IMPACT OF POLITICAL QUOTA IN PAKISTAN

Outline:
What is Quota?
Arguments against the quota system
Arguments in favor of the quota system
Types of quotas
Reserved seats (constitutional and/or legislative)
Legislated candidate quotas (constitutional and/or legislative)
Political party quotas (voluntary)
Enhancement of women’s reserved seats since 2000
Situation in Pakistan
Quotas: Pros and Cons

What is Quota?
A quota is the limit established by the government to regulate the
number and/or value of goods and services that are imported
from other countries or exported from a country in a designated timeframe.
Arguments against the quota system
Those who oppose quota systems argue that quotas are against the principle of equal opportunity for all.
Since in these systems women are given preference over men, as such they are undemocratic. Quotas are
also called undemocratic, as they take away votersí right to decide who is elected. It is also argued that
quotas imply that politicians are elected because of their gender and not because of their qualifications; and
in this way more qualified candidates are pushed aside. Thus quotas violate the principles of liberal
democracy. One argument against this system is that introducing quotas creates significant conflicts within
the party organizations. But the experience of many last decades shows that quotas are the most effective
means to make democracies more representative.
Arguments in favor of the quota system
Arguments in favour of quota system are more convincing than the ones against it. Proponents of the quota
system argue that quotas for women do not discriminate, but compensate for actual barriers that prevent
women from their fair share of the political seats. They say that quotas imply that there are several women
together in a committee or assembly, thus minimizing the stress often experienced by the token women. It is
also argued that quotas are justified as women as citizens have the right to equal representation. Another
argument is that women have their own distinct experiences and those experiences are needed in political
life. In response to the arguments that women are generally less qualified and experienced in politics it is
stated that election is about representation and not educational qualifications. In response to the objection
that quotas are undemocratic, because voters do not decide who is elected, it is argued that in actual practice
the political parties control the nominations and they are not primarily the voters who decide who gets elected;
therefore quotas are not violations of voters' rights. It is now almost universally acknowledged that if properly
implemented, quotas are an effective means of fast tracking womenís access to decision-making bodies. In
India, analysts have acknowledged that the quota brought a critical mass of women to institutions, with nearly
one million women entering councils at the local government level. Similarly, in Pakistan, the 33 per cent
quota adopted by the government opened up the political space to women and provided them a strategic
opportunity to make a difference in setting and implementing the agenda of local governments. In both the
countries women from different socio-economic, political and religious backgrounds took their places on local
councils, demonstrating that the quota indeed opened the door for disadvantaged groups.

Types of quotas
Reserved seats (constitutional and/or legislative)
Reserved seats regulate the number of women elected through party lists of nominations or direct
constituency-based elections. Such quota provisions are provided for in the Constitution. They are generally
in the form of reserved seats. Constitutional or legislative quotas normally try to reserve a number of places
on electoral lists for female candidates or reserve a number of seats in an assembly for women. It is done
through a clause in the constitution or by legislation which stipulates that a certain percentage or number
among those elected must be women. Increasingly, gender quotas are being introduced using reserved seat
systems.
Legislated candidate quotas (constitutional and/or legislative)
This type of quota set a minimum proportion of women on candidate lists, as a constitutional or legal
requirement. Such quota provisions are stipulated in the national legislation or electoral laws of a country. It
is done through a clause in the electoral law which states that a certain percentage or number among those
elected must be women. Nearly 33 countries are using this type of quota in all continents, both in developing
and developed world. Some of these are Angola, Argentina, Belgium, Bolivia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Brazil,
France, Indonesia, Mexico, Nepal, Spain, and Uzbekistan.
Political party quotas (voluntary)
This type of quota set a minimum proportion of women on candidate lists, as a measure written into the
statutes of individual political parties. These are quota provisions for the electoral lists that are formulated in
the political party statutes. 25 Political Party Quotas are rules or targets set by political parties to include a
certain percentage of women as election candidates. There are several different examples of how a quota
has been utilized in the political process. In total 108 political parties in 54 countries have introduced voluntary
quotas for women with proportions ranging from 20% to 50%.
Enhancement of women’s reserved seats since 2000
It was in this environment that the military government of General Pervez Musharraf agreed to enhance
womenís representation when it decided to restore elected institutions. Under the Devolution of Power Plan
the military regime introduced a new system of Local Government, which consisted of three tiers, from top to
bottom: District/City-District Administration, Tehsil/Town Administration and Union Administration. At each
level, there was a council: Zila, Tehsil/Town, Union, each of which had 33 percent reserved seats for women.
At the Union level the women councillors on reserved seats were directly elected by a joint electorate of men
and women, while at the other two tiers they were indirectly elected by the elected councillors. Almost all the
major political parties rejected this reservation quota stating that there were not enough women in the political
arena to fill in these seats. However, the womenís rights groups welcomed the acceptance of their demand
for a 33 percent representation of women in the local councils and direct elections for the reserved seats in
Union Councils, as they knew that there were enough women in the political arena to fill in these seats who
were ready to contest in the direct elections. They also demanded that there should also be direct elections
for women members of Tehsil and District councils and 33 percent representation should also be given to
women in the parliament (National Assembly and Senate) and all the four provincial assemblies. Later
experience confirmed the womenís rights groupsí point of view as women in great numbers participated in
the local government elections on the reserved as well as general seats. Overall almost 36,000 women came
into political mainstream through the local councils. However, womenís rights groups were disappointed when
the military government unveiled its plan for the elections of the Parliament and provincial assemblies. The
government restored the 1973 constitution, after major amendments, through a ìLegal Framework Order
2002. Under this LFO, although the long-standing popular demand of reserving seats for women was
accepted in principle, but instead of giving them a 33 percent representation the LFO allowed only a 17
percent representation; devoting 60 seats in a 342-Member National Assembly and for the first time 17 seats
in the 104 member Upper House or Senate to women; 17.6 percent seats were also reserved for women in
each of the provincial assemblies. Thus despite womenís overwhelming participation in the Local
Government Elections their representation in the provincial assemblies and the parliament was slashed from
33 to 17 percent. Similarly, demands of womenís rights groups vis-a-vis the mode of elections to the reserved
seats were also not accommodated. A ìList Systemî was introduced for election to these reserved seats
under which the emerging parliamentary groups were to get these seats in proportion to their general
representation in the House. The Article 51, sub article 6 (d) of the Chapter 2 of the amended Constitution
says: ìmembers to the seats reserved for women Ö shall be elected Ö through proportional representation
system of political parties' lists of candidates on the basis of total number of general seats secured by each
political party in the National Assembly. In the second general elections held on 18 February 2008 under the
amended Constitution, the same percentage of women was again elected on the reserved seats. As already
mentioned these reservations have been provided for through a Constitutional amendment.
Situation in Pakistan
Pakistan The results of the general elections 2008 and the statutory quota of reserved seats ensured a five-
year berth for 216 women in the national and provincial legislatures. Of these, 205 were elected on reserved
seats for women, one on reserved seat for non-Muslims and 27 came in on the general seats. This brings
the overall proportion of womenís legislative representation in Pakistan to 19.9 percent, with the proportion
even higher in the National Assembly (22.2%). Although this falls far short of a minimum of 33% legislative
representation through reservation, as demanded by women members of political parties, womenís rights
groups and activists, and also as per the demands articulated in recommendations by several officially-
appointed womenís commissions, it is still the third highest proportion of womenís legislative representation
in South Asia, after 33.6% in Nepal, 27% in Afghanistan and followed by 9.1% in India and 5.8% in Sri Lanka.
Womenís presence in elected political institutions in Pakistan at the national and provincial level in such a
substantial number has had a hugely positive impact in transforming the socio-political perceptions about
recognizing and legitimizing womenís entitlement to citizenship and governance, as well as their inclusion in
the public domain. Moreover, it has also resulted in unleashing a process to make women concerns a visible
priority on the national agenda. This place has been earned by women themselves, through a long hard
struggle and through their collective, steady and patient journey to get organized, seen and heard, and
recognized while living under and constantly confronting the most oppressive patriarchal socio-political and
familial structures and shrunk spaces in society for almost three decades. Most recently, the election of Dr.
Fehmida Mirza as the Speaker of the National Assembly has reinforced positive perceptions of women
abilities, particularly the ability of decision-making. Ms. Shahla Rizviís election as Deputy Speaker of the
Sindh Provincial Assembly and the appointment of several women Ministers in the federal and provincial
cabinets and as Advisors, will further strengthen the image of women ís being not only equally eligible and
entitled to these posts, but also, being equally capable to run these offices.

Quotas: Pros and Cons

Quotas are a controversial measure. Various arguments have been set forth for and against the introduction
of quotas as a means to increase the political presence of women. Some of the pros and cons include:

Pros

• Quotas for women do not discriminate, but compensate for actual barriers that prevent women from
their fair share of the political seats.
• Quotas imply that there are several women together in a committee or assembly, thus minimizing the
stress often experienced by the token women.
• Women have the right as citizens to equal representation.
• Women's experiences are needed in political life.
• Election is about representation, not educational qualifications.
• Women are just as qualified as men, but women's qualifications are downgraded and minimized in a
male-dominated political system.
• It is in fact the political parties that control the nominations, not primarily the voters who decide who
gets elected; therefore quotas are not violations of voters' rights.
• Introducing quotas may cause conflicts, but may be only temporarily.
• Quotas can contribute to a process of democratisation by making the nomination process more
transparent and formalised.

Cons

• Quotas are against the principle of equal opportunity for all, since women are given preference over
men.
• Quotas are undemocratic, because voters should be able to decide who is elected.
• Quotas imply that politicians are elected because of their gender, not because of their qualifications
and that more qualified candidates are pushed aside.
• Many women do not want to get elected just because they are women.
• Introducing quotas creates significant conflicts within the party organization.
• Quotas violate the principles of liberal democracy.

Link (file:///C:/Users/TAlha%20Ali/Downloads/Documents/1358744372.pdf)
https://www.idea.int/data-tools/data/gender-quotas/quotas
https://www.dawn.com/news/1285038
https://tribune.com.pk/story/1553353/6-quota-system-pakistan/
 Section VIII: Gender Based Violence
Outline:
Definition:
Forms of violence against
women
• Domestic violence
• Physical violence
• Sexual violence
• Psychological violence
• Threats of violence and harm
• Emotional violence
• Isolation
• Use of children
• Economic Violence
Gender-based violence through the
lifecycle
Violence and the female lifecycle

Definition:

The UN Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women (DEVAW) adopted by the UN
General Assembly in 1993 has been influenced by CEDAW General Recommendation No. 19. It defines
VAW as: “Any act of gender-based violence that results in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual or
psychological harm or suffering to women, including threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivations
of liberty, whether occurring in public or in private life.” (Article 1) The declaration encompasses all forms of
gender-based violence against women (physical, sexual and psychological), no matter in which context or
setting they occur:

• in the family (such as battery, marital rape; sexual abuse of female children; dowry-related violence; ;
female genital mutilation/cutting and other traditional practices harmful to women);
• in the general community (such as rape, sexual harassment and intimidation at work, in school and
elsewhere; trafficking in women; and forced prostitution), and
• Violence perpetrated or condoned by the state, wherever it occurs (Article 2).
Forms of violence against women
Domestic violence
Domestic violence is not an isolated, individual event, but rather a pattern of perpetrator behaviors used
against a survivor. The pattern consists of a variety of abusive acts, occurring in multiple episodes over the
course of the relationship. Some episodes consist of a sustained attack with one tactic repeated many
times (e.g., punching), combined with a variety of other tactics (such as name calling, threats, or attacks
against property). Other episodes consist of a single act (e.g., a slap, a “certain look”). One tactic (e.g.,
physical assault) may be used infrequently, while other types of abuse (such as name calling or intimidating
gestures) may be used daily. Some parts of the pattern are crimes in most countries (e.g., physical assault,
sexual assault, menacing, arson, kidnapping, harassment) while other battering acts are not illegal (e.g.,
name calling, interrogating children, denying the survivor access to the family automobile). All parts of the
pattern interact with each other and can have profound physical and emotional effects on survivors.
Survivors respond to the entire pattern of perpetrators’ abuse rather than simply to one episode or one
tactic.
 Physical violence
Physical abuse may include spitting, scratching, biting, grabbing, shaking, shoving, pushing, restraining,
throwing, twisting, slapping (with open or closed hand), punching, choking, burning, and/or use of weapons
(e.g., household objects, knives, guns) against the survivor. The physical assaults may or may not cause
injuries.

Sexual violence
Sexual violence can take many forms and take place under very different circumstances. A person can be
sexually violated by one individual or several people (e.g. gang-rapes); the incident may be planned or a
surprise attack. Although sexual violence occurs most commonly in the survivor's home (or in the
perpetrator’s home), it also takes place in many other settings, such as the workplace, at school, in prisons,
cars, the streets or open spaces (e.g. parks, farmland). The perpetrator of a sexual assault may be a date,
an acquaintance, a friend, a family member, an intimate partner or former intimate partner, or a complete
stranger, but more often than not, is someone known to the survivor. There is no stereotypical perpetrator;
sexually violent men come from all backgrounds, rich and poor, academic and uneducated, religious and
non-religious. Perpetrators may be persons in positions of authority who are respected and trusted (e.g. a
doctor, teacher, tourist guide, priest, police officer) and thus less likely to be suspected of sexual violence.
Sexual violence is common in situations of war and armed conflict. Specifically, rape and sexual torture are
frequently used as weapons to demoralize the enemy; women are sometimes forced into “temporary
marriages” with enemy soldiers. Women who are incarcerated may be subjected to sexual violence by
prison guards and police officers. Other forms of sexual violence include, but are not limited to:

• sexual slavery
• sexual harassment (including demands for sex in exchange for job promotion or advancement or higher
school marks or grades)
• trafficking for the purpose of sexual exploitation
• forced exposure to pornography
• forced pregnancy
• forced sterilization
• forced abortion
• forced marriage
• female genital mutilation
• virginity tests
• incest
(WHO Guidelines for Medico-legal care of victims of Sexual Violence)

Psychological violence
There are different types of psychological assaults.

Threats of violence and harm

The perpetrator’s threats of violence or harm may be directed against the survivor or others important to the
survivor or they may be suicide threats. Sometimes the threat includes killing the victim and others and
then committing suicide. The threats may be made directly with words (e.g., “I’m going to kill you,” “No one
is going to have you,” “Your mother is going to pay,” “I cannot live without you”) or with actions (e.g.,
stalking, displaying weapons, hostage taking, suicide attempts).

Emotional violence
Emotional abuse is a tactic of control that consists of a wide variety of verbal attacks and humiliations,
including repeated verbal attacks against the survivor’s worth as an individual or role as a parent, family
member, friend, co-worker, or community member. In domestic violence, verbal attacks and other tactics of
control are intertwined with the threat of harm in order to maintain the perpetrator’s dominance through
fear. While repeated verbal abuse is damaging to partners and relationships over time, it alone does not
establish the same climate of fear as verbal abuse combined with the use or threat of physical harm. The
presence of emotionally abusive acts may indicate undisclosed use of physical force or it may indicate
possible future domestic violence.
Emotional abuse may also include humiliating the victim in front of family, friends or strangers. Perpetrators
may repeatedly claim that survivors are crazy, incompetent, and unable “to do anything right.” Not all verbal
insults between partners are acts of violence. In order for verbal abuse to be considered domestic violence,
it must be part of a pattern of coercive behaviours in which the perpetrator uses or threatens to use
physical force.

Isolation
Perpetrators often try to control survivors’ time, activities and contact with others. They gain control over
them through a combination of isolating and disinformation tactics. Isolating tactics may become more
overtly abusive over time. Through incremental isolation, some perpetrators increase their psychological
control to the point where they determine reality for the survivors. Perpetrators’ use of disinformation tactics
such as distorting what is real through lying, providing contradictory information, or withholding information
is compounded by the forced isolation of the survivors. For example, perpetrators may lie to survivors about
their legal rights or the outcomes of medical interventions. While many survivors are able to maintain their
independent thoughts and actions, others believe what the perpetrators say because the survivors are
isolated from contrary information. Through his survivor’s isolation, the perpetrator prevents discovery of
the abuse and avoids being held responsible for it.

Use of children
Some abusive acts are directed against or involve children in order to control or punish the adult victim
(e.g., physical attacks against a child, sexual use of children, forcing children to watch the abuse of the
survivor, engaging children in the abuse of the survivor). A perpetrator may use children to maintain control
over his partner by not paying child support, requiring the children to spy, requiring that at least one child
always be in the company of the survivor, threatening to take children away from her, involving her in long
legal fights over custody, or kidnapping or taking the children hostage as a way to force the survivor’s
compliance. Children are also drawn into the assaults and are sometimes injured simply because they are
present (e.g., the victim is holding an infant when pushed against the wall) or because the child attempts to
intervene in the fight.

Economic Violence
Perpetrators control survivors by controlling their access to all of the family resources: time, transportation,
food, clothing, shelter, insurance, and money. It does not matter who the primary provider is or if both
partners contribute. He may actively resist the survivor becoming financially self-sufficient as a way to
maintain power and control. Conversely, he may refuse to work and insist that she support the family. He
may expect her to be the family “bookkeeper,” requiring that she keep all records and write all checks, or he
may keep financial information away from her. In all instances he alone makes the decisions. Survivors are
put in the position of having to get “permission” to spend money on basic family needs. When the survivor
leaves the battering relationship, the perpetrator may use economics as a way to maintain control or force
her to return: refusing to pay bills, instituting legal procedures costly to the survivor, destroying assets in
which she has a share, or refusing to work “on the books” where there would be legal access to his income.
All of these tactics may be used regardless of the economic class of the family.

Gender-based violence through the lifecycle

Violence against girls and women occurs at different points in their lifecycle. Many women experience
multiple episodes of violence that may start in the prenatal period and continue through childhood to
adulthood and old age. The table describes violence that may be experienced at different points in a
girl's/woman's lifecycle. The lifecycle approach to gender-based violence helps one understand the
cumulative impact of violence experienced by girls and women, especially in terms of its physical and
mental health consequences.
Violence and the female lifecycle

THEORIES OF DOEMSTIC VIOLENCE

Outline:
1. Attachment Theory
2. Cycle of Violence
3. Exchange Theory
4. Identity Theory
5. Social Learning Theory
6. Victim-Blaming Theory
7. Psychological theories

1. Attachment Theory
Attachment theory is a useful lens through which to understand perpetrator behavior. It explains how early
childhood experiences have led to a particular way of experiencing close relationships. It also helps
therapists to see how, depending on the attachment status of the client, interventions will need to be
developed to address their specific needs and that cookie cutter approaches will not advance the
profession. The attachment findings make it clear that domestic violence is not just a result of social
conditioning; if anything, it is at least the interaction between psychological conditioning and the social
context. Therefore, while social changes are necessary, violence will never stop as long as the
psychological and biological factors are minimized or altogether ignored.

2. Cycle of Violence
Since the late 1970s, researchers and theorists have focused increased attention on the widespread
problem of domestic violence in contemporary society. Research has shown that domestic violence cuts
across racial, ethnic, religious, and socioeconomic lines. In particular, researchers have sought to identify
the factors associated with intimate violence in an effort to develop theories explaining the causes of
battering. One of the most widely cited theories in the domestic violence literature is Lenore Walker’s cycle
of violence. According to Walker, the cycle of violence is characterized by three distinct phases which are
repeated over and over again in the abusive relationship. As a result, domestic abuse rarely involves a
single isolated incident of violence. Rather, the abuse becomes a repetitive pattern in the relationship.
 3. Exchange Theory
As with the general exchange theory, the key assumption of an exchange theory of family violence is that
human interaction is guided by the pursuit of rewards and the avoidance of punishment and costs. Simply
stated, individuals will use force and violence in their relationships with intimates and family members if
they believe that the rewards of force and violence outweigh the costs of such behavior. A second
assumption is that a person who supplies reward services to another obliges the other to fulfill a reciprocal
obligation; and thus, the second individual must furnish benefits to the first. If reciprocal exchange occurs,
the interaction continues. However, if reciprocity is not received, the interaction will be broken off. Of
course, family relations, including partner relations, parent–child relations, and sibling relations, are more
complex and have a unique social structure compared with the exchanges that typically exist outside of the
family.

4. Identity Theory
Identity theory provides an important avenue for theoretical development in domestic violence research
because all behavior, including aggression, is rooted in issues of self and identity. To understand
aggression, we need to understand the meanings individuals attribute to themselves in a situation, that is,
their self-definitions or identities. In all interactions, the goal of individuals is to confirm their identities. When
their identities are not confirmed, persons may control others in the situation to make them respond
differently in order to confirm their identities. If control does not work, aggression may be used as a last
resort to obtain control and, in turn, confirmation of identity. Thus, identity theory can help explain domestic
violence by showing how a lack of identity confirmation at the individual level is tied to the control process
and aggression at the interactive level.

5. Social Learning Theory

Social learning theory is one of the most popular explanatory perspectives in the marital violence literature.
Often conceptualized as the ‘‘cycle of violence’’ or ‘‘intergenerational transmission theory’’ when applied to
the family, the theory states that people model behavior that they have been exposed to as children.
Violence is learned through role models provided by the family (parents, siblings, relatives, and
boyfriends/girlfriends), either directly or indirectly (i.e., witnessing violence), is reinforced in childhood, and
continues in adulthood as a coping response to stress or as a method of conflict resolution. During
childhood and adolescence, observations of how parents and significant others behave in intimate
relationships provide an initial learning of behavioral alternatives which are ‘‘appropriate’’ for these
relationships. Children infer rules or principles through repeated exposure to a particular style of parenting.
If the family of origin handled stresses and frustrations with anger and aggression, the child who has grown
up in such an environment is at greater risk for exhibiting those same behaviors, witnessed or experienced,
as an adult. Gelles (1972) states that ‘‘not only does the family expose individuals to violence and
techniques of violence, the family teaches approval for the use of violence.’’ Children learn that violence is
acceptable within the home and is an effective method for solving problems or changing the behavior of
others.

6. Victim-Blaming Theory
Victim-blaming theory describes the practice of holding victims partly responsible for their misfortune. It
represents the faulting of individuals who have endured the suffering of crimes, hardships, or other
misfortunes with either part or whole responsibility for the event. Often, victim-blaming theories rely on the
premise that individuals should recognize the dangers that exist in society and therefore should take the
necessary precautions to maintain a certain level of safety. Those who do not take such precautions are
perceived as blameworthy for their demise even if they have not acted carelessly. These perceptions in
effect shift the culpability away from the perpetrator of the crime onto the victim. When discussing issues of
family violence, violence against women, or sexual assault, one often hears victim-blaming statements
such as, ‘‘Why didn’t she leave?’’ or ‘‘She was asking for it.’’ Within the context of family violence, victim
blaming often includes condemnation of the victim for staying in an abusive relationship.

7. Psychological theories
It focuses on personality traits and mental characteristics of the offender. According to this theoretical
approach, characteristics associated with individuals who abuse their partners include low self-esteem,
isolation from social support, a manipulative nature, and a desire for power and control. These individuals
are likely to be unwilling to take responsibility for their own actions, have extreme feelings of jealousy and
possessiveness, be overly dependent on the victim, and/or have certain mental or psychological disorders.
An important aspect in the psychological theory is power and control. In some relationships, violence arises
out of a perceived need for power and control. This is where the abuser may use violence as a strategy to
gain or maintain power and control over the victim. Abusers may feel the need to control their partner
because of difficulties in regulating anger and other strong emotions, or when they feel inferior to the other
partner in education and socioeconomic background. For instance, in our society today, women have
moved away from being just a "housewife" and taken up the role as a "career woman". No longer are
women staying home and tending to the house while men go out and work. In fact, a lot of women have
taken over jobs that were previously held my men (women politicians). This has brought about a power
struggle in the family which often leads to domestic disputes and abuse: Some men with very traditional
beliefs still think they have the right to control women, and that women are not equal to men, while women
on the other hand, are vying for power and control.
Stress
it may be increased when a person is living in a family situation, with increased pressures. Social stresses,
due to inadequate finances or other such problems in a family may further increase tensions. Violence is
not always caused by stress, but may be one way that some (but not all) people respond to stress. Families
and couples in poverty may be more likely to experience domestic violence, due to increased stress and
conflicts about finances and other aspects. Some speculate that poverty may hinder a man's ability to live
up to his idea of "successful manhood", thus he fears losing honor and respect. As a result of him not being
able to economically support his wife, and maintain control, he may turn to violence as ways to express
masculinity.

Link for Wheel of Violence (https://nobullying.com/power-and-control-wheel/)

 STRATEGIES TO STOP DOMESTIC VIOLENCE

Outline:
• Know the signs.
• Get your community educated!
• Get your community organized!
• Boost your community support network with technology!
• Stopping the violence is good for business.
• For Individuals
• Ring the bell
• Bring a back-up.
• BE the back-up.
• Make the call, NOW.
• Listen to empower.
• Be on standby
• Have an intervention plan.
• Provide some relief
• Check in regularly.
• Be a resource.
• Document! Document! Document!

1. Know the signs. The first step to action is to familiarize individuals and the community with
the possible signs and indicators of domestic violence. These signs can vary and do not always come
with physical symptoms because domestic violence is not just limited to physical attacks such as
beatings. It includes many forms of abusive behavior enacted to control the victim in a myriad of ways
including emotional abuse, verbal abuse and economic abuse. Domestic violence also affects every
level and demographic in society, so there is no typical victim despite the stereotypes. Someone who
may not appear to be a victim of domestic violence may well be suffering in silence and it is important
to recognize the signs if this are the case.
2. Get your community educated! A good start to eradicating Domestic Violence from your community
or neighborhood is to start educating as many people as possible about Domestic Violence, its impact
and how to intervene safely. This can be done in collaboration with your local Domestic Violence
shelter or women’s organization or police community outreach officers who can work with the
community, local schools and local companies to organize and implement talks, town hall meetings
and other group sessions to talk about this issue.
3. Get your community organized! There is
safety and influence in numbers when
intervening to stop an abuser or making your
community a place where Domestic Violence will
not be tolerated. So just as many neighborhoods
have neighborhood watch to stop crime, start
organizing a network of folks who will commit to
intervene in Domestic Violence situations, help
victims leave their abusers safely and provide a
communal support structure for survivors.
4. Boost your community support network with technology! If you have a smart phone and the
victim has a smart phone, consider downloading a safety app for women, many of which have been
designed to automatically alert your support network if you are in danger. If the victim does not have
a smart phone, consider pooling money with a few friends and neighbors to get her one and pre-load
it with a safety app that is connected to all your phones so you can become a de facto support net for
her. Free safety apps currently available include the award-winning Circle of 6 and the
iAMDEFENDER app.
5. Stopping the violence is good for business. Domestic Violence has cost economies and
companies millions of dollars in lost time, medical care, productivity etc. In the U.S., the cost of
Domestic Violence to the economy is estimated at $8.3 billion a year. If you are a business owner or
a senior member of a company (e.g. a director, board member, senior manager), be pro-active in
getting educated about how to intervene if you suspect or know that your employee or staff member
is facing Domestic Violence because it will have a knock-on effect on your company. Implement HR
 policies that make provisions for the potential impact of Domestic Violence. For example, the National
Bank of Australia is currently offering paid Domestic Violence leave because the economic freedom
from remaining in paid work is regarded as vital in helping victims escape violent relationships.
For Individuals
6. Ring the bell. If you are the neighbor of a family experiencing Domestic Violence, please take the
time to ring their bell when you hear a violent situation happening. You could use the old neighborly
approach of asking to borrow a cup of sugar or some milk as an excuse. If you feel that it could get
dangerous, bring another person with you so there will be more than one witness.
7. Bring a back-up. Intervening with Domestic Violence situations can be dangerous especially if the
abuser has a weapon (e.g. a gun) and is intoxicated by drink or drugs. If you are unable to get help
from the local shelter or police, make sure to bring another friend or family member along with you
when you respond to the victim/survivor’s call in person.
8. BE the back-up. If your neighbor, friend, co-worker, classmate, mother, sister, daughter, daughter-
in-law, niece or cousin is facing Domestic Violence at home, let them know that you will be willing to
be a witness or to intervene on their behalf while you are around. Also let them know that they are
welcome to take refuge in your home should they need somewhere to go.
9. Make the call, NOW. If the situation is beyond simple neighborly intervention (e.g. the abuser has a
gun and uses it during the abuse), call the police or your local emergency services (such as 911 in
the U.S.) IMMEDIATELY. Provide critical information, such as location, names, contact number, and
whether or not you wish the remain anonymous. Do NOT intervene personally in this scenario as it
will be too dangerous to do so.
10. Listen to empower. If a victim of domestic violence reaches out to you, listen. Let her know that
you believe her and do not judge her choices. Victims often feel completely isolated and are often
belittled by their partner; it is important to enable her to feel safe when confiding in you because
eventually, she may well be able to gather enough courage to tell you exactly what is happening and
to ask for help. This intervention tip may be particularly useful for hairdressers, nurses, human
resource department personnel and anyone working in professions that involve having to listen to
clients, customers and co-workers as part of the job.
11. Be on standby If you suspect your friend, co-worker, staff, or family member of suffering from
Domestic Violence, offer to be on standby for her text or call for emergencies. Have your phone on
and fully charged at all times and keep it on you. If you have a car and need to intervene immediately,
make sure that the gas/petrol tank is full so you can get in and drive to get the victim/survivor
immediately if need be.
12. Have an intervention plan. Work out a plan to get an intervention operation in action – have the
following numbers on standby for your use:
▪ The national Domestic Violence helpline (if your country has it)
▪ The local Domestic Violence shelter helpline wherever the victim/survivor is located.
▪ The local police wherever the victim/survivor is located.
Make sure to contact all of these agencies immediately should you receive an urgent SOS from the
victim/survivor or if you hear or witness the violence begin and escalate (and in many cases, it may escalate
incredibly quickly).

13. Provide some relief. If you know a Domestic Violence victim/survivor who is being kept at home
without relief, do a random act of kindness for her: Offer to babysit the children for a few hours while
the abuser is out so she can have a breather; Offer to pick up groceries for her on your grocery run.
Every small gesture helps provide relieves and also build the victim’s confidence in eventually
reaching out to you for help (or accepting your help).
14. Check in regularly. If you fear for your friend, co-worker, classmate, or family member’s life, call or
text her once a day at a random time to see if she is all right. If it’s your neighbor, keep an eye out on
the house and your ears pricked for any signs or sounds of violence.
15. Be a resource. Help her find the assistance she needs, whether it is legal information, local domestic
violence programs, or finding a safe place through a battered women’s shelter. The greatest danger
women face in these situations is often the actual process of leaving, so finding a safe place may be
key. Knowing this information beforehand may be helpful, but assisting her in the research and even
making phone calls for her will also help speed things up.
16. Document! Document! Document! Document any incidents that you witness. Take note of dates,
times, injuries, and any other observations. Your ongoing documentation can help bolster a victim’s
courage and credibility when they are finally willing to pursue legal action against their partner.
 DOMESTIC VIOLENCE IN PAKISTAN

Outline:
Introduction
Types of domestic violence
• Acid throwing
• Bride burnings/"stove deaths
• Dowry death
• Honor killing
• Female genital mutilation
• Female Femicide & infanticide
• Foot binding
• Forced abortion
• Forced marriage
• Forced pregnancy
• Forced prostitution
• Human trafficking
• Murder of pregnant women
• Sati/Burning Alive
• Violence against prostitutes
• Sexual violence
• Sexual assault
• Campus sexual assault
• Rape/Gang Rape
• Sexual Slavery
Factors responsible for Domestic
Violence in Pakistan
Legislative Measures for curbing the
Domestic Violence
Recommendations

Domestic violence is an endemic social

problem in Pakistan. An estimated 5000
women are killed per year from domestic
violence, with thousands of others maimed or disabled. According to a study carried out in 2009 by Human
Rights Watch, it is estimated that between 70 and 90 percent of women in Pakistan have suffered some
form of abuse. The majority of victims of violence have no legal recourse. Law enforcement authorities do
not view domestic violence as a crime and usually refuse to register any cases brought to them. Given the
very few women's shelters in the country, victims have limited ability to escape from violent situations. The
following acts are a common phenomenon in our society:

• Acid throwing
• Bride burnings/"stove deaths”
• Dowry death
• Honor killing
• Female genital mutilation
• Female Femicide & infanticide
• Foot binding
• Forced abortion
• Forced marriage
 • Forced pregnancy
• Forced prostitution
• Human trafficking
• Murder of pregnant women
• Sati/Burning Alive
• Violence against prostitutes
• Sexual violence
• Sexual assault
• Campus sexual assault
• Rape/Gang Rape
• Sexual Slavery

Acid throwing, also called an acid attack, a vitriol attack or vitriolage, is a form of violent assault defined
as the act of throwing acid or a similarly corrosive substance onto the body of another "with the intention
to disfigure, maim, torture, or kill". Perpetrators of these attacks throw corrosive liquids at their victims,
usually at their faces, burning them, and damaging skin tissue, often exposing and sometimes dissolving the
bones.
Bride burning or bride-burning is a form of domestic violence practiced in countries located on or around
the Indian subcontinent. A category of dowry death, bride-burning occurs when a young woman
is murdered by her husband or his family for her family's refusal to pay additional dowry. The wife is typically
doused with kerosene, gasoline, or other flammable liquid, and set alight, leading to death by fire.Kerosene
is most often used as the fuel. It is most common in India and has been a major problem there since at least
1993.
Dowry deaths are deaths of women who are murdered or driven to suicide by continuous harassment and
torture by husbands and in-laws in an effort to extort an increased dowry.
An honor killing or shame killing is the homicide of a member of a family, due to the perpetrators' belief
that the victim has brought shame or dishonor upon the family, or has violated the principles of a community
or a religion, usually for reasons such as refusing to enter an arranged marriage, being in a relationship that
is disapproved by their family, having sex outside marriage, becoming the victim of rape, dressing in ways
which are deemed inappropriate, engaging in non-heterosexual relations or renouncing a faith.
Female genital mutilation (FGM), also known as female genital cutting and female circumcision, is the
ritual cutting or removal of some or all of the external female genitalia. The practice is found in Africa, Asia
and the Middle East, and within communities from countries in which FGM is common. UNICEF estimated in
2016 that 200 million women living today in 30 countries—27 African countries, Indonesia, Iraqi Kurdistan and
Yemen—have undergone the procedures.
Female infanticide is the deliberate killing of newborn female children. In countries with a history of female
infanticide, the modern practice of sex-selective abortion is often discussed as a closely related issue.
Female infanticide is a major cause of concern in several nations such as China, India and Pakistan. It has
been argued that the "low status" in which women are viewed in patriarchal societies creates a bias against
females
Forced abortion may occur when the perpetrator causes abortion by force, threat or coercion, or by taking
advantage of woman's incapability to give her consent, or where she gives her consent under duress. This
may also include the instances when the conduct was neither justified by medical or hospital treatment. Like
forced sterilization, forced abortion may include a physical invasion of female reproductive organs.
Forced marriage is a marriage in which one or more of the parties is married without his or her consent or
against his or her will. A forced marriage differs from an arranged marriage, in which both parties consent to
the assistance of their parents or a third party (such as a matchmaker) in choosing a spouse. There is often
a continuum of coercion used to compel a marriage, ranging from outright physical violence to subtle
psychological pressure.
Forced pregnancy is the practice of forcing a woman to become pregnant, often as part of a forced
marriage, or as part of a programme of breeding slaves, or as part of a programme of genocide. When a
forced pregnancy leads to reproduction, it is a form of reproductive coercion.
Forced pregnancy is the practice of forcing a woman to become pregnant, often as part of a forced
marriage, or as part of a programme of breeding slaves, or as part of a programme of genocide. When a
forced pregnancy leads to reproduction, it is a form of reproductive coercion.
Forced prostitution, also known as involuntary prostitution, is prostitution or sexual slavery that takes
place as a result of coercion by a third party. The terms "forced prostitution" or "enforced prostitution" appear
in international and humanitarian conventions but have been insufficiently understood and inconsistently
applied. "Forced prostitution" refers to conditions of control over a person who is coerced by another to
engage in sexual activity.
Human trafficking is the trade of humans for the purpose of forced labor, sexual slavery, or commercial
sexual exploitation for the trafficker or others. This may encompass providing a spouse in the context
of forced marriage, or the extraction of organs or tissues, including for surrogacy and ova removal. Human
trafficking can occur within a country or trans-nationally. Human trafficking is a crime against the person
because of the violation of the victim's rights of movement through coercion and because of their
commercial exploitation. Human trafficking is the trade in people, especially women and children, and does
not necessarily involve the movement of the person from one place to another.
Murder of pregnant women is a type of homicide often resulting from domestic violence. Domestic
violence—or intimate partner violence (IPV)—is suffered by many, and when analyzing cases in which
victims came forward, majority of them are women. Many of these women fear harm not just to themselves
but also to their unborn children. Recently, more focus has been placed on pregnancy-associated deaths
due to violence. IPV may begin when the victim becomes pregnant. Research has shown that abuse while
pregnant is a red flag for pregnancy-associated homicide.
Sati or suttee is an obsolete funeral custom where a widow immolates herself on her
husband's pyre or takes her own life in another fashion shortly after her husband's death.
Violence against prostitutes has been reported worldwide, both on a physical and psychological level. The
victims are predominantly women, including in extreme cases murder both inside and outside the workplace.
Sexual violence is any sexual act or attempt to obtain a sexual act by violence or coercion, acts to traffic a
person or acts directed against a person's sexuality, regardless of the relationship to the victim. It occurs in
times of peace and armed conflict situations, is widespread and is considered to be one of the most traumatic,
pervasive, and most common human rights violations.
Sexual assault is an act in which a person sexually touches another person without that person's consent,
or coerces or physically forces a person to engage in a sexual act against their will.[1] It is a form of sexual
violence which includes rape(forced vaginal, anal or oral penetration or drug facilitated sexual
assault), groping, child sexual abuse or the torture of the person in a sexual manner.
Campus sexual assault is defined as the sexual assault of a student attending an institution of higher
learning, such as a college or university.
Despite the name, fewer than 40% of reported incidents occur on campus property.Sexual assault is any
type of sexual contact or behavior that occurs without the explicit consent of the recipient. Falling under the
definition of sexual assault are sexual activities as forced sexual intercourse, forcible sodomy, child
molestation, incest, fondling, and attempted rape.
Rape is a type of sexual assault usually involving sexual intercourse or other forms of sexual
penetration carried out against a person without that person's consent. The act may be carried out by physical
force, coercion, abuse of authority, or against a person who is incapable of giving valid consent, such as one
who is unconscious, incapacitated, has an intellectual disability or is below the legal age of consent. The
term rape is sometimes used interchangeably with the term sexual assault.
Sexual slavery (sometimes known as sexual exploitation) is attaching the right of ownership over one or
more persons with the intent of coercing or otherwise forcing them to engage in one or more sexual
activities. This includes forced labor, reducing a person to a servile status (including forced marriage) and sex
trafficking persons, such as the sexual trafficking of children.

Factors responsible for Domestic Violence in Pakistan

Various factors are associated with domestic violence in Pakistan. Poverty, illiteracy and social and economic
taboos are considered the main reasons for domestic violence in the country. A lack of awareness about
women’s rights and a lack of support from the government are the other two reasons. Another factor given
for the rise in domestic violence has been due to increased urbanization. As people move from villages and
increasingly live apart from an extended family, assaults are less likely to be prevented by the intervention of
family members, who in past times often intervened in domestic conflicts. Yet another reason given for
abuses is patriarchalism in Pakistani society, which marginalizes women’s role. In some traditional societies,
a man is considered to have the right to physically beat his spouse. In 1998 of 1974 reported murders the
majority of victims were killed by either family members or In-laws. A survey carried out by the Thomson
Reuters Foundation ranked Pakistan as the third most dangerous country in the world for women, after
Afghanistan and the Democratic Republic of Congo; it is followed by India and Somalia. More than a thousand
victims of honor crimes were recorded last year. The annual report by the independent Human Rights
Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) recorded gang rapes, kidnapping, acid attacks, amputations, burnings and
said almost 800 women killed themselves or attempted suicide. The report warned that despite a series of
landmarks in 2015, which saw the first Pakistani female firefighter and rickshaw driver start work, exploitation
and abuse remains rife with little judicial recourse. The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan report said
prosecution rates for domestic violence and sexual offences were low, with women frequently too afraid to
report the crimes or being intimidated into withdrawing complaints. It recorded more than 900 rapes and
sexual assaults in 2015, 279 instances of domestic violence, 143 of burning, 833 kidnappings and 777
suicides and attempted suicides. The HRCP reported 987 honor crimes in 2015, with 1,096 female victims
and 88 male victims, including an unknown number of children.

Legislative Measures for curbing the Domestic Violence

In 1976 the Pakistani government passed legislation on dowry and bridal gifts in an attempt to eliminate the
custom but, because of cultural and societal norms combined with government ineffectiveness, such killings
over inadequate dowries continue. In 1999 the Senate of Pakistan rejected a resolution which would have
condemned the practice of murdering women for the sake of family honor. The following year, on 21 April
2000, the national government leader Pervez Musharraf declared that honor killings were "vigorously
condemned" by the government and would be treated as murder. The Ministry of Women Development set
up ten crisis centers to help the victims of domestic violence and raise the awareness level of the people on
this issue. In 2011 the Senate passed the Acid Control and Acid Crime Prevention Bill to repress acid attacks
in the country; the senate also passed the prevention of anti-women practices bill.

Recommendations
1. There is a need of recognition at the national level of the issue. Though government of Pakistan has
considered this issue but, consistent follow-up is mandatory.
2. There should be enough educational programs in all societies and cultures, both for women and men at
the same levels.
3. There should be enough opportunities of employments and participation in political parties along with
security and safety for women and the seat allocation for recruitments of both genders should be considered
on equality grounds. More funds should be allocated to women's development in the country.
4. Government should make it compulsory to incorporate the programme in all health care facilities of
Pakistan for proper screening of all types of domestic violence and abuse. Adequate emergency treatments
with rehabilitative measures should be provided. All health professionals should be made aware of domestic
violence, its factors, possible treatment and moreover the preventive measures. Along with medical facility,
government also can have crisis centers for violated women in the main health care centers like Rural Health
Centers (RHC), Basic Health Unites (BHU) and tertiary hospitals throughout the country. Furthermore,
specialized health care professionals should be introduced in the crisis centers who could easily handle any
case. All of the facilities should be easily accessible to all women in any setting throughout the country.
5. Awareness programmes should be conducted for both women and men. It should be done by using the
resources like nurses, doctors and psychologists, working under governmental and nongovernmental
organizations (NGOs). This could easily be done either by direct or indirect teaching. The direct methods
would include one to one teaching, counseling, or group based teaching. Indirect methods would involve the
use of media, pamphlets, role plays, drama and talk shows.
6. There should be religious definitions of the basic rights of women like autonomy and freedom in Pakistan
on federal levels and the government needs to evaluate all of the basic rights of women. For this a central
committee can be made which should include religious leaders, Ulema, and scholars who can consensually
define the rights of women in the lights of Islamic teaching and literature. But, for this the other ethnic and
minority religious groups should be considered when finalizing any package for basic rights of women.
Government should also ensure that every citizen of the country is following the main themes defined by the
religious committee.
7. Government should make efforts to ensure that
women have enough access to reach any
political opportunity and there should be a
training programme available for their capacity
building on politics.
8. There is also a need of reforms in the police
departments and judicial processes which place
constraints on women from accessing justice.
Women police should be trained to deal with
women facing domestic violence so that women
could feel safe and protected. Indeed the
presence of a nurse or doctor in the police
department team would facilitate a pleasant
environment for the sufferers. The prosecution
rate for violence against women must be
increased to create a safer environment.
9. Alcohol production, transport and drinking should be banned as Pakistan is an Islamic country and in Islam
alcohol is strictly prohibited. Government can take help from social groups, religious leaders and even they
can strengthen their law and order situation to decrease alcohol and other addictive material usage in the
country.
10. Exclusive celebrations of marriages were banned in the country some years ago and that worked very
effectively through the country. Similarly government can also ban weighty dowry systems in different
cultures, and fix certain amount in the lights of Islamic religious teachings which should be followed in any
culture and in any region of the country.
11. Government should develop recreational programs like family parks, and other entertaining places where
women along with their family can enjoy and relax.

Section IX: CASE STUDIES

CASE STUDY OF MUKHTARA MAI

Outline:
1. Introduction
2. Rape incident
3. Media coverage
4. Government Reactions
5. Government reaction
6. Legal Case
6.1. Anti-Terrorist court
6.2. Appeal and Lahore High Court
6.3. Retrial of Rapist
7. Threats
8. Post Case
9. Awards and Acclaims
 1. Introduction
Mukhtaran Bibi is a Pakistani woman from the village of Meerwala, in the rural tehsil (county) of Jatoi of
the Muzaffargarh District of Pakistan. In June 2002, Mukhtār Mā'ī was the survivor of a gang rape as a form
of honour revenge, on the orders of a tribal council of the local Mastoi Baloch clan that was richer and more
powerful as opposed to her Tatla clan in that region. Although custom would expect her to commit suicide
after being raped, Mukhtaran spoke up, and pursued the case, which was picked up by both domestic and
international media.
2. Rape Incident
Mukhtaran’s brother Abdul Shakoor, then 12 years old, had been raped by three men from the Mastoi tribe,
who then threatened the boy to keep his abuse quiet. When the boy refused, one of the men accused him
of having sexual relations with his sister, Salma, who was then at least six years older than Shakoor.
Mukhtaran’s family at first tried to arrange a settlement of the dispute by asking that Shakoor marry Salma
and that one of the Mastoi tribe marry Mukhtaran. The Mastoi clan was initially willing to accept the
agreement but Salma’s brothers, including one of the men who raped Shakoor, refused.
The Mastoi’s suggested that they would be willing to ‘forgive’ Mukhtaran’s family if she came and
apologised on behalf of her brother. However, when she arrived at the house of one of the Mastoi men,
she was dragged inside, gang raped by four men, and then paraded naked in the village.
Initial media reports had suggested that Mukhtaran was ‘sentenced’ to gang rape by the jirga. Later reports,
however, corrected that account and showed that in fact there was no such ‘sentencing’ and the jirga was
only involved in arranging for the settlement which was ultimately rejected.
3. Media Coverage
What made the incident a national story was a sermon the following Friday, six days later, when the imam
of the local mosque spoke against the rape in the Friday prayers and arranged for journalists in the area
to meet with Mukhtaran’s family.
The story spread like wildfire at a time when the Pakistani press was just beginning to gain more freedom.
The story became headline news in Pakistan, and remained so for months. By 3 July, the BBC had picked
up on the story. Time magazine ran a story on the case in mid-July.
4. Government Reactions
The Government of Pakistan awarded Mukhtaran with a sum of 500,000 rupees (4518 U.S. dollars) on 5 July
2002. Mukhtaran reportedly told Attiya Inayatullah, the Women’s Development Minister who gave her the
cheque that she "would have committed suicide if the government had not come to her help.
5. Legal Case:
Anti-Terrorist Court
Mukhtaran's attackers, and the Mastoi of the so-called panchayat that conspired in her rape, were sentenced
to death by the Dera Ghazi Khan Anti-Terror Court (ATC) in 2002. The ATC venue was ruled appropriate in
this case because the Mastoi had intimidated and terrorized (and continue to threaten) Mukhtaran's clan and
the people of the area. The court convicted six men (four rapists and two of the village jurors) and sentenced
them to death on 1 September 2002. Eight other accused men were released. Mai filed an appeal with the
Multan bench of the Lahore high court against the acquittal of the eight men set free on 3 September 2002.
Appeal and the Lahore High Court
On 3 March, the Lahore High Court reversed the judgment by the trial court on the basis of "insufficient
evidence" and subsequently five of the six men sentenced to death were acquitted. The Pakistani
government decided to appeal the acquittal, and Mukhtaran asked the court not to order the release of the
five men, who then remained in detention under a law that allows for a 90-day detention without charges.
Legal representation
Mukhtaran has been represented by panels of lawyers. One such team is headed by Pakistan's Attorney
General, Makhdoom Ali Khan. Another panel is led by Aitzaz Ahsan, a lawyer and politician belonging to
the Pakistan Peoples Party, who has been representing Mukhtaran pro bono. However, her rapists were
found not guilty. Advocate Malik Muhammad Saleem won this case against Mukhtaran and the accused were
released. The Federal Sharia Court in Pakistan decided to suspend this decision of Lahore High Court on 11
March, arguing that Mai's case should have been tried under the Islamic Hudood laws. Three days later the
Supreme Court ruled that the Federal Sharia Court did not have the authority to overrule the decision and
decided to hear the case in the Supreme Court
Retrial of rapists
The Lahore high court ruled on 6 June 2005 that the accused men could be released on payment of a 50,000
rupees ($840) bond. However, the men were unable to come up with the money, and remained in jail while
the prosecution appealed against their
acquittal.[45] Just over two weeks later, the
Supreme Court intervened and suspended the
acquittals of five men as well as the eight who
were acquitted at the original trial in 2002. All 14
were retried in the Supreme Court.
And on 21 April 2011, the Supreme Court set
aside the Lahore High Court, Lahore's verdict of
acquitting A. Ditta, Ghulam Farid, Faiz Mastoi
and Ramzan Parchar. However the Supreme
Court confirmed acquittal of Khalil Ahmad,
Ghulam Hussain, Qasim Rasool, Hazoor and
Nazar Hussain for being falsely implicated by Mukhtar Mai. But the lawyer and supporters of Mukhataran Bibi
plan to file a review petition against this verdict.
6. Post-Case Work
Mukhtaran began to work to educate girls, and to promote education with a view towards raising awareness
to prevent future honour crimes. Out of this work grew the organization Mukhtar Mai Women's Welfare
Organization (MMWWO). The goals of MMWWO are to help the local community, especially women, through
education and other projects. The main focus of her work is to educate young girls, and to educate the
community about women’s rights and gender issues. Her organization teaches young girls, and tries to make
sure they stay in school, rather than work or get married. In Fall 2007, a high school will be started by her
group. The MMWWO also provides shelter and legal help for people, often women, who are victims of
violence or injustice.
7. Awards and Acclaim
1. On 2 August 2005, the Pakistani government awarded Mukhtaran the Fatima Jinnah gold medal for
bravery and courage.[56]
2. On 2 November 2005, the US magazine Glamour named Mukhtaran as their Woman of the Year.
3. On 2 May 2006, Mukhtaran spoke at the United Nations headquarters in New York. In an interview
with United Nations TV, Mai said that "she wanted to get the message across to the world that one
should fight for their rights and for the rights of the next generation."
4. On 31 October 2006, Mukhtaran's memoir was released in the United States as In the Name of Honor:
A Memoir.
5. In October 2010, Laurentian University of Canada decided to award an honorary doctorate degree to
Mukhtar Mai.

CASE STUDY OF MALALA YOUSUFZAI

1. Introduction
2. Early Life and Family
3. Education Activist
4. Shot by the Taliban
5. Malala Yousafzai’s Nobel Peace Prize
6. United Nations Speech
7. Malala Day
8. Feminist label
9. Works
 9.1. School for Syrian refugee girls
9.2. Reaction to Rohingya persecution
9.3. 'I Am Malala'
9.4. Documentary
10. Reception in Pakistan
Introduction
Malala Yousafzai is a Pakistani education advocate who, at the age of 17, became the youngest person to
win the Nobel Peace Prize after surviving an assassination attempt by the Taliban. Born on July 12, 1997,
Yousafzai became an advocate for girls' education when she herself was still a child, which resulted in the
Taliban issuing a death threat against her. On October 9, 2012, a gunman shot Malala when she was traveling
home from school. She survived and has continued to speak out on the importance of education. In 2013,
she gave a speech to the United Nations and published her first book, I Am Malala. In 2014, she won the
Nobel Peace Prize.

Early Life and Family

Malala Yousafzai was born in Mingora, Pakistan, located in the country's Swat Valley, on July 12, 1997. For
the first few years of her life, her hometown remained a popular tourist spot that was known for its summer
festivals. However the area began to change as the Taliban tried to take control.

Education Activist
Yousafzai attended a school that her father, Ziauddin Yousafzai, had founded. After the Taliban began
attacking girls' schools in Swat, Malala gave a speech in Peshawar, Pakistan, in September 2008. The title
of her talk was, "How dare the Taliban take away my basic right to education?" In early 2009, Yousafzai
began blogging for the BBC about living under the Taliban's threats to deny her an education. In order to hide
her identity, she used the name Gul Makai. However she was revealed to be the BBC blogger in December
of that year. With a growing public platform, Yousafzai continued to speak out about her right, and the right
of all women, to an education. Her activism resulted in a nomination for the International Children's Peace
Prize in 2011. That same year, she was awarded Pakistan's National Youth Peace Prize. Malala and her
family learned that the Taliban had issued a death threat against her because of her activism. Though Malala
was frightened for the safety of her father — an anti-Taliban activist — she and her family initially felt that the
fundamentalist group would not actually harm a child.

Shot by the Taliban

On October 9, 2012, when 15-year-old Malala was riding a bus with friends on their way home from school,
a masked gunman boarded the bus and demanded to know which girl was Malala. When her friends looked
toward Malala, her location was given away. The gunman fired at her, hitting Malala in the left side of her
head; the bullet then traveled down her neck. Two other girls were also injured in the attack.

The shooting left Malala in critical condition, so she was flown to a military hospital in Peshawar. A portion of
her skull was removed to treat her swelling brain. To receive further care, she was transferred to Birmingham,
England. Once she was in the United Kingdom, Yousafzai was taken out of a medically induced coma.
Though she would require multiple surgeries—including repair of a facial nerve to fix the paralyzed left side
of her face — she had suffered no major brain damage. In March 2013, she was able to begin attending
school in Birmingham. The shooting resulted in a massive outpouring of support for Yousafzai, which
continued during her recovery. Unfortunately, the Taliban still considers Yousafzai a target, although
Yousafzai remains a staunch advocate for the power of education.

Malala Yousafzai’s Nobel Peace Prize

In October 2014, at age 17 Malala Yousafzai became the youngest person to receive the Nobel Peace Prize.
She was awarded the Nobel along with Indian children's rights activist Kailash Satyarthi. Malala was first
nominated for the prize in 2013 but did not win; she was renominated in March 2014. In congratulating
Yousafzai, Pakistani Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif said: “She is (the) pride of Pakistan, she has made her
countrymen proud. Her achievement is unparalleled and unequaled. Girls and boys of the world should take
lead from her struggle and commitment." Former U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon described Malala as
"a brave and gentle advocate of peace who, through the simple act of going to school, became a global
teacher.”

United Nations Speech

Nine months after being shot by the Taliban, Malala Yousafzai gave a speech at the United Nations on her
16th birthday in 2013. Yousafzai highlighted her focus on education and women's rights, urging world leaders
to change their policies. Yousafzai said that following the attack, “the terrorists thought that they would change
our aims and stop our ambitions, but nothing changed in my life except this: weakness, fear and hopelessness
died. Strength, power and courage were born.” She also urged action against illiteracy, poverty and terrorism:
“The extremists were, and they are, afraid of books and pens. The power of education frightens them. They
are afraid of women... Let us pick up our books and pens. They are our most powerful weapons.”

Malala Day
At Malala Yousafzai’s 2013 speech at the United Nations, Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon pronounced July
12th – Yousafzai's birthday – 'Malala Day' in honor of the young leader’s activism to ensure education for all
children. “Malala chose to mark her 16th birthday with the world,” said Ban. “No child should have to die for
going to school. Nowhere should teachers fear to teach or children fear to learn. Together, we can change
the picture.”

Feminist label
Even though she was fighting for women's rights as well as children's rights, she did not describe herself as
a feminist when asked on Forbes Under 30 Summit in 2014. In 2015, however, Yousafzai told Emma
Watson she decided to call herself a feminist after hearing Watson's speech at the UN launching
the HeForShe campaign. In May 2014, Yousafzai was granted an honorary doctorate by the University of
King's College in Halifax, Nova Scotia.
School for Syrian refugee girls
On 12 July 2015, her 18th birthday, Yousafzai opened a school in the Bekaa Valley, Lebanon, near the Syrian
border, for Syrian refugees. The school, funded by the not-for-profit Malala Fund, offers education and
training to girls aged 14 to 18 years. Yousafzai called on world leaders to invest in "books, not bullets".
Reaction to Rohingya persecution
Yousafzai has repeatedly condemned the Rohingya persecution in Myanmar. In June 2015, the Malala Fund
released a statement in which Yousafzai argues that the Rohingya people deserve "citizenship in the country
where they were born and have lived for generations" along with "equal rights and opportunities." She urges
world leaders, particularly in Myanmar, to "halt the inhuman persecution of Burma's Muslim minority Rohingya
people."In September 2017, speaking in Oxford, Yousafzai said that "This should be a human rights issue.
Governments should react to it. People are being displaced, they're facing violence." Yousafzai also posted
a statement on Twitter calling for Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi to condemn the treatment
of the Rohingya people in Myanmar. Suu Kyi has avoided taking sides in the conflict, or condemning violence
against the Rohingya people, leading to widespread criticism.
Works
'I Am Malala'
I Am Malala: The Girl Who Stood Up for Education and Was Shot by the Taliban is an autobiography by
Malala Yousafzai released in October 2013. It became an international bestseller.

Documentary
In October 2015, a documentary about Yousafzai's life was released. HE NAMED ME MALALA, directed by
Davis Guggenheim (An Inconvenient Truth, Waiting for Superman), gives viewers an intimate look into the
life of Malala, her family, and her commitment to supporting education for girls around the world.
Reception in Pakistan
Reception of Yousafzai is mixed in Pakistan. Dawn columnist Huma Yusuf summarized three main
complaints of Yousafzai's critics: "Her fame highlights Pakistan's most negative aspect (rampant militancy);
her education campaign echoes Western agendas; and the West's admiration of her is hypocritical because
it overlooks the plight of other innocent victims, like the casualties of U.S. drone
strikes." Another Dawn journalist, Cyril Almeida, addressed the public's lack of rage against the Tehrik-i-
Taliban Pakistan (TTP), blaming the failing state government. Journalist Assed Baig described her as being
used to justify Western imperialism as "the perfect candidate for the white man to relieve his burden and save
the native".Yousafzai was also accused on social media of being a CIA spy.
However, Yousafzai does have some support in Pakistani media; Farman Nawaz argues that Yousafzai
would have gained more fame in Pakistan if she belonged to the province of Punjab. His opinion was not
given importance by the mainstream media of Pakistan but his views in this regard were published by Daily
Outlook Afghanistan.

CASE STUDY OF SHARMEEN OBAID CHINOY

Outline:
Introduction
Early life and Background
Documentaries
• Saving Face
• Children of Taliban
• Transgenders: Pakistan’s open secret
• Terror’s Children
• A girl in the River
The Citizens archives of Pakistan
Awards and Acclaim
Introduction
Sharmeen Obaid-Chinoy born 12 November 1978 is a Pakistani journalist, filmmaker and activist.She is
known for her work in films that highlight the inequality with
women. She is the recipient of two Academy Awards, six Emmy
Awards and a Lux Style Award. In 2012, the Government of
Pakistan honoured her with the Hilal-i-Imtiaz, the second highest
civilian honour of the country, and Time magazine named her one of
the 100 most influential people in the world.
Early Life and Background
Obaid-Chinoy was born on 12 November 1978 in Karachi, Sindh,
Pakistan. Her father, Sheikh Obaid, was a businessman, who died in
2010, and her mother, Saba Obaid, is a social worker. She
attended Convent of Jesus and Mary, followed by schooling
at Karachi Grammar School .Obaid-Chinoy then moved to the
United States for higher education. Upon moving, she studied at the Smith College, from where she
completed her bachelor's degree in journalism in 2002. After graduating from the Smith College, she enrolled
herself at the Stanford University for a double master's degree in International Policy Studies and
Communication, which she received in 2004, during this period; she developed a passion for filmmaking, and
made two award-winning short films simultaneously.
Documentaries
Saving Face
SAVING FACE tells the stories of two acid-attack survivors: Zakia and Rukhsana, their arduous attempts to
bring their assailants to justice, and the charitable work of London-based, Pakistani-born plastic surgeon Dr.
Mohammad Jawad, who strives to help these women put this horrific act behind them and move on with their
lives. Directed by Oscar® and Emmy®-nominated filmmaker Daniel Junge and Emmy®-winning Pakistani
director Sharmeen Obaid-Chinoy, SAVING FACE is an intimate look inside Pakistani society, illuminating
each woman’s personal journey while showing how reformers are tackling this vexing problem.
Transgenders: Pakistan’s Open secret
Flamboyant, colorful and eccentric, many among Pakistan's marginalized transgender community
scrape a living through dancing, singing and begging on the streets of the country’s economic
capital, Karachi. Many others, though, earn money catering for the sexual needs of local men in the
city's seedier districts.

Investigating a never-before-seen side of life in Pakistan, this film from Oscar and EMMY award-
winning director Sharmeen Obaid-Chinoy follows the stories of three transgender people, who each
represent a different way of life in the country. Maggie is a prostitute who dreams of becoming an air
hostess, while Chahat was abandoned by her middle-class family to beg on the streets. Sana is
Karachi's most sought-after transgender dancer, desperate to give up the profession after a
particularly gruesome gang rape. Is there any hope for these courageous individuals who want to
stand out on their own?

With exclusive access, this cutting-edge film goes behind the scenes of the transgender community
to uncover the truth behind Pakistan’s Open Secret.

Official Selection, United Nations Association Film Festival

Terror’s Children
Set in the summer of 2002, Terror’s Children follows the lives of eight Afghan refugee children in the city of
Karachi, who have been forced to flee their war ravaged homes in Afghanistan, often alone, to face hunger,
disease, illiteracy, servitude and even forced militancy. While many of these children live in the Afghan
refugee camp, some also live in illegal encroachments near garbage dumps and become scavengers who
sell paper and bottles that they have collected by sifting through trash, others find refuge in religious schools
(madrasas) that provide free food, shelter and clothing to young boys in exchange for their allegiance to the
cause of Islam.

A Girl in the River: The price of forgiveness

We first meet 19-year-old Saba, as she’s on an operating table, being treated for the gunshot wounds to
her face that were inflicted on her by her father and uncle. We learn that she earned this punishment for
leaving her father’s house to marry a man she’d already been engaged to for four years, who her father had
approved of initially. He bowed to the pressure of his own brother, who announced that Saba should
instead marry his brother-in-law, and forbade Saba from meeting her fiancé, Qaisar.

Saba did not listen. She was firmly attached to Qaisar, and wanted to be with him – as is her right
according to the laws of Islam and of human rights. But tribalism and ‘honor’ reign supreme in this
backwards part of Gujranwala, where poverty doesn’t stop a neighborhood from being run by its ‘influential’.
Saba defied them all to marry Qaiser in a court of law. When her family found out what she’d done, they
swore they wouldn’t harm her if she returned home, so that she could be then sent to her in-laws’ house in
a respectable manner.
In the dark of night, her father and uncle took her from her in-laws’ house, to a nearby river. They held her
by the neck and put a gun to her head. Saba turned her head at the last minute, which saved her life, but
she was still grievously wounded when her uncle pulled the trigger. Then they put her into a bag and threw
her in the river.

Saba’s survival from this ordeal is incredible enough. But the journey that follows, to the courts, where
Saba wants to see her father and uncle jailed for the crime, is even more incredible. Because in Pakistan, if
a man murders a woman for ‘honor’, the victim’s heirs can ‘forgive’ him and he will be set free. Saba is one
of the rarest cases: a woman who survives an attempted honor-killing. Her heirs cannot set her father and
uncle free; only she can make the decision.
As family members pressure her and her husband’s family to set her relatives free, we get to know Saba: a
vivacious 19-year-old who is filled with courage and determination, and an unshakeable belief in justice.
Her young husband, Qaiser, is full of tenderness and love for his wife, which provides a necessary
counterpoint to the ugliness and hatred of Saba’s father and uncle. These men insist they have done
nothing wrong. Indeed, they have acted ‘honorably’ to save their family’s pride. They insist, even from
behind bars, that they would do it again, that they would serve their lives in jail for having shown the
community that they are men of honor.

The end of the film is a betrayal of Saba and everything that she is fighting for. But even in the midst of this
betrayal, there are seeds of hope; Saba is pregnant with her first child, who she wishes to be a girl so that
she can be brave, and stand up for herself. It makes one think of Malala Yousafzai, who also survived
being shot in the head by men who wanted to control her, and brings up the question, why must Pakistani
girls be so brave in the face of so much hatred?
The Citizens archives of Pakistan
The Citizens Archive of Pakistan (CAP) is a non-profit organization dedicated to cultural and historic
preservation, operating in Karachi, Lahore and Islamabad. We seek to educate the community, foster an
awareness of our nation’s history and instill pride in Pakistani citizens about their heritage.
CAP has focused its attention on the tradition of oral storytelling in Pakistan, emphasizing the importance of
such narratives in a dialogue on national identity. Our organization has three main goals: to preserve and
provide access to the archive, to build and support educational programs, and to develop educational
products based on the testimonies collected.
We are passionate about sharing Pakistan’s stories with the educational outreach programs and the
thousands of visitors who attend our festivals, and exhibitions. Our archives, exhibits and galleries change
and grow as our understanding grows, and we strive to share our knowledge in original and exciting ways.
Awards and Acclaim
1. In 2016, the documentary earned Sharmeen her second Best Documentary Short Oscar after she
won Pakistan's first Academy Award for Saving Face in 2012.
2. In 2012, the Government of Pakistan honored her with the Hilal-i-Imtiaz, the second highest civilian
honor of the country
3. Time magazine named her one of the 100 most influential people in the world.
4. In 2017, Obaid-Chinoy became the first artist to co-chair the World Economic Forum.