty. tos part fo try to ede these tenons thatthe Caliph Hoan a Rashi nine decided to vit Mere (Kennedy 1981, 125-48}. He sent his son, a-Maimdn, with a large party ofthe army to Mer. He followed on but dd in Tus, near Mashhad is 193/809. His death let ‘he aff of Khurasan ina cial poston. Six years before he had ‘ranged forthe dvson of the caliphate: hs son a-Amin was to be Caliph in Baghdad but another so, ahMaimin was tobe efectvely \iceoy ofthe eastern provinces based in Merk After his fathers death, although most ofthe army tuned o Baghdad, a-Matmdn remained ‘7 Mev to cai his nhertanee, He soon came uncer incteasing pressure from his brother alsin, supported by the Kourasans in aghdad, who dite the idea of autonomy. Abad, for his par. was supported by the acl arstocacy, including A, son of His, Faethusravy, te Bukhira Khu and Tai b.alHusayn fram Bushang (maders Ghurion, west of Hea ‘AbMamun estabished himsetn Men. Hishouse i sald to have ‘ben by (10 the Dor Mishkan gate ofthe old modi. The gate was in| the north wal close to where ions the quhand, From the descritions of the geographers, the palace canna be ientiied vith the bung known local asthe palace of abMaimcn on the Rack anal ort of the cry (Figure 27), OF couse the geographers may be wrong or he may have ined on more than one se. At ist glance t Seems od that a-aman shoul have chosen tive in or near the ‘old maine when the centre of cy fe had moved to the Majn canalannem ‘small action of wall with ‘comugations fom a késhk ite ‘of which survives above ground tothe north west of Gyaur Kala eis know focally a the Maina kash, but tis elkely to represent that caliphs palace 1 his postion was precarious and he may well have fet in he protection which cul stl be offer by the great walls 95/May 811may have been intended s 9 declaration f independence, making “ahrthe ist ofthe Pesan eas ta aset the independence trom ‘the caliphs. It lifcut to gauge the truth ofthis, for he died shorty afterwards and hs Son Taha, who succeeded hi, tock cae 10 acknowledge the caloh’s authoity. However, the Tah were now ‘stabs as hereditary governors of Khurasan -Acorcng to alistakh, Tair constructed a large numberof boaldngs on the Horan cana, othe west ofthe Maj suburb He wished to move the Da a-imara andthe markets there and so, ‘once agin shift the focus ofthe iy to the Wess posible thatthe Greater and Lesser Ky Kalas ae part ofthis att gue 28) The ‘evidence for his entrely cunt Tahir but high-status ‘wuings i the area ofthe Hormuzia canal that survived ang enough tobe een by asad century ater The Kye Klas are high-status buldings nthe area, anemic date for ther PPausble and there sno record of anyone ese consucting major ulin in thes par ofthe cy. FROM THE TAHIRIDS TO THE SELIUKS, 205/821-428/1037 ‘The Tid are sometimes regard a the frst ofthe independent Iranian dynasbes which appeared in the thant ceturis. n practice they ruled in cose partnership with te Abbaso caps, but in Khuraan and Tansonari, thir rle was unchallenged. seems that Mery was the Tis capital nti the arval of Abd Aah Taie (2131828-2307844), I 215/830, for veasons which are not cet, he ‘moved the capital Nshapur which now became the env of ‘government, This marke! change in te fortunes of Mer, whieh became a provi cy, was no longer the cente of potical evens ‘nor vai the repent of government patronage. However it a5 tl probaly the second city of the province and was at times 2 base for those who wished to take power in the area. Abd Aah vas suceeded bys son Tahir and unt ne ath in 248/862 Khursan seems to have ‘ben both pesceful and prosperous. Under Muhanad b Thi (2281862-2597373) aiid power wes challenged by the Sffards of ‘istan tothe south, In 259873 the Safari leader Yagi b,Layth took Nnapur and put an end to Tair rule, though one member of he family a-Husay Tahir managed to maintain himself in Merv unt aout 267880-1 Saffrd power was never secure estabished in Khurasan and the lat quarter ofthe nth century was pera of continuing ‘sturbances in the province. One ofthe contend, the gh (Soveslden, Aba Tala Mango b. shiek, tec to estabish hime as an independent rule in Mr, unl 27185 he was reconcied with the Sffaridrler“Ar b Layth After that Mery ws ‘overned by Anis grandson, confusingly called Tah, and his name, with tht of his rancher, appears onthe coins minted inthe ety a ths time, ‘This parod of confusion me to an en in 28790, when "Am was ecsively defeated by Ismail the Soman. The Szmanids were a famiy Of rari origin who ha isen to power in Tansorania as protéats of ‘he Tei. Like the Tai, they came fom theclss of hdr, prosperous landowners. By the time of is cory over‘, ma Was the etlecive rer ofa state whieh included all of Muslin Tarsoxaria wih ts capital at Bukhara, The historians tel us vrtualy nothing of Merv under the aman, perhaps sign of pesceful i Uundstingushed fe, s most famous etizen was the ahodn Pesan nobleman) Atmad 8, Sahl, who came! 0 be acescendat of he old eran kings, He nas in charge of the admiistraion in Khursan in 306/918-19 but ltr rebelled in shop He had to retreat to Mere, ‘where he was captured by Samanid forces and taken to Bua, ‘where he died (Anon 1937, 16-17). The Samanié period was the eda ofthat Musi Persian arstocratc society which gave ret new Prin poetry and FrdawsisSotiame,Thedngdrs of Mery must have pareipated inthis courtly cute. The end ofthe furtent certury saw anather ptiod of disturbance a theSamani regime in turn crumbled ‘8 380/099 Khurason was fyi the hands af @ new fr, the famaus Mobmid of Gaza, whose orginal paver base ly i he ates ‘of moder Afghanistan. Under the fle of Mahmid (42171030) -Khurean was again peaceful The capital remained in Nshapur and ile we have a good del of information about that ety (Boswerty 1963, 163-202) we hear almost noting about Nes, although i was early a place of sme importance ln 428/037 deushtanin Khas, ‘an od and respected slave solder, cid in the cit, leaving extensive ‘estates and many save sles of hs own, The Ghazneve ruler ofthe time, Sukan Masog, ordered thatthe local fancal administrate should canine to pay these slaves Bosworth 1$63, 106) was ony ‘He years late, n 43171039, that Mery was the Base or te final attempt ofthe Ghaznevis to dest the ackancing Souk. They were ‘ecsively defeated at Dandanaan on the od oad between Mery and Soras Bosworth 1963, 103).While Mery hardy figures inthe histor annals ofthis period, we havea numberof accounts bythe Arabic geographers wich enable us to se something of the ct in this patio. The at of these the accoum in Yao Kt o Buln, composed in 276/869-80 (Bopendi He says that he inhabitnt are Persian ndbles and some Arab ivesmen, thatthe water supp comes from springs and ess and thet is 2 wellknown textile manufacturing cent. The next mae accounts that of astakhon Hawa Append This account sour best sou of nfrmition on the ty inthe rin and tenth centuces. I as wrten by asta (rom stay, the od ‘apt of Fats, north ofthe Shiraz sometime belere 340/951. It was subsequently reused wth only minor varaties, by an Hawa 378988, The account therefore descrbes Mer under Sama ule [As canbe seen from the translated tov, the author deserves 2 secognizable urban geography withthe new ty along the Majsn ana stil co-evsting side by side wth the 04. The main builogs are, ‘of couse, the mosques and Abo Musi’ Dar aba, stil apparent Intact. Both industry and agiuiture seem to have been ting eth ‘hed mons being exported 0 rag and sik ad cotton textes being manufactured, The account is uel corectiv tothe chronicle: just cause tiring evens are not aking place na ey doesnot mean that is dead Shoniy ale sta, we have the shot Pesan acount the non Huld ol‘Alary,n which Maris sad o have had many ‘shi’ the only textual reference 1o these tacts inthe ety Isamic sources, and, again, the agicutue ad textes are commented ‘on (Append. Final inthis period ve Pave the account of the Palestinian geographer al-Mugeddes, witing round 380580 (Appendix His account of Mer ley describes the same iy 5 Isat, but he notes that there were many ruined houses and dss Ins time (hough not al ak-Mugaddas's negative eto should be taken at face valve), AL Mucadidss account does point to a general problem in urban fe ia Khurasan during this period for which Mery "was nat immune, Ths vas the emergence of factors within the cies, usualy but not alas, connected wih diferent schools of samc aw 2d thor adherents and to ferent quarters inthe towns. The mast aman confit: were between olce established Hanafi andthe Shalit. These confit sometimes gave rise to open cul war within the ses. In Mes, a-Mugaddsi say -Mugaas! 1994, 336, ans 236-7), the main conflict was between the people ofthe acina anc those of the ‘eld market (9 aa), though in ths case he doesnot ve any religious affiliations. We know that there were both Hanatis and Shais io the cy but the sources geno indication of open hostity between the tH, [MERV UNDER THE SELIUKS, 1037-1157 The second great period of meteval Mery came under Salk domination when the cy again became a regional captal with its ‘on oc rles At the same time, was something of fonder ‘outpost. For much ofthis perio, the Arms Darya (Ons) remained the north-east font of Sek rue; beyond it ay the lands of the Qara- Kans around Bukhara and Samarkand and tothe north, across the Karakur sands, were the ands ofthe Khwtarazmshahs. Unfortunately, the history of the city inthis period is pootly documented. The ‘dvonides of the Seluk Sultanate, otaby the Tauri A) Sag of a+-Bundan the Rabo cSt of Ibn ab-tavand and the Ket of fn abhi, concentate on batts and the doings of ules, They are ‘mostly anrlstic and concise and give us rane ofthe cicumstani etal about fe inthe cy which we find in abars acount ofthe Abbasid revluton In addon, thee & no contemporary, first-hand ‘e0graphial acount. a shot we know virtual nothing ofthe Urban geography or the administration ofthe cy in ths Second etod of greatness. ‘The Soluks were the leading famiy aang the Ghuzz or Oghuze Tks, These tvesmen fed a nomad ie and sem only to Nave been convert to lam in the ery years ofthe eleventh century. ‘They tus ha a very ferent Mes and language fom the Yann sedentary peoples of the ty of Mery andthe ilages ofthe oass. In 42611035 the Sets and the Turkmen flowers, said to have numbered over 10,000, were expelled by the Khuarazmshah from tei retoal camping grounds to the east ofthe Aral Seo ond lige to move across the Amu Daya, ed by the two brothers ugh eg and Chagh Beg. They were in a vaetched condtion, having lost much ofthe lestock, and they were reduced ta begging the representative of the Ghaznev Stan Masbd for pasture lands. Soon, however, they became aware thatthe sultans government in ‘Khurasan was beth wesk and unpopulac In 428/1037 they tok over "Mery, fr the fist time, withthe agteerent ofthe leading citizens. CChaghi eg gave assurances tht there would be no plage and that the villages ofthe oases woud be restores. Soon ater they cccupied Niehaus, the capital of Ghsanevd Khurasan and in 431VMay 1080 2 The word Turkmen’ ed inthe med! ous to deccbe those Tks aha ated a nomad ibs sive pps to hone who sete or took ence inthe amas of al mastdefeated the dernaralzed amy of Suton Masad at Dandanqan, on the road betvaan Mary and Sarak ‘After the vtory at Dandangan, the Salk died thei forces. “ugh Beg embarked on 2 creer of conquest in the west, whieh ‘eventual led tothe fll of Baghdad in 1085 and his being granted the tile of sultan by the Abbasid cai, His brother Chaght Beg, however, remained in Merv and made this Dr a-Mulk, or capital na vad 1921, 108) an base of operations unl hs death in 452/1060. Hs postion Mery seems to have been inherted by his san Alp ‘Asn. When Tughri Beg de three yeas later (455/1063, Alp Asn, aed by hs ambitious vite Nir ab Mul, was able to take over the ‘sol sultanate trom the Mecteranean tothe Amu Dar Merv nas notin ara sense the conta ofthis empire, but twas rather one ofthe regional capitals along wth Ray, ahan and Baghdad between which the sulansprogesed. We find Alp Asin backin Mervin 57/1065, when ne used ia a base for an invasion of ‘hwaraam (bn ati 1867, x 48-50), Alp Asin spent most of hs reign onthe move, including the campaign of 1071 that led to the decisive dafet ofthe Byzatines at Manziket in este Anal, and itis ub if he spent much me in Mer However, A65/1072 he retuned to Khurasan to ead an amy across the Amu Daye to fight te QarKhani, Shas aMule Nasr (460-72/1058-80), and i was here that he was assassinated. Hs body was ought back o Merv for aya sthe poet Hakim San’ wrote na lament forthe ded san You saw Alp Arslan’ head raised to the seventh heaven, ome to Merv that you may sc his ody buried in the dust (quoted in Jun 168, 5,133) Gibbon, the Deine and Fal ofthe Roman Empire, gives a sighty fren version. Alp Ala’ he woe, possess the virtue of 2 Turk and 2 Musulman his voice and ture commanded the reverence of mankind: hs face wae shaded with long whiskers: and his ame turban was fashioned, inthe shape of» crown. The remains of the sultan were deposited inthe tomb of the Selukin dynasty: and the Bawsenger might ead and macitate an ths usta nrption: © ye who have seen the glory of Alp Asian exalted tothe heavens repair to Maru, and you wil behold i bured in the ‘st! The anmiiation of thelsciption, and the tomb sl, mote forebly proclaims the instailty of human greatness {Gibbon 1856, chap hid \When Alp Arsin had appointed his son Mall-Shah as her apparent in 458/1065, he had aso distributed 2's he) to other sn, and Mery fl to his youngest, ArslanShah. Nothing motes known of Aslan Shah, and its Mall-Sah who is cee with the buicing of the walls around the ety (Mustawl 1919, 154) These walls, 12,300 paces in lent, were probably the fist frtifcons built around the rw ity Figures 18, 25,31 and 32) The Sel invested heavy in city walls, as well as forte caravanseras(igures 29 and 30) n the main rads such as Akcha Kala, Daya Khatun igure 135) and Rabat Mali. The foticaton of Mew was pant ofthis poly, bu t was ‘ven added urgency bythe proxmity tothe fentir and the \ulerabliy ofthe ste to ras from Khwaraem and rensoxan, "Meanutile Mey seen to have enjoyed a mostly peaceful exstence {252 prosncal capital. We have no mare information about Asn Shah and atthe death of Maik Shahin 48571062 the shina, o mitary ‘governor, of Men was one of Mali-Shahis mardi, or slave soles, ‘alle Qawan on ab Ahir 1867, x, 262-4; Burd 1889, 256-8: on ‘Rvand 1921, 143). The death ofa sukan vas always a moment of ‘iss inthe Slik empire, and, wile Barkyug was esabienng hist in Baghded, one ofthe dead sultan brethers, isan rghon,