Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication

Digital Inclusion in Rural Areas: A Qualitative

Exploration of Challenges Faced by People From
Isolated Communities

Teresa Correa
Faculty of Communication and Literature, Diego Portales University, Vergara 240, Santiago, Chile

Isabel Pavez
Faculty of Communication and Humanities, Finis Terrae University, Pedro de Valdivia 1509, Providencia,
Santiago, Chile

This study explored the interplay between contextual and individual factors related to Internet adop-
tion in isolated rural communities. By investigating 10 remote villages throughout Chile that received
Internet access infrastructure in 2010–2011, we identified 3 areas in which contextual and individ-
ual factors are intertwined. First, the geographical isolation shaped people’s personality and attitudes
towards new experiences, including digital technologies. Second, the communities’ aging population
also represented a strong challenge because they lack young people, a relevant technology socializa-
tion agent. Finally, jobs and economic activities are related to people’s (lack of) motivations and needs
towards digital technologies. When the Internet has reached the vast majority of the population, iso-
lated communities confront specific challenges that we need to consider in policy-making decisions.

Keywords: Digital Divide, Rural, Policy, Broadband, Isolation, Interviews, Chile.

doi:10.1111/jcc4.12154

As Internet access spreads and the level of penetration reaches high percentages in both developed and
developing countries, the urban–rural digital gap remains strong (e.g., LaRose, Strover, Gregg, & Straub-
haar, 2011; Rivera, Lima & Castillo 2014). Thus, many policy-making efforts have promoted online
connection in rural areas. For example, in the United States, the Department of Agriculture has promoted
broadband access programs such as the Sustainable Broadband Adoption Program (LaRose et al., 2012).
In Latin America, several programs have targeted rural areas. For example, in Chile between 2010 and

Editorial Record: First manuscript received on March 25, 2015. Revisions received on September 2, 2015 and December
2, 2015. Accepted by Jennifer Stromer-Galley on January 12, 2016. Final manuscript received on January 21, 2016. First
published online on March 24, 2016.

Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication 21 (2016) 247–263 © 2016 International Communication Association 247
2011 the program “Todo Chile Comunicado” (All Chile Connected) subsidized 3G wireless connectivity
in more than 1,400 areas that had limited connectivity.
These public policies are guided by the premise that rural communities are lagging behind not only
in technological infrastructure but also in economic and educational resources (Castells, 2000; Salinas
& Sánchez, 2009). Rural areas have higher levels of poverty, evince poorer educational results (Ram-
bla, 2006), and suffer out-migration of their young population (PNUD, 2008). Research has found that
Internet connectivity would benefit these areas because it would help to overcome geographic isola-
tion, promote access to resources and opportunities, and encourage social interactions and community
attachment, which would lower the possibilities of out-migration and stimulate economic development
(Whitacre, Gallardo & Strover, 2014). It can also raise awareness of the economic and social opportuni-
ties outside the community and make it easier for those who leave to stay in touch with their families
and friends (e.g., Collins & Wellman, 2010).
Despite these policy efforts and the increasing access, the rate of adoption and usage in rural areas
is not the same as in urban areas (Rivera, Lima, & Castillo, 2014). Furthermore, broadband availability
does not significantly impact income growth and employment in rural areas as broadband adoption does
(Whitacre et al., 2014). The evidence suggests that availability of economic resources and technological
infrastructure is only the first step towards a complete digital inclusion process. Therefore, it is necessary
to account for other factors, including motivations and needs as well as the social and cultural context
(Mehra, Merkel, & Bishop, 2004; van Dijk, 2005). Because digital inequalities mirror structural social
inequalities (Helsper 2012; Robinson et al., 2015), isolated rural communities face specific contextual
challenges that we need to take into account, including lack of economic resources, geographic isolation,
and population migration.
Many studies on adoption of digital technologies in rural and remote communities have focused
either on individual factors such as people’s innovativeness, personality, and motivations (e.g.,
Venkatesh, Sykes, & Venkatraman, 2014) or contextual factors, including interpersonal networks
and community characteristics (e.g., Boase, 2010; Stern & Adams, 2010). However, it is necessary to
investigate the interplay between both angles, particularly how individual characteristics interact with
the sociocultural setting. Thus, drawing from structuration theory (Giddens, 1984) and digital inclusion
research, this study seeks to contribute to the literature by qualitatively exploring the integration
between contextual and individual factors related to the adoption and use of ICTs in isolated rural
communities. This was done by researching experiences in 10 remote rural communities located in
northern, central, and southern Chile. We define isolated communities as rural locations that received
Internet access infrastructure through the program “Todo Chile Comunicado” for the first time between
2010 and 2011.
The Chilean Context
Chile is a relevant context to study adoption of ICTs in rural communities because it represents a paradox:
While it has one of the highest levels of connectivity in Latin America (ITU, 2013) and is considered a
Latin American leader in ICT public policy (Kleine, 2013), the urban–rural gap has widened. In Chile,
45.3% of households have Internet connections (ITU, 2013).1 Although Chile is 12 percentage points
below the OECD average, it is 27 percentage points above the South American average (Rivera, Lima, &
Castillo, 2014).
Chile was one of the first countries in the region to develop a national ICT policy (Kleine, 2013).
In the late 1990s, the government focused mainly on infrastructure to connect this country of 17 mil-
lion people. Then, in 2004 it launched “Agenda Digital” (Digital Agenda), a policy effort that included
a network of free public access places and digital literacy programs. Most of these policy efforts have
targeted rural and low-income communities. In the last 5 years, the Chilean government focused on

248 Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication 21 (2016) 247–263 © 2016 International Communication Association
infrastructure by subsidizing the provision of connection in rural communities through the Telecom-
munication Development Fund. As part of this fund, “Todo Chile Comunicado” subsidized the provision
of 3G wireless connections, which can be accessed through mobile phones and 3G modems, to rural and
low-income communities that are not financially attractive for telecommunication companies. As part
of the public-private contract, Internet providers cannot charge more in these areas than they do in the
nearest urban area. Although the rural access improved, the urban–rural gap has increased in the last
decade.2 The last national survey about Internet connectivity (Rivera et al., 2014) revealed that in rural
settings the main reasons to not having household connection were lack of relevance (38%), utility (19%),
lack of coverage (15%), and cost (14%).3 These figures suggest that relevance and motivations are more
important than coverage and prices.

Theoretical Framework

Digital Inclusion and the Negotiation Between Context and Agency

Policies that promote Internet connectivity are guided by the premise that connection to the Web
promotes development. Much of the work on development focuses on economic growth. Although
economic growth is important, other approaches offer more complex and multifaceted concepts.
For example, Sen (1999) has challenged the economically centered approach to development by
defining it as people’s capability to achieve the things they consider valuable. This view comple-
ments Giddens’ structuration theory (1984), which suggests that social actions and practices are
constructed by the interplay between individuals’ agency and structure. Giddens defines agency as
the “capability” of individual actions in determining outcomes. Structure refers to the social system
that organizes social practices and defines the outcomes. That is, individuals have agency, but are
bounded by social structures that are reinforced and reproduced through collective actions. Kleine
(2013) complemented both theoretical approaches by proposing that the goal of development is
“increasing individuals’ freedom to choose” while considering that “individual choice is limited by
structural constraints” (pp. 32–33). Thus, to study Internet adoption it is necessary to consider human
agency/people’s capabilities to choose what they value (i.e., psychological resources, attitudes toward
technologies) and social structures (social institutions, cultural norms, and social context) (Dixon
et al., 2014).
The negotiation between agency and structure becomes even more relevant in remote communities
because the geographic isolation makes the social context more decisive in any action or decision. Other
factors, such as low levels of education, limited social networks, and deprived living conditions might
hamper their online experiences and development of digital competences (Van Dijk, 2006). Because the
gradations of digital inclusion depend on skills, social support, and motivations (Litt, 2013; Pavez, 2014),
it is important to understand how people’s reality is compounded.
To date, most of the policy-making efforts have focused on overcoming infrastructure access bar-
riers, such as provision of computers and broadband Internet connection. This conceptualization sug-
gested that once the gaps were bridged, Internet use would be homogeneous. Although the role tech-
nologies can potentially play in people’s lives should not be dismissed, digital inclusion is a complex
phenomenon because the challenges faced by a connected society do not end when people overcome
access. On the contrary, when connectivity is provided, psychological and sociocultural barriers emerge
(van Deursen & van Dijk, 2011). Thus, people’s discourses and expectations should be taken into con-
sideration and analyzed in the light of their current context (Armenta et al., 2011). This is also why it is
relevant to explore the sociocultural context and environment to which they are inserted, considering
users as active agents that mold technology through its use.

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Digital Inclusion in Rural Areas
Despite the high levels of connectivity in developed countries and the growing access in devel-
oping countries, digital inclusion in rural areas remains a strong concern for policy makers. The
evidence suggests that Internet access through broadband adoption stimulates the possibility of
home businesses, increases community attachment, reduces out-migration of young people (La
Rose et al., 2012), and potentially overcomes geographic isolation. The urban–rural divide remains
even after controlling for socioeconomic status (Prieger, 2003), suggesting that rural areas’ lower
education and income do not alone explain the fact that they are lagging behind in Internet
adoption.
Most research in rural areas has focused on demographic variables to explain geographic digital
gaps. However, as LaRose and colleagues (2012) asserted, framing digital exclusion in terms of demo-
graphic differences “does not offer actionable solutions to overcoming the digital divide” (p. 2579).
Other factors related to digital exclusion include experience, psychological attitudes, and contextual
factors.
Individual-level factors, such as prior use of the Internet and higher levels of digital self-efficacy, were
important predictors of intentions of broadband adoption (LaRose et al., 2012). In addition, when assess-
ing e-government website use in rural India, Venkatesh et al. (2014) found that, besides demographic
predictors, personality was also linked to e-government use. For example, people who were open to new
experiences were more likely to use e-government sites in rural India. Other relevant factors include
positive attitudes toward technologies and expected outcomes or predicted consequences of using the
Internet at home, including economic or communication opportunities (LaRose et al., 2012).
Although this individual-level approach has been valuable, it is necessary to address digital inclusion
as a multidimensional issue by including the sociocultural angle. For instance, the size of the commu-
nity (or market) predicts broadband adoption in rural areas. In larger communities, the adoption of
broadband is greater (Prieger, 2003). In addition, pre-post surveys of four communities that benefited
from broadband Internet projects found that public education positively affected broadband adoption
by influencing people’s perceptions of broadband services (LaRose et al., 2011).
Other studies found that interpersonal ties and sense of community are strong predictors of tech-
nological use in rural areas (Boase, 2010; Venkatesh & Sykes, 2012). Similarly, Stern and Adams (2010)
found that the Internet served as a way of bonding with the community through the search of local
events and groups. These studies contribute to the understanding of digital inclusion as a complex issue
where environment provides a new insight in how other elements such as demographics and personality
interplay.
In Chile, most digital inclusion studies have focused on sociodemographic factors and economic
barriers. For example, Agostini and Willington (2010) found that income and connection costs (com-
puter and broadband) are related to home Internet access. Oliva (2012), however, found that income,
connection service costs, and physical access to a computer are relevant but not sufficient factors to
explain lack of Internet access in Chile. Because it is necessary to deepen our understanding of factors
related to the adoption and use of ICTs in isolated communities by exploring people’s contexts, atti-
tudes, and discourses, this study relies on a qualitative approach. We thus formulated two main research
questions:
RQ1: What are the specific challenges faced by people from isolated rural communities to use Inter-
net after infrastructure access has been provided?
RQ2: How is individual agency constrained or enhanced by contextual factors in isolated rural com-
munities?

250 Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication 21 (2016) 247–263 © 2016 International Communication Association
Method
Given the importance of collecting contextual information from heretofore un-researched and isolated
rural communities in Chile, the project was approached from a qualitative perspective. This approach
incorporates the participants’ context, attitudes, and behavior, with a focus on the “how” more than on
the “what” (Esterberg, 2002). We researched more than one community to help “identifying the signif-
icance of context and the ways in which influences behavior and the way of thinking” (Bryman, 2012,
p. 402). A second methodological choice was to take an unstructured approach to data collection, closely
related to ethnography, to focus greatly on informants’ perspectives. The main method used was in-depth
interviews and informal conversations, which were recorded and transcribed. Although these do not
constitute ethnographic interviews in its own right because participants were interviewed only once, we
took elements from the ethnographic approach. Participants were encouraged to express what was rele-
vant and important for them to get a better understanding and contextual information. Hence, flexible
and detailed answers were collected, allowing for important elements in qualitative research such as per-
sonal experiences, interpersonal dynamics and cultural meanings of the participants (Sherman, 2001).

Sample and Procedures

We visited villages that had been benefited by a public-private initiative called “Todo Chile Comunicado”
(All Chile Connected). This program provided subsidies for 3G wireless connections to 1,474 areas that
had limited connectivity between September 2010 and December 2011 from northern (Atacama desert)
to southern regions in Chile (Patagonia). Although the great majority of these communities had limited
connectivity, only 106 were considered to be isolated, because they were rural locations that received
connection infrastructure for the first time in this period. Specifically, we visited 10 remote communities
that had benefited from the new infrastructure.
The selected communities were located in the northern, central, and southern regions. Specifically,
we visited four communities in the north, two communities in the center, and four communities in
the south (see Table 1 for more details about the communities). They also differed in their economic
activities, which included mining, agriculture, fishing, and tourism. They all have less than 1,000 inhab-
itants. The fieldwork was conducted between June and August 2014 by two researchers who visited
and interviewed residents and relevant community actors (e.g., schools’ directors, neighborhood rep-
resentatives, community radio hosts, and local authorities). Before arriving at the locality we contacted
regional authorities to have a contact within the community, preferably someone from a social organi-
zation or local representative. Some of the interviews were prearranged by phone prior to our arrival;
these were later conducted in the participants’ house, workplace, or community center. The interviews
lasted between 40 minutes and 1 hour. Afterwards, it was common for participants to walk us around
the community and introduce us to other members or friends such as the school principal, artisans, and
shop owners (among others). We took the opportunity to interview these new acquaintances as well.
We also took every opportunity we had to talk to–not to interview—other people in the community
in order to gain more knowledge about organizations, local representatives, and the day-to-day life of
the area.
In total, 48 people were interviewed.4 Although the conversations were open and unstructured, they
covered the following topics: characteristics of the community (economic activities, evolution, current
demographic characteristics, migration processes, and level of connectivity to the urban areas); historic
and current technology access in the community, including mobiles and Internet; characteristics of the
school, community organizations, and families; and technology adoption (level of adoption, motivations
and needs, expectations, networks of technology support, types of use).

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Table 1 Regions, economic activity and number of interviewees according to areas.

Region Community Economic activity Number of interviews

Northern Inca de Oro Mining 6

Carrizal Fishing 3
Alto del Carmen Farming 5
La Marquesa Farming 1
Central La Laguna Farming 4
Los Maquis Farming 6
Southern Malihue Farming 8
San Pedro Farming 7
Neltume Forestry/Tourism 6
Puerto Fuy Forestry/Tourism 2

The analytical process started with the transcription of the interviews in which we had the first
opportunity to recreate the conversation with each participant, to become familiar with the material,
and to make some initial comments. We later conducted a thematic coding analysis by using the soft-
ware NVivo where the main topics were both determined by the literature and emerged from the data. We
used this software to organize interviewees’ responses according to three main categories: sociocultural
characteristics of the area (including main productive activities, educational opportunities, perceptions
of migration and isolation, technological infrastructure); ICTs usage and experiences (motivations, per-
son’s history of connectivity, devices, types of access and activities, family dynamics regarding Internet
use); and ICTs perceptions (pros and cons of using technologies). The aim was to capture and compare
data within themes, to map descriptive findings, but also to highlight new topics (Fielding & Thomas,
2008). Using the software enabled us to generate nodes and organize a great amount of information by,
for example, comparing characteristics by location, economic activities, or motivation and needs.

Results and Analysis

The study revealed that the individual-level challenges are closely intertwined with contextual factors to
understand these communities’ digital inclusion processes.
People’s everyday experiences, as well as nontechnological factors, help to describe and understand
the elements that have an impact on people’s current level of Internet engagement. Thus, people’s atti-
tudes, actions, and freedom to choose are exerted within a structural context of isolation.
Following Giddens’ (1984) argument that individuals’ actions, practices, and perceptions are
bounded by their social structure (institutions, norms, and social context), we identified three areas in
which the contextual and individual factors were integrated.
Figure 1 describes how individual-level factors such as people’s attitudes and actions toward digital
technologies are related to a type of personality as well as motivation and needs that are structured by
an isolated and rural context. The results section is organized by the descriptions of these three areas.

Geographic isolation, mental isolation, and attitudes toward technologies

One of the main factors that hampered the technological development of rural communities in Chile was,
as expected, their geographical characteristics. Deserts, dense and rocky mountains, and isolation and
great distance among towns made it difficult for these kind of communities to access even basic services,

252 Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication 21 (2016) 247–263 © 2016 International Communication Association
Figure 1 Interplay between contextual and individual factors for digital engagement in isolated com-
munities

let alone the necessary infrastructure for mobile phones and Internet. One of the most extreme cases was
Carrizal, a seaside locality in the north, which is mainly desert, with no more than 100 inhabitants. The
residents do not have electricity, though some of them have access to it for short periods of time through
a petrol generator. This situation presents great obstacles to fulfilling everyday needs, such as the use
of refrigerators given the hot temperatures that characterize this part of the country. Nonetheless, they
benefited from the “Todo Chile Comunicado” program and got an antenna that provided Internet access
in 2010. Despite the lack of electricity, some people in Carrizal, such as the school director, describe the
antenna and Internet access as a major step.
The rest of the rural communities that took part in the fieldwork were not in such precarious condi-
tions as Carrizal. They had electricity and access to rural payphones during the late ‘90s. In the mid 2000s,
private companies attempted to provide mobile telephone services in nearby localities. Yet, according to
many interviewees, these attempts were not always successful because of the geographical conditions
that prevented the signal from reaching these communities. Despite not being able to get good service,
many people from these communities purchased mobile phones to use when they traveled outside their
village. Eloisa, principal of a rural school in Malihue, a farming village in the southern region, describes:

We didn’t have a good mobile or Internet signal in the school but tried anyway. We had to locate
our phones in the kitchen next to the window. Someone put a wooden piece there for us to leave
the mobiles and have some signal. At that time, it was the only way. Internet was not possible, and
when I had to send official communications or school reports to the local authority, I had a mobile
Internet connection, so I would take the car and go through the roads looking for signal.
I remember there was a spot in the middle of the countryside where once I encountered another
man with a computer, with his arms up looking for signal too (Eloisa, school director, Malihue).

Even though today the villages can have one or even two providers, the weather remains an obstacle.
This is particularly problematic in the southern part of the country, where snow, strong winds, and show-
ers are part of everyday life. This means that despite the improvement in the connection, the antenna
suffers with any of these events, such that people have been disconnected for up to 3 weeks.

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 Notwithstanding Internet connection being considered a major step, particularly for educational
reasons, we noticed a low level of online engagement. This may be explained by the historical isolation
of the community, which pervaded people’s reserved personality and negative attitudes towards new
experiences. For example, Paula (43) works both as a subsistence farmer and as a sporadic housekeeper
in Malihue. She does not use the Internet and the mobile phone is the only device she uses for com-
munication. She has been in this village all her life, as were her grandparents and great-grandparents.
Surrounded by her extended family, she has never left, not even to continue her primary education. She
feels comfortable in this community, expressing that it is her “natural” home, and has no intention to
move to a larger or any other village: “I like being outdoors, and that is something you don’t find in a
town.”
Juana, who works in the office that provides drinking water to Los Maquis, explained the impact of
the isolated geography on people’s personality: “Here people are very resistant to change, very closed
minded ( … ) In the end, it’s a lot of insecurity. This confinement in isolated locations generates a lot of
insecurity of not knowing.”
This characteristic was found in many of the interviewees as they spoke about their experiences living
in a secluded community, usually far away from progress shown by other larger localities. This affects
how people relate to others, as well as how open they are to meeting new people or even to changing
some aspects of their lives. Juana provides two examples:

I organized a craft-room funded by the local government. However, it’s taken a lot of hard work to
integrate people. They don’t see it as I see it. To me it has been great. You meet other people, you
can go elsewhere.

Then, she continues:

On Tuesday, came an officer of the municipality to implement a project for a school in Cuenca. I
asked a person who works with me in the neighborhood committee to receive him but she said
“what will I do if I cannot do anything?” So I said, “You’re not dumb.” They are not used to talking
to strangers.

These examples reveal how the isolated context shapes people’s psychological characteristics. The
recent descriptions and the conversations with inhabitants from the other villages suggest that people
who live in these communities tend to have lower levels of openness and generalized self-efficacy. Open-
ness to new experiences is a personality trait related to people’s curiosity and adaptability when they
confront challenges and uncertain situations (Digman, 1990). People with lower levels of openness pre-
fer traditional and established patterns (John & Srivastava, 1999), see new situations as a threat rather
than a challenge and are less receptive to new technologies (Ross et al., 2009).
Generalized self-efficacy is a form of self-evaluation that influences people’s decisions about what
they can do with a given skill (Bandura,1986). People with higher levels of self-efficacy have more positive
self-perceptions about their capacity to adapt to new situations and face challenges. Thus, self-efficacy
influences people’s decisions about which behaviors they can undertake and the amount of effort they put
into the task (Eastin & LaRose, 2000). The literature has consistently found that self-efficacy is one of the
strongest predictors of digital media adoption and use (LaRose et al., 2012). These psychological char-
acteristics of people who have been raised in isolated contexts influence their level of engagement with
new technologies. For them, a computer, a mobile broadband driver, or the Internet interface represent a
new language and new culture that requires a great amount of effort and time to understand and master.

254 Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication 21 (2016) 247–263 © 2016 International Communication Association
 This fear of new experiences was evident when people in most of these communities complained
about the presence of the antenna that provided Internet connectivity. The new device was a source of
negative discourses and fears. As it was usually very visible and salient in the rural or deserted landscapes,
people described it as a foreign element that was installed without anyone being asked and was seen
as a source of problems. Ana, president of the elderly association in La Laguna, explains: “I’ve never
known what that antenna is for. When they put it, nobody told the community they were going to put
an antenna.”
In other communities, there were reports of people’s fears about negative health consequences. In
Los Maquis, people complained about headaches and seizures, and asked the local government to move
the antenna, as rumors said it was the cause. In Inca de Oro, it was placed next to the preschool facility,
so parents demanded that it be entirely covered by wooden panels. Other interviewees talked about
how dangerous it was to have the antenna nearby and how relieved they were when it was placed on the
mountain and not in the middle of the village. Many of these apprehensions relied on the ignorance about
the function and purpose served by the new and foreign element in the community. This was mainly
because nobody from the connectivity program “Todo Chile Comunicado” approached inhabitants to
explain the purpose of the antenna or the benefits of Internet connectivity. They learned that they would
have Internet access through word of mouth.
Besides the fears about the antenna, negative attitudes about the Internet were pervasive. Right after
many interviewees enumerated a few positive aspects of the technology –particularly the benefit for their
children’s education—many were fearful and developed discourses about the negative sides, including
possible social isolation, dangers, deception, and pornography. Younger interviewees were well aware of
those potential risks, as Coté, a 16-year old in Malihue, explains: “Although it’s a source of good ideas
and information, the social networking sites are very harmful ( … ) people shut in itself, they don’t talk
much.” For her, social networking sites, though they offer a possibility of connection, also further people’s
loneliness. She perceives that the longer her classmates use this kind of applications they also become
more isolated and less prone to participate in social activities. This was also noted by some of the teach-
ers interviewed, who complained that children with access to tablets and mobile phones during school
recess usually become quiet and prefer staying and navigating their mobile devices to going outside the
classroom.
Another negative discourse was related to security and privacy matters. For instance, in the Malihue
school, the principal decided to create passwords for the computers after she caught students playing
online videogames and accessing pages considered forbidden by the school. Students also expressed fear
and negative opinions after the Chilean police cybercrime division visited their school to explain the
risks of using the Internet.
In sum, the psychological characteristics that take shape in an isolated context explain in part the
negative discourses and fears towards new technologies. Although people recognized that the Internet
provides opportunities, the negative aspects were very prevalent in their discourses. These negative atti-
tudes were augmented by the ignorance and fear about the device that provided connectivity, as well as
lack of information given by those who run the connectivity program. Thus, the motivations and needs
have to be strong enough to overcome a personality that is shaped by a remote context.

Communities’ ageing population and digital media engagement

Another challenge faced by these remote communities is the aging of the population due to the lower
birth rate and young people’s out-migration. The aging of the population was described in all the com-
munities under study. These rural communities follow the trends of the second demographic transition
that has taken place throughout the country in the last decade, in which the fertility rates have been con-
sistently decreasing (Salinas, 2011), reaching a rate of 1.80 (INE, 2014). In addition, most of these rural

Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication 21 (2016) 247–263 © 2016 International Communication Association 255
villages have primary-only education schools (up to 6th or 8th grade) with one to three teachers, where
students from different levels usually have to share a classroom and a teacher. Therefore, to complete
mandatory secondary education, the children have to migrate from the community to the nearest city
or town and enroll in public boarding schools. They cannot commute due to the lack of constant public
transportation. Furthermore, lack of permanent and non-manual jobs prevent them from returning to
the community once their studies are finished. As Beatriz, owner of the only convenience store in Los
Maquis, a one-street village located in the central zone, explains: “This is a place of old people. Young
people have migrated and those who are here, it’s because they’re sick or unemployed.”
The lack of educational opportunities for children is something that has affected José’s family. He
lives in Puerto Fuy, a southern Andean village located in the border pass between Chile and Argentina,
and has a daughter studying in the city of Valdivia (located about three hours away). He explains the
problem of secondary-school students leaving their families and communities:

Imagine … in 8th grade they have to leave us to study in boarding schools (in nearby towns). Then,
they continue to Temuco, Valdivia, or Santiago (cities where they can get college education). Our
children begin to separate from us when they’re 13. They begin to make their lives.

This has an impact not only on the families, but also on the educational system of rural communities
because of the lower enrollment rates in the schools and many have closed in the past decade. The lower
enrollment is also linked to decreasing birth rates, as the principal of the school in La Laguna, a central
zone village that serves the local farming, explains: “In the last two years, I haven’t seen any birth in La
Laguna ( … ) The kids leave for college and they don’t return ( … ) Each day the school has fewer and
fewer students. This area has only adults” (Alejandra, school principal, La Laguna).
The aging of the population and the young people out-migration’s represent strong challenges in
terms of ICT adoption and use in rural communities. Although the migration of children may represent
a motivation to be better connected with them, the evidence suggests that one of the most consistent and
enduring barriers to digital inclusion is the generation gap, in which older people lag behind younger
generations in both adoption and use of ICTs (Madden et al., 2013). Young people are more innovative
(Zickhur, 2010) and have external exposure to digital media through their school and friends. Thus,
if these communities are populated by adults and older people, the levels of ICT adoption and usage
decrease. In addition, they face a related problem. The literature suggests that young people can act as
digital media facilitators in their families by influencing the adoption of computers and Internet and
by helping their parents and grandparents adjust to new technologies (Correa, 2014, 2015). The clo-
sure of primary schools is also problematic because the literature has shown that public schools are
relevant socialization agents in the community and have effects on home broadband adoption because
they positively affect people’s perceptions of broadband services (LaRose et al., 2011). Many participants
explained that Internet access was important for children’s education. For instance, in many of the inter-
views people recognized positive aspects about being more connected such as that the “Internet opens up
the world to children” (Bernardita, principal of a nine-student primary school in La Marquesa, a farming
village in the northern Andes); “It’s very important for young people’s homework” (Sandra, mother of
two teenage daughters and one grandchild in Neltume); “It simplifies children’s work” (José, municipality
representative, from Puerto Fuy). Access to computers and the Internet in homes sometimes represented
an opportunity to be aware of the technology, learn through observation, and be taught by their children.
The fact that the population of these communities was aging (a contextual factor) might also shape
people’s negative attitudes and (lack of) intention to adopt and engage with new technologies such as the

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Internet (an individual factor). Because youths serve as entry points for new ideas about digital technolo-
gies in their families, these rural communities are missing very relevant agents in Internet socialization
that may shape people’s attitudes, perceptions, and knowledge toward new technologies and eventually
help them get included in the digital environment. In the same vein, with the increasing closure of pri-
mary schools, people are lacking another technology socialization agent (LaRose et al., 2011) that may
help confront negative views about technology and trigger a need to engage with it.

Economic activity and (lack of) motivation and need

This study involved 10 communities that differed in their economic activities. For example, in the north-
ern region, Inca de Oro was a mining village, Carrizal was dedicated to fishing and wild seaweed har-
vesting while most of the population in Alto del Carmen and La Marquesa worked in the vineyards.
In the center, La Laguna and Los Maquis were mostly farming villages. In the south, Malihue and San
Pedro were also devoted to farming while Neltume and Puerto Fuy were historically forest communities
but increasingly turning to tourism and hospitality. The investigation of these various economic areas
suggested that the level of engagement with the Internet also depends on the kind of jobs and productive
needs of the community. For example, the majority of the people in these communities are employed
in manual jobs where there is no need to use computers or develop any kind of digital literacy. Most of
the people related to farming, mining, or fishing explained that they would only get mobile broadband
access at home for the benefit of their children’s education.
However, we noticed higher levels of Internet engagement in those with start-up businesses. This
was particularly the case in communities that were increasingly focusing on tourism such as Neltume
and Puerto Fuy, two nearby southern villages located in the Andean border pass between Chile and
Argentina. Despite their geographic isolation, tourists have to pass through these two locations to cross
the border. Thus, villagers started building cabins and restaurants, and recognize the need to use the
Internet to promote their business with potential clients. For example, Adela has a small convenience
store in Puerto Fuy and her husband works in forestry. She has three children, two of them teenagers.
To increase their limited income, they built two cabins to receive tourists in the summer; it was her
daughters’ idea to promote it online. The children took pictures of the cabins and upload them to a
Chilean touristic site where it is possible to advertise for free. The pictures plus a general description
and a contact number were provided. Similarly, Eduardo, a wood artisan from Neltume, realized that
the Internet was the best source for promoting his handcraft work outside the community. With the
assistance of his 20-year-old son, he learned how to check his e-mail to receive orders from clients and
get invitations to present his work in regional fairs. He also uses it as a way to connect with other wood
artisans and handcraft associations.
The level of use and expertise in both cases was not the norm, as the activities performed by other
rural inhabitants were much more limited. Yet, there are two aspects that can help to explain this engage-
ment. The first is related to the villages’ economic activity, tourism. Neltume was the only place visited
where we encountered a cybercafé, which provided paid Internet connection in the town and served as
a business opportunity due to increasing tourism. This was also the only community with an infocenter,
which was set inside a small local government facility, with only three computers with Internet access.
People from the town can use it for free, attend short-term courses on basic computing, and ask for assis-
tance in applying for jobs or filling out public forms. Both the cybercafé and infocenter send a message
to the community that despite the isolation and connectivity problems, the Internet can be accessed and
there is free help available.
This study revealed that the economic structure of the community was closely related to people’s
motivation and need to engage with the Internet. This greater motivation and need was more apparent in

Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication 21 (2016) 247–263 © 2016 International Communication Association 257
tourist-oriented communities. However, as the Technology Acceptance Model (Davis, 1989) predicts, in
other communities people need to perceive a value or satisfy a need to go beyond basic and entertainment
uses, and pursue more skillful and capital-enhancing activities. For example, Paula, from Malihue, is a
single mother of a 14-year-old girl who received a laptop computer through a public program called
“Yo elijo mi PC” (I choose my PC), in which 7th -grade students from lower-income families and good
academic records are eligible to receive a personal computer and one year of mobile broadband access.
Her daughter encouraged Pamela to also use it, although she was reluctant due her inexperience: “At least
now I know how to turn it on, turn it off and listen to some music. But it scares me. If something appears
on the screen, I call my daughter.” She does not see a need to persist and learn. However, her neighbor,
Karina–who also has a 16-year-old daughter who received a PC from the same public program–has a
small venture raising and selling sheep. She had never used a computer or the Internet before, but after
seeing her daughter, she realized it could be a source of information for her small start-up that started
with six sheep and now has 22.

My daughter has been learning and teaching me how to use the Internet. Because I wanted to look
for stuff about sheep, I had to learn. I mainly seek information about sheep feed and diseases. I also
use Facebook to talk with Coté (the daughter) when she is in the boarding school during the week.
(Karina, farmer, Malihue).

In sum, as the theories on technology diffusion (Davis, 1989) and previous research on digital inclu-
sion in rural areas (LaRose et al., 2007) have suggested, the degree of engagement with the Internet is
related to the satisfaction of needs at the contextual and individual levels.

Conclusion
By investigating the digital experiences of people from 10 remote rural communities located in northern,
central, and southern Chile that received Internet access infrastructure for the first time in 2010–2011,
we aimed to qualitatively explore the interplay between contextual and individual factors related to the
adoption and use of the Internet in isolated rural areas. Specifically, this research project explored (1)
the challenges faced by people from isolated communities in using the Internet, after infrastructure was
provided, and (2) how individual agency is shaped by contextual factors of isolated locations. Both objec-
tives are relevant because despite many policy-making efforts that have promoted Internet connection
in rural areas, the evidence suggests that digital inclusion is a multifaceted and complex phenomenon
that is not “solved” after access is provided. This is why it is necessary to study how psychological aspects
interact with the social and cultural context: Both contribute to address the role of technology in people’s
life, particularly those that have long remained digitally excluded. Furthermore, Chile is an appropriate
context in which to study Internet engagement in rural communities because, although it has one of the
highest levels of connectivity in Latin America and has led ICTs public policy initiatives in the region,
the urban–rural gap has increased over the years.
The data collected from in-depth unstructured interviews with people from such areas led us to iden-
tify three areas in which contextual and individual factors were closely intertwined. First, people brought
up in these remote contexts tended to fear facing novel and uncertain situations and had low levels of
confidence about their capacity to confront new challenges. Although Venkatesh and colleagues (2014)
did not explore contextual factors, this result is somewhat consistent with their findings, in which people
who were open to new experiences were more likely to use e-government sites in rural India. Because

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ICTs represent a new and very demanding situation, this isolated mentality acted as a barrier to engage-
ment with new technologies. They may recognize the value of the Internet for education, information,
and business opportunities, but the fear of the foreign and of new situations is sometimes stronger. Thus,
the motivations and needs to use the Internet have to be powerful to overcome internal traits that restrain
their adoption and use.
This isolated context also explains out-migration of young people and population aging. This is
linked to the lower Internet adoption in the villages, as the literature suggests that young people are
more connected and can facilitate the introduction of new technologies in their families. Drawing from
research that suggests that personal networks (Boase, 2010) or interpersonal ties in the community
(Venkatesh & Sykes, 2012) were important for digital media engagement, one may conclude that youth
become networks in technology matters. Thus, the lack of youth means that these communities are miss-
ing relevant technology socialization agents or networks that may help to include older generations in
the digital environment.
Finally, communities’ needs suggest that the level of engagement with the Internet depends on the
kind of occupations and economic requirements within the village. Because the majority of the people
had manual jobs, they did not perceive a need or have a motivation to develop digital skills. However,
this was different for those interested in promoting tourism and individuals with start-up businesses. In
these cases the degree of Internet engagement was higher. Drawing from Sen’s (1999) idea that people’s
development is related to the possibility of obtaining things they value, in this case the opportunities
provided by the Internet have to become valuable in their everyday lives to deserve the amount of effort
it requires to overcome the individual and contextual barriers.
This study contributes to the literature by integrating contextual and individual factors and show-
ing how structure and agency shapes people’s possibilities and choices. Furthermore, this negotiation
becomes even more relevant in remote communities with recent Internet infrastructure because the geo-
graphic isolation makes the social context more decisive in any action or decision. According to Giddens
(1986), people’s agency is bounded by the structure of the social system, which in turn is reinforced and
reproduced through people’s decisions. In this case, people’s capabilities and decisions to engage with the
Internet in rural communities are delimited by the isolated context in which they are immersed, in terms
of distance, remote landscape and social deprivation. This study is relevant because it shows how this
context has molded not only people’s needs and values but also their personality and attitudes toward
new situations and developments, technology among them.
The results also show that remote rural communities face specific characteristics that need to be
taken into account when thinking about digital inclusion policies. These should start with an assessment
of their needs (economically and otherwise) so the new tools are presented as relevant for their partic-
ular context. Training that focuses on these needs, rather than on technology per se, is desirable. For
example, one might include computer or Internet training as part of a course on how to apply to public
programs for rural start-ups rather than presenting the course as a computer class. The latter would only
increase the level of unease and decrease self-efficacy. We would also suggest that any initiative—public
or private—should work closer to local authorities and relevant actors from the communities to provide
information about the programs, and to be available to attend inhabitants’ concerns—such as health
issues related the presence of the antenna—and suggestions for particular kinds of training.
Although we consider the data collected on this project to be a first step towards building the knowl-
edge of isolated communities that have recently gained Internet connection, we acknowledge several
limitations. The first one is related to the communities reached, as these were all to some extent possi-
ble to access by car. Yet there are some communities that we could not include in the sample because
of the geographical difficulties in accessing them. These let even more remote communities outside the

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project, where perhaps there are other elements linked to their low level of Internet engagement. Regard-
ing methodology, interviews were a good entry point to get access to people’s views and experiences, yet
to gain more generalizable results about levels of adoption and characteristics of use across isolated pop-
ulations, a survey is needed. Therefore, further research on rural communities can complement both
approaches to collect data that explore interactions between factors, such as attitudes toward technology
vis-à-vis presence of children in the household; or how perceptions of isolation interact with specific
Internet activities, such as social networking.
In sum, this study revealed that in an age when the Internet has reached the majority of the popula-
tion and seems ingrained in our everyday lives, there are still digitally and socially excluded communities
facing very specific challenges that we need to consider in both the academic research and policy-making
efforts.

Notes
1 This penetration rate is close to Uruguay, Argentina, and Brazil, but much higher than countries like
Mexico, Peru and Colombia. In the US, 75% of households have Internet. These rates exceed 80% in
countries like Germany, Norway, and the Netherlands (ITU, 2013).
2 For example, in 2003 while 16% of urban households had Internet connection, only 2% of rural
households were connected. In 2011, the urban connections increased to 44% while the rural
connections increased to 15% (Rivera, Lima & Castillo, 2012). Household Internet connection
considers the following access devices: desktop, laptop, tablet, mobile phone and console, SmartTV
and others. The Internet connection includes, satellite connection, fixed broadband and mobile
broadband access (3G).
3 The economic cost includes the device and service. While 5% of the respondents said that the main
reason was the equipment, 9% said it was the service (Rivera et al., 2014).
4 Of the 48 interviewees, 34% were men and 66% were women; 17% were between 14 and 18 years old,
52% were between 19 and 50 and 31% were older than 50 years old.

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About the Authors

Teresa Correa (Ph.D., University of Texas at Austin) is assistant professor in the Faculty of Communi-
cation and Literature at Diego Portales University. Her research focuses on digital media access and use.
Address: Vergara 240, Santiago, Chile. Email: teresa.correa@udp.cl

Isabel Pavez (Ph.D., London School of Economics) is an academic in the Faculty of Communication
and Humanities at Finis Terrae University. Her investigation focuses on Internet adoption in children
and vulnerable populations. Address: Pedro de Valdivia 1509, Providencia, Santiago, Chile. Email:
isapavez@gmail.com

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