| Hochschild, Artie and Anne Machung. 2012. The Second Shi: Working Families and 4 ‘he Revolution at Home. New Yor: Penguin Hooks. Holmwood, Sohn 2007 Sociology as Public Discourse and Professional Practice: A Citque of Michael Burawos.” Sociological Theory 25(1)46-66 usaka, Wat, 2017, Mora Potts in he Pilipines: equa, Democracy and the Urban Poor Singapore: Natoal University af ing ore Prose, Jackson, Stevi, 1998. “Even Sociologists Fallin Love: An Exploration inthe Sociology of Emotions.” Sociology 21(2)201 Jenkins, Scot. 2016, *Ressentiment, Imaginary Revenge, and the Slave Revolt.” Philosophy and Phenomenological Research, doi: 10.111) hp: 12309, Khasnabish, Alex and Max Haiven, 2014, “Why Social Movements Need the Radical lenagination.” Open Democracy, July 22. Retrieved May 5, 2017 tps! ‘wrrw.opendemoeracy.ne/ransformatio/slex-khasnabish-max-haven/why- socialamovements-need-radical-imagination), 20, Mills C. 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The Guardian, January Retrieved May 5, 2017 (tips 2/201 7an"02trump-breit-ten rogressives-aghast-they-should-he-emboldened), ‘Thrasher, Steven W, 2016 "A Year-end Plea: Dot Let Politics Overshadow Life's Splendou” The Guardian. December 30, Retrieved May 5, 2017 (htpsvww. ‘heguardiancom/commentisre/2016/de30/2016-2017.pea-redo has shown no capacity for national leadership and is largely a political creation of Liberal Party operatives who wanted to convert the name of her deceased husband, former Department of the Interior and Local Government head Jesse Robredo, into political capital. Moreover, her continuing strong ties Aefnitely inthe populist style, but in power, be hes nt mobilized the masses against the rich inthe manner of a Chaves or Morales. This combination ofa populist style with a contoed handling of politcal forces brings Duterte closer to fascist leaders like Hitler and Mussolini. Nevertheless, if ‘one sees other dynamics beyond class confit as cenzal 1 defining whois populist, then Duterte might be sen as more tan jst a populist in style ‘Nicole Curso, for instance, sees him as an innovator His “penal populism” ‘sa winning formula that successfully taps ordinary peape’s anxieties about ler physical security while arth same ime making them identify with him as the unconventional agent of a more hopeful future. Curate’ penal populism is akin to an appeal that | termed above, “euro bru” (see Curato 2016). 17 Personal communication with Jamela Alindogan in Al Jazeera on August 13, 2016. BELLO + Rodrigo Duterte's Ascent to Power ato the Liberal Party and the former administration lend her to becoming easily discredited. ‘What all this points to is that, in order to be credible, the opposition to Duterte will have to look forward, not backward. It cannot afford to be led by personalities identified with the old regime, Itis dificult, but not impossible, for such a force to emerge in the medium term. CONCLUSION Rodrigo Duterte is a populist in style but the substance of his polities fits ‘more the definition ofa fascist, He is, however, a fascist sui generis, which underlines the truth in the aphorisn that fascism comes in different ways to different societies. Perhaps his most distinctive contribution is that he begins with his “maximum program” of massive extra-judicial killings, after which the curtailment of civil liberties and the formal establishment ‘ofa dictatorship will be in the nature of “mopping-up operations.” By looking at his ascent to power via elections and his performance in his first six months in office, Duterte emerges as a very skilled leader, ‘who relies more on instinct than on careful calculation, but with perhaps ‘more effective results. Among the key facets that we have identified are propensity for authoritarian rule; his being supported by a heated multi- class mass base; the easy resort to measures that violate basie human and civil rights; and a political project that contradicts the values and goals of liberal democracy. Duterte is not only the local expression of the ongoing global counter-revolution against liberal democracy but a pioneer ofthis movement, Like other suecessful counter-revolutionaries, Duterte has shown a capacity for improvisation in a project in which the only thing that is really clear is the end goal, which is the achievement of absolute power. ‘The Duterte phenomenon cannot be explained without taking into consideration the failure ofthe liberal democratic republic that emerged from the EDSA Uprising to deliver on its promises of mass political empowerment, redistribution of wealth, and economic justice Pethaps no one since Hitler has made use of a plurality of votes to act decisively as has Duterte. This was most evident in his war on drugs, which even before he assumed power on July 1, had already claimed a Plippine Sociological Review (2017 + Vo. 65 «Special sue Victims through extra-judicial executioa. He identified himself with the state, with an assault on him being seen by him as an assault on the state, Moreover, he evinced an unparalleled ability to use the history of US- Philippine relations to fuse nationalists and authoritarianism in a way that resonated with the population. Duterte's first six months in office sav the collapse of the political ‘opposition, the erosion ofthe system of checks and balances, the intimidation of the Church, and the co-optaion of te extreme Left The presidential domination ofthe potitical scene was one that was surpassed only during the Marcos dictatorship. Resistance to Duterte’s initiatives did emerge, but it came largely from civil society and was relatively weak ‘The key problems that Duterte faces in consolidating his control of ‘the country lie mainly in the absence so far of a fasciststyle political party, and in his likely failure 10 meet mass expectations about his promise to eliminate corruption in government and bring about a better life forthe poor. With the country’s political and economic elites rapidly ‘converting themselves into his enthusiastic allies, Duterte is unlikely to move against them, ‘This spells a great danger for Philippine democracy, since Duterte will find that to pursue his authoritarian project amidst rising opposition, he ‘ill have to resort toa curtailment of civil liberties and other repressive -vapyu03-oumINp/L FEES TI maoosesid-mssydan) £102 "21 YA pana SUH 205 C02 Apeay sistunusto w2pgueD eHeinCL "9102: (Guwwopi-yd-xt-spramprood-uye ety ene umbur etsmauyedny) L102 “ZL MBN panotnoy ounbuy dog, adie Soap, souddy Uy 2p:81Q 2009-0 40 SUIBSHFT © 'S 94 MK eaNG SaHAING PUNDE, “9102 HOFeNL HOHE “wore9q :uoisog ‘Onisouag peo diyssonnioig fo suSuo roD0s UL 9661 “WorSusING “x00 "mow a? 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