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  Problems Problems Problems in Problems Programs Result or Problem Controver

in politics in the the culture in the done to effect of s with sies


Presi society economy address the the law,
dent the programs policies,
s and problem or
years program
in s
offic
e
For a The United
Manu short        States  No sooner      His
el period, added to the had the administrat
Roxas the issue when fanfare of ion was
two- it requested the marred by
(1946 independen graft and
- party that the new
framew government ce corruption;
1948) festivities moreover,
ork acknowledg
spoke ea ended that the abuses
to "facilitated the of the
various commerce" government provincial
interest arrangemen and the military
s and t intensely people police
ages preferring quickly put contributed
and the all hands to to the rise
went industrialize work in the of the left-
after d United tasks of wing (Huk)
voters States over rescuing movement
as the agrarian the country in the
associat Philippines. from its countrysid
ions, The landed dire e. His
not just first class— economic heavy-
as free many were straits. handed
affiliatio Roxas Reputed to attempts
ns ruled partners— be the most to crush
by benefitted bombed the Huks
people. from and led to
organized destroyed widespread
commerce country in peasant
as American the world, disaffection
market the . The good
Philippines record of
The was in a the Roxas
"remarkable sorry mess. administrat
interest for
imports" Only ion was
(more than Stalingrad marred by
1 billion and two
pesos'worth Warsaw, for failures:
before the instance, the failure
finish of could to curb
1948), compare graft and
unavoidable with Manila corruption
defilement, in point of in the
and wild destruction. governmen
overpricing All over the t, as
accelerated country evidenced
an more than by the
equalization a million surplus
of- people were war
installments unaccounte property
emergency d for. The scandal,
that war the
prompted casualties Chinese
capital as such immigratio
flight, could very n scandal
swelling, well reach and the
and 15 the two school
percent million supplies
joblessness mark. scandal;
in a Conservativ and the
functioning e estimates failure to
workforce of had it that check and
7.4 million the stop the
Filipinos. Philippines communist
had lost Hukbalaha
about two p
thirds of
her movement.
material
wealth.[7]
The country
was facing
near
bankruptcy.
[7] There
was no
national
economy,
no export
trade.
Indeed,
production
for exports
had not
been
restored.
On the
other hand,
imports
were to
reach the
amount of
three
million
dollars.
There was
need of
immediate
aid from
the United
Nations
Relief and
Rehabilitati
on
Administrati
on.
Something
along this
line was
obtained.
Again,
loans from
the United
States, as
well as
some
increase in
the national
revenues,
were to
help the
new
Republic.
[7]
President
Roxas, with
bold steps,
met the
situation
with the
same
confidence
he exuded
in his
inaugural
address,
when he
said: "The
system of
free but
guided
enterprise
is our
system".
Among the
main
remedies
proposed
was the
establishme
nt of the
Philippine
Rehabilitati
on Finance
Corporation
. This entity
would be
responsible
for the
constructio
n of twelve
thousand
houses and
for the
grant of
easy-term
loans in the
amount of
177,000,00
0 pesos.
Another
proposal
was the
creation of
the Central
Bank of the
Philippines
to help
stabilize the
Philippine
dollar
reserves
and
coordinate
and the
nations
banking
activities
gearing
them to the
economic
progress.
Concentrati
ng on the
sugar
industry,
President
Roxas
would exert
such efforts
as to
succeed in
increasing
production
from
13,000 tons
at the time
of the
Philippine
liberation to
an all-high
of one
million tons

-        -        -       
Elpidi Quirino’ Preside   -        To      
o s nt Elpidio prevent
Quirin success Quirino Quirino, unautho
o in ’s was seen rized
stabilizi govern as imports,
(1948 lacking
- ng the ment the
econo faced a the Central
1953) ability to
my was serious Bank
thus popula deal with controll
oversh r the ed the
adowed challen economic country’
by ge in crisis s dollar
tales of the -        By reserves
corrupti PKP- the end and
on and led of his determi
“well- Huk term, it ned
publiciz uprisin access
ed g. had to them
large -        increased -       
scale the tax to 655 America
postwa system million n
r remain pesos, interven
scandal ed leading tion led
s in the regress to the to major
body ive— first changes
politic,” heavily budget in the
includin skewed surplus Armed
g some against since Forces
involvin the 1946 of the
g his middle Philippin
own class es
family and (AFP). –
poor, Improve
who d
paid a training,
higher better
proport equipm
ion of ent, and
their military
income aid
throug boosted
h morale
indirect and
consu fighting
mption perform
taxes. ance.
-          -       
The
Economi
c
Develop
ment
Corpora
tion
(EDCOR
)
project,
which
settled
ex-Huks
in Lanao
del Sur
and
Cotabat
o,
became
a
powerfu
l
propaga
nda tool
of the
state—it
advertis
ed an
alternati
ve to
rebellion
, the
chance
to own
a piece
of land,
and a
way out
of
poverty.

-        -       
Ramo         -        Magsay   Magsays
n the say, for ay’s use
Mags AFP’s exampl of the
aysay successf e, army,
ul cleaned for
(1953 counteri
- up and example
nsurgen improv , did not
1957) cy ed the directly
campaig fighting threaten
ns, prowes legislato
which s of the rs, who
came AFP, still
under but controlle
his never d
watch as used it military
defense to appoint
chief, break ments
enhance up the and
d his private promoti
stature armies ons, but
as a it
compete angered
nt leader their
-        local
Republic network
Act 997, s.
which -       
increase The
state
also
d the made it
powers exceedi
of the ngly
executiv difficult
e office; for
a law to Chinese
improve resident
manage s and
ment of their
the state Philippin
budget; e-born
and a children
five-year to
national acquire
economi citizens
c hip in
develop the
ment early
plan to 1950s.
generate
1.7
million
jobs

-       
Presiden
tial
Assistant
for
Commun
ity
Develop
ment
(PACD),
an office
that
delivere
d
governm
ent
assistan
ce to
farmers

-        -        the -        -       
Carlo -        econom top 20   He     Garcia
s State ic percent of therefor lacked
Garci corpora growth Filipino e Magsay
a tions, failed families anchore say’s
such as to received d his charism
(1957 the
- improv 55 percent presiden a and
National e social of total cy in his was
1961) Develop equity. income “Filipino more at
ment Income while the First” home
Corpora distribu lowest 20 policy, with
tion, tion percent the patrona
became remain received active ge
havens ed only 4.5 promotio politics
of heavily percent.27 n of the than
corrupti skewed The middle “Filipino with
on, in favor class business Magsay
bribery, of the remained establish say’s
fraudule rich stable but ment.” reformi
nt failed to The st
transact grow policy allies.
ions,
drew -        If
and protests the
favoritis from Filipino
m. America First
n, policy
Chinese, essenti
and ally
Chinese- benefite
Filipino d the
business elite, it
interests also
. became
contami
nated
by the
spoils
system
s.
-       
Filipinos
saw no
differen
ce
between
Garcia
and
Quirino
in terms
of
corrupti
on.
-       
Scandal
s piled
up—
malvers
ation of
funds
allotted
to the
National
Marketi
ng
Corpora
tion,
favoritis
m in the
disburse
ment of
Japanes
e
reparati
on
funds,
the
privatiza
tion of
public
lands,
the
private
use of
govern
ment
retireme
nt
account

-        -       
Diosd         -        But the -        Stories
ado Macapa accomp Macapa of
Maca gal was anying gal “conspic
pagal the first protecti ended uous
presiden ve his consum
(1961 t to term
- tariffs ption”
attempt meant like amid
1965) national Garcia
that the unremit
develop country — ting
ment still known poverty
planning lacked more ,
. He a for the preside
establis coheren corrupt ntial
hed the t ion vindicti
Program develop permea veness
Implem ment ting his toward
entation policy. admini enemie
Agency The stration s, policy
(PIA), main than implem
an benefici for his entation
executiv aries of attemp derailed
e body this t to by petty
charged situatio coordin conflict,
with n were ate and
creating the econo growing
and family- mic nepotis
impleme owned develo m
nting a conglo pment undermi
compreh merates ned his
ensive that preside
national were ncy.
economi diversif
c ying
into
develop new
ment exports
plan. and
industri
es
-        -        -        -        -       
Ferdi -        Politicia “Americani -        -        The Neithe he
nand It ns zation” of Neither the “nation r did neutrali
Marco didn’t acknow Filipino did small Retail alizatio Marcos zed
s help ledged culture rice Trade n law” differ some
that the and farmers Nationali had a in the legislati
(1965 benefit; zation
executi backwa consciousn silver use of ve
- their Act of
ve rdness ess lining power oppone
1986) plots 1954,
office and -        for to nts with
holders poverty Whether were too passed those enrich the
were of the radical or small and to Chinese himsel selectiv
themse Muslim moderate, their establish busines f, his e
lves areas, the activist productiv Filipino smen, clan, release
enmes but did view might ity priority who, and of
hed in nothing be stagnant in barred his public
the to summed because obtainin from allies funds,
networ promot up in the of g the -        while
ks, e their words of underdev business retail, Three exercisi
which develop one: eloped licenses, rice, aspect ng his
were ment “Democrac rural actually and s of veto on
predica -        y should infrastruc exempts corn Marcos bills
ted on But be for the ture, “citizens industri ’s such as
safegu most whole insufficie and es, develo one that
arding charact population nt access juridical could pment would
wealth eristic , not for to credit, entities afford progra have
and was the elite and of the to m that limited
social the alone.” inefficient United diversif might his right
power way -        In agricultur States.” y into have to raise
— domina 1974, the al In the other appear revenue
whethe nt Catholic services. eyes of growing ed to through
r old or social Church As rice Filipino sectors be borrowi
new, forces hierarchy, and corn leaders, of the strengt ng
legally — essentially productio Chinese econom hs in -       
or family in n became y. Their the The
clans, sympathy dynami 1970s televisi
illegall settler with declined, “objects c were on
y leaders Marcos’s the of presenc actuall stations
gained , anticomm Philippine distrust e in y and
landed unism, s became and manufa proble newspa
-        elites— declared a a rice- censure cturing, matic: pers
But eviscer policy of importing because banking agraria highligh
where ated “critical country they , and n land ted
local the collaborati and the suppose the reform demons
power- implem on” with rural dly service , the trations
holders entatio the unemplo pervert sector constr portrayi
controll n of governme yed were the eventua uction ng
ed state nt, pushed ‘true’ lly led boom, Marcos
their initiativ reluctantly off the value of to their and as a
resourc es heeding land. citizensh resurre the “puppet
es with throug the ip.” ction as ability ” of
-        The
weapo h growing a major to imperia
entry of a -       
ns and infiltrat opposition force in borrow lism
new wave He
private ion and within its Philippi money (the
of therefor
armies corrupt rank and ne to spur United
unskilled, e
, or ion. file society. develo States)
unorganiz launche
could -        -        The Unfortu pment   ,
ed labor d an
simply Studen spreading nately,   feudalis
into the ambitiou
withhol ts, use of this m
market s rural
d votes acade torture would (Filipin
therefore infrastru
or mics, and only o
brought cture
switch journal extrajudici reinforc landlor
wages program
allegia ists, al e the ds),
down, funded
nce, busine execution associat and
and these by local
state ssmen, eroded the ion of bureau
workers and
actors and military’s ethnicit crat
contribute external
were labor image, y with capitali
d to the borrowin
forced and created capital sm
formation g and
to peasan more -        (“the
t recruits for of a new GNP use of
think organiz the urban develop per public
twice ers had opposition, proletaria ment capita agencie
before also and helped n aid. He and s for
imposi been human underclas built labor the
ng arreste rights s. new product accumu
central d, and groups -        irrigatio ivity lation
control many portray high n were of
or who the regime tariffs systems, still private
deman had as a brutal had supporte rising wealth”
ding escape dictatorshi immediat d (they )
profess d went p rather ely been technolo would -       
ional, underg than a erected to gical peak in The
efficien round benevolent protect innovati 1981 same
t, and with autocracy domestic ons, and and “Binond
corrupt the -        It industry— began to 1983, o
ion- CPP was not but upgrade respecti Central
free -        until the because existing vely), Bank”
govern Withou 1970s, import road as the (after
ance. t an when substituti systems. govern the old
effectiv Ferdinand on He also ment Chinese
-        e land Marcos industriali pumped pursue district
The registr recognized zation credit d in
distort ation the (ISI) had into the manufa Manila)
ed tax system Chinese inherent rural cturing facilitat
structu , communit limitation econom growth ed the
re, violent y’s value s as a y through transfer
poor clashes as political developm through foreign of
collecti over allies, that ent the investm millions
on land naturalizat strategy state- ent in of
efforts, owners ion laws -        owned “export dollars
and hip were What Land - to
loss of occurre liberalized. undermin Bank. process private
funds d Chinese- ed Marcos ing account
to freque Filipino was the zones. s in
corrupt ntly, enterprise fact that -        -        Hong
ion left and s economic Marcos The Kong
the state expanded progress upgrade ostensi and
Philippi infrastr tremendou could not d rural ble aim London
ne ucture sly during be educatio of land believe
state project this period sustained n with reform d to be
with s as the . The the was to owned
insuffic increas state governme construc create by
ient ed the made nt had tion of more Marcos
resourc feeling credit borrowed “Marcos security and
es to of available heavily schoolho for associa
pursue encroa to them for uses,” farmers tes.     
its chment and developm prefab , but
develo -        facilitated ent buildings these
pment The joint programs designed subvers
project MNLF ventures on the for ions
s. war -        The assumpti public and
-        (1973– Marcos- on that element side
much 1977) era export ary and effects
of the caused program— earnings seconda actually
expend the which and other ry increas
iture death condoned revenues educatio ed the
went of and would n number
to more provided finance -        of
showca than modern debt He landless
se thirtee (artificial) repaymen revived laborer
project n methods t. But Macapag s, the
s thousa of birth export al’s most
initiate nd control in revenues Program vulnera
d by people opposition did not Impleme ble of
Imelda and to Catholic improve ntation the
Marcos forced Church as much Agency rural
to more teaching— as poor  
highlig than a benefited expected
ht the million from the -        (PIA)
“achiev to flee Church Inflation, and
ements their being which had drew on
” of the homes. “deeply been America
New -        divided on stable at n
Society Studen how to about 4.5 economi
-        ts, protect its percent c aid to
By labor own through reactivat
1983, organiz interests the e
total ers, and 1960s, Magsays
debt and continue rose ay’s
was peasan to have quickly Presiden
about ts the -        tial
$25 detaine influence it World Assistan
billion d thought it Bank and t for
and without ought to UP Commu
the due over the economis nity
Philippi proces country.”    ts Develop
nes s and    watched ment
was torture unemploy (PACD);
one of d, ment rise both
the ten whose from an extende
most houses estimated d the
indebte were 14.7 central
d burned percent in state’s
countri , who 1978 to presenc
es in were more e into
the brutaliz than 24 the
develo ed, percent in countrys
ping whose 1982.5 ide.4
world family -        Most
-        membe Economic importa
Econo rs were and nt, he
mic killed political
deterio on uncertaint filled
ration suspici y affected these
pushed on of manufact agencies
the being uring, with
govern NPA causing technocr
ment suppor the ats—
deeper ters— retrench economi
into all ment or sts,
deficit these closure of lawyers,
spendi found many finance
ng, but their businesse and
Marcos way s. manage
had no into -        The ment
appetit “the urban specialis
e for movem middle ts, and
scaling ent.”   class and engineer
down economic s—and
develo elites, granted
pment deeply them
progra worried power to
ms, by the impleme
reformi economic nt
ng the crisis, develop
regress were ment
ive tax shocked program
system into s.
, or political -       
ending involvem martial
subsidi ent and law as
es for oppositio an
favore n ranks instrume
d swelled. nt for
corpor Many
ations.   business
     elites creating
were a “New
particularl Society.”
y angered He was
by the now in a
brazen position
nature of to craft
the a strong
assassina state
tion and with two
frightene powerful
d by the centraliz
economic ing
effect of agencies
the —a
turmoil     military
empowe
red
during
his first
term
and
technocr
ats who
shared
his idea
of
national
develop
ment.     
    
-        It -        -        -        -       
Coraz was not Social   The She also     This
on an act indicato economy enrolled tremen
Aquin of rs were was in the dous
o unmedi no less severe Philippin flow of
(1986 ated discour recession es in the externa
- love of aging. , forced recovery l
1992) nation In by capital program funding
or a 1985, flight and s of the sponsor
dissolvi two the IMF and ed
ng of thirds withdraw World many
social of al of Bank, social
division families short- which welfare
s. consum term required project
Filipinos ed less loans “to meeting s, but
came to than contract a series these
Edsa as the by more of could
member recomm than 15% reform not
s of ended in two targets replace
social minimu consecuti to compre
forces m daily ve years liberalize hensive
opposin calorie (1984– the state
g the intake, 1986).” economy efforts
dictator and 22 This —ending to
ship in percent contractio agricultu alleviat
varying of n wiped ral e
degrees prescho out more monopoli poverty
for ol than a es and and
varying children decade of favoritis correct
lengths experie growth in m in income
of time nced GDP per industrial inequali
-        modera capita; projects, ty
The te to the 1982 reducing -       
1987 severe peak tariffs, many
local malnutr income and simply
and ition. would not lifting pointed
legislati Aquino be seen import to
ve inherite again for controls Corazo
election d not two -        n
s that only a decades The Aquino
followed state -        1987 —the
feature and Aquino constituti “mere
d 90 econom faced the on - It housew
percent y in internatio cautiousl ife”
voter crisis nal debt y who
turnout, but also inherited enshrine brought
but the a nation from the d the down a
restorat with a previous goal of dictator
ion saw growing governm “a more ship
the proporti ent, equitable and
return on of estimated distributi restore
to poor at $27.2 on of d
power citizens billion in opportun democr
of many -        1986.6 ities, acy.
“dynasti The -        In income,
c” most 1991 the and
families bitterly economy wealth,”
that fought entered a but
had battle recession clearly
controll was for from defined
ed compre which it “the
politics hensive did not promotio
in the agraria emerge n of
pre– n until social
martial reform 1994 justice”
law to end as the
period decades creation
-        of rural of
The exploita “economi
birth of tion and c
election impover opportun
-driven ishment ities
coalition . based on
s— -        freedom
includin More of
g fundam initiative
“right- ental and self-
wing” problem reliance.
politicia s of ”
ns, poverty -       
“left- and “The
wing” income State
NGOs, disparit shall, by
and y law,
influenti remaine undertak
al d e an
persona unaddr agrarian
lities essed. reform
from -        program
national Forty founded
leaders percent on the
to of the right of
movie national farmers
stars— income and
has remaine regular
become d in the farmwor
a hands kers,
notable of the who are
feature country’ landless,
of post- s to own
Marcos richest directly
politics  10 or
percent collective
while ly the
the lands
poorest they
30 till. . . .
percent To this
shared end, the
only 10 State
percent shall
-        encourag
NGOs e and
and POs undertak
could e the
not be just
present distributi
in every on of all
commu agricultu
nity, so ral
the lands . .
majorit . subject
y of the to the
populati payment
on was of just
left to compens
fend for ation.”
itself -       
during Aquino’s
the commit
second ment to
econom “full
ic crisis  democra
tic
restorati
on” also
meant
the
passage
of
Republic
Act
7160,
Local
Governm
ent Code
1991, to
reinvigor
ate local
governa
nce
-       
Aquino
opened
the
doors of
the state
to
women,
and they
have
remaine
d open
since
-       
The
downwar
d
economi
c spiral
Aquino
inherited
from
Marcos
was
halted
by her
decision
to honor
the
country’s
financial
obligatio
ns,
dismantl
e import
controls
and
monopoli
es that
protecte
d crony
enterpris
es, and
initiate
trade
reform.
-       
Governm
ent
spending
on public
works,
educatio
n, and
infrastru
cture
grew,
while
“country
side
develop
ment
program
s” were
restored
with the
assistanc
e of
grants to
NGOs
and POs

-        -        -        The -        the -        -       
Fidel First, but the Abu Sayyaf industrial Ramos -        -        The
Ramo the lines Group was sector— campaign Ramos Neithe failure
s 1987 are still originally led by ed with a tried to r did of
Compre disprop organized manufact coalition deal he do govern
(1992 much
hensive ortionat by the uring— of NGOs with ment to
- to
Agraria ely Philippine actually and POs, these prosecu
1998) addres
n Land located military to declined local threats te
Reform in use against from politician by s the notorio
Progra cities; the MNLF, 1990 to s, and lobbyin increa us tax
m most but was cut 2002, business g singly evaders
(CARP) rural loose from interests Congre woeful such as
was barang during the 34.5 -        ss for state former
very ays do mid-1990s percent impleme Marcos
slowly not peace of GDP to nting the an of crony
implem have a negotiation 31.6 1991 antiterr agricul Tan
ented single s. percent. Local orism ture undersc
due to telepho -        The -        Governm bill, but ored
-       
high ne line second Without ent Code he was state
Massiv
compen -        exception expandin and rebuffe weakne
e
sation Most to the g institutio d by his ss and
govern
costs cruciall waning of employm nalizing own encoura
ment
and the y, the reform ent in the allies ged
deficit,
unwillin rural activism is manufact “rainbow and more
manda
gness sector the rise of uring, the coalition” widely evasion
tory
of the is home religious loss of of criticize .
paydo
“landlor to movements  jobs in traditiona d by -       
wn of
d- almost      formerly l the Ramos
foreign
domina 70 protected politician public could
and
ted percent industries s, loyal for not rein
domes
Congre of the will result military resortin in
tic
ss” to nation’s in officers, g to ARMM’s
debt,
fund it. poor unaccept business Marcos- skewed
and
-        -        A ably high allies, era spendin
corrup
many surge unemplo and tactics. g
tion
LGUs of bank yment NGOs He without
hinder
were robberi and/or that quickly jeopard
ed the
guilty es and push supporte backed izing
social
of kidnapp more d his down the
welfar
“illegal ings of people candidac e MNLF
use of wealthy into the y. -        agreem
agenci
trust Chinese burgeoni -        Ramos ent that
es that
funds, -Filipino ng Ramos’s had kept
were
unliquid busines informal economic long the
meant
ated smen service strategy declare peace
to
cash occurre sector in was d in the
symbo
advanc d in the congeste more himself souther
es, mid- d urban detailed, n
cash 1990s, centers consistin in favor lize Philippi
shortag commit -        g of a of “state nes.
es, and ted by value- determin switchi streng -       
failure criminal added ed ng to a th.”      Ramos’
to networ tax (VAT) liberaliza parliam    s
conduct ks to tion entary inability
an represe replace program system to curb
annual nting the more geared to of this
physica the complicat attract govern crime
l survey flotsam ed sales foreign ment was a
of of the tax—did investme blemish
supplie Marcos raise nt and on the
s and years revenue, foster image
propert but competiti of a
y.” pervasive veness; robust
-        corruptio the Philippi
Ramos’ n in the accelerat nes.
s Bureau of ed Instead
budget Internal privatizat of a
secreta Revenue ion of new
ry and state econom
admitte widespre corporati ic tiger,
d that ad ons; and Manila
about evasion the in 1997
45 by breakup was
percent business of cartels known
of the limited and as
supple its monopoli “Asia’s
mentar effectiven es in the kidnapp
y ess power, ing
Country -        shipping, capital.
side Ramos’s domestic ”
Develo campaign air -       
pment s against transport Even
Funds vested , Ramos’
and interests telecom s own
Congre in the municati integrit
ssional economy ons, y was
Initiativ were not banking, questio
e all as and oil ned, as
Allocati successfu industrie when
ons l as the s allies in
ended partial -        his
up in breakup Privatizat political
legislat of the ion was party
ors’ telecom the allegedl
pockets municatio second y
. ns pillar of accepte
Ramos monopoly Ramos’s d two
later . One economic billion
said notable strategy. pesos
that 20 failure -        from a
percent was the This compan
of the banking revenue y
govern industry, helped bidding
ment which balance for a
budget staved the Manila
was off all but budget Bay
“lost to the and reclama
corrupti limited restore tion
on entry of “both project.
every foreign fiscal and
year.” financial monetary  
-          institutio control,
ns. And while the
the perennial
decision problem
of the of
governm external
ent in balance
1995 to that had
fix the been
currency immediat
exchange ely due
rate to the
within a foreign
narrow debt
band hangover
-        had been
unemplo addresse
yment to d—at
rise from least in
7.7 the short
percent term.”
to 10.6 -        His
percent 1994
in two Social
years Reform
Agenda,
for
example,
launched
to
support
social
welfare
programs
already
in place
at the
provincial
level,
was not
able to
move
forward
because
of lack of
funds      

-        -        -        -       
Josep Estrada   Political Meanwhil   Signs   -       
h transfor campaigns e, the of the new
Estra med and poorly jueteng recover populist
da the paid exposé y s
preside military and include personal
(1998 ized the
- ncy officers impeach d 2.2
from a alike have ment percent state
2001) without
respect come to plunged growth
ed depend on the in GNP seriousl
symbol jueteng economy in the y
of the revenue into first advanci
nation crisis. The quarter ng any
into a peso had of economi
rogue’s depreciat 1999, c vision
court of ed 22 agricult -       
family percent ure’s The
membe from the “turnar stories
rs, start of ound were
“mistre the year, real fueled
sses, investme growth by his
bastard nts were rate of bad
children down 20 2.5 relations
, percent, percent hip with
denizen and the against
s of scandal- a drop
show- plagued of 3.8 the
busines stock percent media,
s, market in the the
gamblin continued same failure
g to sink. quarter of an
partner ” of the anticorr
s, previou uption
busines s year, drive,
s and a and his
partner $4 administ
s both billion ration’s
establis trade slow
hed surplus impleme
and followin ntation
obscure g a 20 of
,” and percent antipove
late- rise in rty
night exports program
drinkin led by s
g comput -       
buddies ers and Finally,
who electro accusati
made nics. ons of
major govern
decisio ment
ns complici
regardi ty in
ng drug
affairs smuggli
of ng and
state.     illegal
    gamblin
g led to
Estrada’
s
downfall
.

-       
On April
25,
2001,
the
govern
ment
arrested
Joseph
Estrada
on
charges
of
plunder,
violation
of the
antigraft
law,
perjury,
and
illegal
use of
an alias

-       
Under
both
Fidel
Ramos
and
Joseph
Estrada,
however
, the
state
endeavo
red to
make
various
means
of birth
control
available
to
married
couples
who
wanted
to
“achieve
their
desired
family
size.”

-        -        Many -        -        -       
Gloria Creatin -        of its -        The Pressure   critics
Maca ga Despite fighters Philippine 2003 on the ranging
pagal congres a have joined economic Anti- peso from
sional the MILF Traffickin eased, the CPP
Arroy majorit decline for reasons recovery g in and the to
o y in having little depends Persons decline national
require poverty to do with in part on Act and in the ist
(2001 in the how the
- d religion— the 2004 GDP academi
compro late often to country Anti- share of cs
2010) 1990s, deals with
mise avenge the Violence agricult branded
  and the the gap death of its high against ure and her a
dispens in family and rate of Women industry “puppet
Benig ing of quality friends at populatio and was ”
no pork of life the hands n growth. Children mitigate -       
Aquin barrel and of the Law are d by “large
o III power -       
funds. military or “labor two real chunks
These betwee because it socially growth of the
(2010 n the supply is
- compro represents outstrippi progressi in the national
mises classes opportunity ve laws service budget
2016) was ng labor
alienat in one of demand,” produced sector, are
ed growing the poorest by “an especiall already
the
NGOs -        regions in country’s odd y after pre-
Rodri and the assortme Congres empted
Spendin quickly
go POs, country     nt of s by
g cuts, rising
Duter who partners, passed salaries,
unfortu populatio
te accuse ” the mainten
nately, n “does
d her left not including Retail ance
(2016
of social permit a “political Trade and
-
pursuin welfare rise in per families Liberaliz operatin
prese
g her hanging capita and even ation g
nt)
own in the incomes warlords. Act expense
political balance sufficient ” opening s, and
survival .  to provide -        that the
“at the Poverty the road subsect internal
expens reached savings mainten or to revenue
e of 40 necessary ance in foreign allotme
civil Metro investm nt to
society Manila ent. local
and percent among created -        govern
progres (up the 250,000 total ments,
sive from poorest jobs by public leaving
forces.” 31.8 for the using sector little
-        percent required labor- debt room
Other in amount intensive (explain for
corrupti 1997), of capital rather ed infrastr
on and formation than below) ucture
investig social for capital- exceede spendin
ations indicato growth.” intensive d 130 g and
by rs such methods percent other
as -       
indepe Immigran , and of GDP. develop
ndent educati student Service ment
on, ts left
journali their loans on the needs.”
sts health, were debt, an -       
and country
implica behind disburse automat These
ted domesti d by the ic debates
c because
senior their Student appropri have
govern unempl Assistanc ation, revolve
oyment country .
ment . . failed e Fund consum d
officials and for a ed 27 around
undere to
in the establish Strong percent questio
govern mploym Republic. of the ns of
ent the
ment environm -        year’s executiv
insuran remaine she national e versus
d ent that
ce created promised budget. legislati
system troublin to -        In ve
g. jobs and
, a abolish fact, power,
Depart Govern thirty even as bicamer
ment’s dynamic
ment of productiv agencies govern al
Justice, ability under ment versus
to deal e
and economy the moved unicame
power with Office of from ral
and the mid- legislatu
waste these for the President 1990s re, and
manag social long run.” (in balance preside
ement problem addition d ntial
sectors s to the budgets versus
-        continu eighty to parliam
The ed to already budget entary
year be eliminate deficits, govern
2002 hamper d), spendin ment
ended ed by attack g by its -       
with debt corruptio agencie In fact,
the servicin n, s MNLF
news g, eliminate “decline leaders
that which redunda d were
govern consum nt significa soon
ment ed offices, ntly . . . accused
had more and and is of
oversho than encourag now at contribu
t its one- e early its ting to
budget fourth retireme lowest its
deficit of the nt. level in charact
target national -        a eristic
by 71 budget “An decade. waste
percent in example -        and
becaus 2002. of actual Arroyo’s corrupti
e of -        cooperati administ on.
poor the on ration -       
tax growing between continue First,
collecti debt the d to the
on. has had Catholic treat newspa
-        a Church family per’s
In this tremen and local planning unthinki
view, dous governm “as a ng shift
the ent units health from
Philippi is the interven “hero”
nes’ negativ joint tion, to
central e impleme specifica “sellout”
instituti impact ntation lly as an occurre
onal on of a element d along
proble Philippi Natural of class
m is ne Family reprodu lines
the lack growth Planning ctive -       
of by (NFP) health.” Filipinos
progra restricti Program -        who
m- ng the in the The work or
based ability province growth have
political of of of the migrate
parties govern Pangasin service d
—those ment to an.”     categor abroad
emphas make y in are less
izing strategi oversea diffident
policy c s labor about
over investm coincide making
persona ents in d with their
lity and its its views
governi people increasi known
ng (educati ng about
principl on) and feminiza the
es over econom tion problem
patrona y -        s and
ge. (infrastr Germeli future
-        ucture). no of
One Bautist “their”
doctor a country. 
noted reports,
that the “the
Philippi level of
nes’ remitta
annual nces
health has
budget steadily
was grown,
only thereby
3.5 account
percent ing for
of GNP the
—the increasi
World ng
Health differen
Organiz ce
ation betwee
recom n GNP
mends and
5 GDP
percent per
—thus capita”
holding -
the “Remitt
govern ances
ment as a
“partly portion
to of GNP
blame increase
for the d from
exodus. 0.07%
” of GNP
in 1980
to 7.7%
in
2000,”   
    
a

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