Dressing Judeans and Christians in Antiquity KRISTI UPSON-SAIA Occidental College, USA CARLY DANIEL-HUGHES Concordia University, Canada ALICIA J, BATTEN Conrad Grebel University College atthe University of Waterloo, Canada ASHGATEChapter 8 Hairiness and Holiness in the Early Christian Desert! Kristi Upson-Saia In his infamous ereatise, "Medusa Head? Sigmund Freud attempted to elucidate the terror induced by the mythologieal Medusa, a figure whose frightful appearance turned spectators to stone, In shor, he concluded that Medusa’ head, which was arstealy figured wieh a gaping mouth and wild hai, is a metonym for female genitalia. What was horrifying about this image—and what is horrifying aboue female genitalia, in general—was the absence of a phallus, Thus, Freud concluded, the sight of Medusa's head elicits in the male spectator a fear of his own potential castration. Since the early 1920s, scholarship on che social significance of hair has tended co move beyond Freud’s narrow theory of castration anxiety, yet the scholarly literacure is still dominated by scudies that investigate how and why hair is interpreted asa sign of sexual desire of sexual activity. would lke co expres my gratitude to the participant of the 2012.Canadlian Society of Biblical Seudies meeting, 25 well as wo my co-editrs, Alicia Baten and Carly Daniel Hughes, for their insrucrve comments on drat of eis papec Sigmund Freud, “Medusas Head,” in Sexuality and the Paycholegy of Love (New York: Collier, 1963), 202-3. In sum, Medusa head “isolates the hortifying effets [of female genitalia] from ther pleasure-gving ones" (203). Freud understands the conversion ‘of Meds hae into snakes a 2 “mitigation of the horror” and he understands the male spectator’ “iff” reaction as reassuring reminder that he sl has his phallus (202). In the field of psychoanalysis, sce, for example, Charles Bergs Te Unconscious Siguifeance of Hair (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1951), By the 1960s social anthropologists ha joined the conversation, adding new analyses of the social significance of hat See, for example, Cvistopher R, Halpke, "Socal Hai” Man 4 (1969): 256-64 Mary Douglas, Purity and Danger: An Anabis ofthe Concepts of Pollution and Taboo (London: Routledge, 1966): Mary Douglas, Natal Spubol: Explorations in Cosmology (New York: Pancheon, 1970). 65-82; Anthony Synnot, “Shame and glory: A Sociology of Hi Brits Journal of Scology 383 (1987): 381-413. On the blending ofthese displ perspectives, see Edmund Leach, “Magical Hair? Journal of the Royal Anthropological156 Dressing Judeans and Christians in Antiquity In this chapter, analyze representations ofhairin accounts of arly Christian desert ascetics, asking: how is the hair of desere ascetics described and how do these descriptions signify something about their subjects? Given that Christian ascetics were well known for their sexual renunciation, we mighe initially chink that depictions of Christian ascetics’ hair related to perceptions of thei sexual satus. Yer, [argue that descriptions of ascetics’ hair served rather to mark theie spiritual state. As many readers know, Christian ascetics were routinely figured as having progressed beyond the confines of cheir corporcality and—to some degree—to have achieved an “angelic” state already in the here-and-now Insitute 882 (1958) 147-68; P. Hershman, “Pai, Sex and Di Gananath Obeyeschere, Medias Hair: An Euay on Personal Synbols and Religions Experience (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981); and Gananath Obeyesckere, The World of Caltare: Symbolic Tianformation in Paychaanalis and Anchrapology (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981), For nice discussions ofthe sends in cis scholarship, see Howard LillbergSchwartz and Wendy Doniger, Off with Fer Head! The Denial af Women’ Identity in Myth, Religion, and Caltve (Berkeley: Univesity of California Pres, 1995), 1-13 and Patrick Olivelle,“Deconsteucton of the Body in Indian Asceticism.” in Avetiiom, eds Vincene Wimbush and Richard Valaneasis (New York: Oxford University Press 1998), 203-7. Recently, hair has drawn the attention of several scholars in the Reld of Classics, “These scholars have shied the terms of the discussion, Focusing almost exclusively on the ‘ways in which head hair was vital to the ancient performance of gender, as wel as to how symbolic changes to one’s head hair were implicated in rites of paste and important life ransition. See for example Moly Myerowite Levine, “The Gendered Grammar of [Ancient Mediertancan Hain? in Off with Her Head! 76-130; Elizabeth Barewan, “Hair and the Arifice of Roman Female Adornment” American Journal of Archaeology 105.1 (2001): 1-25: Kelly Olson, Dre ned the Roman Woman: Self presentation and Society (New York: Rouredge, 2008), 214, 38-9, 70-76, 82, 90, Valerie M. Hope, Ramtan Death “he Dying and the Dead in Ancient Rome (New York: Continuum, 2009), 125: Christian Bromberges, “Fair Fom the Wes tothe Middle East chrough the Mediterranean’ Jounal of American Folklore 121,482, (Fall 2008): 387; David Ephraim, “Sparea’s Social Hair? Eranos 90 (1992): 11-21. «This notin stems from Jen’ pronouncement that in heaven, moreals will nor be marred or sexualy ative: "they willbe like the angelsin heaven” (Matthew 22: 30)hus, those who renounce matrage and sexual intercourse inthis age were understood to have alrealy achieved some manner of their angelic condition. For examples and discussions, see Peter Brown, The Body and Society: Men, Wonen anc Sexual Renancaton in Eary Christianity (New York: Columbia University Press, 1988), 293-4, 323-38, 436; Ellen Muchlberger, “Ambivalenee about the Angelic Lie: The Promise and Pesils of an Early Chistian Discourse cof Ascticism” Journal of Early Christan Studer 164 (2008): 447-78; Richard Valantasis, "A Theory of the Socal Function of Ascii in Avetiism, eds Vincent Wimbush and Richard Valanasis (New York: Oxford University Pres, 1998), 557-69: Steven Kaplan, "The Ethiopian holy man as outsider and angel? Religion 15.3 (1985) 245-6. ‘Man 9 (1974): 274-98;Hirines and Holiness in the Karly Christian Desert 137 ‘Their fiminal existence between mortality and immortality was evidenced by a whole host of commonplaces: they were able ro defer the needs of the body (not needing to eat or sleep as ordinary mortals) and they received food directly from che hands of angels, to name just two. I conclude that depictions of early Christian ascetics hair functioned as an additional sign of their liminal stacus. My analysis builds from the work of Patricia Cox Miller who argues that through ascetic regimens and discipline, desere hermits alzered theit bodies in ways that distinguished ehem from ordinary Christians. Simultaneously, desert “reportets’ who wrote about the Christian hermits encouraged readers to apprchend particular aspects of ascetic bodies as evidence of thei exeraordinary spiricual scat, Together, ascetics’ actual bodies and the writings about those bodies, channeled readers’ and spectators’ perceptions of ascetics’ status: specifically, ascetics were tobe perceived as already in the process of transforming froma mortal to an immortal state? With Cox Miller, L too am interested in the sways in which desere bodies were transformed through ascetic discipline and, even more so, in the ways in which the narrative Lives of desert hermits directed readers’ perceptions of ascetics’ transformed bodies, Yet, whereas Cox Miller concentrates on emaciated and murilated bodies, my focus is erained squarely con ascetics hair, ‘When weuen toour sources, we find thae the desert abounds with hair facial hairso fall and long chat hermits’ beards steetched all the way to the ground and body hair so abundant that hermits bodies were covered enively from head to coe (making it easy to confuse them with wild animals). Contemporary science can explain such proliferation of hair (now dubbed hypertrichosislanuginose) according to recent studies, individuals who greatly restrict their caloric intake tend co grow fine, downy hairs that cover their entitebodies- Yee ascecics limied diet was not solely responsible for the unusual volume and look of ascetics hai ‘Our sources suggest that some ascetics were diligent in their neglect of cheit * Patricia Cox Miller writes: “Thus the recs themselves are, asic were, bodies from nowhere that mimic the repetitive pecformative gestures of the subjects of their gaze” (*DesereAscetciam and “The Body from Nowhere Journal of Early Chistian Studies 2.2 {1994} 144). * "Seuies conclude that the growth of these hairs likey results fom hypothyroidism, While this growth of fine, downy. pigmented hair covers theit body. it is mostly concenteated on the back, abdomen and forearms, See Robereo Glosto ct al. "Prevalence ‘of eutancous manifestations in 200 patincs with eating disorders Inenadonal Journal of Dermatology 395 (2000), 348-53; Renata Steumia, “Dermatologic Signs in Patients with Eating Disorders” American Jonna of Clinical Dermatology 6.3 (2005): 165-73; Renata ‘Secumla, “Skin Signs in Anorexia nervosa" Dermato-endocrinal 15 (2008): 268-70,158 DresingJudeans and Christians in Antiquity appearance—including neglect to cut or groom their hair—thus coneributing to its length and wildness. Hilarion, for instance is reported to have cut his hair only once a year and many others are reported to possess matted, tangled, and ‘unkempt hair because of a conscious lack of cutus? While some ascetics offer biblical and theological rationale for avoiding conventional haie care, i is also reasonable to presume that desert ascetics grew theit hair long in order to protect theit bodies from the harsh wind, sun, and cold of their extreme environs,* ‘Whatever the cause, the resule was a very strange look that visibly distinguished an ascetic from ordinary folk. With chese physiological and practical explanations for the strange appearance of ascevies hair in che background, I concentrate my investigation on how eaely Christian writers described body and head hair in thei stories about desert hermits and I investigate the potential signfications of their descriptions. In the end, I conclude that descriptions of ascetics’ hair—profuse, beast like, white or grey—are part of an attempt to accomplish the seemingly impossible task of depicting che undepictable: deseribing in material and corporeal terms the hermit who has already begun to ested his materiality and corporeality.? In what follows, I show how depictions of ascetics’ long and profuse hair coincided with other indicators of their liminal status, drew from contemporaneous considerations of the near-dead and post-mortem body, and provided a physical basis for ascetics’ perceived radiance.” “The Coincidence of Hairiness and Otherworldliness [Nor every desere ascetic was depicted as exceedingly hairy. While some are described with more facial hair than usual (e.g, with uncommonly longbeards), others are described with an abundance of hair that covers their entire body. * Jerome, Vita 8 Hilarionis Ermita 10 (PL 23.33). * On ascetis rationale for neglecting their appearance, see Kritl Upson Sais, Bary Christian Dress: Gender, Virtue, and Authority (New York: Routledge, 2011), 33-48. On ees, the bod, and the environment, see Susan J. Vincent, The Anatomy of Fusbion: Dressing the Body fam the Renaixance to Today (Oxfords Berg, 2009), 163-5, > “rin Cox Miller's words, describing body che isin the process of transforminginto san “angele super-body” (Cox Miler, “The Body from Nowhere” 140-41, 143; ef. Brown, Body and Society 31). For a discusion on early Christians evaluation of bai, see also Maria Doefler’s chapter inthis volume. For a discussion of clothing in etely Christian asceticism, see sso Rebecca Kraviec chapter in this volume.Haivinessand Holiness in the Early Christan Desert 159 Further, che profuse and wild hair of che latter group is regularly depicted as terrifying or awe-inspiring. In this section, I demonstrate that ascetics who are described as the most excessively hairy tend to be located in the remotest reaches of the earthly realm, where ancients conventionally envisioned the location of the otherworld or afterlife, Further, given contemporaneous medical ly afer death, T argue that the narratives’ geographic positioning of the Christian hhermies work in tandem with the narratives descriptions of che hermits hairiness in order to make a claim about their liminality. Let us take as our first example the Greek Life of Mark the Achenian, an ascetic who was thoughe co have lived on a mountaintop in Ethiopia atthe end of the fourth ceneury- A description of Mark is relared by Abba Serapion, who, upon receiving instructions in a dream, set out on a 30-day journey to track down the aged hermit. The erip was treacherous. As Serapion traversed a desert void ofall life— the harsh conditions could not sustain planes, animals, or birds —he survived only with the help of angelic guides. When Serapion finally aurived ac the foot of the mountain on which Mark lived, he rematked on the "iewas so lofty chat ie seemed to reach the height of heaven.” Serapion ascended the mountain and spent several days searching for the recuse. Finally, one night, he witnessed angels descending from heaven and, following them, he at last discovered Mark's hidden cave, Upon meesing Mark, Serapion praised the hermit’s vite and holiness and asserted his admiration for the hermic’s body, which—even in the datk—he described as being “sanctified by the radiance of the angels” In return, Mark praised Serapion for having ness neat and di and theological conversations about hair growth and h: clevation of the mountai endured such an arduous journey to “see my hoatiness (ry nohudy tairyy) The Greek texe can be found in Acta SS (29th) March 3. . A seventeenth-century Latin translation is located in the same volume on pages 776-8. An English translation, ‘whieh Twill use theoughoue this chapter, can be found in Chatles Allyn Willams, Oriental AMfinites of the Legend of the Hairy Anchorte, Pars Il: Christian (Urbana: University of lino, 1926), 64-9. " ” Serapion neatly perished on day 20 when his water Fan out. At that moment, the angel fom his dream arrived and pointed out a komm root that revived bis strength to ‘continue on. The description of his revival i stiking: “After Lad eaten a litle I became as ‘wecasif had been rllingin water." (Pita S. Maven Atheniensi3~4 (deta Sanctrum 9.776; trans. Williams, 65). 8 Vita S. Marea Atbeniensi 4 (Atta Sanctoron 9.776; tans. Williams, 65) “Vita S. Marco Atheniew 5 (Acta Sanctorum 9776; tans. Williams, 65). "5 ‘The Latin erm is caniten, Vite . Maveo Atheniens 6 (Aca Sanctoran 9.777 ans Willisms, 65)160 DresingJudeans and Chvstians in Antiquity Afier their initial exchange, Mark described to Serapion his way of life fon the mountaintop, where he had been living for the past 95 years. Mark explained that, in the early years, his existence was quite difficult: he was hungry and thirsty and his body was dragged up and down the mountain by demons, scourging his flesh." But, after 30 years of perseverance, God rewarded him by ‘commanding Mark's body to change."” Namely, as Mark himself specifies, "hairs igrew on my whole body until my body was made heavy by them” and “until all my members were covered” From the time he grew hairy, Mark reports, che demons were nor able to assault him nor were they able even to come near him. Ar the same time, God's angels began to minister to him, bringing him heavenly food.” Finally, Mark explains, he began to see the “kingdom of heaven and the abodes ofthe souls... the Paradise of God” and its inhabitants (including Adam, Eve, Enoch, and Elijah) “living on earth.” Ie is unclear from the nartative whether Mark saw Paradise as a vision oF ‘whether Mark, being in face geographically near Paradise, could now see nearby souls that had been imperceptible up to that point. "There is some reason to lean toward the latter reading since he identifies these heavenly inhabitants as “living con earth” and since, earlier in the narrative, Mark explained that the demons’ mistreatment of him was prompted not (as we find in other ascetic sources) a8 ‘means to undermine his ascetic practice, but simply by his presence in shis place. "The demons claim that he has entered cheir dwelling place, exclaiming: “Depart from our land! Since the beginning of the world no man other than you has come in here and you, how dare you enter!" Moreover, later in the narrative, as Mark’s death is approaching, the hermit expresses gratitude to God for leading, him to this “holy place that I might not die in my own land and be buried in ‘arth that is defiled with many sins” indicating that this place was somehow holier than the place he left behind Further, recall that Serapion traversed to the edges of the desert to reach Mark and, upon reaching the mountain, he commented on the height of the mountain that seemed to reach to the heavens. "Mark reminiscences about this carly period in Chapter? and again in chapeers 12-13. Pita S. Maven Atbeniensi 13; £.8 (Acta Sanctorn 9.778; 9.777). Vita S. Marco Atheniensi 8 (Acta Sanctorum 9.777; cans. Williams, 66). Viua S, Maven Atheniensi 13 (deta Sanctorum 9.778), © Vita S. Marco Atheniensi 8 (Acta Sanctorum 9.777) 1 Vita 8. Marco Atheniens) 7 (deta Sanctorum 9777; wans. Williams, 66). Earlier in che narrative, Mark explains that for 95 years he had not scen another earthly boeing—no bird, no beast, no human—only heavenly beings (Vite S. Marca Athenienst 12 [eta Sanctorum 9.778) Vita S. Marzo Atheniensi 10 (deta Sanctoran 9.777; trans. Williams, 67).Hairinssand Holiness in the Early Christian Desert 161 “This placement of Mark in the highest heights parallels Plato's assertion that, upon releasement from the body, che souls of those of “surpassing holiness” ate lifeed up from the valleys or “hollow regions” of the earth where ordinary mortals reside to the earth’ true surface.” While Mark’s geographic location positions hhim in a liminal space between worlds, his liminalicy is Further punceuated by his claim to have had no contact with earthly beings and to no longer have access to earthly foods. But what of his hair? How does the hair that covers Mark's body relate to his spiticual location and to his spiritual status? Incerestingly, co this poine in their dialogue the two ascetics had been conversing in the dark of nighe and, although Serapion commented on Mark’s angelic radiance and although he has heard from Mark that he was covered in hair, Serapion had yet to witness Matk’s appearance in the light of day. ‘Thus, as the sun rose and Serapion was finally able to see Mark's body with his own eyes, he was immediaeely struck with fear, “The nattative recounts his reaction: “seeing his body wholly covered with hait like chat of a beast, as afraid and from this fear, I trembled, seeing in him not acall the form of a man, He was not recognizable (as a human] except for the speech that came forch from his mouth.” I propose chat Matk’s hair here is functioning to indicate Mark's spiritual stare—namely, a state between corporeal and extracorporeal existence—in a way that coincides with descriptions of his ‘geographic location. Specifically, T suggest that contemporaneous notions of hair growth near death might lie atthe root of this depiction of the long-haired, other-worldly ascetic, Democritus (an atomise philosopher flourishing in the fifth cencury BCE, whose work only survivesin excerpts quoted by others), argued, along with Plato, that in the process of dying, sometimes a soul or part of the soul lingers in the dying or dead body and, a such, continues to animate the body as ifstill living. As proof of this claim, Democritus pointed to the post-mortem growth of hair and nails” We know that this idea remained prevalent 600 yeats later Plato, Phacdo 114b-c: L1e~c (rans. Hugh Teedennick in The Collected Dialogues of Plato, eds Edith Hamileon and Huncington Caitns (einecon: Peineston Univesity Press, 1985], 94,92). 3 Fata S. Marco Atheninsi 7-8 (deta Sanctorom 9.777; ean, Williams, 66) % Vita S, Marco Atbeniensi 9 (Acta Sanctorum 9.777; rans. Williams, 67, amended), % Terelliandescribesthe theoriesofDemocriusandPlatoin De Anima} 2(0L2736). See aso Plato, Republic 10. According to Cicero, the Epieucans erkcied Democtcus For holding the view that sensation persis afer deat, Yee, Democritus followers deny tha theft teacher actually held his view (Cicero, Tiseulan Dispucatons 13482). » Terellian, De Anima 51.2 (PL2736-7)162 Dresing Judean and Christians in Antiquity when Tertullian cites Democritus’ theory in De Anima 51.2 and itis probably thisidea he has in mind when, in another text, Tertullian queries how Christians will look once they acquire their new spiritual bodies in the resurrection.” Although some, with Democritus and Plato, might imagine there to be post- ‘mortem hair growth because resurrected bodies continue to be animated by the soul, Tertullian takes a hard and fast position against this view. He argues that nails and haie will cease to grow in the afterlife as bodies are transformed from a cortuptible to an incorruptible nature, Next, Tertullian presents what he believes, to be scriptural support for his view. He points out chat scripture indicates thae God preserved the clothing and shoes of the Israelites wandering through the desert and then presumes, by extension, that God must have likewise arrested their nail and hair growth. For Tercullian, the wandering Isralites of scripture are to be taken as figures ofthe resurrection and thus we can conclude, he asserts, that heavenly bodies—like the wandering Israclites—will not be overly hairy.” Approximately two centuries later, as Jerome debated the resurrection body with, John of Jerusalem, he repeated Tercullian’s logic and scriptural evidence.” Yer other Christians found different biblical passages to be more directly relevant. As many sttived to elucidate the precise consticution of the “spiticual bodies” promised by Paul (1 Cor. 15: 44), some envisioned a glorified body that need not be entirely equivalent to the earthly body. while others held firmly to the opinion that the body would be qualitatively the same?" To support the latter position, some culled the promise Jesus made in che Gospel of Luke: “not a hair on your head shall perish” (Luke 21: 18) and posited that, upon death, God would reassemble every part of an individual’ body that had been fragmented, corrupted, scattered, and even consumed by worms, birds, Tertullian, De Retwrrectione 58 (PL 2.880). Referencing Deuteronomy 8: 4, Tertalian, De Resuyvectone 58 (Pl. 2.880). For 2 discussion of this passage se David Satran, “Fingemails and Hie: Anatomy and Exegesis in Tertullian? Jounal of Theological Sudies 40.1 (1989): 116-20. While his argument _may have worked to addvess opponents views in his own tine, Telia’ conflation ofthe Israelites wandering in the desere with the resurrected might have invited later readers to liken the desereasceties—who were shoughe tobe receiving provisions from heaven ike the Ieralite in he desere~with the already or almost resurrected. % Jerome, Contre Joannems Hivaslynitanun ad Pammmachiuny 32 (PL.23400). On the range of views, see Carolyn Walker Bynum, The Resurrection of the Body ‘in Western Christianity, 200-1336 (New York: Columbia University Press, 195) 1-114; Kisti Upson Sai, “Resurrecting Deformity: Augustine on Wounded and Seared Bodies in the Heavenly Realm.’ in Disalilty in Judaism, Christianity, and Ile: Sacred Tests, Historical Badltions, and Social Analysis eds Darla Schumnen and Michael Stolafus (New York: Palgrave, 2011), 93-122,Heairinecs acd Holinessin the Early Christian Desert 16, and wild animals. Opponents—both pagans who found the notion of fleshy resurrection preposterous and Christians who held different views on the nature of the resurrection body—mocked this idea. Given that they would be composed of al of che hair shed during their lifetime, they retorted, resurrected bodies would have to be excessively hairy and thus also unseemly and unbefitting of the heavenly realm. Opponents jeered, “Who would not shudder at the hortid ‘While these debates remained unsettled by the time the Lives of the desert heemits were written, the point I wish to highlight is thar there was a long tradition of implicating hair growth and hairiness in non-Christian discussions about the neardead body, as well as early Christian discussions about the resurrected body." Thus, I contend, just as the ascetic narratives mapped out a topography of the desert that positioned Christian hermits in spaces affliated ‘with an afterworld, so too they seem to be taking a position within these debates by envisioning the heavenly bodies of desert hermits as hairy bodies. Several other narrative accounts of desert ascetics corroborate this linkage between desert ascetics’ habitat, hairiness, and holiness. In the Dialogues of Se, for example, 1 Enoch 607: *Andit shall be, that chose who have been destroyed inthe desert, and who have been devoured by che fish ofthe sea, and by wild beats, shall return, and teus in the day of the Fleet One; for none shall perish inehe presence ofthe Lord of spiris, nor sall any be capable of perishings" and Apocalypse of Peter 4 "From the cas to the west shll al eh children of men be gathered cogeher before my Father who lives forever. And the wild beastsand he fowls shall he command to rexoreal the flesh that they have devoured, because [God] will hat people should appear: for nothing perishes before ‘God, and nothingisimpossble with him, because all sings ae his” By far dhe mose detailed discussion of Gods process of reasembling human bodies can be found in Athenagoras De Resurrectione 2-U1, 15, 25, in which Athenagoras argues that God can separate ot clements ofthe body tha either had dissolved into another element or had been absorbed into another ereeure during digestion. While all ofthese thinkers agreed that God would preserve che complete maceril integrity ofthe earthly body—gathering up all the oily bits belonging roan individual—hey also claimed tha all of hes bits would be thoroughly transformed into an immortal incorrupsble and glorious new sate befitting che heavenly realm, See Tertullian, De Res. Car. 57: Aphrahat, Demonstration 8; Ephesem Serm. 1 and Hiyns 37.1~10; 46.16; 49.12, 8; Jom, Contre Joannens Hirolymitanuan, 23~6 and Jerome ep. 8438, © Augustine, De Civitate Dei XXULI2. (PL 41.775). Fora discussion onthe relationship beeween dressan the resurrection body sce also Carly Daniel Hughes’ ehapter inthis volume On fashioning the sptitual landscape ofthe Christan deser, see James Gochring, “The Dark Side of Landscape: Ideology and Power inthe Christian Meh of the Desere? Sowrnal of Medieval and Early Modern Stulis 333 (Fall 2003): 437-51.164 Dresing Judcansand Christians in Antiquity Sulpicius Severus, a brother from Gaul describes to Sulpicius his encounters with ascetics in Palestine and Egypt: Although he was able to converse with many ascetics, he reports that one recluse remained out of reach. This ascetic lived on Moune Sinai, “the top of which almose touches heaven and cannot, by any human effort, be reached” While the narrator himselfwas unable to make contact with the anchorite, he spoke with a man who did five years prior. To this man, the hermic explained that he “shunned assiduously" contact with other humans because mortals who commune with other mortals “could not often be Visited by angels” Here again, we find a hermic positioned in a remote location that is linked to the heavens and angels, And here also the narrative describes only this anchorite—distince from all of the other ascetics encountered in the story—as excessively haity: “he used no clothes, bu bristles covered his body.” Similaly, the Life of Macarius of Rome makes an explicit connection between the dwelling place and the hairiness of the ascetic. The authors are Syrian monks who left their monastery in Mesopotamia and eraversed east through Persia and India to the very edge of the known world, The description of the place—namely, che outer edge of the world where “the sun’ light was scarcely able to reach’—here parallels the location of the land of che dead in Homer's Odyssey"? In this place, che Syrian monks found not only strange peoples, but also dangerous beasts of every kind: “serpents, dragons, asps, basilsks, vipers, unicorns and other horned animals"! Following a stag and then a dove, the group was led past a variety of people being cormented as punishment for their past deeds, before finally asviving at a mote pleasant, sweet-smelling, and beautiful place, whose (presumably angelic) inhabitants were venerable in appearance.* Just beyond this latter group, they came upon a cave in which lived the recluse Macarius: © Sulpicius Severus, Dialogue L9-22 (PL. 20.189-98). 5 Salpicias Severus, Dialogus L17 (PL. 20.194; tans. Roberts NPNEF ser: 2 11.32). Sulpicius Severos, Dialogs L17 (PL20.195; trans. Robers NPNF se. 2, 1132). ul vets oy, corporis eas Salpicts Severs, Dialogs 17 (P1.20.195)) © Vita Sancta Macerit Romani 7 (PL 73417}, Homer, Ode 11.14-25, which dcsrbes the kinglom of che dead asa pice atthe “outer limits” ofthe wold, where “the sun sanleand... the wood grew dark’ whee “the ee of the sun can never fash his ays through the dak a bring chem igh © Vita Sancta Macarii Romani? (PL73417). Vita Sencte Macerit Romani 9-13 (PL TAA18-20). Late in Chapter 18, the angel Raphael characte these pers a the “place of darkness, the place of torments and of ppishmens, and the place of light” (P1. 73.423).Hairinessand Holiner in the Early Christian Desert 165 “There we saw a man a long way off, hurrying coward us, whose hair as white as snow, covered his whole body and Roated in che wind .. He came right up to tus lifed up his hands co heaven and prayed for quite along time, His prayer finished, he shook is bir back from his fice and mouth and give us a blessing Hishair and beard were milkwhite and his face was a the face of an angel. hi ‘eyes were not visible because ofthe way iseyebrowshungover them. His toenails ‘nd fingernails were exceedingly lng, hisbeard and hale covered his wholebody'® [As they begin conversing, Macarius tells che brothers that they are a mere 20 miles away from the Paradise of Adam and Eve‘ Here again we see a narrative positioningehe ascetic at the edge of the mortal world, areributing to him angelic ‘qualities, and describing him as excessively hairy, Hairiness, Beastliness, and Radiance “The radiant appearance of desert hermits isa regular feature of ascevc literature. ‘Abba Arsenius was described asan “old man entirely like a lame” Abba Pambo was said to have the appearance of Moses “when his face shone” (referencing the fact chat Moses’ “face had become radiant because he had been talking wich God? Exodus 34: 22); Pambo's face “shone like lightening... and] it was the same with Abba Silvanus and Abba Sisoes”* In each case, the radiance of the ascetic often communicated something of their holiness and cheir supeshuman satus.” While not all of the narratives link haig, adiance, and angelic status as explicitly as others (e.g, Abba Or is characterized as looking “just like an angel” before attention is drawn specifically co che “snowy white bead [that fell} down to his chest” and to his radiant face), in this section, I aim to © Vita Sancta Macars Romani 15 (PL73420-21). A few sentences earlier Macarius cals his alo “the place where the earch oins che sky" (Vita Sancta Macarii Romani 6 (PL73421)). © Apophtbegmata Patran Aesenins 27 (PG 65.96; rans Benedicea Ward, The Sayings ofthe Desert Fathers (Kalamazoo: Ciscercian Publications, 1975}, 13). Agophtbegmata Patrum Passbo 12 (PG 65372: trans. War, Sayings ofthe Desert Bushes, 197) © Abba Sihunius, for instance, is said ro have a “face and body shining dike an! angel” (Apophshegnata Parr Silvanus 12 [PG 65412: wans, Ward, Sayings of the Desert Fauhers, 224), emphasis added) “Horta monachorum in Aegypto 21 (du Fesugites Subridie Hagiographice 34 (Brussels: Société des Bollndises, 1961), 35; ans, Norman Russell and Benedicta Ward, The Lives ofthe Desert Fathers (Kalamazoo: Cistercian Publications 1981], 65).166 Dressing Judeans and Christians i Antiquity demonstrate how hermits’ excessive hairiness—especially when conflated wich beastly hairiness—was the physical source of their radiance and luminosity and contributed to a perception of their angelic status.” Let us begin with the story of Onnophrius® The story, narrated by Paphnutius, is parc ofa bigger cravel narrative in which Paphnutius journeys to the furthest reaches ofthe desert in search of holy ascetics, The first anchorite Paphnutius encounters along the way is Timorhy, who Paphnutius finds among, aherd of antelope. Timothy explains thae when his clothing wore out, God had given him a natural covering of hair to hide “his shame." After greeting cone another (and after Paphnutius proved thar he was not a demonic spirit there to undermine Timothy's ascetic practice), Timothy told Paphnucius about how he came to the desert in order to find solitude. He explained tha in this unpopulaced land he was able co escape the temprations of che world For discussions on che rehtionship between dress and luminosity, see also Arthur Usbano and Meredith Warns chapters in his volume * Onnophris is encountered in the second pate of the Prerinaio Paphnations (a section that seems eo have circulated independently. The seputation of the anchorice Onnophrius semed to have been quite widespread, evidenced by the fac that the Lif of Onmaphvius was translated into a number oFlangeages and that many versions eemain extant sil way. The Greek Vita was tanslated inco Latin early and cis teanslaton ca be found in PL73,211-20, A Coptic tanstioncan be foundin E. Amdlineass "Voyage dun Moine Pgyprien dans le Déserc? Reel de Tranaue 6 (1885): 166-94 {with French translation) and in E.A. Budge’ Copie Tex: Copric Martyrs, Vol, 4 (London: Oxford University Pres, 1914), 205-24. For a thorough inetoduetion to Paphnuti’ Viteinchding lscusions of authorship [pp. 42-50}, date [pp. 524] and extant manuscripts in a vtiety ‘of languages (pp. 69-70]—sce Tim Vivian's Histories of the Monks of Upper Egypt and the Lifeaf Onnopbries (Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, 2009) English translations can be found in Vivian, Life of Onmophrius, 145-66 and Bulge, Coptic Martyrdoms, 485-73. Onnophrivs was venerated in Rome, Cappadocta, and severl cities in Poland (Dabrdvcka, Deléw, Jblecena, Laka, Oleszyce, Pasig, Posada Ryboryck, Steyki, and Wislok Wield), where churches and monasteries bear his name. Onnophrits was an expecially popular subject in atistic representations in Asia Minot. There a variant tradition circulated: Onnophius began life asa woman, Onnophria, and when faced with the euest ofa coerced mariage, she prayed fervently to be spate and, in anaver to her prayers, God earned her inca aman ‘An image ofthe femle-male Onnophria/Onnophrius an be found inthe Snake chuch in Gireme (see Omer Demir, Gireme (Ankara: Pelin Ofset, 2008], 63) % Og,*buffalo”as Budge eanstes ite Sancti Onmaphri3 (Budge, Coptic Texts, 206 fol. 2s). Technically, before finding Timothy, Paphnatis encounters the body of another brother whose dead body sso long dead thai dsitegrate inc dusts soon a Paphntiss couches i (Vita Sancti Onnephri2[Budge, Cpre Texts, 205-6 fl, Ub). © Vita Sancti Omnaphris 3 (Budge, Coptic Tests, 206 fl, 2a; etans. Vivian, Lif of Onnophrins, 146}.Hairiness and Holiness in the Early Chistian Desert 167 {especially the temptations of one particular woman) and that, even in this barren land, he found a spring of water and a palm tree that provided him sufficient sustenance. Finally, he reported, "My hair continues to grow and since my clothes have completely worn out, I clothe with my hair what should be respectfully covered." After receiving alesing from Timothy, Paphnutius continues his journey into the depths of the desert. Several days and many miles lates, Paphnutius encounters the anchorite, Onnophrius, who is also quite hairy, but in a somehow more Paphnutius remarks: “Now suddenly I fooked and I saw a man in the distance: he was very tervfying because his hair was spread out over his body like a leopard’ .. When he came up close to me I was afraid and I climbed up on a ledge of the mountain, thinking ehat pethaps it was a wild as" Again, we sce 4 gradation of haitiness as we travel deeper and deeper into the desert: while Timothy has enough hair to cover his genitals, Onnophrius’ hair covers his entire body. What I wish to highlight in this story is che hermits’ relation co animals: while Timothy is merely attended by a herd of animals, Onnophrius is initially perceived to be himself some kind of animal, whether a leopard ot a wild ass. In face, when the ewo begin to converse, Onnopheius frames himselfis animalistic eerms, saying: “Forsicy years Ihave lived in this desert. walk in the ‘mountains like a wild beast How are we to understand this conflation of Onnophtius with a hairy bease especially given thar much ascetic literature advised asceties to suppress base impulses and desires they dubbed “beastly” or “animalistic”? T suggest two possible answers to chis question. Firse, figuring the hermit as a wild animal Vita Sancti Onnophrit 7 (Budge, Coptic Tests, 208 fol. trans. Vivian, Life of Onnopbrius, 149), 5 Vita Santi Onnophri V0 (Budge, Copic Tees, 209-10 6a; erans. Vivian, Life of Onnopbrius, 151). 9 Thwoughout ascetic trate, desert ascetics are regulaly reported co have animal companions and somtimes are described slving like beats. Sec, for example, Abba John and Paul's domesticated lioness (dpophthegmata Paaru 144: tans. Chadwick, Western “Auton, 130). On living likes beast, Abs Nestezosexphins tha be has been able to ‘endaze trouble in silence by adopting the character of a donkey, which he ateributes co 3 calling rom scripture: "Tam become asa beac efor thee and am aways wih hee” (ing Psa 73: 22-3, dpophtbegmata Petron 15.30; tans, Chadwick, Waters Ascetic, V6). Vita Sancti Onnophrs UL (Budge, Cope Tet, 210 fl. Ya; tans. Vivian, Life of Onnapies, 152) See discusslons on animal urges and beastly desires in Robert M. Grant, Early Christians and Animale (Londoo: Routledge, 1999) and Patricia Cox Mille, “the Physiolagus A Poeiof Naoee” Church Hlstry 52.4 (Dec 1983): 433-48.168 Doesing Judeans and Christians in Antiquity underscores that he is an outsider from society, as one living a decidedly anti- social lifestyle, Such asociality oF pre-sociality is a trope that recurs throughout ascetic, especially deser, literature." As Peter Brown writes: “the desert was the land where men and beasts had once mingled in a state of pre-social liberty. As a result, many ascetics were content to sink back into that state, by living an angelic freedom that resembled that of the beasts” Second, I wish to argue that ascetics’ conflation with beasts signaled theit angelic status not only through associations with beastly asocialiy, but also through beasts’ hai. Specifically, when we attend to the quality—namely, the “whiteness” or "greyness”—of the animals) by which to depice che hermies’ angelic luminosiey or radiance. Let me illuminate his point by looking a a few of these depictions in greater detail. Turning back to Mark’s story, when Mark describes his own "hoariness,” hhe uses the Greek term nohidg, which refers specifically to grisly, gray/white hair of old men and also of wolves, but the term was also used metaphorically co mean “bright"® Mark uses this term co describe his hoatiness in the dead of the night and, a this time, Serapion remarks on Mark's “angelic radiance." At daybreak, when Serapion was fist able co see Mark clearly, he is frightened by Marks appearance, which, ac chat time, he claims resembles a beast In this ir co which the hermits’ hait was regularly conflated, we find a means story, we find linguistic and narrative evidence for linking haiinessbeastiness, and radiance. Elsewhere, in the Apophthegmata Patrum, Abba Daniel describes the appearance of Abba Arsenius first rather straight forwardly: he possessed “a heavy beard that reached all che way down to his waist"® Bur he does noc stop there, He continues by remarking that he is an “angelic vision” due to his “handsome body” and his canis ornatus (Brat enim visio ius angelica scut Jacob, canis ornatus, elegans corpore, sicous tamen). Canis can detive either from the noun canis (in the genitive case) meaning “dag” or *wolf” or from the adjective % Sec, for example, Apophtbepmata Partum Antony 10 and Macarius 23 (66577, 65.272) ° "Brown, Bady and Society, 332, Here Brown speaks specifically of Syrian ascetics, but would not limit the image co Syria Vite S, Marco Atheniensi 6 (Acta Sanctorum 9.777); Heney George Liddell and Robere Scot, dn Intermediate Greek Engh Lesicon (Oxford Clarendon Press, 1889). Vita S. Marea Atbeniensi $6 Ata Sanctorum 9776-7). © Vite 8, Mareo Atbeniens9 (ta Sanctorwon 9.777. © Apophibegmata Purasn 1310 (PL 73955) 4 “Apophthegmata Paraon 150 (PL 73955).Hairinessand Holiness inthe Early Christian Desert 169 canus (an ablative of description) meaning “white” or *hoary”® While che later is the more probable reading given ies parallel construction with the ablative corpore, the ambiguity between the possible interpretations—"being adomed asa dog/wolf” or "being adorned with white hairs’ —might be precisely what the author meant to convey to readers: Arsenius’ wolFlike hait is notable for its whiteness, a whiteness or luminosity that contributes to the perception of his angelic nature. “Thac the radiance emitted from their beastly, white hai signaled the degree co which ascetics had taken on an angelic statu is corroborated by the fact that the hermits shone even brighter at their deaths. Returning to the beastlike Onnophrius, when Paphnutius witnesses the hermic passing into immortality, hhe notes that the hermic “turned completely into fire and his appearance greatly frightened me"® Similarly, Serapion describes a bright light radiating from the cave when hairy Mark died: “the cave was filled with light, outshining that of the sun." This link between beastliness and radiance, I suggest, contributes to the perception that excessively hairy desert hermics are angelic and explains why they inspired more fear and awe than other, slightly ess hairy ascetics Conclusion, “That early Christian ascetics were purported to be angels on earth is nothing ‘new In this chapter, I have attempted to demonstrate how ascetic Lives directed readers co perceive their subjects’ transition from an carthly to a heavenly existence through, among other techniques, descriptions of their excessive hairiness. I suggested that the unique hairiness of desert hermits—a biological phenomenon that resulted from thei rigorous ascetic regimes—could have been read as evidence of their other-worldliness given contemporaneous discussions of the hairiness of the near-dead or of resurrection bodies and given that these same hermits were positioned in closer proximity co spaces conventionally © Charlton T. Lewis and Charles Shore, A Larin Dictionary (Oxford Clarendon. ‘ress, 1879). Owen Chadwick opt for the later, rendering canis ornate as having white hain Western Asceicion, 158. Vata Sancti Onnaphrit 20 (Budge, Coptic Tests 215-6 fo, 13a; rans Vivian, Life ‘4f Onnophrits, 157-8). Compare Abba Sisoes who, when dying “shone lke the sun his countenance increased in brightnes;"and “once mote hs countenance suddenly became lke shesun”arthe angels came to retieve his sul (pophthepata Patri Sos 4 [PG65.396; tans, Wad, Sayings ofthe Deer Futhers, 214-15). © Vata S. Marco Atheniensi V4 (deta Sanctorin 9.778; trans. Williams, 8).170 Dressing udeansand Christians in Antiquity associated with the other world or afterlife, Finally, { have argued that the hermits’ hairiness, which was often characterized as beastly, could have been the source of their angelic radiance. IFT am correct, such depictions would have shaped how these ascetics were regarded, while simultaneously taking a side in the on-going debate about the nature of the resurrection body. Moving forward, more work needs to be done to understand the genderingof hair throughout ascetic contexts in late antiquity” Readers surely noticed that the aneedotes analyzed in this chapter all involve male ascetics. The depictions of hairy men in the desert contrast sharply with advice given to female ascetics in this period: Christian leaders urged them to keep their hair simply styled and to reffain from embellishing their hair wich dyes, adornments, and hair extensions.” ‘Their cults—not overly tended, but also not overly unkempt—was intended to ‘communicate a female ascetic’s renunciation of worldly good looks, her refusal to be an object of desire, and also her refusal to draw too much attention to herself, Yet many ascetic women, ignoring their advisors, cut their air short or even shaved their head.” As Susan Ashbrook Harvey has shown, this practice was both practical and imbued with theological significance, The ascetic could shave her head as a preventative measure against lice that flourished in long, neglected hait." while she could also claim, as Synclesica did, thatthe practice of cutting off her hai signified the cutting off of "worldly elements of life: honors, fame, possession of goods, splendid outfits of clothing, use of baths, enjoyment And it would be useful wo contextualize these representations within broader dliseusions of gender and hair in physiognomie, medical, and philosophical lerature Jonathan P. Wileoxson has begun this investigation in his paper, "Clement of Alexandria, Beards, and che Omnamentation of the Mind” (presented at the annual mecting of che North American Patstic Society, Chicago, Illinois, May 2013). On opinions on beaeds in particular, see A. Edward Siecienski, "Holy Hair: The Church Fathers on Beavis” (presented athe annual meeting ofthe North American Patistc Society, Chicago, Ilinots, May 2012), which has now been updated and revised in “Holy Hat: Beard inthe Patsie “Tradition (Forthcoming). © On the advice given to, and hair practices of female ascetics, see Upson-Suia, Early Christian Dress 37,38-9, 41,44, 52-3, $9, 61-9, 70-72, 0-82, 90, 92,97, 101-2, 106, See for example, Lif of Paul and Tec 25: The Lifeand Regimen ofthe Blesed and Holy Synetica 11,80 and coneliar pronouncements agains the practice (Can. Syn, Gang, canon 17; Cod, Theod. 162.27). 7 On lice, see Kosta Y, Mumcuogls, "Human lice: Pediculus and Pebirus? in Paleomicrobilegy: Past Hunan Iections, eds D. Raoult and M, Drancourt (Belin: Springer-Verlag, 2008), 215-22; Joann Feecher, "A Tale of Hair, Wigs and Lice” Feypian Ardhaealgy § (1994): 31-3,Haiinessand Holins inthe Early Chrstion Desert i of foods’”* In cither case, whether neatly bundled or shaved, female ascetics were never depicted as excessively hairy.” We might wonder if this is because such a depiction would have activated gendered connotations of women's hait: namely, extravagance, seduction, and unreseraint, ‘We need also to explore how artistic and iconographic visualizations of hairy ascetics, from late antiquity through the medieval period (sce, for example, Plates 8.1 and 8.2), complement the narrative depictions discussed in this chapter" We should seudy where these images were situated in monastic and 7% Pycudo-Achanasus, Vite Sycletica 80 (PG 28.1533: trans. Elizabeth Bryson Bongie, The Life & Regimen of the Blesed and Haly Synletica (Toronto: Peregeina Publishing, 1999], 50). In che same chapter, Syncletca further argued that rooting out lice symbolized the excision of vices associated withthe lifestyle she had renounced. For 2 dlscuision of the above, see Susan Ashlook Harvey, "Housekeeping: An Ascetic Theme in Late Antiquiy” in To Thain His Sou in Books: Syriac Ascetcion in Early Christianity, cds Robin Darling Young and Monica J. Blanchard (Washington, DC: Catholic University Press, 2011), 145. "In the deere can think of only one female ascecie whose hai receives attention: Mary of Egyp. Ye May’ ai sno ike her mal peers: “The hair on (her head was white asaileece and not long, filling just below is neck" and Mary herself laments that her body remains uncovered (Sophronius of Jerusalem, Vite S. Marine egyptiae 10 [PG 87.3705}}. As we look forward, we should also look backward, considering how the authors of these narratives might have drawn eheit images of the desert ascetics from a repository of hairy men in earlier tradition, As far back asthe second millennium BCE, the Babylonians circulated a story abour Enkidu, a feral man who was raised by a gazelle and wild donkey. Noe only did he lve like an animal—eatng wha they at, sharing theie habitat and regimen, and possessing similar skill, such as their speed—bue he was said to have resembled the wild animals himself: “shagay with hair was his whole body «the locks of his hale grew thick asa gain fed” (Gilgomed Epic cable 1, 105, 107) Ye che feral Enkidu was eventually “ivlized" and thus Funetioned asa figure who straddled (wo ‘worlds, So too, a common figure in Mesoporamian artis the Jahn, "the hairy one who is naked, yee covered with a beard and long halt. Like Enkid, the dam seems als to seraddle categories. Inthe textual and artistic traditions, he is a demonie or semiedivine hero who is regularly depicted on doorways and gates (especially ac temples), serving «guard. For discussion and images, se Jeremy Black and Anthony Green, Gods, Derions and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia: dn Wnsrased Dictionary (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1992), 17, 114-15, 177-8, 184; Gregory Mobley, “The Wild Man in the Bible and ehe Ancient Near Bast! Journal of Biblia! Literature 1162. (1997): 24: and EAM. Wiggermann, *Mischwesen, A” and A. Green, "Mischowesen B” both in Reallexikon der Assriologie nnd Vordersiatischen Ardhiclogie, Band 8 (3/4 Miete-Moab), edited by Dicte Oxo Edzard (Berlin: Walter de Geuyecr, 1994), 22246 and 246-9. Late ancique Christians need not look farand wide orinspiration. Wichin Hebrew Seripcres, they could read about Esau’ abundant body hai, har that his brother iupersonared by wearing goat skins (Genesis 25:25:27: 145) They could read about King Absalom who was Famous forim Dressing Judeans and Christians in Antiquity «celesial contexts and how they unctioned—theologically and rtually—therein. Further, we need to understand why certain early Christian figures, such as Mary Magdalene and John Chrysostom, began to be rendered as similarly hirsute in medieval at, architectural decoration, and illuminated manuscripts.” Finally, ic would be instructive o explore in more detail how late ancient Christians understood the relationship beeween geogeaphy and hairiness Physicians, philosophers, and nacural historians noced that communities’ natural ‘environment shaped not only their dispositions and personalities, but also gave rise to their distinctive appearances” It would be useful co investigate further how depictions of hairy ascetics might be lining up with chese ethnographic theories and taxonomies. his peneful has, which he cut only once per year (2 Samuel 14: 25-6). Or they could read shou groups of distinctive Iraeice men, such as the Nazaites, who vowed that "no razor come upon [their] head” and their long locks were eo bea sign of their distinctive holiness (Numbers 6:5: on aspeciic Nezarite, Sampson, se Judges 13-16) or certain prophets of "men of God” such as Eljah, who were known for beingexcesivelyhalty (2 Kings 1: 8-13) For a fllerdiseussion of hair in ancient Inve, see Susan Niditch, “My Brother Exan Isa Hairy Man's Hair and Identity in Ancient lal (Oxford Oxford University Press, 2008) Despite the many differences between each of these hairy men, the comon thread che ties these men cogether is their special designation a sem-dvine or as men endowed with Godt’ favor. Thus, they may have been looming inthe background ofthe stories of desere asctis, That sid, I contend that the desert accounts reflect a new eschaologicl concern, thusaddings new layer of igifcation to excesive haisiness among men of God. See, for instance, several examples of & huity Mary Magdalene depicted on alter pieces fiom che thirteenth and fourteenth centuries (Katherine L. Jansen, “The meaning of che Magdalen for Female Penitents! Memars of the American Academy in Rome 45 {2000]; 134-8) See alo woodcut illustrations of Mary Magdalene and John Chrysostom fn fieenth-century German volume of the Lives ofthe Saints (Leben der Heiigen). (The ‘Mexropotitan Museum of Arc has made available images of the woodcuts on ARCTsor and some ofthe images ean be found als in Timothy Husband, The Wild han: Meeoal Myab sand Syabolsn (New York: The Meeopolitan Miseum of Art; 1980), An investigation ino ‘the subsequent tradition of rendering hairy early Chistian stints might help us underseand the significance ofillusrations ofhairy men in the margins of fourtenth-centutyillaminated Paalers and of the ehece haiy figues carved above che main portal of the College of San Gregorio, Valladolid, Spain (1490 CE), images of which can be found in Husband, Wild ‘Man, 300-106, Scholars might also study how these medieval depictions of hairy snes relate to veneration of hair relics or the burgeoning popularity ofthe tonsute in cis period, (On hair eis, ee MargaerSleeman, “Mesieval hai tokens! Fara for moder language studies 174 (1981): 322-36, On the vonsure, see Robert Mills, “The Sigification of the “Tonsure! in Holiness and Masculinity inthe Middle Age, eds BL, Callum and Katherine J: Lewis Toronto: Univesity of Toronto Press, 2005), 109-26. % See for example, Hipp. De ere, aguis ef lcs 24; Galen, De Une Petion Corporis Human X1.14: Ps-Asistole, Phsiognomonica 06b, 812b; and Cicer, De lege agraria295.