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employed to take away that very power itself through a ruling that
some decision holding that the power existed was not binding. The
first of these points I thought (wrongly it seems) met Goldstein's
criticism of this type of view as expressed in his earlier article. 2 But
I did not meet the criticism he has now expressed. This is that if an
exercise of the power is treated as a decision which is within the
scope of the decisions it itself applies to, it is logically incoherent in
the ways he outlines. I accept this. But the answer, obviously
enough, is that pronouncements on precedent do not apply to
themselves. They apply to decisions on more particular matters,
which they make either binding or no longer binding. It would be as
redundant for such a decision to apply to itself when making
decisions binding, as it would be for the legislature to add a clause
saying, "this statute shall be binding" when passing a statute. And
for such a decision to apply to itself when making decisions not
binding would plainly be silly.
Goldstein's comments, so far as they relate to the second claim,
raise difficult issues which can only be lightly sketched here. First,
a principle of method: the proper consideration of this type of claim
must, I believe, pursue to its conclusion the question what is the
prescriptive content of the law-i.e., that which determines what the
law-abiding judge (and citizen) should do-and not stop short of
any point with a mere description of existing practices. For one can
always ask why an individual judge should conform to existing
practices. Secondly, whether there was historically a power to change
the rules of precedent, and whether there is now, does matter:
looking backwards, because it is important to get a clear idea of
what has occurred; and for the present, because we need to know
whether the rules can be lawfully changed (parliamentary interven-
tion apart). The supposed foundational rule-supposing it to be the
correct basis for such a power-is therefore not a giant white turtle.
Nevertheless, one might certainly view the changes which have
occurred as a number of silent revolutions (in the sense that the
basic premises for a correct legal decision have changed). I was
influenced in rejecting this view by the thought that whatever account
one might have been given by a lawyer of the correct use of
precedents as a source of law prior to any of these changes, if one
had asked the question, "But what should be the position if the
House of Lords (or any other relevant court) were to declare a
contrary view?" one would, I assumed, have received the reply,
"Well, of course, then the position would be as the court had
declared it to be." I recognised that my sense of this as the
2 "Four Alleged Paradoxes in Legal Reasoning" [19791 C.L.J. 373, 389.
The Cambridge Law Journal [19841