Arabic and identity: Reflecting upon self and other

Jeremy Palmer

This article introduces issues related to language identity among speakers of Arabic. The
audience of this article consists primarily of freshmen college students, many of whom
have learned English as a second language. The purpose of the article is to introduce the
students to reflective thinking about their own lives, languages, and cultures while also
considering “the other.” The concept of identity is considered in relation to one’s own
self, linguistic environment, and distinctive culture. The article also addresses the issues
of language variety, traditional dress, tribe, religion and other affiliations as boundary
markers in the modern day as well as the past. Finally, the issue of Arabic language
variety (diglossia) is considered in light of the recent events commonly referred to as the
Arab Spring. The article is an attempt to use reflection as a tool to interest students in the
concepts of identity in relation to themselves and others.

Introduction

You might immediately ask yourself, “What exactly does the word identity mean
in relation to language?” It is a term that will be described and discussed throughout this
article. I hope that you will better understand the multifaceted nature of how identity in
general and language identity in particular can be defined after reading this article. A
definition of the term ‘identity’ will be provided below. As for language identity, for
now, let’s say that it is the manner in which a group of people characterize themselves
linguistically in relation to other people, other places, and other times. Later on, we will
refine this definition.
Let us begin with an easy question: Where in the world are the speakers of
Arabic? As you know (or should know!), the Arabic-speaking world extends from the
northwestern edge of Africa to the eastern coast of Oman. It reaches north to Syria and
Iraq and continues south all the way to Yemen and Sudan. The Arabic-speaking world
contains around 300 million speakers. So are Arab countries the only places where
Arabic is spoken? Definitely not. Arab states consider Arabic to be their official
language, but they are not the only places in which Arabic is spoken. You might know
that there are many speakers of Arabic outside these traditional borders. Many “non-
Arab” countries around the world have vibrant communities of Arabic speakers. A fancy
word for these communities that live outside their conventional homelands is diaspora.
For example, Turkey, Brazil, the United States, France, Germany and many other
countries are home to considerable populations of Arabic speakers. Consider Dearborn,
Michigan in the United States of America. In Dearborn one can see Arabic writing and
hear Arabic language in many areas of the city. In fact, Dearborn is home to the extensive
Arab American National Museum. In Berlin, Germany there is a street known as the
Gaza Strip because of its many Arab-owned shops (Russia Today 2010). I once was
eating at a small café in Berlin when I heard one of the employees speaking in Arabic. In
English, I asked the employee if he was from Lebanon. He stared at me with a look of
anxiety on his face because I had guessed exactly where he was from! I think he was
confused because I don’t exactly appear to be someone who would recognize Arabic, let

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alone recognize where his certain ‘accent’ was from. I think I shocked him, but I was
glad to hear Arabic outside the conventional Arabic-speaking world. Such enclaves
abroad, in the diaspora, as it were, frequently retain many aspects of their traditional
customs and cultures.
You may have already noticed that the style of language I am using in this article
is less formal than some academic writing. Usually when I write research, I craft my
prose in such a manner that my own voice is left out. This results in writing that
frequently uses the passive voice, like ‘it was studied, a test was given, students were
asked, etc.’. For this particular article, however, I am going to use active language and
address you on a more personal basis as myself rather than as a detached observer. The
reason for this is that we are talking about identity, which tends to be a personal topic and
I want to try to relate to you, well, personally. It is my hope that you will seriously
consider how the issues discussed in this article apply to yourself, your family, and your
fellow humans, whether near or far.
Since I am addressing you personally, I think it would be appropriate to provide
some background about myself so that you can become a bit more familiar with me and
what makes me who I am. I was born and raised in Idaho in the United States of America.
Ever heard of the potato state? Well, that is the nickname of Idaho because we grow lots
of potatoes. What else is Idaho known for? Not much else! I didn’t have much exposure
to anything international as a youth, but for some reason I knew there was more to the
world than potatoes. I did have good friends and family, but at age 18 I moved away to
attend a university and I have never returned home to live (at least not for a long period).
After a few years in higher education and two years of volunteer work in Eastern Europe,
I started studying Arabic at age 23 at Brigham Young University. I’m not 100% fluent
now, but I can read and watch the news, write and even speak quite a bit. Other than
Fusha, or Modern Standard Arabic (MSA), I can speak some Levantine Arabic, Egyptian
Arabic, and now I am trying to learn Gulf Arabic. I received my doctorate from the
University of Arizona in Second Language Acquisition and Teaching (applied
linguistics).
I am endlessly interested in learning about other cultures and languages. I can’t
live in a country without wanting to learn the language. I don’t understand how many of
my fellow American expatriates are satisfied with simply using English everywhere they
travel and live. After 10 years of living in the United Arab Emirates, all you can say is
yalla? How boring is that? Quite. I personally want to speak the language of the people
whose country I am visiting or living in. zayn?
These are the kinds of issues I hope you start thinking about. For example, if you
hold a passport from a certain country, do you feel that you represent a typical person
from that country? As a reflective exercise, think about the following: Do you speak,
dress, eat, live, and behave like a typical person from your country? If yes, that is great. If
no, that is also great. We are not concerned with prescriptive models of what is better or
worse; rather, we want to investigate descriptive aspects of who you are. Again, we want
to describe you; not prescribe what you should or shouldn’t be. In this article in
particular, we are mostly interested in your identity in relation to your native language.
The transliteration system used in this article is of the author’s own preference.
Sequences of two vowels represent a long vowel in Arabic. Capital letters represent
sounds that are emphatic or pronounced as a pharyngeal (like the H, for example). The

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commonly used number “3” represents a voiced pharyngeal fricative, which does not
exist in English. All transliterated Arabic words have been italicized in this text.

Background

Before we continue in our focus on language and identity, it may be helpful to

think about identity broadly for a moment. Yasir Suleiman – a scholar who knows much
more than me about this issue – wrote an entire book related to Arabic and identity.
Although his focus was on nationalism, the issue of identity comes up again and again. It
is from his book that we can extrapolate more information to help us define the issue of
identity. To begin with, Suleiman discusses identity in relation to groups of people.
Suleiman describes collective or group identities as “anchored in relation to such
variables as genealogy, age, gender, sexuality, class, occupation, locality (be it regional,
district, village and so on), tribe, clan, religion, confession or sect, ethnicity, nationality
or state citizenship” (Suleiman 2003, 5). It is interesting to think about one’s identity in
each of these variables as a collective notion. Perhaps you belong to a certain tribe or
religion? Do the people in your tribe or religion dress a certain way? Do they have
specific customs they keep? Do they speak in a similar way or use lots of the same
terminology? Certainly, some ways of speaking or dress etc. are shared among groups
and communities.
You may have noticed that a few of Suleiman’s variables seem to be related to
specific geographical locations. Your own family, heritage, occupation, locality, tribe,
religion, citizenship, and so forth are most likely related to specific locations in the world.
Perhaps there is even one particular country or city to which you especially relate. So
when you are in this location, how do you identify with people around you? Do you dress
like them? Do you behave like them? Do you speak like them? We can call such specific
customs and behaviors boundary markers, meaning that they help us to identify one
group from another. For example, when I drive from the UAE to Oman, I notice that the
style of traditional dress is usually a bit different. This is a boundary marker in that
people are specifically choosing a certain style of dress that is probably based upon their
heritage and identity. Naturally, there are many such boundary markers in our
communities that may indicate certain affiliations. Suleiman lists what he terms
“symbols” in how people might define a nation or a group, and these symbols serve to
demarcate, or distinguish, what one might consider familiar and what one might consider
foreign. Suleiman writes that such symbols “may include dress, language, architecture,
food, music, ritual calendars, rites de passage, taboos, ceremonials, holidays, national
anthems, flags” and more (Suleiman 2003, 23). Certainly it is possible to tell where some
people are from based upon the way they dress and speak. What if, however, someone
from outside a certain culture wants to assimilate into a new culture? We shall consider
this next.
Have you ever seen or met people from other cultures, religions, and countries
who want to adopt local dress here in the UAE? Is that socially acceptable? Perhaps it is
acceptable for special circumstances or after marrying into a local family? Can someone
from a different country wear a kandoora like an Emirati male? I don’t think I have ever
seen a Westerner or European male walking around in the kandoora. It would probably

3
not be acceptable for me to dress like that, unless I were, perhaps, really famous and
“cool.” Perhaps someone like Snoop Dogg (Time Out Dubai 2011) is famous enough?

Certainly the way many of the variables mentioned above are experienced may
differ from country to country and culture to culture. Other than dress, what about
religion as a boundary marker? Bassiouney describes this variation with an example
about religion and ethnicity:

[I]n the Arab world, unlike the west, religion is usually not seen as a matter of
individual choice, but as a matter of family and group affiliation; one is born a
Muslim, a Jew, or a Christian, and that fact becomes almost similar to one’s
ethnicity. As was established earlier, it is almost impossible to change one’s
ethnicity, because it is dependent on how you perceive yourself and how others
perceive you, not just as an individual but as part of a community. The same is
true for religion. This kind of attachment to religion is perhaps different among
highly educated westerners. It is not only that changing one’s religion is perceived
as a serious misdemeanour, but also that the convert is seen as rejecting the
existing social order, tradition and family obligations. Even the rituals and
appearance of religion are more prominent in the Arab world, where it is common
for a Muslim man to go to the mosque regularly and for a Muslim woman to wear
a headscarf, and also for a Christian man or woman to go to church regularly and
to wear a cross. (Bassiouney 2009,105)

Thus religion may be a sort of boundary marker in that it relates directly to

ethnicity and culture in some communities. But what happens when people move from
their matrix (home) environment to a country with different traditions, languages, and
other boundary markers?
Interestingly, many boundary markers are transportable. So although you may
claim a certain heritage and certain customs from a particular place, you may not actually
be living in that location. This is frequently the case with some Palestinians (those who
self-identify as Palestinians) even though they have never been to their ancestral

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homeland. Moreover, the example shared earlier about Berlin’s “Gaza Strip” can be
considered at least a partially transported community or culture. For example, if you were
to go to the Swedish furniture store IKEA in Dubai, would you be able to tell where
people were from based on their appearance and/or way of speaking? You might
encounter some symbols like language and clothing that would give you clues. It is
doubtful though, that you could correctly identify every person’s nationality or heritage.
Why not? Well, we have already mentioned that boundary markers can be transportable
but does that mean that everyone always retains all the aspects of certain groups or
communities? I hope not, or I would have to eat more potatoes. So maybe you are from
Lebanon living in the UAE. Do you, however, still retain some aspects of your Lebanese
culture and heritage? I would guess that, yes, you do. Wherever you are from, do you
preserve your culture on a daily basis? Think about this.
Thus we see that identity is often defined at the level of the group. Suleiman
(2003) notes, however, that each of the variables he listed is experienced individually. So,
although you belong to a certain religion or tribe, it doesn’t necessarily mean that you are
the same as everyone else in those groups. It might mean, however, that you do share
some common background, manners of dress, ways of speaking, and other
characteristics. Nevertheless, we are all individuals and we experience these variables as
individuals.

Axes of Identity

Suleiman (2003) provides a multi-dimensional model as a lens through which we

can view and define identity more generally. This model provides for historical
considerations as well as present-day life (see Illustration 1). The framework of this
model consists of horizontal and vertical axes. The vertical axis stretches across time and
history to help us consider our identity as it relates to the past. For example, is the person
you are today similar to your parents, grandparents and their temperaments and
identities? Is part of your identity based upon a history of traditional dress, music, or
stories or more? Do past achievements on a national scale make up part of your identity?
For an example of the vertical axis, I was recently reading a book about culture
and diplomacy in Oman when I came across the following quote that illuminates our
discussion. The authors of the book, Jones and Ridout, write,

Omanis in the present seek to understand themselves and organize their social
interactions and behaviors in the light of what they know or believe about the
past. Rather than imagining a history rolling constantly forward, it makes more
sense, in this context, to think of a process of genealogical affiliation, conducted
in the present, in which Omanis today select and adapt practices from the
historical past – claiming them, as it were, as their inheritance. (Jones and Ridout
2012, 44)

So these authors believe that Omanis are looking to their past to help identify themselves
in the present. This type of “genealogical affiliation” cuts through time to past
generations and creates a virtual nexus that allows Omanis to think about that which

5
came before, as they consider the present. So the way they act today may be quite similar
to the way their ancestors acted many years in the past.
On the other hand, the horizontal axis reaches out across geography from our
present situation to boundary markers around us as we consider our identity in relation to
other people at this time in the present. So even within the UAE, for example, there may
be certain styles of dress or speech that mark certain things about Emiratis and their
identity. For example, the word for money in Emirati Arabic can be filuus or bayzaat (or
even ghawaazi). As far as I understand, people in Sharjah are more likely to use bayzaat
whereas people in al-Ain would prefer filuus. Thus, the horizontal axis describes identity
as it is visible today across communities and countries.

Illustration 1 (Adapted from Suleiman, 2003)

Identity and Arabic

Let us now consider the above-mentioned variables, symbols (boundary markers),

and model in relation to the Arabic language. We begin with the vertical axis in our
model. If you take a minute to think about identity in relation to the Arabic language
throughout history, what words and ideas would come to your mind? Many of you would
probably mention the most important book in Islam, the Qur’an. Certainly the role of the
Qur’an in the development of the Arabic language is considered to be of vital importance.
There are several verses in the Qur’an that mention the Arabic language. In surat Yusuf
verse 3 we read, “Indeed, We have sent it down as an Arabic Qur’an that you might
understand” (Qur’an, n.d.). And so the Arabic language has been closely associated with
the Qur’an for many centuries. Even today, verses and quotes from the Qur’an are
frequently used in countless situations.

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 Aside from the Qur’an, there are other points on the vertical axis that may be
connected to the concept of identity among Arabic speakers today. One could consider
the pre-Islamic poetry of yesteryear, or the great Arab writers of the past few centuries.
If we move to the horizontal axis and consider the Arabic language, what aspects
of a language can mark affiliation or identity today? If you could fly from Arab country
to Arab country in a short period of time, say one week, and travel from city to city
within those countries, would you be able to notice a difference in the way people speak?
Perhaps some of the words they use – their lexicon – are different from place to place?
Perhaps they use similar words but their pronunciation is a bit different? Or maybe many
of the words are totally different and even the grammar and sentence structure – syntax –
are different? For example, consider the following: even talking about speaking Arabic in
the Arab world requires knowledge of different vocabulary words. If you simply want to
say, in Arabic, “I want to speak Arabic now,” you have to know a lot of words to say this
simple sentence in the different varieties of Arabic. For these examples, let us consider
MSA, Egyptian Arabic, Gulf Arabic, Moroccan and Levantine Arabic (Syrian, Lebanese,
Jordanian, and Palestinian). Certainly there are differences between the Arabic heard in
Syria, Lebanon, Jordan, and Palestine but for our purposes we will use the traditional
definition describing them all as Levantine Arabic. The same holds true for the Gulf and
other regions. You should know that Arabic is written from right to left in the Arabic
script. In this paper, however, I will use transliteration from left to right. See this example
in Illustration 2.

MSA ureedu an atakallima al3arabiyyata alaan

Egyptian 3aayiz atkallim 3arabi dilwa’ti
Gulf abghi armas 3arabi alHeen
Moroccan ana baghee miHdar al3arabi daaba.
Levantine biddi aHki 3arabi hala(q).

Illustration 2 “I want to speak Arabic now”

The above illustration reveals the substantial difference among different varieties of
Arabic in saying something as simple as “I want to speak Arabic now.” I will admit that I
did choose this example and the following one because they show significant variation.
Generally speaking, the colloquial varieties of Arabic and MSA share a great deal of
vocabulary. Let us continue, however, with one more example of variation as seen among
the different varieties of Arabic. Illustration 3 shows how one would say “What is wrong
with you?” in the different varieties of Arabic

MSA maa bika?

Egyptian maalak fiih ayh?
Gulf shoo balaak?
Moroccan ash biik? yak labaas?
Levantine shoo maalak? shibbak?

Illustration 3 “What is wrong with you?”

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 Thus we see that there is a great deal of variation in Arabic. However, Modern
Standard Arabic (MSA) is mostly the same all across the Arab world today. The spoken,
or colloquial, varieties of Arabic, however, exhibit a great deal of difference. So when do
you speak MSA and when do you speak colloquial Arabic? Most of you know that MSA
is usually used for presentation modes of communication such as writing, formal
lecturing, or for formal occasions. The colloquial Arabic is used mostly for oral
communication among friends, family, for less formal occasions. Certainly one can find
exceptions for each of these modes of communication. For example, I bought a book in
Cairo called 3aayiza atjawwiz (I Want to Get Married) that is written almost completely
in Egyptian Arabic (Aal 2008). Normally one would think that all books would be written
in MSA. So how does this all play out on a national/administrative level?
Since MSA is considered to be used in formal occasions, is it ever possible to hear
the colloquial Arabic used by leaders of government and state during formal occasions?
This next section will investigate this issue. Before moving on, however, consider how
the Arabic language shapes your identity (assuming you speak Arabic). Does MSA play a
significant role in your life? If someone asked you what type of Arabic you speak, what
would you say? Do you communicate with your family in MSA or in the colloquial
variety of your area? When was the last time you spoke in MSA? When was the last time
you wrote a letter in MSA? Do you text with your mobile phone in English, MSA, a
colloquial variety of Arabic, or a mix? As a researcher I would be interested to hear your
answers. I hope you are also beginning to become interested in how language relates to
identity.

Arabic at the level of state and government

Now we consider the people who represent countries in an official capacity. What type of
Arabic do they speak on formal occasions? One can see on the news that certain Arab
leaders tend to speak in formal situations in MSA, perhaps to show sophistication or
perhaps in order to relate to all Arabs in the Arab world. Consider, however, whether a
leader of the Arab world would ever communicate in a colloquial variety in an official
capacity. The recent events of the so-called Arab Spring have provided numerous
opportunities to examine how Arab leaders communicate in their official capacity.
The Syrian leader of many years, Bashar Al-Assad, is almost always seen
speaking in MSA on formal occasions. There is usually no question as to the type of
Arabic that he will produce. So why do you think MSA is the type of Arabic that he uses?
Perhaps he wants to show that Syria is conscious of its perceived role as a preserver of
the Arabic language? Perhaps Arabic instruction is more widespread in Syria?
Consider, however, the late Egyptian president Gamal Abdel Nasser. According
to Bassiouney, Nasser sometimes used Egyptian Arabic to demonstrate “to his audience
that he was one of them, by speaking as they spoke in their daily life” (Bassiouney 2009,
83-84).
It is probable that each leader has his own style for his own country and people. It
is also probable that the citizens of certain Arab countries may welcome their leader
speaking a colloquial variety of Arabic. Other citizens in other countries may disapprove.
So why would someone in government choose an informal variety of Arabic? York
(2011) mentions an email about a remarkable linguistic change in the final speech of the

8
(former) president of Tunisia, Ben Ali, during the uprising in Tunisia. In a span of about
one month, Ben Ali spoke to his people on three occasions, though only the last time did
he use a significant amount of Tunisian Arabic rather than MSA. This third speech turned
out to be his last public address as the president of Tunisia. He fled the country shortly
thereafter. Why, then, did he choose Tunisian Arabic the third time? He probably didn’t
know that it would be his last speech, but he certainly wanted to relate intimately and
closely to his subjects. It was, however, too little too late. Perhaps if he had used more
Tunisian Arabic in order to relate more personally he would not have been ousted?
Probably not, but we will never know.
Interestingly, The Economist Johnson Language blog (2011) mentions an article
from Souag (2011) about a situation that is similar to what happened with Ben Ali. This
time it was Saif Al-Qaddafi in Libya who decided to speak as one of the people and not
in the formal Arabic (ONtv, 2011). Souag notes, however, that it was not completely
Libyan Arabic, but it might have just been the best Arabic Saif Al-Qaddafi could produce
on short notice.
Have you ever watched debates on the satellite station Al Jazeera? Have you seen
the program called “Opposite Direction” (alitijaah almu3aakis)? In the episode
“Himaayat al-lugha al3arabiyya,” Faisal Al-Qassami hosts a debate about the role of
MSA and the spoken colloquial varieties of Arabic (Al Jazeera Channel 2008).
Interestingly, when Faisal is presenting and communicating he speaks a great deal of
MSA. However, when he is having a problem with his microphone/earpiece he leans to
the side as if looking at his staff and says “maa fiih Soot” in colloquial Arabic. Why
would he produce MSA on international satellite television, but use colloquial Arabic
with his staff? Why didn’t he say “laysa hunaaka Sawt?” Again the issue of intimacy
(colloquial) and presentational/formal (MSA) comes into play, as he seems to use MSA
for presenting on his program, but colloquial for unplanned spontaneous communication.
Here is an interesting question to consider: Have you ever tried to hide your
nationality or colloquial variety of Arabic by avoiding certain specific colloquial phrases?
Maybe at a job interview on the phone or in person you decided to try to be more of an
‘international’ Arabic speaker rather than marking yourself as coming from a specific
region. If yes, why did you do that? This type of situation is not unique to the Arabic
language. In fact, according to a New York Times article, the issue of hiding one’s accent
or way of speaking may be a strategy that people use to get jobs or for other related
reasons (Roberts 2010). Future research should consider this issue.
Through our examples we have seen that MSA is often used in
presentational/formal situations. However, when a speaker wants to try to relate to the
common man – even when speaking on formal occasions – this speaker may choose to
include a varying degree of colloquial Arabic, as we saw with Nasser. Have you ever
been in a situation where you felt that you needed to use MSA to sound more formal?
When was that?

Conclusion

In this article the issues of identity and linguistic identity have been presented.
These identities may be observed and defined by symbols, boundary markers, language

9
variety and more. Moreover, these issues may be considered in a historical sense or in the
present day.
In addition to the issues of identity and boundary markers, the concept of the
individual was introduced. Although a culture, group, or nation is made up of people,
each individual may or may not closely identify with the group in a variety of ways. The
individual may choose to dress, speak, or act individually. In the end, there is no “best” or
“better” way. Each society and each person chooses how to mark himself or herself as
unique in relation to the other.

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References

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Al Jazeera. 2008. “Alitijah almu3aakis - Himaayat al-lugha al3arabiyya” [Video file].

Last modified April 8. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GvYGBIynjIk

Arab American Museum. 2012. Accessed November 21.

http://www.arabamericanmuseum.org.

Bassiouney, R. 2009. Arabic Sociolinguistics: Topics in Diglossia, Gender, Identity, and

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Jones, J. & Ridout N. 2012. Oman, Culture and Diplomacy. Edinburgh: Edinburgh
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Qur’an. Surat Yusuf, Verse #3. http://quran.com/12

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Time Out Dubai. 2011. May 8. “Snoop Dogg in Abu Dhabi. Last updated May 8.
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Souag, L. 2011. “Gaddafi Jr’s Speech.” Jabal Al-Lughat, February 21.

http://lughat.blogspot.com/2011/02/gaddafi-jrs-speech.html

Suleiman, Y. 2003. The Arabic Language and National Identity. Washington DC:
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York, J. C. 2011. “Ben Ali to Step Down in 2014.” Jillian C. York, January 13.
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