From State to Empire

in the Prehistoric
Jequetepeque Valley, Peru

Edited by

Colleen M. Zori
Ilana Johnson

BAR International Series 2310

2011
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From State to Empire in the Prehistoric Jequetepeque Valley, Peru

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 Chapter 7
Chicha Production during the Chimú Period at San José de Moro,
Jequetepeque Valley, North Coast of Peru

O. Gabriel Prieto B.
Yale University

This article presents the results obtained in two of three seasons of excavation conducted in Area 35, found at the archaeological site of
San José de Moro in the Jequetepeque Valley. This was the first mound excavated in its entirety at the site, as well as the first prehispanic
chicha (corn beer) production center to be found in the valley. Conditions favorable to preservation have been fundamental in that they
have conserved organic materials rarely seen in archaeological complexes. The sum of these contexts has permitted us to understand
in its entirety the configuration of a chicha production center during the Late Intermediate Period on the north coast of Peru. Based
on this evidence, we suggest the use of this drink as a strategic resource during the Chimú Period for the exercise and maintenance of
power in the valley.

San José de Moro, located in the northern sector of
the Jequetepeque Valley, is one of the most important
archaeological sites related to the preparation, distribution
and consumption of maize beer found on the north coast
during the Early Intermediate Period (Castillo 2000, 2003;
Delibes and Barragán 2008). In the Early Intermediate
Period (AD 400 – 750), massive production and
consumption of maize beer at the site was associated with
elaborate Moche feasting ceremonies where celebration in
memory of the ancestors was a central part of the funerary
rituals. These activities, in which whole towns and their
rulers made pilgrimages to San José de Moro, helped
secure the social alliances and consolidate the political
affiliations that constituted the shared Moche identity of
different polities spread throughout the valley (Castillo
2010; Castillo et al. 2008). After the collapse of the Moche
culture, during the so-called Transitional Period (850-950
AD), there was a remarkable reduction in feasting at San
José de Moro and thus a decline in the production of maize
beer. By the end of the Middle Horizon, San José de Moro
had been assimilated by the Lambayeque state, which was
responsible for the construction of an elite residential unit
at the site (Prieto 2009, 2010). The Lambayeque continued
using San José de Moro as a cemetery, but the individuals
buried during this period were of a lower status compared to
the previous occupations (Bernuy 2008; Castillo et al. 2008;
Prieto 2009). Although occupation surfaces associated with
Lambayeque occupation do not show significant production
of maize beer, large quantities of plates and bowls in
Lambayeque and late Coastal Cajamarca styles have been
found in contexts associated with this period, indicating
that the Lambayeque were engaging in feasting activities
(Prieto et al. 2008).
In 2004, the San José de Moro Archaeological Project
(SJMAP) began archaeological excavation of a small
Chimú mound located on the east side of Huaca Alta, a
group of mud-brick buildings associated with the Chimú,
Chimú-Inka and Colonial periods. The results of the
excavation of the small mound, hereafter known as Area
35, are the subject of the present article. During the first
two years of excavation, a production center for maize
beer was uncovered in its entirety, revealing three major
occupations dating to the Chimú period (AD 1350-1470).
One major difference is that maize beer brewed in this
chicha production facility was not used in funerary feasting
ceremonies at San José de Moro. Instead, I propose that the
brewery provided maize beer to the household component
of Huaca Alta, which may have been the residence of a
master brewer, and to the Chimú administrative center of
Algarrobal del Moro, located 2.5 km to the east.
Maize Beer or ‘Chicha’ in the Andean Context
‘Chicha’ is a Caribbean word, borrowed from the language
of the Taino people, which was adopted by Andean society
as the name for both non-alcoholic and alcoholic maize
drinks (Arnold et al. 2001). It was originally called aqha
in Quechua, k’usa in Aymara, and kótzo in the Muchik
language, spoken on the north coast of prior to European
contact. Today, this drink retains high prestige in the
Peruvian highlands (Abercrombie 1993; Harvey 1993),
while on the north coast, its consumption is associated
with lower social levels; hence it is subject to many social
prejudices. Few families on the coast maintain the tradition
of chicha production (Camino 1987, 73; Hayashida 2008).
The Spanish chronicles and Colonial documents of the
16th and 17th centuries that refer to chicha production
in the Jequetepeque Valley indicate a different situation
for this beverage in prehistoric and Early Colonial times.
Chicha was considered a sacred drink by local authorities
and populations, and it played a fundamental role in the
redistributive economic system of the coast (Ramírez

105
Chicha Production during the Chimú Period

Maize Beer (Chicha) Production

Activity Architectural Spaces and Tools Presence in Area 35

Transportation; maize selection; husk Baskets; cotton fabric bags No
removal Despancador* Yes
Drying maize Cotton fabrics; reed mats Yes
Wooden structures No
Grinding maize
Ceramic grinders Yes
Large ceramic vessels No
Jora production (soaking grains)
Impermeable clay-lined structure Yes
Patio Yes
Dry sprouted grains (jora)
Cotton fabrics; reed mats Yes
Patio Yes
Milling (production of jora powder) Stone mortars and grinding stones Yes
Ceramic vessels: pots and bowls Yes
Hearths Yes
Fuel (corn cobs, corn husks, wood, guinea pig
Yes
Cooking/heating/boiling excrement)
Small paicas Yes
Wooden paddles Yes
Cooling using water Ceramic vessels: jars and pots Yes
Cotton fabrics Yes
Straining
Paicas Yes
Chicha residues Yes
Fruits? (lúcumas or guanábanas) Yes
Chicha fermentation Camelid/guinea pig meat Yes
Young maize plants No
Chewed jora cakes No
Roofed storerooms Yes
Storage
Large paicas Yes
*
Wooden tool used to husk maize.

Table 1: Archaeological correlates of chicha production and their presence in Area 35.

2002; Rostworowski 2004). At the same time, chicha
had a political dimension, in which some of its principal
functions were to seal alliances and to establish agreements
and political pacts (Arnold et al. 2001). At San José de
Moro, archaeologists have documented its production and
especially consumption in both ceremonial and domestic
contexts (Delibes and Barragan 2008; Castillo 2000).
Methods of producing chicha are relatively similar
throughout the Andes, and a number of previous
investigations have documented this process.1 The steps
involved in making chicha are summarized in Table 1
Chicha is divided into two major groups: ‘strong chicha’
(chicha fuerte) with an alcoholic content, and ‘mild
chicha’ (chicha suave) without alcohol. Strong chicha
had an important role in ceremonies and rituals, while
mild chicha is related to the domestic context, with more
continuous use: it is still the drink consumed by nuclear
families in their daily life today, and it is very possible that
the situation was the same in the past (Hayashida 2008,
163). In addition to mild chicha, individual domestic units
probably produced strong chicha for their own celebrations
1
Examples include Antúnez de Mayolo (1984); Camino (1987); Cutler
and Cárdenas (1981); Delibes and Barragán (2008); Hayashida (2008);
Jennings et al. (2005); Muelle (1978); and Nicholson (1960).
and family parties. Thus, when faced with an archaeological
context that implies potential chicha production, one must
take into account that both kinds of chichas could have
been produced.
Evidence for the production and consumption of chicha is
present in almost the entire sequence of Andean prehistory
(McGovern 2009). The origins of its preparation are linked
to two important developments: the adoption of maize
in South America and the development of specialized
ceramic vessels necessary for the boiling stage of chicha
production.2 It has been proposed that chicha has been
consumed since the Initial Period (1800-500 BC) in the
Andes (Burger 1992, 108), and that the increase in the
cultivation of maize during the Early Horizon was due
to the high demand for chicha and not necessarily for the
use of maize as a staple food (Burger and Van der Merwe
1992, 92). It is possible that some of the fine ceramic bottles
found at the ‘Galerías de las Ofrendas’ at Chavín de Huántar
contained chicha (Burger 1992, 138).
Significant expansion of chicha production and
consumption occurred during the Early Intermediate Period
2
See Bonavia 1999.

106

(AD 100 – 750). This is suggested by increased maize
cultivation throughout the Central Andes and the recurrence
of fragments of large ceramic vessels in archaeological
sites dating to this period (Bonavia 2008). Evidence for
the production of chicha in the Moche culture has been
recovered in smaller hinterland settlements as well as large
urban contexts. The production of chicha was recorded at
the rural site of Ciudad de Dios, a Moche village located in
the middle Moche Valley. Here, archaeologists uncovered a
small room in which a number of large jars or ‘tinajas’ were
found in association with a hearth lined with mud bricks, a
number of grinding stones or batanes, and large quantities
of corn cobs (Gumerman and Briceño 2003). According
to the excavators, the production of chicha may have been
under the control of Moche state supervisors charged with
mobilizing local labor towards agricultural production
(Gumerman and Briceño 2003).
Also located in the Moche Valley, the contemporaneous
urban center of Huacas de Moche was the largest and most
powerful settlement in the region at its time (Uceda and
Mujica 1998; Chapdelaine 2001, 2003). Elites at the site
resided in architectural compounds, each with kitchens
devoted to the preparation of chicha (Gamarra et al. 2003).
Some of the compounds were apparently specialized in
chicha production (Armas et al. 2000; Nadia Gamarra,
personal communication 2006). More recently, Hélène
Bernier has proposed that chicha production was related
to provisioning the embedded artisans of the Moche
urban center, as well as for internal rituals and ceremonies
(Bernier 2010, 35).3
Located in the Lambayeque Valley, Pampa Grande was
the largest Late Moche urban center north of Huacas de
Moche (Shimada 1994). Evidence for the production and
consumption of chicha was found throughout the site,
but it was most prevalent in Sector H. There, ceramic
assemblages were comprised of vessels probably used in the
preparation of chicha, including storage vessels, jars, and
pots with burnt bases, which were found in association with
carbonized maize grains and a batán probably used to grind
the corn (Shimada 1994, 222). Sector H was associated with
a number of specialized artisanal workshops. Based on this
evidence, Shimada proposed that chicha was produced to
feed the artisans who worked in the workshops. Similar to
what was observed at the Huacas de Moche, this suggests
that chicha production may have been patronized by the
state as part of a redistributive system underwriting artisanal
activities at Moche urban centers (Bernier 2010; Shimada
1994, 224).
Evidence for the production of chicha, both on the coast
and in the highlands, is even more apparent during the
Middle Horizon than in the preceding period. At the
3
One question arising from the evidence from Huacas de Moche and
Pampa Grande is to determine if the chicha consumed by the artisans
had an alcoholic component or not. According to ethnographic data
(personal observations), the chicha drunk by the ceramists from the town
of Mórrope, located in the Lambayeque basin, does not have an alcoholic
component.
107
O. Gabriel Prieto B.
site of Cajamarquilla, located in the Lurin Valley of
Peru’s central coast, Rafael Segura (2001, 136) found an
interesting context related to chicha production in the ‘Tello
Compound’. Analysis of fragmented vessels found in one
of the patios (R-105) showed that they contained yeast and
maize residue. Segura (2001, 145) proposed that the broken
vessels were associated with a burial ritual that entailed the
production and consumption of chicha.
The production of chicha appears to have been integral
to the ritual and political economies of the Wari polity,
located in the central Andean highlands. The production
and consumption of chicha has been shown for the site
of Wari, based on its ceramic assemblages (Isbell 1988,
194). Another important Wari site of the Middle Horizon is
Marayniyoq, located in the highlands of Ayacucho near the
Wari capital (Valdez 2002, 2006; Valdez et al. 2001). There,
excavators uncovered a group of rectangular stone slabs
with symmetrically disposed concave depressions, with a
number of grinding stones found in close association. In
other sectors of the site, numerous large ceramic containers,
serving/storage jars, and even a drinking cup were recorded
(Valdez 2006). It seems that Marayniyoq was a massive
grinding center in which ‘jora’, sprouted or malted corn,
was milled to be later processed into chicha (Valdez 2002,
79). Recent studies of stable isotopes in human osteological
remains from the Ayacucho basin demonstrate that the
consumption of maize was highly important since at least
800 BC (Finucane 2009, 542), although it is difficult to
ascertain whether the presence of 13C in the sample is the
result of consumption of chicha in domestic contexts,
communal and/or state feasting, or eating maize as a staple
food.
Large-scale production of chicha in the Wari hinterland was
documented by Michael Moseley and his research team at
the site of Cerro Baúl in the Moquegua Valley (Moseley
et al. 2005). This chicha production center has separate
rooms designated for grinding, boiling and fermentation,
and finally storage. According to the excavators, this center
is the largest brewery ever uncovered archaeologically. The
productive capacity, estimated based on the capacity of the
ceramic vessels, would have measured around 1800 liters.4
One of the most important insights from this brewery is
that it demonstrates the use of molle (Schinus molle) or
‘Andean pepper’ along with maize for the preparation of
chicha (Goldstein and Coleman 2004, 523; Moseley et al.
2005, 17267). The presence of weaving implements within
the brewery may suggest that women were in charge of the
production, while the proximity to a possible Wari palace
indicates that chicha production was linked to political
activities conducted there.
Consumption of the chicha at Cerro Baúl is confirmed by
the presence of ceramic cups in Wari style found in the
rooms of the palace (Moseley et al. 2005). The pattern
4
As I will demonstrate later, based on the storage capacity of the
‘paicas’ found at Area 35 of San José de Moro, the productive capacity of
our site far surpasses the quantity produced by the Cerro Baul´s brewery.
Chicha Production during the Chimú Period
observed by Moseley and his team (2005) is very similar
to what has been observed by Craig Morris (1979) at
the Inka site of Huánuco Pampa (see below). If so, it is
possible that the presence of chicha production spaces
within administrative compounds was a characteristic of
the southern highland cultures of the Central Andes.
One exception to this may have been the area influenced by
Tiwanaku (Goldstein 2003). In a controversial article, Paul
Goldstein suggested that Tiwanaku influence in its territory,
including the Tiwanaku heartland region; Cochabamba,
Bolivia; San Pedro de Atacama and the Azapa Valley, Chile;
and the Moquegua region, Perú, generated a dramatic shift
in the use of the ceramic assemblage for the production
and consumption of chicha. For Goldstein, the interaction
between local elites and the Tiwanaku state encouraged
leaders to host frequent feasts, which subsequently
generated a need for more chicha and greater numbers of
specific types of ceramic vessels for its production and
consumption (Goldstein 2003, 153). From Goldstein’s
perspective, Tiwanaku did not develop a centralized
political economy based on redistribution through feasting.
This indicates that Tiwanaku uses of feasting and alcoholic
drinks were completely different from Wari and later Inka
society.
Jerry Moore (1989) studied chicha production at the Late
Intermediate Period Chimú administrative site of Manchán,
located in the Casma Valley on the north central coast of
Perú. He concentrated on the residential areas located
between the administrative compounds at the site. In
these domestic units, he found large storage vessels, corn
cobs, grinding stones, and other materials associated with
chicha production. One of the most interesting findings
was a storage unit in which Moore identified a large
quantity of ‘afrecho’, the residue of the disintegrated
corn grains that sinks to the bottom of the boiling vessel
during chicha preparation. Based on this evidence, Moore
estimated the amount of chicha produced by one household
and determined that the production far exceeded the
consumption needs of a local household. Evidently, the
domestic units were paying taxes to the state in the form
of chicha (Moore 1989, 691). It is possible that the data
from Manchán demonstrate the existence of the famous
‘chicha districts’ (Barrios de Chicheros) identified by
Rostworowski through ethnohistoric documentation (2004).
The Late Intermediate Period fishing site of Cerro Azul,
located in the Cañete Valley on the south-central coast of
Peru, is another example of chicha production from this
period. There, Joyce Marcus uncovered elite residential
compounds associated with storage facilities and evidence
of the processing of marine products (Marcus 1987, 2008,
2009). One of the residential compounds, Structure D,
has a kitchen area that ‘could have served as a chicheria
where maize beer was manufactured’ (Marcus 2009, 313).
The most impressive feature of this room was a group of
nine massive storage vessels set into the floor. Two large
rectangular hearths in the same room indicate that cooking
108
and boiling process for chicha production took place in
the same space. Marcus argues that the total volume of
production would have been between 2500 and 5000
liters (Marcus 2009, 315). The chicha produced may have
been used for elite consumption or to reward lower-class
fishermen who worked for the upper classes at this site
(Marcus 2009). The presence of jora residue in one of the
features excavated by Marcus (2009, 318) indicates that the
Late Intermediate brewers at Cerro Azul produced chicha
with an alcoholic component.
Finally, at the Late Horizon Inka administrative site
of Huánuco Pampa, Craig Morris (1979) identified a
large, walled compound in which were found a number
of ceramic vessels used in chicha preparation. At the
same time, a numerous textile manufacturing tools were
recorded in this complex. The evidence suggests that
the enclosed compound was inhabited by mamakunas or
‘chosen women,’ who were in charge of the production of
chicha and textiles for the use of the Inka king, as part
of the reciprociprocal system and redistributive strategy
necessary to mobilize local labor tribute (Cummings 2004;
Morris 1979; Morris and Thompson 1985; Murra 2002;
Pease 1999). This is supported by differences in maize
consumption between males and females that have been
observed during the Late Horizon. Using differentiation in
the levels of 13C found in male and female skeletal remains
recovered in the Mantaro Valley, Hastorf (2008) has argued
that males participated more prominently in the Inka state
activities, in which maize was consumed in the form of
chicha. The data provided by Moseley and colleagues
(2005) and Morris (1979) seems to confirm that chicha
production in the southern highlands of the Central Andes
was managed by women associated with the Wari and Inka
states. At the same time, it is clear that the production of
chicha was directly associated with the political activities
of the administrative centers and palaces of each state.
In the case of the Peruvian north coast, the production
of chicha was an office performed or managed by a
male specialist or a master brewer (Ramírez 1982, 2007;
Rostworowski 2004, 330; Marcus 2009, 308). According
to ethnohistoric documentation, this office was sacred
and limited to the highest social levels. This fact seems
to be confirmed by the Naymlap myth, which describes
the founding of the Lambayeque polity. Recounted by
Miguel Cabello de Valboa (1951 [1586]), it details that the
king Naymlap had as part of his royal court a chef named
Occhocalo and a brewer named Ñinagintue, who took care
of Naymlap’s drinks (Cabello de Valboa 1951 [1586], 327).
The clear separation of the chef and the brewer as part of
the same royal court provides insight into the degree of
complexity and specialization characterizing the late
prehispanic societies of the northern coast of Perú. The title
of brewer within the royal court was extremely prestigious
and was exclusively reserved for elite males. This pattern
is not unique to this part of the world. In ancient Egypt,
male wine-masters were in charge of the preparation and
supervision of a drink called shedeh made with red grapes

(Guasch-Jané et al. 2006, 100). They acquired so much
prestige for their ability to make this alcoholic drink that the
amphorae containing the beverage were sealed with their
names (Guasch-Jané et al.2006, 99).
Returning to the Peruvian North Coast, ethnohistoric
documentation provides further evidence of the power
and prestige of master brewers. Jorge Zevallos (1994)
published a 16th-century chronicle called ‘La Crónica de
Oxahuamán’ in which two powerful lords of the Chimo
Valley (north of the actual Moche Valley) disputed the title
of paramount curaca, or ruler, of the valley. The important
fact is that one of the contenders was the sibling of a master
brewer (Zevallos 1994), providing historical evidence of
the prestige, power and social position of these specialists
on the north coast of Perú.5
Given these examples, two patterns appear to emerge in the
production of chicha for elite consumption. In the southern
highlands, on the one hand, chicha was produced by women
in administrative compounds directly associated with the
state.6 On the other hand, on the North Coast, chicha
production was controlled and supervised by male master
brewers who belonged to the elite. As I will demonstrate,
it seems likely that the breweries were not attached to
administrative centers. On the contrary, chicha production
appears to have taken place in domestic contexts, as at
Manchán, or, in the case of Area 35, in production settings
that were separated from the nearest state center by
several kilometres. This distance suggests that the chicha
producers likely had a greater degree of independence in
the production and distribution of their products than in the
highland examples.
Chimú in the Context of the Jequetepeque Valley
The Chimú state incorporated the Jequetepeque Valley
between AD 1300 and 1350 and established a number of
administrative sites to govern the valley, including Farfán,
Cañoncillo, Algarrobal del Moro and Cerro Colorado
(Moore and Mackey 2008). At the same time, there are
many other sites of smaller scale that indicate the large
population occupying this coastal valley (Keatinge 1977;
Paredes 1999; Swenson 2004).
The most important and emblematic site in the Jequetepeque
Valley system was Farfán, even during the Inka occupation
(Mackey 2005, this volume), and the presence of a principal
administrative center in the valley supports the thesis of
an expansive Chimú state (Day 1982; Keatinge 1982).
However, extensive excavations by Carol Mackey at Farfán
show that the monumentality and size of the site complex is
in fact the result of multiple changes and additions during
the occupation history of the complex (Mackey 2005, 2009,
330, this volume; Mackey, personal communication 2010).
In light of this information, it is important to consider the
5
I am very grateful to Juan Castañeda for providing this example.
6
Cerro Azul, located in the south central coast of Peru, seems to belong
to the higlands pattern.
109
O. Gabriel Prieto B.
extent of Farfán during its Chimú occupation and compare
it with the other Chimú administrative centers of the valley.
It is possible that the size and complexity of each of these
sites were similar during the Chimú occupation, and that
they had the same importance from a political point of view.
This thesis is even more interesting if we consider the fact
that each of these administrative centers is located in one of
the four strategic divisions of the Jequetepeque Valley, each
of which had been supplied by its own irrigation systems
since the Moche period (Eling 1986; Castillo 2010; Castillo
et al. 2008). A four-part division of the valley corresponds
with the early observations made by the Spanish during the
16th century (Ramírez 2002), as well as with the models
of power structure on the north coast proposed by Patricia
Netherly, based on her research in the Chicama Valley
(Netherly 1984).7 The existence of four administrative
centers in the Jequetepeque Valley, each with the same
political authority and prestige and each controlling a
particular sector of the valley with its own irrigation system,
belies the thesis of a centralized Chimú government. All of
the administrative centers mentioned—Farfán, Cañoncillo,
Algarrobal del Moro and Cerro Colorado—had large plazas,
storage facilities, funerary platforms, and residential sectors,
and at least two of them showed mural decoration (Mackey
2004). This suggests that the power and the administration
of the valley may have been shared by four regional lords
sent from the Chimú heartland or perhaps affiliated to the
Chimú political apparatus through other mechanisms. The
heterogeneity of political power in the Jequetepeque Valley
is a feature that began during the Middle Moche Period
(Castillo 2010) or perhaps earlier in its historic sequence.
The Chimú state adapted its policies of political control to
the local conditions of the valley, a strategy which can be
also seen during the Lambayeque occupation (Prieto 2009,
2010). Meanwhile, the inhabitants of the Jequetepeque
Valley both responded to and shaped the new socio-political
conditions in various ways. In his analysis of hinterland
ceremonial centers dating to the Late Intermediate Period,
Swenson (2004, this volume) uses architectural features
to argue that the Chimú state did not have direct political
control over these settlements, but that the rural inhabitants
increasingly adopted Chimú political and religious systems.
I argue that during the Chimú presence in the Jequetepeque
Valley, local lords actively sought to establish and demarcate
hierarchical relationships through their affiliations with
the Chimú state. These valley lords developed reciprocal
relationships with the Chimú groups, in which local
leaders coordinated the labor of their constituents in both
agricultural and craft production that was subsequently
turned over to the Chimú state in exchange for access to
an extensive array of metal objects, textiles, fine ceramic
wares and other prestige goods.
These alliances gave the lower lords access to prestige
goods that symbolized the power and ideology of the
7
It must be mentioned that the parcialidades model proposed by
Netherly (1984) is based on ethnohistoric documentation reflecting an
Inka strategy to dismantle the power of the Chimú state during the 15th
century.
Chicha Production during the Chimú Period
Figure 1. Map of San José de Moro showing Huaca Alta and Area 35
Chimú state, while participation in these exchange networks
simultaneously allowed the Chimú state to consolidate its
power through strategic alliances with local populations. At
the same time, the Chimú state had access to labor and the
fields cultivated and products manufactured by local people.
The local lords and their subordinates acquired prestige and
the support of an institutionalized religion and a powerful
political system that served to legitimize their elevated
status in their own local context. The great quantity of
sumptuary Chimú objects found even in graves of common
people (Donnan and Mackey 1978) is one of the many
available lines of evidence that suggests the high degree
of interaction between the Chimú state, its craft networks,
and local lords during the Late Intermediate Period in the
Jequetepeque Valley (Sapp 2002; Cutright 2010).
Regrettably, there has not been enough research devoted to
the production of prestige goods in the Jequetepeque Valley
during the Late Intermediate Period. For example, at this
110
point we do not known if metal objects were manufactured
locally or if they were imported from Chan Chan in the
Moche Valley (see e.g. Topic 1990). The only published
research done on the artisanal production were the articles
published by Donnan (1997) regarding the Chimú-Inka
ceramic workshops of Cañoncillo and the detailed study
of the Chimú domestic/productive ceramic assemblage of
the Area 35 at San José de Moro (Prieto 2008). However,
these investigations are preliminary and more research is
needed on the available Chimú collections excavated as
part of several archaeological projects done in the region.
Area 35: A Chimú Brewery at San José de Moro
Area 35 is located east of Huaca Alta, part of a group of
semi-monumental buildings located in the southeastern
sector of San José de Moro (Figure 1). Today, Huaca Alta
is an irregularly-shaped mound of approximately 3000 m2.
Although it has never been under formal archaeological

excavation, heavy looting during the 1970s and 1980s
revealed that Huaca Alta was an elite domestic structure,
on the summit of which are found patios, rooms, benches,
corridors, and areas where food was processed. The layout
of this building does not correspond to any of the classic
architectural arrangements observed in local Chimú
ceremonial platforms or administrative centers in the valley.
Instead, the disposition of the visible architectural elements
is similar to the intermediate architecture thought to have
been occupied by Chan Chan´s lower-level elites (see e.g.
Klymyshyn 1982). Huaca Alta thus appears to have been
an elite residential unit during the Chimú occupation at
San José de Moro. Area 35 should be viewed as a platform
annexed to this building.
Originally, the Area 35 mound was two meters in height
and had a base area of 500 m2. The research goal in this
area was to determine the activities performed there, as
well as how they changed through time. In 2001, the San
José de Moro Archaological Project (SJMAP) excavated
a test trench on the eastern side of the Area 35 mound,
revealing a complex stratigraphy and large quantities of
domestic wares associated with the Chimú occupation of
San José de Moro (Wester and Wirtz 2002). In 2004, the
author initiated extensive excavations at Area 35 as part
of the SJMAP to further explore the activities carried out
on the mound. Between 2004-2007, I had the chance to
document the entire excavation of the mound and the
occupations beyond it (Prieto and Lena 2005; Prieto
2006a; Prieto and Lopez 2007; Prieto and Cusicanqui 2008;
Castillo et al. 2008; Prieto 2009, 2010). The mound was
composed of a total of 34 stratigraphic layers, from which
were identified 17 occupationl surfaces. In this sequence,
the last 13 occupation levels were associated with the
Chimú occupation, while the other four correspond to the
Lambayeque occupation of the site. The following pages are
concerned with the Chimú occupation of Area 35.
During the Chimú period, Area 35 functioned as a
specialized brewing facility. The earliest occupation of this
period was set over a quadrangular Lambayeque platform
oriented to the northeast with a usable surface of 350 m2. To
date, there are no absolute dates for Area 35; consequently,
all the chronological approximations are based on stylistic
comparison and stratigraphic analysis. Stylistically, the
ceramic assemblage consists primarily of domestic wares
corresponding to the Late Chimú period (AD 1350-1470).
From the stratigraphic point of view, three occupation
episodes were defined (Figure 2). These periods are clearly
distinguished based on architectural changes and ceramic
assemblages, and were assigned to two phases: Late Chimú
A and Late Chimú B.8
For the present article, I will describe the two primary
contexts in which chicha production was identified: the
Early Brewery, which corresponds to Late Chimú A, and
the Late Brewery, associated with Late Chimú B. The
8
A detailed description of these ceramics has been published elsewhere
(Prieto 2008).
111
O. Gabriel Prieto B.
intermediate phase between these two episodes, Phase II
(Figure 2), is characterized by numerous ritual contexts
within a domestic milieu and a comparative absence of
evidence for the production of chicha. For more details,
see a previous article by the author (Prieto 2006b, 83-4).
The Early Brewery
The activities performed in the Early Brewery correspond
to the stratigraphic levels 13, 12 and 11 (Figure 2). The
brewery was organized around a central patio, and was
divided into two sectors (Figures 3, 4, and 5). The northeast
sector had heavily worn floors partially covered by ash,
as well as a number of hearths with evidence of intensive
burning. As the hearths were excavated, it was noted that
the fuels used were small tree branches, corn cobs, and
corn husks. The latter, locally known as ‘pancas’, were a
particularly important component in these burning contexts.
Four paicas, or large ceramic urns, were recorded in the
northeast sector (Figure 4). The capacity of these paicas is
just under 70 liters, and they bear evidence of having been
heavily used. They also have thick layers of soot attached
to their outside lower walls. Wooden sticks wrapped with
sedge mats and plain cotton textiles were found lying atop
some of these vessels, and were probably used during the
cooking or boiling process. The recovery of all of these
elements in situ indicates that this sector was a kitchen,
or, more accurately, the cooking area of the brewery. Its
location on the northeast sector is logical given the fact that
the wind blows in that direction for most of the day. Thus,
the smoke produced during the process did not affect the
rest of the brewery or even the people who may have lived
on Huaca Alta.
The other sector, located to the southwest of the central
patio (Figure 5), was characterized by clean floors, although
some areas presented concentrations of ash or evidence of
burning on the surface. This sector has numerous circular
holes of different sizes in the floor. The smallest ones
originally held wooden posts for a roof or simply to delimit
internal spaces. In fact, some of these posts were found still
in place. In some cases, they formed rectangular spaces,
while in other cases they were disposed in a semicircular
pattern around larger and deeper holes in the center. These
semicircles likely represent the remains of windscreens
made of wooden posts, mats and possibly textiles which
protected the large paicas set in the central holes. These
paicas may have stored liquids such as chicha or water, or
they might have contained grains or other ingredients used
during the production process. Medium-size holes must
have contained jars, set into the ground.
Five large paicas were found in situ in the southwest sector.
Several crucial differences separate these paicas from those
found in the northeast sector. First, they have a larger storage
capacity, approximately 200 liters each. Also, they were
clean and did not have evidence of intensive burning on
their bases or sidewalls. These attributes suggest that, in this
sector, the large paicas were used for fermenting and storing
Chicha Production during the Chimú Period

Figure 2. Plan drawings of the stratigraphy related to the Early Brewery, the intervening period of ritual/domestic occupation, and
the Late Brewery

the chicha that had been boiled in the northeast sector. This
is further supported by the fact that all of the paicas of the
southwest sector had concentric white and black rings on
their interior sidewalls. Analysis of samples of these rings
showed a high concentration of starch, demonstrating that
these paicas were used for fermentation and storage, with
the rings resulting from the evaporation of the chicha over
time. Generally, the in situ paicas were surrounded by three
large holes, albeit of smaller diameters than those holding
the paicas, which held smaller ceramic vessels used to store
the chicha recently fermented in the larger paicas and that
was ready to use (Figure 6). Alternatively, these embedded
ceramic vessels could have been used to produce chicha
with different alcoholic strengths. In level 12, one jar was
found in situ next to a paica. This jar has a storage capacity
of 50 liters and was found hermetically sealed with a stone
cap wrapped with a white and blue textile.
Further evidence for the assumption that some of the larger
paicas found in situ were used for fermenting chicha is
provided by the fact that they were surrounded by small
hearths or fire pits (Figure 7). The role of these fire pits
was to create a warmer environment for the paica, with the
purpose of maximizing and accelerating the fermentation
of the chicha. Elevated temperatures produce a rapid
activation of the yeast and subsequently a more effective
transformation of the boiled maize juice into an alcoholic
beverage. This practice can be observed even today on the

112
 O. Gabriel Prieto B.

Figure 3. Northeast sector of the Early Brewery

Figure 4.Paicas embedded in the floor of the northeast sector of Figure 5.Southwest sector of the Early Brewery
the Early Brewery

113
Chicha Production during the Chimú Period

Figure 6. Large paica with holes that formerly held smaller

ceramic vessels

north coast of Perú, and is a means to produce strong chicha

more quickly (Hayashida 2008). The fact that most of the
large paicas found in situ in the southwest sector were
buried with more than 75% of their volume below ground
would also have helped maintain the warm temperatures
needed to transform the maize sugars into an alcoholic beer.

A piece of cotton fabric was found covering the entire

mouth of one of the fermentation/storage paicas in the
southwest sector (Paica 8). A large wooden paddle had
been carefully laid atop the textile (Figures 8 and 9).9
According to Heinrich Brüning (2004, 37), a wooden
paddle, called a nakému in the Muchik language, was
used in the breweries of the Lambayeque Valley to stir the
chicha during the boiling process. This object has never
been found previously in primary archaeological context. A
few of these wooden objects have been found in graves and
secondary fill contexts at different sites in the Andes (see
below), but have never been recorded so closely associated
with a ceramic vessel used for chicha production.
Analysis of the cotton fabric and the wooden paddle
confirms that they were involved in the chicha production
process. The textile showed a high content of yeast (Bacillus
sp.) colonies, as well as particles of maize grain epidermis.10
Analysis of the yeast colonies confirms that they were
capable of converting starch to sugar, demonstrating that
the chicha that passed through the fabric had an alcoholic
content (Bellido et al. 2005). The presence of the maize
epidermis suggests that the cotton fabric was used as a sieve
to strain the chicha before the fermenting process. The fact
that Chimú brewers strained the chicha a second time after
it had already been converted into an alcoholic beverage
9
A detailed description of these wooden paddles, as well as those
discovered at other archaeological sites, is beyond the aims of this paper,
but the author has an article in preparation on the issue (Prieto ms.).
10
The analyses were performed in the Area de Investigations
Arqueobotánicas del Departamento de Etnobotánica y Botánica Económica
del Museo de Historia Natural Javier Prado de la Universidad Nacional
Mayor de San Marcos, Lima, Perú.
Figure 7. Small hearths or fire pits near a paica
indicates a high degree of quality control over the final
product.
The presence of particles of maize grain epidermis, as well
as residues of ground maize on the cotton fabric, indicates
that the chicha produced at Area 35 was made of malted or
sprouted maize, also known by the Quechua word ‘jora’ and
the Muchik word chuno. According to Justin Jennings and
colleagues (2005, 279), the use of malt is one of the ways
to convert maize starch onto sugar that subsequently can
be transformed into alcohol. In some modern ethnographic
cases, malted maize is ground to produce coarse flour that
then is cooked in a mash to make chicha (Hayashida 2008,
163). It seems that this was the recipe used at Area 35. The
use of the ground jora justifies the presence of the wooden
paddle, which was used to keep the jora from sinking to
the bottom of the vessel during cooking. Analysis of the
wooden paddle showed that it also has starch adhering to its
surface. Alternatively, the wooden paddle could have been
used to stir the liquid during the fermentation.
Artifacts found in situ in the central patio between the two
sectors include a fragment of a ceramic grater, a batán, a
grinding cobble, and a large quantity of discarded maize
cobs (Figure 10). Several jars were also found at the edges
of the patio. These vessels may have played multiple roles,
most probably storing water and/or the beer until it was
distributed or consumed. Ceramic vessels of different sizes
were recorded in association with the paicas located on the

114
 O. Gabriel Prieto B.

Figure 8. Wooden paddle and cloth found in situ laid over the mouth of an embedded paica

northeast sector (i.e. the cooking area; Figure 11). Some of

these pots were filled with corn cobs, and it is possible that
they had been used to store jora. Also, these vessels might
have been used as units of measure, although a detailed
study of their volumes has not been made. A number of
small alignments of post holes may have shaped small units
to store grains, fuel, pots and other implements. Finally,
irregular holes in the floors were used to discard garbage
and production residues. These contexts yielded rich finds
of the organic remains of chicha production.

Two large holes found in the east sector were particularly

interesting. Both had a diameter of approximately one
meter, and I initially thought that they were holes for paicas.
Further excavation determined that although they had
been carefully sealed with branches, sedge mats, pieces of
textiles and adobes, they were absolutely empty. The largest
one has a depth of 1.5 meters and nothing was found in its
interior. One of the local workermen later told me that pits
like these are called silos. A silo is a deep hole in the ground
generally dug in the backyard of the local peasant houses,
and they are still used today to store the surplus after the
harvest. They are commonly covered with wooden slabs,
although now local inhabitants use plastic, metal sheets and
even cardboard. I was told that in the past, they used sedge
mats and carved wooden slabs. When they needed maize
or other produce to barter for ceramic vessels or to prepare
pepián (a local dish based on maize and served with a piece
of goat) for special occasions, they opened the silos and Figure 9. Wooden paddle

115
Chicha Production during the Chimú Period
Figure 10. Maize cobs found in the central patio of the Early
Brewery
Figure 11. Ceramic vessels found in the northeast sector of the
Early Brewery
used the maize saved there. The silos found at Area 35 were
possibly used to store maize for the production of chicha.
The Early Brewery had two episodes of architectural
remodelling (Level 12 and 11), which included adding
and removing paicas, as well as some minor changes in
the layout of the area. The most common organic remains
found in the infill of the occupation levels were maize
116
cobs, guanábana seeds (Annona muricata) and lúcuma
seeds (Pouteria lucuma). The latter two may have been
used as ingredients for other chicha recipes.11 The excellent
preservation conditions allowed us to record complete
specimens, showing the importance of these fruits not
only in the brewing industry but in Chimú diet in general
(Cutright 2010, this volume).
The Late Brewery
The occupation surfaces related to this brewery were
levels 7, 6, 5, 4 and 3.12 The main characteristic of the
Late Brewery was that all of the architectural spaces were
delimited by adobe bricks, showing a more well-defined
distribution and organization of the space (Figure 12
and 13). Similar to the Early Brewery, the Late Brewery
also had a central patio with clean mud floors, as well as
alignments of holes to house ceramic vessels. Two small
rooms were found to the north of the central patio, but they
were highly eroded so it was impossible to define their
function. The mashing and cooking area was located in the
northeast sector; it presented the same pattern observed in
the Early Brewery, including floors covered with ash and
a number of hearths with evidence of intensive burning
(Figure 13). One of the innovations in the design of the
Late Brewery was the construction of specific facilities for
fermentation and storage in the west central sector.
Two large paicas were located at the center of the central
patio. One of them is the biggest example ever found at San
José de Moro and, as far as I know, in the Jequetepeque
Valley. The paica stands one meter in height and has a
mouth with a diameter of 0.90 m, with a capacity of 408
liters (Prieto 2006b; Prieto and Lena 2005). On one of
its sidewalls, the paica is decorated with a rectangular
anthropomorphic face with an inverted tumi-shaped
headdress and a number of pendants that drop down from
the lower part of the face (Figure 14). Before abandonment,
a wooden paddle similar to the one recorded in the Early
Brewery was placed on top of the vessel. The paicas found
in the central patio were likely used for fermenting and/
or storing chicha. A distinctive feature of this patio was
the presence of a subterranean room used as a facility to
store maize and other ingredients for chicha production
(Figure 15). It has a capacity of 4.35 m3. It is possible that
the original contents were destroyed by fire, because when
it was excavated a thick layer of ash was recorded (Wester
and Wirtz 2002). This subterranean room replaced earlier
circular pits or silos.
Two rectangular rooms that had been covered by a roof
were excavated on the southwest side of the central patio.
The diameter of the holes found in their floors indicates
that vessels embedded there were used to ferment and store
11
In the modern town of Mórrope, Lambayeque, people still produce
chicha from other products such as peanuts (Arachis hypogea).
12
Levels 1 and 2 were not surface occupations. The former was the
superficial soil covering the top of the mound and the latter one was a
compact thick mud layer that resulted from the melting of adobe bricks
through time.

Figure 12. Plan drawing of the Late Brewery, showing walls formally delimiting the spaces of chicha production
chicha (Figure 16). There is direct access from the central
patio to these rooms. It seems that these rooms substituted
for the windbreakers found in the Early Brewery.
Another new element in the Late Brewery was a guinea pig
(Cavia porcellus) pen found on the west side of the sector
where the chicha was heated and boiled (Prieto and Lena
2005, 224). Based on the size of the pen, it is possible that
it held at least 50 guinea pigs. The meat of guinea pigs is
highly valued in the Andes, and is considered the perfect
complement to drinking chicha.13 It seems, however, that
the presence of these animals in Area 35 was not solely to
feed the people working in the brewery. Instead, I argue
13
However, in fishing communities like Huanchaco (Moche Valley), the
preferred meat for chicha is with dry fish eaten with sweet potatoes and
seaweed known as Causa.
117
O. Gabriel Prieto B.
that the dung produced by the guinea pigs was used as
fuel in the Late Brewery. The materials recovered from the
hearths, paicas, and the infill of this occupation support
this assertion, because almost all of the guinea pig dung
was found carbonized or with evidence of having been
close to fire. An interesting case is presented by the two
paicas found in the central patio, which were surrounded
by guinea pig dung. Although it is possible that this was
the result of using the dung as a fill material to fill the
holes, based on ethnographic analogy it is quite likely
that the dung surrounding the paicas was intentionally
placed there. In the town of Moche, near Trujillo, people
put cow dung around their paicas to keep the internal
temperatures elevated, thereby speeding up fermentation
(Miguel Anhuamán, personal communication 2009). This
may represent a shift in brewing technology from the Early
Chicha Production during the Chimú Period

Figure 16. Holes where various ceramic vessels were once

embedded, Late Brewery
Figure 13. Photo of the Late Brewery

Brewery, in that the fire pits placed around the paicas in

the Early Brewery to increase the speed of fermentation
were replaced by the guinea pig dung. This suggests that
the brewers optimized their resources: instead of using
wood and other organic material for fire pits and hearths,
the people of the Late Brewery raised guinea pigs as a way
of providing a renewable fuel source. At the same time, the
meat of these animals was probably consumed, although
the analysis of the faunal remains has yet to be completed.

Near one of the paicas found in the central patio, a peculiar

offering was uncovered. It was comprised of a metal knife
and, next to it, a cotton bag containing a guinea pig. Finally,
on the central part of the patio, a number of sedge mat
fragments were found; they probably were used to dry the
sprouted maize grains that became jora.
Figure 14. Very large paica decorated with anthropomorphic
The Paddle of the Master Brewer
face

Some of the most remarkable discoveries in the breweries

of Area 35 were the wooden paddles (see Figures 8 and 9).
As mentioned above, this is the first time that these objects
have been found in direct association with a primary chicha
production context. Area 35 yielded a total of three of these
wooden objects, all of which were found on top of paicas.
I propose here that these wooden paddles were the symbol
of Chimú´s master brewers (Prieto ms.), identified in the
north coast mythology as Ñinagintue, Naymlap´s master
brewer, and ethnohistorically as ‘Oficiales Chicheros’
(Ramírez 1982, 2002, 2007; Rostworowski 2004; Zevallos
1994). On a recent visit to the Annex section of the Peabody
Museum at Harvard University in the company of Professor
Jeffrey Quilter, I found an intriguing early Chimú bottle,
on which is represented a high status individual holding a
large paddle which is identical to the ones found at Area 35
(Figure 17). Moreover, the human figure is represented as
standing upright on top of a painted silhouette of a paica
that even has the same shape as those found at San José
Figure 15. Subterranean storage room found in the Late de Moro. This bottle clearly represents a master brewer
Brewery and demonstrates the importance of these individuals in
the Chimú culture.

118

Figure 17. Early Chimú bottle with representation of a high
status individual holding a large paddle similar to those found
in Area 35 (Courtesy of the Peabody Museum of Archaeology
and Ethnology, Harvard University. Peabody ID Number:
11PA0066).
Wooden paddles have been identified in a number
of funerary contexts on the North Coast. In the 18th
century, the bishop of Trujillo, Baltazar Jaime Martínez
de Compañón (1978), was the first scholar to excavate
and record the burial of a master brewer, a context that
was depicted in his well-known paintings (Pillsbury and
Trever 2008). Among them is a portrayal of a high status
individual dressed in sophisticated clothing and holding a
large wooden paddle very similar to those found at Area
35 (Figure 18). Ethnohistoric documents regarding the
looting of a royal tomb of Chan Chan during the 16th
century describe a ‘cuchara o mecedora’, or a spoon, of
silver used to make chicha. The spoon was found with two
huge silver jars, each the size of a human being, on which
were represented hunchback men (Ramírez 2002, 241).
At Huaca de la Luna, also in the Moche Valley, an elite
Chimú burial (Tumba 7) uncovered in Platform 1 yielded ‘a
wooden paddle with a cylindrical handle’ (Tello 1997, 35),
which is in fact very similar in description to the examples
found at Area 35. In the same burial was found a wooden
architectural model with a number of human figurines,
representing some form of ritual activity likely related to
ancestor worship. Coincidently, one of these figurines is a
master brewer holding a paddle in one of his hands, who
119
O. Gabriel Prieto B.
Figure 18. 18th century watercolor by the Bishop of Trujillo,
Martínez de Compañón, depicting the tomb of an Official
Chichero, shown holding a paddle similar to those recovered in
Area 35
is further depicted as a hunchback man (Uceda 1997, 155,
his Figure 76, individual 73). It is therefore possible that,
during Chimú times, having a hunchback was considered
an extra peculiarity or symbol of master brewers.
There is clearly a close relationship between the presence of
these wooden and silver paddles and burials of high status.
Perhaps the inclusion of paddles used in chicha production
in elite funerary contexts represented the symbolic power
of the Chimú rulers to control the production and producers
of chicha. In this light, the wooden paddles found at Area
35 may represent the master brewer himself, who had the
principal role of controlling the productive process, as well
the quality of the final product. Functionally, the paddle
played a strategic role in preventing the burning of the
malted maize during the heating process. Also during the
fermentation, frequent stirring might have encouraged a
better attenuation, or conversion of the sugar to alcohol,
of the chicha. From both the symbolic and functional
perspective, the wooden paddle was probably considered
emblematic of a master brewer.
Chicha Production during the Chimú Period

Chimú Paicas found at Area 35 – San José de Moro

Capacity Stratigraphic Levels of

Paica Paica Type Decoration Diameter Evidence of Ritual Activity
(Liters) Level Use
No.
1 Entrant rim No 51 cm. No 120 Level 4 4, 5 and 6
2 Entrant rim No 55 cm. No 156 Level 4 4, 5 and 6
Anthropomorphic
Straight Wooden paddle on top of
3 face with 84 cm. 408 Level 4 4, 5 and 6
walls the vessel
headdress
White paint on Four wooden beams left
4 Entrant rim 52 cm. 156 Level 9 9
the rim and lip in situ
Reed mat on top of the 10, 11 y 12
5 Entrant rim No 39 cm. 57 Level 10
mouth and 13
6 Entrant rim NA NA NA NA Level 10 10
Reed mat on top of the 10, 11, 12
7 Entrant rim No 33 cm. 57 Level 10
mouth and 13
Cotton fabric and wooden 11, 12 and
8 Entrant rim No 64 cm. 234 Level 11
paddle left in situ 13
Black paint on 11, 12 and
9 Entrant rim 55 cm. No 138 Level 11
the lower rim 13
Reed mat on top of the 11, 12 and
10 Entrant rim No 40 cm. 51 Level 11
mouth 13
11, 12 and
11 Entrant rim Apliqué 36 cm. No 60 Level 11
13
Incised motif:
Cotton fabric covering the 11, 12 and
12 Entrant rim half-moon shape 60 cm. 216 Level 11
vessel 13
beneath the rim
Bush branches covering the
13 Entrant rim No 60 cm. 156 Level 12 12 and 13
vessel’s mouth
14 Entrant rim No 43 cm. No 184 Level 12 12 and 13
15 Entrant rim No 25 cm. No 72 Level 13 13
16 Entrant rim Paddle-marked 18 cm. Gourd lid 30 Level 13 13
Cotton bag wrapped with
Incised motif:
17 Entrant rim 64 cm. human hair found inside 207 Level 13 13
half-moon
paica
Incised motifs:
continuous Z Wooden paddle, wooden
18 Entrant rim designs around 68 cm. objects left on top of the 198 Level 12 12 and 13
the vessel’s paica.
mouth
19 Entrant rim No 25 cm. No 69 Level 13 13

Table 2: Characteristics of the Chimú paicas found at in Area 35

As mentioned above, all of the wooden paddles were
intentionally placed over the top of the paicas. Furthermore,
the paicas on which they were left were those with the
highest storage capacity (Table 2). Given the possibility
that these paicas were produced at state areas of production,
such as the paica workshop found by Mackey at Farfán
(Mackey 2005), the act of placing the wooden paddles
across the top of the largest vessels may represent the
link between the master brewer and the realm of artisanal
production of the Chimú state. Each ‘entombment’ of the
previous occupation surface was an occasion to make a
number of offerings (see below), but the most important
was the placement of the wooden paddle over the state-
produced paica, thereby representing the close relationship
between the brewery, the master brewer, and the Chimú
state.
Ritual Activities Associated with Chicha Production
Contexts associated with ritual activities have been
recorded in both breweries. Animal offerings, including
young llamas, dogs, and guinea pigs, were found in some
of the holes in the brewery floors. Other pits contained
numerous pieces of fine textiles, ceramic miniatures, and
marine shells. The latter were not the classic Spondylus
but common species like Semele corrugata and Donax
obesulus. The majority of the paicas left in situ underwent
some form of ritual closure that included a number of
different offerings and treatments, detailed in Table 2.
In other cases, the bases or sidewalls of the paicas were
intentionally broken.
These practices demonstrate that chicha production was
embedded in a magic and religious environment. It is

120

probable that the transformation of maize into an alcoholic
beverage was conceived of as a magic act and as part of
a ritual performance. According to Padre Antonio de la
Calancha, the people from the Jequetepeque Valley believed
that they had been created from three magic metal eggs,
with the leaders and nobles (kurakas and segunda personas)
emerging from a golden egg, their wives from a silver egg,
and commoner men and their wives and children from a
bronze egg (Calancha 1977 [1638], 930-5). These myths
legitimized the divine origin of the local elites and, as I
already demonstrated, the master brewer belonged to this
high social class. Thus, it is probable that the master brewer
himself was seen as a semi-divine individual, due to his
social status on the one hand and his mythical origin on
the other (i.e. as part of the mythical court of Naymlap).
The simple presence of the master brewer at the brewery,
coupled with his sophisticated knowledge of making chicha,
conferred a ceremonial dimension on chicha production.
The multiple offerings found in Area 35 could be the result
of ritualized chicha production, or alternatively, may have
been offerings made during renovation of the architectural
form of the brewery. I argue that the careful positioning of
the wooden paddles on top of the paicas was performed
when an important architectural change took place. In fact,
this offering might represent the continuous affiliation of
the master brewers with their brewery. The other offerings,
such as animals, textiles, and miniature pots, may have been
laid out as part of the same ritual of architectural renovation
or perhaps the outcome of daily offerings made by the
workers who spent part of their lives brewing chicha.
Reconstruction of the Production Process
Frances Hayashida’s (2008) recently-published
ethnographic study of chicha production provides an
excellent comparative study for reconstructing the processes
used at Area 35. Table 1 presents the sequence of steps
involved in the process of making chicha, the tools used in
each of these stages, and whether these material correlates
were found in Area 35.
It is possible that the maize used at Area 35 came straight
from the fields, supported by the abundant quantities of
husks found in the hearths and fill contexts. Area 35 also
yielded many examples of a wooden tool known locally as
a despancador, which is still used today in the Jequetepeque
Valley to husk maize. The use of fresh maize directly from
the fields may have been a requirement for quality control
at the Area 35 brewery. The fresh maize was removed
from the cob using ceramic graters or simply by hand. The
kernels were then soaked, and once the sprout emerged,
they were dried on sedge mats, producing maize malt or
jora. The malted maize was milled to obtain a jora powder.
The jora powder was then heated with quantities of water
in the small paicas of the cooking sectors, where it was
constantly supervised and stirred using wooden paddles or
simply wooden sticks for more than six hours.
After the boiling process, the resulting liquid was left for
121
O. Gabriel Prieto B.
several hours and then strained through pieces of cotton
fabric. The residues were discarded or saved for future use
in the fermenting stage. The sieved liquid was deposited
in the large paicas for fermentation. These paicas were
surrounded by fire pits, which served to warm the paicas
and their contents in order to accelerate the transformation
of sugar into alcohol. As was described earlier, the fire
pits in the Early Brewery were fueled with branches,
corn cobs and other botanical remains, while guinea pig
dung was preferred in the Late Brewery. The abundant
remains of local fruits, such as guanábana and lúcuma,
suggest that types of chicha now unknown on the North
Coast were produced at Area 35 (see also Kremkau, this
volume), although Spanish chroniclers reported that coastal
population prepared chicha using various fruits. In 2006, I
conducted an ethno-archaeological exercise in which I used
lúcuma rather than maize to produce chicha, the results of
which demonstrated that it is possible to obtain a suitable
product.14
Production Capacity and Distribution
Based on the capacity of the fermenting/storing paicas
found in situ in the Early Brewery, approximately 3600
liters could have been stored there (Table 2). On the other
hand, the capacity of the paicas found in situ at the boiling
sector indicates that they could boil an average of 396
liters (Table 2). That means that nine batches had to be
prepared in order to fill the fermenting/storage capacity of
the large paicas. If we include the paicas that were probably
once located in the empty holes, as well as the numerous
fragments of paicas found in the infill of Area 35, it may
have been possible for one batch or boiling event to fill
the total capacity of storing/fermenting vessels. Even based
solely on the capacity of the fermenting/storage paicas, it
can be claimed that the brewery of Area 35 is one of the
largest chicha production center ever found in the Andes
(Figure 19).15
Local ethnographic evidence suggests that the boiling
process usually takes six hours, followed by another six
hours of cooling and settling before the chicha juice is
transferred into the fermention paicas for between 5-15
days, depending on the alcoholic strength desired. If during
one event the fermenting capacity (3600 liters) of Area 35
was fully utilized and the fermentation process took up to
two weeks, then the Early Brewery of Area 35 could have
14
In 2006, with the generous financial support of Professor Jeffrey
Quilter, I did an experiment preparing chicha from lúcuma (Pouteria
lúcuma). Mrs. América Vasquez from Magdalena de Cao (Chicama Valley)
aided in the preparation of the lúcuma chicha. Under my supervision, she
used fresh lúcuma pulp and in the process, she discarded the lúcuma seeds
around the patio in which the preparation took place. It is noteworthy that
the disposition of the lúcuma seeds was similar to that recorded on the
floors of Area 35. We later buried a sample of the lúcuma chicha in a sealed
container for one year, in order to test the effect of aging on the product.
It should be noted that we used glass containers rather than ceramic jars.
The final product had a brown color, the consistency of wine and the
almond-like flavor of Amaretto. It was not possible to make chicha using
guanábana (Annona muricata) because it was not in season during July
of that year.
15
But see also data from Cerro Azul (Marcus 2009) and Cerro Baul
(Moseley et al 2005).
Chicha Production during the Chimú Period
Figure 19. Large paicas recovered from Area 35 at San José
de Moro, indicating the immense capacity for fermentation
possible at the site
produced 7200 liters of chicha per month in separarate
two boiling events. If the chicha was left to ferment for
the minimum amount of time, 5 days, then the production
capacity could have reached the exorbitant quantity of
21,600 liters of chicha per month! Obviously, chicha
production at the site was very flexible, with a minimum
of 3600 liters and a maximum of 21,600 liters representing
the range of production capacity for the brewery. The Late
Brewery could have produced between 2800 and 13,400
liters of chicha per month. Perhaps the decrease in produced
volume is related with the reduction of the brewery area
for making chicha: the surface of Early Brewery is
45% bigger than the space avaible on the Late Brewery.
Another possibility is that post-depositional process may
have affected portions of the Late Brewery, reducing the
accuracy of the estimations of its potential chicha output.
The quantities of chicha produced far exceed domestic
consumption of any single household, no matter what its
size. According to ethnographic data, an adult man can
drink up to three liters of strong chicha during a party
and two liters of mild chicha on an ordinary day (Gillin
1945, 46). Thus, over the course of one month at maximum
production, Area 35 could have generated enough chicha
for 7,200 adult men for a party and for 18,000 adult men
for daily consumption.
There is scant evidence to support the idea that the chicha
produced at Area 35 was consumed in the brewery itself.
The presence of fragments of ceramic dishes and bowls, as
well as gourd bowls, however, suggests that people were
consuming food and chicha somewhere around Area 35.
I propose that feasting events took place at Huaca Alta,
which has been interpreted as the house of a master brewer.
Nonetheless, it seems unlikely that the massive quantities
of chicha produced at Area 35 were all consumed at Huaca
Alta.
122
At least some of the chicha may have been obtained by
individual ‘clients’ of the brewery. A great quantity of
conical wooden objects was uncovered in the infill of
Area 35, which I argue were used as stoppers or corks for
small ceramic bottles (Figure 20). The fact that the bottle
is one of the least well-represented vessel forms in the
ceramic sample of Area 35 (Prieto 2008, 119) suggests that
individual clients brought their own vessels to Area 35,
where they were filled and sealed with wooden corks. At
this point it is impossible to infer under which economic
model the chicha was provided to individual clients,
although I suggest that future excavations at Huaca Alta
will provide data to test this hypothesis.
This leaves still unaccounted for the majority of the vast
quantities of chicha produced in Area 35. Why and for
whom was this huge amount of chicha produced? What
was the reason for the existence of breweries like the one
found at San José de Moro?
Chicha and the Chimú Political Context
One of the most outstanding features of Chimú palaces
and administrative centers is the presence of large walled
enclosures or plazas. It has been proposed that the plazas
were designed for the performance of rituals, ceremonies,
feasts or economic activities like exchange (Keatinge
1982; Moore 1992; Pillsbury and Leonard 2004; Uceda
1997). The architectural model from the Huaca de la Luna
mentioned above portrays a ceremony in one such plaza,
depicting the consumption of chicha as part of the rituals
associated with ancestor worship. Excavations at Farfán and
Algarrobal del Moro have produced a number of serving
bowls made of ceramic, wood, and gourd, confirming that
feasting events, or at least the consumption of food and
drinks, occurred in these large enclosures. Elaborate cups
made of ceramic, but especially of metal, wood and exotic
shells, show the importance of ritual toasts among the elite,
as well as the luxury and style in which the Chimú upper
classes consumed chicha.
From the available evidence dating to the Chimú period,
it is clear that domestic units produced their own chicha,
both strong and mild, and that they had all of the necessary
ceramic wares and ingredients to do so (Moore 1989;
Tschauner 2001; Swenson 2004). The interdependency of
households in the Andes was crucial in obtaining both a
labor force, i.e. through communal and reciprocal aid, and
products through exchange and barter (Bolton and Mayer
1977; Mayer 2002). Thus, if a given household required
a larger amount of chicha for a particular celebration,
such as rite-of-passage rituals including births, weddings,
or funerals, that need was fulfilled with communal help.
This pattern is still the norm on the Peruvian north coast,
being used primarily for religious parties and family events
(Camino 1987; Hayashida 2008; Schaedel 1989).
If Chimú commoner classes were self-sufficient in the
production of chicha, one must ask: who were the consumers

Figure 20. Wooden stoppers found in Area 35
of the chicha produced at Area 35? I argue that the chicha
produced in Area 35 was primarily, but not exclusively (see
above), consumed at events patronized by the Chimú state
at the administrative center of Algarrobal del Moro. This is
supported by the proximity of Area 35 brewery, as well as
similarities in material culture and construction materials
at the two sites. In particular, the domestic wares found at
Algarrobal de Moro and Area 35 are very similar, as are the
adobe bricks used in the Late Brewery and those used in the
walls of the administrative center. Algarrobal del Moro has
large enclosed plazas and U-shaped administrative units,
which are ultimately symbols of the Chimú state (Day
1982), and it is likely that at least some of the Chimú elite
residents of the Jequetepeque Valley lived there (Mackey
2004). It is possible that for the events patronized by Chimú
administration, the Area 35 master brewer was provided
with maize and other ingredients by the state. We know
that the Chimú state had access to large quantities of maize
(Day 1982).
The likelihood that the master brewer was himself one of
the Chimú elites indicates that the relationships between
these two centers were not necessarily vertical. I argue
that they were in fact dependent on each other. The master
123
O. Gabriel Prieto B.
brewer and his brewery needed the requirements of the
administrative centers to assure their level of production,
while the lords at the administrative centers were dependent
on the production of breweries like the one at San José
de Moro to provision the chicha for large ceremonies
and feasts. During the Colonial Period, the Spaniards
recorded the presence of breweries, or tabernas, in the
Jequetepeque Valley. Production of chicha in the tabernas
was sponsored by local lords. When a law prohibited the
consumption of chicha in the valley and mandated the
closure of the breweries, local lords claimed that the people
under their control would not carry out their tasks in the
agricultural fields because they no longer had chicha to
pay them (Ramírez 2002, 51-52). Chicha may have been
used as a means of payment for other types of labor as
well, including the cleaning of canals and construction of
buildings (Cummings 2004; Rostworowski 2004; Ramírez
2002). These would have been what Michael Dietler and
Ingrid Herbich (2001) term ‘collective work events,’ in
which a number of people offered their labor to accomplish
a task and received in return food and drink, served in the
ceremonial context of a ‘work feast’ (Dietler and Herbich
2001). Such work feasts happened in the plazas of the
administrative center; thus the state had to provide a large
quantity of chicha and food to satisfy all of the guests.
The chicha produced in specialized centers like Area 35
and consumed at the work feasts of the Chimú state had a
special value because semi-divine authorities hosted them.
Moreover, the chicha was prepared by a semi-divine, or
at least high status, master brewer. The consumption of
chicha in these events was part of an atmosphere charged
with symbolism, and the toasts became ‘... a ritual act of
reciprocity in which was showed indirectly the cosmic
and social order of the community which was relentlessly
attached in the social relations of production’ (Cummings
2004, 74). In this context, the consumption of chicha
confers prestige both to the host and to the guest. I argue
that this was one of the primary mechanisms used by the
Chimú state to organize and legitimize political order,
highlighting the crucial role of breweries in the maintenance
and function of the Chimú state.
Conclusion
Area 35 represents the first time that scholars have
excavated a prehispanic brewery with all of the necessary
production equipment still in situ. The chicha produced
there was primarily strong, with an alcoholic component, as
evidenced by the presence of malted maize and the residue
of amylolytic starch conversion activity on the interior
walls of the paicas. The production of alcoholic chicha is
consistent with the idea that this beverage was consumed in
a context of feasting. The two phases described for Area 35,
the Early and Late breweries, show that chicha production
improved through time, as evidenced by the better
arrangement of architectural spaces where the different
activities of the brewery took place. Another important
change between the old and new brewery was a decrease
Chicha Production during the Chimú Period
in the scale of production; the new brewery’s capacity was
about 45% less than its predecessor (Table 2).
At San José de Moro, there is a clear difference between
chicha production and consumption during Chimú
times and that of earlier periods. During the Moche and
Transitional periods, the chicha consumed in funerary
events at regional cemeteries like San José de Moro was
produced by individual groups, which brought to the site
their own sets of ceramic vessels (Castillo 2000; Deliben
and Barragán 2008). During the Chimú period, by contrast,
it seems likely that the production of chicha was patronized
by the state for use in ceremonial contexts, and was
provided to the population in enclosed plazas attached to
the administrative centers. I propose that the production and
consumption of chicha in these contexts was more restricted
during the Late Intermediate Period, while the practice
observed at San José de Moro for earlier periods, (in the
context of ritual consumption) in which chicha production
was controlled by extended families or corporative groups,
ceased to function.
The Chimú brewery found at San José de Moro suggests
that specialized centers provided chicha to administrative
centers and were perhaps also involved in provisioning
individual clients at a much smaller scale. The data
from Area 35 confirms the ethnohistoric documentation
described by Ramírez (2002) and Rostworowski (2004)
regarding the existence of breweries or tabernas for the
service of the valley lords. Previously, Moore (1989)
suggested that domestic units provided chicha as tribute
to the local lords of Manchán, a Chimú administrative
center in the Casma Valley. This interpretation seems to
apply well in the Casma region, but does not appear to
have been the case in the Jequetepeque Valley. The data
presented in this article suggest the existence of specialized
centers in the valley, implying that it was not necessary
that common people were taxed in chicha to satisfy state
demands, and further demonstrates that chicha production
for political and religious purposes during Chimú times
was organized differently in each region controlled by the
state. Data from Area 35 also suggest that chicha production
was embedded in a ritual space and that the equipment
used for its preparation acquired a sacred connotation, as
suggested by the placement of such tools in conjunction
with architectural renovations. The primary goal of these
rituals may have been to guarantee the legitimacy and
continuity of the master brewer and his production center.
The important role played by chicha in political and
religious arenas during Chimú times responded to a
high demand during Late Intermediate Period due to
the increasing population and/or political activity at that
time. The brewery of Area 35 was an effective system of
chicha production for the purposes of the Chimú state.
Future research will allow us to address many questions
that remain: Were there were other modes of production in
the Jequetepeque Valley during the existence of Area 35?
What was the nature of the power of the master brewer over
124
his dependents? Where did the people who worked for the
master brewer come from? Was the system of specialized
breweries imported from the Moche Valley?
Finally, a clear difference between the pattern of chicha
production in the southern highlands and the chicha
production on the north coast of Perú can be distinguished.
First, on the north coast, there were no changes in the pattern
of chicha production at lower social levels like the changes
brought about by Tiwanaku or Inka states in the southern
highlands. Chicha production in a domestic context is
present on the north coast since at least the late Early
Horizon in the Salinar culture (Brennan 1978). The major
difference that I propose for the Jequetepeque Valley relates
to the pattern of production for subsequent consumption in
political and official religious contexts. The shift during the
Chimú period in the Jequetepeque Valley served to control
regional celebrations in order to reinforce the power of the
state and to provide payments for communal work done
in state fields and in the construction and maintanence
of hydraulic systems. In the southern highlands, women
associated with the Wari and Inka states were in charge
of the production of chicha, while on the north coast, elite
males controlled its production. In the southern highlands,
chicha production meant for political and religious
ceremonies was produced in the administrative centers,
while in the case of the Jequetepeque Valley, it seems that
chicha was produced in a specialized center physically
separate from the administrative compounds. There, the
master brewer gave the expert touch to his sacred chicha.
Acknowledgements: I would like to express my sincere
gratitude to the editors of this book, Colleen Zori and Ilana
Johnson, for giving me the opportunity to publish the data
excavated in Area 35 of San José de Moro. I would like
to give many thanks to Steve Victor who helped me in
editing the final text of this article. I would like to give
special acknowledgement to Professor Luis Jaime Castillo
for giving me the chance to work at San José de Moro
between 2001 and 2007. His teachings in the academic
and personal realms have left sincere feelings of gratitude,
respect and admiration. Also, I would like to give thanks
to all the members of the San José de Moro Archaeological
Project and especially to Richard Ibarrola (Cachete) for
showing me the real tabernas of the Jequetepeque valley.
All the ideas and errors are exclusively the responsibility
of the author.
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