2000 arenasoicgy Without Linits Papers in Floncr oF Clement Meignan Ban © Dlian snosetnew A. Bext ecitars Lancaster, CA: Lanemnthas Press 260206, ANTHROPOMORPHIC PETROGLYPHS _ FROM THE ; CALLEJON DE HUAYLAS, PERU Victor M. Ponte ABSTRACT A petroglyph style incorporating full-frontal anthropomorphic representations has recently been identified at four archaeological sites in the Callejon de Huaylas, in the northern central Andes of Peru. This representational style, tentatively dated to the late part of the Early Horizon and the subsequent early part of the Early Intermediate period, is interpreted as a regional development from the famous Early Horizon culture of Chavin de Huantar. The archaeological contexts of some of the petroglyphs suggest a possible connection with rituals or perhaps a religious cult dedicated to the anthropomorphic personage so prominently depicted in this style. INTRODUCTION Archaeological reconnaissance in the intermontane highland valley of the Callejon de Huaylas (Figure 1) suggests the existence of a petroglyph style that might be part of a long Andean tra- dition of full-frontal anthropomorphic representations. This tradition might have connections to the coast at Ancash and La Libertad and to the highlands of Cajamarca during the Early Horizon period. In these regions are petroglyph sites incorporating anthropomorphs in full-frontal position (Proulx 1985: Pl. 1Sc, Nufiez 1986: Fig. 1053; Disselhoff and Linné 1966: Fig. 58). The figures depicted tend to have human features, lacking are the kinds of supernatural elements typically associated with the Chavin religion (Burger 1992), and also lacking are shamans (Klein ef al. 2002). The tenoned head sculptures once placed on the walls of the Temple of Chavin de Huan- tar are a well known example of Chavin iconography. These have been interpreted as showing the process of transfiguration from human to monstrous animals, possibly inspired by the con- sumption of hallucinogenic substances such as the San Pedro cactus. This notwithstanding, slabs representing human faces are also known in the rock art from Chavin de Huantar (Tello 1960). Analyzing a sample of petroglyphs from the Callejon de Huaylas and a few known local tock carvings (Bishof 1994; Thompson 1962), I would say that during the collapse of Chavin de Huantar the baroque Chavin iconographic style may have evolved into more strictly human per- sonifications. A Chavin motif, the Smiling God, appears during Phase D (Rowe 1962: 84) of the sculptural art associated with the final phases of the Chavin New Temple. The Smiling God is a complete male individual with Chavin attributes holding offerings of seashells in his hands. Bal- ance and opposition are possible meanings of these elements; the transformation of this design into a more humanized personage appears in later Andean cultures such as Recuay It appears that the more regionally diverse symbolic elements related to the Smiling God originated in Chavin, probably accompanying a diffusion of Chavin ideology along the Nosthern 245M. Ponte: Authropomarpiti Petroglyphs fram the Callején de Huaylas, Pera 246 Figure I. Callej6n de Huaylas, Pert. Squares indicate modern towns, dots are petroglyph sites. V. M. Ponte map Figure 2. Isabelita Rock, near Mareniyoc village, Huaraz Province, Perti. Photo by V. M. Ponte. Pe aEVictor M. Ponte: Anthropomorphic Petroglyphs from the Callején de Huaylas, Peri 247 Highlands and the North Coast of Pert. The principal iconographic element in the Callejon de Huaylas rock art is identified as the “full-frontal human personage.” This anthropomorphic petroglyph motif might represent a local heroe, founder, or ancestor related in some way to the the Early Horizon Chavin Smiling God, but there is no firm evidence in support of such interpretations. Similar anthropomorphic repre~ sentations persisted into the subsequent Huaras and Recuay art of the early part of the Early [n- termediate period. Furthermore, the origin of this anthropomorphic form may be found much earlier than the Early Horizon, within the Archaic period instead, as suggested by the recent discovery near Lima of @ pyro-engraved gourd decorated with a similar “full-frontal personage” at an Archaic site on Peru’s north central Coast (Haas e/ al. 2003). Because of the small size of our rock art sample, detailed iconographic seriation is not yet possible. ISABELITA ROCK The Isabelita petroglyph is important for the stylistic definition of the full-frontal human person- age motif. It was discovered in 1999 when | was conducting an archaeological study near the Pierina Mine. The rock art is located at a site called Amd /7, a Quechua word from the Ancash region that means “darkness”, in this context it most likely refers to the shadows formed by large boulders. The archaeological site area contained many large boulders forming small rock shelters where burials and offerings were found. Initially, Isabelita was the name given to a mapping con- trol point atop one of these boulders; we later discovered petroglyphs lower down on its flat sur- ‘The Isabelita rock art boulder is located in the Cotojirca neighborhood of the Mareniyoc village district of Jangas, in the province of Huaraz (Figure 2). The Isabelita boulder is hard an- desite, triangular in shape; its measurements are approximately 2.5 m by 3 m. Carvings on its flat surface were made by pecking. It is likely that its original position was horizontal with its flat surface facing up. The design clearly shows a complete human in full-frontal position holding a trophy head by a hand at the end of one extremely long arm (Figure 3). Attached to the head are four feathers or appendages that might represent a kind of hat, adornment, or even a “kenning” of simplified snakes, similar to those commonly represented as hair in Chavin iconography (Rowe 1962). The Isabelita anthropomorphic figure has bent legs with feet pointing in opposite directions, and a cross-hatched belt adorns its waist. This belt is another decorative pattern commonly found in Early Horizon iconography (Ravines 1974; Roc 1974). ‘A quartet of animals accompanies the Isabelita human representation (Figure 3): a reptile, a mammalian quadruped, a bird, and a snake. The reptile’s head was engraved in profile. It has serrated teeth, a slightly rising nose, and circular eyes with a central dot. This reptilian represen- tation may also incorporate the kinds of orbital lines sometimes depicted around the eyes of cai- mans and felines in Andean art. This artistic convention appears in the Punkuri pottery feline sculpture (Tello 1960: 229); in the ceramic mural art of Sechin (Bischof 1994: Fig, 27), in the bone engravings of Pallka and Las Haldas (Tello 1956: Fig, 22) and in stone sculpture (Tello 1960; Figs. 62, 72, 74; Burger 1992: Fig. 184). The mammalian quadruped represented in the upper corner of Isabelita Rock has a long shout and raised ears, indicating a terrestrial mammal such as a deer or fox. It is depicted in profile and its mouth and eye treatment is similar to that of the reptile but less pronounced. TheVictor M. Ponte: Anthropomorphic Petroglyphs from the Callejin de Huaylas, Pert 248 Figure 3. The Isabelita Rock petroglyph motifs. Drawings by V. M. Ponte. Figure 4. The circular rock enclosure surrounding Tomb E and other archaeological features a short distance ‘from the Isabellia Rock petroglyphs at the Ama H site. Circled numbers 1-2: small stone altars; 3-4 osteological ‘remains. Numbered triangles 1-2: offertory ceramic vessels. Drawing by V. M. Ponte.Victor M. Ponte: Anthropomorphic Petroglyphs from the Callején de Huaylas, Pert 249 third animal was depicted on the lower part of the rock. It appears to represent a bird with un- folded wings and a long beak, possibly a seabird, and if so, most likely a seagull. This bird may be at least partially superimposed over the final element, possibly a very simply rendered snake with triangular head. ‘The terrace at the Ama IT site upon which Isabelita Rock rests was excavated and much associated cultural material bearing upon the possible chronological placement of the rock art and its possible function was recovered. Approximately 20 m east of Isabelita Rock is an oval stone structure surrounding a very large boulder (Figure 4). This structure contained offerings of sacrificed young lamas (Lama glama) and deer (Hippacamelus antisensis) which were probably consumed at the site. The small, north-facing, boulder-built shelter functioned as a crude fune- rary chamber (Tomb E) and contained a badly preserved human body in extended position Offerings of food, rock crystal beads, ceramics with North Coast stylisic associations, pieces of Spondylus shells, and other burnt offerings were placed next to the burial. Positioned at the exterior of the chamber were two small stone altars, upon which had been placed meals, one consisting of deer, the other of guinea pig (Cavia porcellus). A single-course stone construction and long, rather weak retaining wall connect this fea- ure to the Isabelita petroglyph boulder at roughly the same elevation. In the same area, second- ary burials associated with Huaras White-on-Red style pottery were found under other boulders, as was an Early Horizon wide-line incised bow! similar to that illustrated by Tello from the Pall- ka site (1956: Fig. 11y). This vessel may be of the type called “Nepefia Broad Lined Incised,” as- signed to the Chakinani Phase of the Early Horizon period by Proulx (1985: 198). This ceramic evidence may reveal much about the origin of the Huards style, commonly assumed to be the product of a uniquely Early Intermediate period culture. If the Tomb E construction can be dated by its associated ceramics, then, given its prox- imity to Isabelita Rock, a similar dating might be extended to the rock art itself. Similarly, a functional connection may also be explored. We know that during the Late Horizon, the Inkas considered natural outcrops, rock formations, and rock shelters special places where deities could actually live. Here, rocks could come alive and men could be petrified, or turned to rock (D’al- troy 2002: 142). It may well be that nwch earlier shrines were located in strategic zones like Ama Il, where they faced snowy peaks and might have served as locations where rites related to apus, or sacred mountains, were celebrated. Such shrines were usually adorned with offerings of deer meat or recently slain deer, which were considered to “belong to the apu.” It therefore may be no coincidence that deer are present at the Amé II site both in the form of funerary offerings and in tock art def ction. SUPAY CACA AND PARECACA ‘Two large boulders on the valley floor of the Santa River, a. 2,760 meters elevation, in Carhuaz Province, contain very well-defined vetrogiyphs (Figure 1), “Chacras” or com parcels dot this tocky area which was probably created by a huge glacial landslide mi.ny thousands of years ago The first petroglyph site is well-known to the residents of Tambo, a neighborhood southeast of the town of Carhuaz. These people call the petcoglyphs Supay Caca, or “Devil Rock.” ‘A probably prehistoric footpath leading .o the remarkable triangular boutder (4 m in hight and 3.8 m across the base) has a design engraved on its internal flat part. The productionVictor M. Ponte: Anthropomorphic Petroglyphs from the Callején de Huaylas, Pers 250 Figure 5. (Left): Full frontal anthropomorphic petroglyph figure from Supay Caca, Carhuaz Province, Pert. Figure 6. (Right): Full frontal anthropomorphic petroglyph figure from Parecaca, Carhuaz Province, Pera. Figure 7. The Quenapun Punta stone carving. Note trough at top. Scale is in em. V. M. Ponte photo.Victor M. Ponte: Anthropomorphic Petroglyphs from the Callejon de Huaylas, Perit 251 technique here differs from that employed at Isabelita; at Supay Caca pecking and rubbing through the dark, oxidized, surface layers of the rock has revealed the yellowish color of the boulder beneath. A full-frontal human personage 1.07 m in height is rendered at Supay Caca (Figure 5). This figure has prominent raised hands showing five fingers, Also notable is its exaggerated head topped by a pointed hat. The Supay Caca figure’s eyes are closed and its mouth is relaxed, as if he were dead. Reinforcing the interpretation of death are the treatment of the ribs, which are clearly shown on the figure’s chest. The Supay Caca figure’s legs are slightly bent, with the feet facing outward in opposite directions, similar to that found with the Isabelita Rock figure In the local landscape are a great number of boulders forming natural shelters, at least some of which probably would have held funerary chambers. Recuay period funerary chambers have been reported nearby, close to the road to Hualcan. These may be reached by waiking along a trail 800 m to the east of the Supay Caca site. Likewise, in a nearby cultivated field lie the re- mains of a small artificial mound from which looters have removed complete ceramic vessels in Recuay style. Also on the valley floor, on the opposite, west bank of the Santa River, another petro- glyph site was found, The Parecaca rock art site is located in the Yanamarca neighborhood on the opposite side of the town of Huaraz from Supay Caca. The Parecaca rock art site incorporates the same full-frontal human personage (Figure 6) represented at Supay Caca. At Parecaca the figure is located upon a flat panel an the enrfare of a large houlder The Parecaca figure. how- ever, is smaller (0.80 m in height) than the Supay Caca example, yet is similar in most respects The technique of execution is the same, for pecking and grinding through the weathered rock exterior has exposed the dark red inner heart of the Parecaca boulder. ‘The Parecaca figure has the same raised arms and hands with the correct number of fin- gers as the Supay Caca figure, and once again the eyes are closed and the ribs are prominently depicted, Both figures wear a conical or pointed hat, both have outspread legs and outward- pointing feet. There seems little doubt that all these similarities were intentional, and that the same rock art motif is represented at both sites. Similar personages with a raised hands and triangular hats have been noted in other Re- cuay art media (Tello 1960: Figs. 178, 179; Grieder 1978: Pl. 7) and may represent the same full- frontal personage as depicted on the rock art. This notwithstanding, full-frontal anthropomor- phic figures are not common in Recuay iconography, yet are sometimes found on stone lintels where a central human figure is typically flanked by two felines. Possibly because of their scar- city, some have speculated that these represent a late Recuay expression, perhaps inspired by Wari contact (Lau 2002; Schaedel 1952; Tello 1923: Fig. 34) But such late expressions, if they truly are late, may simply represent the continuation of a very ancient iconographic tradition, the stylistic continuity from early to late provided by rock art examples subsequently elaborated in more formal contexts as monumental sculpture. QUENAPUN PUNTA The site of Quenapun Punta lies in the northern chain of hills of the Llancash drainage, a tribu- tary to the Santa River in the Cordillera Negra This is a very rich archaeological area where al- most all of the hills contain prehistoric remains. At 3,60 meters elevation, atop Chupaca Hill, lies an archaeological site incorporating stepped platforms or terraces. These terraces are faced with masonry retaining walls running along the natural hill contours. At the summit is a large,Victor M. Ponte: Anthropomorphic Petroglyphs from the Callején de Huaylas, Peri 252 tall mound, extended by retaining walls. Open, rectangular courtyards are distributed throughout the northern and eastern platforms at the site, while a larger open space is located to the west. Some of these ancient courtyards have been reused as modern fields with ancient walls sepa- rating the chacras. The habitation area of the site appears to have been at its northern end; rock alignments here suggest rectangular room foundations. In this northern area, two grinding stones and a rectangular slab measuring 0.50 m by 0.20 m by 0.20 m in width were found. It is difficult to determine whether this slab (Figure 7) represents a kind of portable rock art or may be more accurately described as low-relief sculp- ture, a common problem throughout South and Central America. This slab has a long shallow trough on one of its sides that presently is used for watering farm animals. Upon turning over the slab, a carved design was faintly visible, and once the cleaning process had been completed, an anthropomorphic face was observed. My first impression was that it was executed in Chavin style. The Quenapun Punta stone slab incorporates a partially carved face presented frontally, featuring a donut-shaped eye connected to the lips by a long, angular tear. The nose is rounded and is also connected to the corners of the lips through patterned wrinkles. This treatment is fa- miliar from the sculptured, tenoned heads from Chavin de Huantar. A long tongue in the form of an arm hangs from the mouth, and although a part is missing, design elements atop the head may be interpreted as a hat or rounded helmet with circular adornment. The Quenapun Punta stone carving is comparatively light, weighing less than 30 kg; it therefore could have been transported easily. The portability of the stone may be significam to any chronological interpretation of the carving itself. No other stone carvings in similar style have yet been found in the Callején de Huaylas. The two stone carvings reported by Thompson (1962) have Sechin style affiliations. Another stone relief, of a feline eating a human head (a common theme in Recuay iconography) is noted by Bischof (1994: Fig. 2Ic), but does not resemble the stone carving from Quenapun Punta. An- other comparative example from the site of La Pampa, Corongo province of Ancash, is a stone lintel hosting a purely Chavin style human-feline carving (Bischof 1994, Fig. 23a). The Quenapun Punta stone carving’s strongest similarity with Chavin style expression may be found in the double concentric circular or “donut” shaped eye. Concentric circles are common pottery decorations at Chavin de Huantar (Tello 1960) especially in the Janabarriu phase (Burger 1998: Fig. 247). The frontal half-face Quenapun Punta stone carving might be similar in concept to the tenoned stone heads or the human-feline depiction decorating the cor- nice of the entryway of the New Temple at Chavin de Huantar. Other elements of the stone carv- ing, like the long angular tear connecting the mouth and nose, the nose itself, and the object hanging from the mouth, are less common design motifs in Chavin de Huantar iconography. 1 in- terpret the Quenapun Punta stone carving as a locally produced copy of a more complicated and better executed Chavin original. The cultural and chronological contexts of the Quenapun Punta stone carving are proble- matic. If it belongs stylistically to an Early Horizon phase, this dating unfortunately is not corro- borated by the relative dating of associated surface artifacts. Pottery sherds observed on the Que- napun Punta site’s surface have clear Huaras and Early Recuay stylistic associations. prominent among these are wave designs painted in white bands on the exterior surfaces of fine kaolin clay bowls. Such pottery has a strong cultural affiliation to the Early Intermediate period, specifically to the Cotojirca Phase II (200-400 A.D.}. No other artifacts at the site, apart from the stone carv- ing, have earlier chronological associations.Victor M. Ponte: Anthropomorphic Petroglyphs from the Cailejin de Huaylas, Perit 253 The Early Horizon occupation within the Callejon de Huaylas is not yet well understood, which only serves to emphasize the importance of rock art sites therein potentially dating to this period. The Quenapun Punta stone carving might have been made at an Early Horizon site within the Callejon de Huaylas, abandoned there, and then subsequently brought to the Quenapun Punta site so as to be reused by later people. If the trough atop the Quenapun Punta stone carving was contemporaneous with the carving itself, then the stone carving may have had some functional connection with Early Horizon rituals associated with water or other liquids. If, on the other hand, the shallow trough atop the stone carving was a later addition, post-dating the carving, it may have had a more important function for the later Recuay people at the site than the carving itself, which may have had no meaning to them at all ‘A common Recuay settlement pattern in the Callejon de Huaylas and in the Nepefia val- ley was the reoccupation of pre-existing Early Horizon villages (Ponte 2001: 223, Proulx 1985: 285). This was effected through the modification of scattered structures surrounding a central and taller mound. Such artificial mounds are composed of cultural fill, incorporating pottery sherds, animal bones, stone tools, and garbage admixed with soil behind stone-block retaining walls. This central mound probably functioned as the architectural focal point of the site, where celebrations and ritual gatherings took place. Such a cultural succession is present at the Maquellouan Punta site on the opposite bank of the Llancash River from Quenapun Punta in the Callejon de Huaylas. Inside the city of Huaraz a monumental public building, called Pumacayan, holds a central mound similar to that found at Quenapun Punta: this second comparative example also contains evidence of a previous occupa- tion. Any Early Horizon occupation at Quenapun Punta would have resulted in identifiable cul- tural deposits: if such deposits exist, they have been obscured by site modification and the more extensive deposits laid down by later peoples. If an Early Horizon presence exists at Quenapun Punta, it still awaits discovery through scientific excavation. If such early deposits were to be found through future research, then the Quenapun Punta rock carving may have been discovered at its site of origin, simply at a more recent depositional level. The re-use of early portable sculptures by later peoples throughout Central and South America, even raising them higher as their original positions are covered by later deposits, was widespread and common. And, the Andean tradition of “traveling” sculptures, best known from the Inca period, may have a very long antecedent history, possibly even reach- ing back as far as the Early Horizon CONCLUSIONS Comparisons between design elements found in rock art and those incorporated into monumental stone sculpture, used as pottery decoration, as textile designs, or in wall-mural art, are standard for archaeological research throughout the Americas and have been used to good effect in the present study. Less common are detailed studies of associations between petroglyphs and/or stone sculptures and other kinds of archaeological evidence forming their ancient context, espe- cially burials with chronologically datable offerings. Nevertheless, these are not unique within ‘our own study area, for tombs and circular structures are also associated with petroglyphs in the Viru valley (Zoubek 1996). Some elements on the Quenapun Punta petroglyph slab are at least partially comparable stylistically to the art of Chavin de Huantar, and therefore this rack carving is probably the ear- liest of the four examples studied herein, This early dating agrees with the logical presumptionVictor M. Ponte: Anthropomorphic Petroglyphs from the Callején de Huaylas, Pert 254 that its style of depiction predates the later tradition of full-frontal human representation seen on the other three examples. The Isabelita Rock petroglyph probably places next in the sequence, and probably represents a logical iconographic outgrowth of the Chavin de Huantar style. Chronologically, Isabelita belongs to the Early Horizon because of its iconography and its association with Tomb E and its datable offerings. The Tomb E ceramics have not been pre- viously reported from the Callejon de Huaylas, and are more similar to specimens from the Ne- pefia valley at Ancash (Proulx 1973: Pl. Ic) and from Jequetepeque and Tembladera on the Per- uvian north coast. From the latter site comes a long-necked bottle (Pasztory 1998: 98) presently in the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York. This vessel exhibits incised and modeled dec- oration in the form of a reptile so similar to the reptile depicted on Isabelita Rock that it could have been the inspiration for it. This vessel is dated from 400-200 B.C., the same relative chron- ological position proposed for the Isabelita Rock petroglyphs. Full-fromtal human subjects with trophy heads are found along the coastal valleys of Pert from Jequetepeque to Paracas, the same general area of the Early Horizon Chavin culture. But such narrative images of human beings holding knives and trophy heads are best interpreted as either terminal or post-Chavin in age, which diffused during the final phase of Chavin influence at the very earliest (Menzel e/ af. 1964; Nufiez 1986). My own opinion is that the Supay Caca and Parecaca petroglyphs are the latest of the four rock carvings discussed in this paper, and probably evolved out of the Isabelita style during the Early Intermediate period. This notion is supported by two carved bones recovered by Tello (1960: 178-179) from the upper fill of the temple of Chavin de Huantar. These bone carvings contain representations of human figures with conical hats and raised hands. Tello suggested their association with what was then called the Huaylas-Marafion style, now more commonly known as Recuay. The conical or pointed hat might actually represent a helmet. A similar figure on a pedestal bowl from Pashash is reported by Grieder (1978). Here a man with raised hands and folded fingers (less the little finger) differs from the Supay Caca and Parecaca examples only in the form of the hat. Similar anthropomorphic representations can be found in petroglyphs on the Ancash coast at sites such as Palamenco. Wilson (1987) accounts for this as a diffusion of highland Recuay rock art designs down to the coast during the Early Su- chimancillo petiod (circa 200 A.D.) of the Early Intermediate period A possible functional explanation for the petroglyphs might be found in the context of ritual behavior, Ancient religious specialists may have confirmed the accuracy of specific prac- tices by using petroglyphs as mnemonic devices. Zevallos (1990. 20) identifies the ancient rock artists as specialists themselves-what remains unclear is whether or not the rock artists’ and the ritual specialists were different people, or one and the same ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Many thanks to the people of die Callején de Huaylas who facilitated my fieldwork in many ways, from sharing information on local archaeological sites to permitting excavations within their own front yards. Most of all, they have shown me that the great Peruvian tradition which began so long ago in archacological times is still alive and well today. Drs. Matthew A. Boxt and Brian D. Dillon have my gratitude for their constant support, patience, and tireless assistance during the writing and translation of this workVictor M. Ponte: Anthropomorphic Petroglyphs from the Callején de Huaylas, Perti 255 REFERENCES CITED Rischof, Henning 1994 ‘Toward the Definition of Pre- and Early Chavin Art Styles in Peru. Andean Past 4: 169-228. Cor- nell University, Ithaca. 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