The Papers of Dennis Robertson: The Discovery of Unexpected Riches Paul Mizen, Don Moggridge, and John Presley It is now over thirty years since the death of Sir, Dennis Robertson. Throughout those years, most of his papers and correspondence have remained hidden from view.' Occasional glimpses of what Robertson's own papers might have contained could be obtained from reports on the papers of others, but even these had not appeared on a substantial scale. These lacunae have now been corrected by two events: the de- posit of Robertson’s own papers in the Wren Library of Trinity College, Cambridge,” and, in the process of editing the Robertson correspondence, the discovery of substantial holdings of Robertson correspondence in var- Correspondence may be addressed to Dr. Paul Mizen, Department of Economics, Univer- sity of Nottingham, University Park, Nottingham NG7 2RD, United Kingdom; to Professor D. E, Moggridge, Department of Economics, University of Toronto, 150 St. George Street, Toronto, Ontario MSS 1A1, Canada; and to Professor John R. Presley, Department of Eco- nomics, Loughborough University, Loughborough, Leicestershire LE11 3TU, United King- dom. An earlier version of this article was given at the European History of Economics Society Conference at Erasmus University, Rotterdam, in 1994. John Presley would like to thank the Wincott Foundation and the British Academy for financial support, Paul Mizen acknowledges support from the Nottingham University Administered Research Fund. The authors wish to thank Jo Lamping and Shelagh Parsons for their invaluable research assistance. 1. Except, of course, his correspondence with J. M. Keynes, where much of the material has been published in whole or in part. 2. To gain access to the papers in Trinity, contact Jonathan Smith, Wren Library, Trinity Col- lege, Cambridge, CB2 ITQ, or write to John Presley, Department of Economics, Loughborough University, Leics, LE11 3 TU. History of Political Economy 29:4 © 1998 by Duke University Press.574 History of Political Economy 29:4 (1997) ious archives in Britain, Europe, Japan, and North America. Thus, from what had been a knowledge of fewer than two hundred letters and papers, we now know of more than 2,500. Robertson and his executor, Stanley Dennison, destroyed many of his professional papers and correspondence. Nonetheless, in the Robertson Papers in Trinity, there remain approximately 850 letters and papers— exchanges with economists, civil servants, politicians, and bankers cov- ering the period 1911-63. Because Robertson rarely made use of a secre- tary, his own papers largely consisted of “in-letters.”> To explore Robert- son’s side of most of the Trinity correspondence (his “out-letters”) and to fill gaps in the in-letters caused by destruction and loss, one needs to consult other archives.* The purpose of this paper is to describe and set out the sources of the Robertson materials that do survive and have been found thus far. After providing a brief background to Robertson’s work as an economist, it identifies the key sets of correspondence and their subject areas, both in the Robertson Papers and in other archives. It is only when this has been done that one can begin to assess its importance in terms of the history of economic thought and even in terms of contemporary debates. Background Born in 1890, Robertson descended from a family of Scots clergymen and schoolmasters. He was educated at home until he enrolled at Eton in 1902 as Second King’s Scholar. After Eton he took a classical scholarship to Trinity College, Cambridge, in 1908. He took a first in part 1 of the classical tripos in 1910 before switching to the economics tripos in which he obtained a first in part 2 in 1912. These academic achievements took 3. Occasionally, in order to firmly establish what he had said originally, Robertson asked for the return of his original letters thus bringing them back into the Robertson Papers. However, this was the exception rather than the rule, even in the many recorded cases where Robertson could not remember exactly what he had said. 4, To give an indication of how outside archives can supplement the Robertson Papers, we can take a few examples. In the case of Roy Harrod, the Robertson Papers contain 18 pieces of correspondence. The various hoards of Harrod Papers thus far available in the British Library, Chiba University of Commerce, Nagoya University of Commerce and Business Administrati and the University of Tokyo contain another 116 letters. Again, the Robertson Papers contain 4 pieces of correspondence with Nicky Kaldor and 2 with David McCord Wright; the Kaldor Papers contain 29 other items and the Wright Papers contain 21Mizen, Moggridge, and Presley / Robertson 575 place alongside such activities as his being president of the Union Society and of the University Liberal Club. Robertson’s professional career spanned fifty years from his postgrad- uate studies in Cambridge, which led to a Prize Fellowship at Trinity in 1914, to his death in 1963. In between were a full Trinity Fellow- ship (1919), a university lectureship in economics (1924), the Girdlers’ Company Lectureship (1928) (where he was successor to Keynes and Frederick Lavington), a Cambridge readership (1930), the Cassel chair with special reference to banking at the London School of Economics (1939), and the Cambridge Chair of Political Economy in succession to A.C. Pigou (1944). He retired in 1957. A full biography is not necessary here> but to put the papers and correspondence in some sort of context, we will highlight the major events and periods in Robertson’s career. 1. The years 1914 to 1934 were particularly noted for innovative scholarship—so much so that Robertson was approached by the League of Nations in 1933 to undertake the survey, financed by the Rockefeller Foundation, of business cycle theories eventually carried out by Gottfried Haberler in Prosperity and Depression (1936),° and he was the senior external adviser retained by the League for the successor econometric studies of business cycles undertaken by Jan Tinbergen. Robertson’s A Study of Industrial Fluctuation (1915) offered an empirical analysis of the business cycle—one of the earliest in Britain. The theoretical under- pinnings of A Study of Industrial Fluctuation emphasized the role of real forces in generating the cycle at a time when most contemporary theo- ries emphasized monetary or psychological factors (see Presley 1978). Money (1922 with significant revisions in 1924 and 1928) presented a Cambridge cash-balance approach to monetary theory. Banking Policy and the Price-Level (1926) was a scholarly monograph that sought to examine the role of monetary forces in the business cycle. In addition to his contributions to business cycle and monetary theories, he was a significant participant in the development of the theory of the firm in the late 1920s and early 1930s alongside Joan Robinson and Piero Sraffa. 2. Robertson worked closely with J. M. Keynes from 1914 onward. He had been Keynes’s student as an undergraduate and Keynes had “super- vised” his postgraduate work, but from 1920 onward he was increasingly 5. See, for example, Hicks 1966 and Dennison and Presley 1992. 6. See A. L. Loveday’s diary entry for 2 November 1933. The diary for 1933 is in box 66 of the Loveday Papers at Nuffield College, Oxford.576 History of Political Economy 29:4 (1997) Keynes's intellectual confidante, with a major input into each other’s research. In the mid-1920s, with Banking Policy and the Price-Level, Robertson thought of himself as ahead of Keynes in the development of monetary theory.’ With the publication of Keynes’s A Treatise on Money (1930), their professional paths began to diverge. Robertson took little part in the working out of what became The General Theory (Keynes 1936), and until his death, he was the foremost critic of that work and of Keynes’s disciples. His break with Keynes was one factor that led him to accept the Cassel chair at the London School of Economics in 1938, but the pull of Cambridge brought him back in 1944. However, as a critic of Keynesian economics, he found himself isolated in the Cambridge of the 1940s and 1950s. Moreover, his attempts to build a “party” to counter the Keynesian orthodoxy,* coupled with his long-standing, self- acknowledged inability to get along with Joan Robinson—which had helped cause the rupture with Keynes that took him to London (Mog- gridge 1992, 594-603)—helped to deepen splits in the Cambridge faculty and encouraged ways of conducting academic business whose influence continues to color economics in Cambridge to this day. 3. Robertson’s later career was not solely devoted to attacking Keynes- ians. When he returned to Cambridge in 1944, rather than teach during his first year, he spent the time attending meetings of the Royal Commission on Equal Pay and catching up on developments in economics since he had gone into government service. And because he revised the “principles” lectures every year, he kept up to date with current developments. This process of staying abreast was cause for a substantial amount of his postwar correspondence. Staying abreast also provided the wherewithal for several of his important postwar survey essays such as “Utility and All That,” “Some Recent (1950-55) Writings on the Theory of Pricing,” and “Thoughts on Meeting Some Important Persons.”!” 4. Robertson made several contributions to economic policy debates. Not only did he contribute to the Liberal Summer Schools of the 1920s but he also contributed to the report of the Liberal Industrial Inquiry, Britain's 7. See Robertson’s postwar preface to Banking Policy and the Price-Level ({1926] 1949). 8. A party which suffered, according to Harry Johnson (1978, 131) from its members not, being as bright on average as its opponents. 9. Cambridge professors in Robertson's day did not have a statutory stint of lecturing. Rather they were only obliged to report after the fact to the central authorities the number of hours they had taught. Robertson also lectured to the Liberal Summer School in the 1930s. 10. The first became the lead essay for the 1951 collection of the same title; the latter two appeared in Economic Commentaries (Robertson 1956).Mizen, Moggridge, and Presley / Robertson 577 Industrial Future (1928), an important, opinion-forming contribution to public discussion. In 1930, he gave substantial evidence to the Macmillan Committee on Finance and Industry, where he might be said to have been more Keynesian than Keynes, then a member of the committee. In 1934, with A. L. Bowley, he provided published advice to the government of In- dia on the development and use of its statistical services. Later he was the economist member of the Cohen Council on Prices, Productivity and Incomes (1956-58) and appears to have written its first two reports (Dennison and Presley 1992). His final piece of policy advice was his extensive evidence to the Canadian Royal Commission on Banking and Finance (Robertson 1963). 5. Robertson also provided official, unpublished policy advice. From 1936 he was a member of the Committee on Economic Information of the Economic Advisory Council (Howson and Winch 1977). He also pro- vided advice to both Sir Frederick Phillips of the Treasury and A. L. Love- day, the director of the Financial Section of the League of Nations. With the outbreak of war in 1939, he went into the Treasury to assist Phillips with work on Britain’s external financial relations and policies. This work took him to Washington for an extended period in 1943. It also meant that he was involved from the beginning in discussions of Keynes’s Clearing Union proposals and the competing American Plan for an International Stabilization Fund, as well as the compromise insti- tutions that emerged from extensive discussions in Washington in 1943 and the Bretton Woods Conference in 1944. He left the Treasury in the autumn of 1944 to take up his Cambridge chair, but his expert advice was sought as a member of the Royal Commission on Equal Pay (1944— 46), as well as by the Bank of England (where he was offered a senior advisory post in 1948), the Board of Trade, and the Treasury. Major Correspondents The nature and content of the major correspondence"! follow from the career. Robertson was generous in giving his time to commenting on 11, Here we use correspondence in a slightly extended sense in that all of Robertson's exchanges with other economists did not take the form of letters. There were often notes, and the letters often covered additional comments. These characteristics of Robertson’s normal way of conducting business have their advantages: for purposes of the Robertson edition they allow us to include under this broader heading his wartime minutes and memoranda.578 History of Political Economy 29:4 (1997) the work of others. As noted above, he and his executor destroyed many of the results, only occasionally keeping samples of what had passed. However, his papers, supplemented by those of others, contain enough to justify the label “unexpected riches.” Leaving aside for the moment Robertson’s extensive official wartime Treasury correspondence, other than that with Keynes, the Trinity Robert- son Papers and the other archives we have consulted reveal correspon- dence with almost three hundred individuals. The appendix lists the major “economist” correspondents, indicates the subjects of correspon- dence, and provides the sources of the correspondence—the Robertson Papers or in other collections. There are, in addition, correspondences with economists which, although they fill out Robertson's professional life, are perhaps not quite as generally significant.'> There are also pub- lished letters to the press that will appear in an edition of Robertson’s professional correspondence but are not discussed here. The list includes only letters whose authorship is identifiable, whose dates are ascertainable, and whose contents are significant in the sense discussed above. We were tempted to exclude items of correspondence that have already been published, such as his 1953-54 exchanges with Milton Friedman and his extensive correspondence with Keynes between 1913 and 1946, but to do so would mislead the reader as to the complete- ness of the previous publication.'* As one might expect, the volume of surviving correspondence in any case reflects the habits of the correspondents and the accidents of history rather than the “value” of the correspondence itself. Robertson was gen- erous enough often to offer correspondents long, often unsolicited, notes 12. A good example of such a sample is his correspondence with Joan Robinson and others over Keynesian economics and Cambridge faculty politics. He noted of this sample on 17 July 1957: “These are the only papers I have kept bearing on the ‘unhappy’ divisions which prevailed during my tenure of the Chair of Political Economy.” Other examples can be found in the papers of Richard Kahn, Nicky Kaldor, and Joan Robinson in the Modem Archive Centre of King's College, Cambridge. 13. “Significance” is, of course, an elusive notion, for it ultimately depends on the purposes which the user of an archive or an edition brings to his or her task. For example, for a biographer ‘of Robertson's letters, arranging meetings would be “significant.” Here we use the notion with reference to the history of economics or economic policy in an attempt to bring some order to what, given the number of correspondents, would be an otherwise completely unmanageable table. 14. The Collected Writings of John Maynard Keynes reprints in full ot in part 165 items that passed between the two. However, the total number of items exchanged, which will be printed in full in the forthcoming edition of the Robertson correspondence, comes to 215.Mizen, Moggridge, and Presley / Robertson 579 on their papers and books. Given his generosity and his position, he was the recipient of many drafts of (and made important shaping comments on) what became well-known contributions to economic knowledge. Two of the best examples of these are to be found in the correspon- dence between Robertson and John Hicks and between Robertson and Roy Harrod. Both correspondences cover more than thirty years. In the case of Hicks, Robertson’s influence appears in the areas of the theory of money, the interpretation of The General Theory in the IS-LM frame- work, and in the working out of Value and Capital (Hicks 1939). With Harrod, the correspondence covers not only the debate over Keynesian economics, including Harrod’s own biography, but also Harrod’s In- ternational Economics (1933) and the development of his cycle theory and economic dynamics. Then, of course, there are the Keynes-related letters. Conclusion For historians of economic thought and of economic policy, the Robert- son Papers and related archives will be a “treasure trove.” Those interested in such subjects as the development of Marshallian economics, the clas- sical dichotomy, the theory of the firm, business cycle theory, monetary theory, and welfare economics will find lots of grist for their mills. It will also fill out the available material on the development of Keynes’s work before The General Theory and the critical period following pub- lication. It will cast light in unexpected areas such as the early history of econometrics. Then, of course, there is the policy material relating to the origins of what became the Bretton Woods institutions and the post- war international economics order, the Marshall Plan, and the conduct of postwar monetary policy in Britain and elswhere. Robertson’s corre- spondence and papers will also assist in piecing together the network of economists and their collaboration during his lifetime.Ee ‘sonuiouoag Jo [OoYDg UOPUO] (sajou uosueqoy “pauTUexaay ase ayy, ‘SyuRL syuey, ¢snqd) gt 1g-0€ (2) ‘NM ‘°8puaxeg soqmouoog quourdopdua ying ‘so1w0uDg {Jo [00\Dg wopuor}stadeg aSpuanag Jo JooyDg UopUO] 1 BuryoRD ‘snoUTeA a 8S-€7 “Mm ‘2Spuoneg siadeg Uosuagoy ——_saoue[eq Yseo ‘Kotfod Areyouour ‘prepuers pion € 09/9-S€/6 Wa ‘uoisuog, siadeg Uosuaqoy 1ureUAD ofUOUOOA € LSH-I1S/IT Aussaatuy eiquinjop ‘siadeg soe g Aauout uo stoded s,s081egq € 9en-vertt © H8mg siodeg woswiaqoy 6Z-TZ61 SuONIpUOD *S"1) 1 Oe H Sieg, soqred ‘1'D. € Hs-es O12 aE siadeg wosusqoy ssaooid juourisaaul-sBuIAeg I sis siodeg wosuaqoy z 9¢rt-0E siadeq Wosuiaqoy Arg jenbg uo uorssiumm03 [hou z 9PI-9¥IS siodeg Wostioqoy morsoy Surmaraas ‘suone|MeIBU0D, r LSI-YYR ww AH Aoyjod Ksesquoy, r SS/8-TS/E “MH Puy siadeg wosLaqoy sommouose unisauxayy “ANA r LSie-058 ‘am “Buonsusy Arexqry (reqsreyy 1 Ise “H turefoy Ausseatuy arg [reg ‘stedeg |e8uy F161 em Jo xeauqino Suspnyout ‘snowe,, 8¢ O9/I-ELZ1 ‘ueMON ‘1]>Ruy stadeq Wosaqoy sanino 103) 1 1st suadeg wosaqoy 1 09/8 stadeq Wostiaqoy soqueysau KrereuoyAl € gent-serl “Tuosty purysug jo yur z TpIL uodiry Puejsug yo yueg —_uorssTUIOD [eAOY UEIPEUED SuIpnjoUT ‘snoLTEA 81 2910195 Owe" suadeg wosu9qoy, Kouoyy dvay. fo wsjuyoayy ay 8, UIA9N, 1 SST "WAN UOTIY stadeq wostiaqoy asta] pus] £ Wil ‘aoa wry wopuoy] agajo3 Aussaatup, ‘sradeg ual snoue,, 9 SSIC-SPIL purjug jo yueg L 7916-Z91L. syadeg wospaqoy snoleA, s Sb/LI-Ze/TL uOHEIOT spefqng 2equinn Poriad syuapuodsaii0; 10fey] ©—— Purjsuaand Jo Kussaatwy ‘siaded 4321) eBpLiquie) Apsour ‘sioafqns snOUeA za SH/P-1€/01 ‘OHRID umtsodurfs Aysroaqun eiquinjod ‘siedeg 47e|) Ausi9atuy) PIguiNJod ‘syuLIdyo Joy syuEy, € €S/e-Er/01 OWT 4D ‘siodeg uosusqoy yep [re pue ANA, I toil WIRD srodeg uosueqoy. 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