‫ﻣﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻟﺮﺟﻞ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺣﺪ ﺇﱃ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻜﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴ‪‬ﺔ‬

‫ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍ‪ ‬ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﻣﲑﻏﲏ‬

‫‪ ١٥‬ﺃﻏﺴﻄﺲ ‪٢٠١٩‬‬

‫ﻣﻠﺨﺺ‬

‫ﺫﻛﻲ ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻧﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳ‪‬ﺔ ﲢﻠﻴﻠﻴ‪‬ﺎ ﳌﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﲤﺮﺣﻞ ﺃﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﳊﻜﻢ‬
‫ﻧﻘﺪﻡ ﻧﻈﺮﻳ‪‬ﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﰲ ﺃﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﳊﻜﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻛﻨﻈﺎﻡ ‪‬‬
‫‪‬‬
‫ﻋﱪ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺴﺐ ﺗﻄﻮ‪‬ﺭ ﺃﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻻﺗّﺼﺎﻻﺕ‪ ،‬ﺛ ‪‬ﻢ ﻧﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻬﺎ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﻨ‪‬ﺎء ﻟﺘﺼﻮ‪‬ﺭ ﻧﻈﺎ ٍﻡ ﻓ ‪‬ﻌﺎﻝ ﻳﻠﺒ‪‬ﻲ ﻃﻤﻮﺡ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺩﺍﻧﻴ‪‬ﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳ‪‬ﺔ ﺍﺗّﺼﺎﻻﺗﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﻭﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺗﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﳊﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ‬

‫‪‬‬

‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﳊﻜﻢ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﻳﺘﺸﻜّ ﻞ ﻭﻓﻖ ﻗﺪﺭﺓ‬

‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺳﻌﺔ ﻗﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪.‬‬
‫ﻟﻌﻞ ﻫﻨﺎﻟﻚ ﺃﻭﺟﻬﺎ ﺧﻔﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﻟﻠﺸﺒﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼﻌﺐ ﺍﻟﺮﺑﻂ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳊﺪﺛﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜ ‪‬ﻦ ّ‬
‫ﺍﳋﻄﺄ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻗﺪ ﳛﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻌﺎﺏ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﻜﲑ‬
‫ﰲ ”ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ“ ﻛﻌﻤﻠﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﺇﺟﺮﺍﺋﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﻳﺘ ‪‬ﻢ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻮﻳﺖ ﻻﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺃﺣﺪ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺮﺷﺤﺔ‪ .‬ﺣﺘّﻰ ﳎﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺼﺮ ﺍﳊﺠﺮﻱ ﻟﻦ ﺗﻌﺠﺰ ﻋﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﳋﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ‪‬‬
‫ﺇﳚﺎﺩ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﻓ ‪‬ﻌﺎﻟﺔ ﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴ‪‬ﺔ؛ ﺇﻧّﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﺆﺍﻝ ﻫﻮ‪ :‬ﻛﻴﻒ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺮﺷﺤﲔ ﺍﻟﻘﺼﲑﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺑﲔ ﺁﻻﻑ ﺃﻭ ﻣﻼﻳﲔ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﳓﺼﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ‪‬‬
‫ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ؟ ﻫﺬﺍ ﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻘﺼﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﳊﺮﰲ ﻟﻠﻜﻠﻤﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎء ”ﺍﻟ ‪‬ﻨ ْﺨﺐ“‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﺍﻷﻓﻀﻞ‪ .‬ﻫﺬﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﰲ ﻏﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺘّﻰ‬
‫ﻟﻮ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻷﻓﻀﻠﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﻮﻝ ﻣﺜﻼ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺃﻳ‪‬ﺔ ﺻﻔﺔ ﳝﻜﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﺮﲥﺎ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ‬
‫ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﺰﻡ ﺇﺟﺮﺍء ﺃﻟﻒ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﻟﻼﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﰲ ﳎﺘﻤﻊ ﻗﻮﺍﻣﻪ‬
‫ﺃﻟﻒ ﻓﺮﺩ؛ ﻟﻜ ‪‬ﻦ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﻳﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻟﻸﺳﻒ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﲠﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺒﺴﺎﻃﺔ!‬
‫ﺗﺰﺍﻣﻨﺖ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺩﺍﻧﻴ‪‬ﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﻃﺎﺣﺖ ﺑﺄﺣﺪ ﺃﻋﺘﻰ ﻃﻐﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺼﺮ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﻊ ﺛﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﱰﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺮ ﰲ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﻳﻘﺔ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﻛﻞ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻣﻊ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﺰﻋﺎﺕ ﻗﻮﻣﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﻗﻮﻳ‪‬ﺔ ﰲ ﺃﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻣﺘﻔ ‪‬ﺮﻗﺔ ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ‬
‫ﺗﺰﺍﻣﻦ ّ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻜﻮﻛﺐ‪ ،‬ﻭ ِﺭ ‪‬ﺩﺓ ﺑﺎﺋﻨﺔ ﳓﻮ ﺍﻻﻟﺘﻔﺎﻑ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴ‪‬ﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺭﻳﺰﻣﻴ‪‬ﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﻜﻢ‪،‬‬
‫ﻟﻌﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻘ ّﻠﺐ ﰲ ﺃﻧﻈﻤﺔ ‪‬‬ ‫ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﻋﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﱪ‪‬ﺍﻗﺔ‪ّ .‬‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺒﺎﻳﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻜﺲ ﻗﺼﻮﺭﺍ ﰲ ﻗﺪﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﺎﺫﺝ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳ‪‬ﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺍﻛﺒﺔ ”ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ“‪ .‬ﻳﺄﺗﻲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﰲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﺐ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳ‪‬ﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴ‪‬ﺔ‬
‫ﺧﻼﻓﺎ ﳌﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﳛﺪﺙ ﺇﺑ‪‬ﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ً‬ ‫ﺍﻟﱵ ‪‬‬
‫ﺗﺒﺸﺮ ﺑﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻢ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ‪ .‬ﰲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺭﻗﺔ ﻧﻨﺎﻗﺶ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺍﳊﻜﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ‬
‫ﲤﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻐﺔ ﱂ ﺗﻜﻦ ﻣﺘﺎﺣﺔ ﻟﺮﻭﺳﻮ ﻭﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﻭﻏﲑﳘﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻳ‪‬ﻲ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺮﻣﻮﻗﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻟﻐﺔ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﺗّﺼﺎﻻﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻻ ﳜﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺛﻨﺎﻥ ﰲ ﺃﺛﺮﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳎﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﻭﺛﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻌﺼﺮ‪.‬‬

‫‪١‬‬
‫ﻛﻞ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺔ‪ .‬ﻣﺒﺪﺋﻴ‪‬ﺎ ﻓﻼ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺘﺎﺣﺔ ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﲟﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻮ ّﻓﺮ ّ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﺋﺮ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﻢ ﳒﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ ﻳﻨﺰﻉ ﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻹﺟﻬﺎﺩ‪،‬‬
‫ﺃﻱ ﺷﻜ ٍﻞ ﺣﺎﱂ ﻟﻠﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﳌﺮﻛﺰﻳ‪‬ﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﲣﺘﺰﻝ‬
‫ﻳﺒﺪﻭ ﳎﺪﻳ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﻜﲑ ﰲ ‪‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻻﺳﱰﺧﺎء ﳓﻮ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳ‪‬ﺔ‬
‫ﰲ ﺃﺑﺴﻂ ﺃﺷﻜﺎﳍﺎ‪ :‬ﻓﺮﺩ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ! ﺃﲨﻞ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻟﺼﻌﻮﺑﺔ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﻓﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳊ ‪‬ﺮﻳ‪‬ﺔ ﻻﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺒﻌﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﻴﺌﺔ ﻟﺪﻯ ّ‬
‫ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳ‪‬ﺔ ﰲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﳒﺪﻩ ﰲ ﺃﺳﻄﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﳌﻠﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻫﻮ ﺃ ‪‬ﻥ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬
‫‪‬‬ ‫ﻳﺮﻳﺪ ﻭﻓﻌﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺸﺎء‪ .‬ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎء‬
‫ﺁﺭﺛﺮ‪ :‬ﳛﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﻟﺴﺎﺣﺮ ﻟﻜﻲ ﻳﺮﺷﺪ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻷﺣﺪ ﺍﳋﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ! ﳕﻮﺫﺝ‬ ‫ﻳﺘﻨﺎﺯﻟﻮﻥ ﻋﻦ ﺟﺰء ﻣﻦ ﺣ ‪‬ﺮﻳ‪‬ﺘﻬﻢ ﻷﺟﻞ ﺇﺭﺿﺎء ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻖ ﺃﻋﺮﺍﻑ‬
‫ﺁﺧﺮ ﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﳒﺪﻩ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﺣﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﻟﻨﱯ‪ } :‬ﺃﱂ‬ ‫ﻳﺘ ‪‬ﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺘﻄﻮ‪‬ﺭ ﻋﱪ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻦ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺗﺴﲑ ﰲ ﻧﻔﺲ‬
‫ﺗﺮ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳌﻸ ﻣﻦ ﺑﲏ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺇﺫ ﻗﺎﻟﻮﺍ ﻟﻨﱯ ﳍﻢ ﺍﺑﻌﺚ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻈﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗّﺠﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﻳﺘﻨﺎﺯﻝ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻋﻦ ﺟﺰء ﻣﻦ ﺣ ‪‬ﺮﻳ‪‬ﺘﻬﻢ ﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳ‪‬ﺔ ّ‬
‫ﻟﻨﺺ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻟﻨﺎ ﻣﻠﻜﺎ ﻧﻘﺎﺗﻞ ﰲ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺍ‪ { ... ‬ﻭﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍ ‪‬‬ ‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﺗﺮﻋﻰ ﺍﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣ‪‬ﺔ ﻓﻴﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﳌﻴﻞ ﻟﺘﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﳎﺘﻤﻊ ﻳﺒﺪﻭ‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﻳﺪﻓﻊ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻻﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳ‪‬ﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻷﻧّﻪ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻫﻨﺎﻟﻚ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﺓ ﻏﺮﻳﺰﻳ‪‬ﺔ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻜﺮﺓ ﺑﻨﺎء ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺗﺒﺪﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﰲ ﺗﻄﻮ‪‬ﺭ‬
‫ﻓﻴﻈﻞ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺇﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﳌﻌﱰﺿﲔ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺒﻖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺁﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ّ‬ ‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﲣﻠﻘﻬﺎ ﺍﳊﺎﺟﺔ ﻷﺧﺬ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻠﺰﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻴﻊ‪ .‬ﻟﺴﻨﺎ ﺑﺼﺪﺩ‬
‫ﲟﻦ ﻭﻗﻊ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻨﺠﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺣﺮ ﻣﲑﻟﲔ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺃﺟﻠﻰ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ‬ ‫ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻨﺎ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﳌﺮﻛﺰﻳ‪‬ﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻘﺒﻞ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬
‫ﱯ ﺑﲏ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑ ‪‬ﺮﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺃ ‪‬ﻥ ﺁﺭﺛﺮ ﻫﻮ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﳌﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﻭﳒﺪ ﻧ ‪‬‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﳍﺎ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺎ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻌﺎﻧﺔ ﺑﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍ‪) ‬ﻻﺣﻆ!( ﻟﻄﺎﻟﻮﺕ ﲟﺎ ﺃﻭﺗﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺴﻄﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻢ ﻭﺍﳉﺴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻔﱰﺽ ﺃ ‪‬ﻥ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴ‪‬ﻮﻥ ﰲ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﲥﻢ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﻗﺪ ﺗﺘﺒﺎﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﲥﻢ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻼﻑ ‪ (١‬ﺃﺫﻭﺍﻗﻬﻢ‪ (٢ ،‬ﻇﺮﻭﻓﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬
‫‪ (٣‬ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺎﺣﺔ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻷﺧﲑﺓ ﻫﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻬ ‪‬ﻤﻨﺎ ﻫﻬﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻷﺫﻭﺍﻕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻈﺮﻭﻑ ﻗﺪ ﺗﻼﺷﻲ ﺑﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﻋﻨﺪ ﲡﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﻟﺴﻨﺎ ﲝﺎﺟﺔ ﺍﻵﻥ ﻟﻠﺘﻔﻜﲑ ﻛﺜﲑﺍ ﻟﺘﺨﻴ‪‬ﻞ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﻓﻜﺮﺓ ﺍﳊﻜﻢ ﺍﻟﻮﺭﺍﺛﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺎ ﺗﺘّﻀﺢ ﺃ ‪‬‬
‫ﳘﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﳊﻜﻢ‪:‬‬
‫ﻇﻞ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﺔ ﺍﻻﺗّﺼﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﻀﻌﻴﻔﺔ‪ .‬ﲟﺠ ‪‬ﺮﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻠﻚ‬ ‫ﰲ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻣﻌﻴ‪‬ﻨﺔ ﳛﺘﺎﺝ ﻟﺘﻮ ّﻓﺮ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺔ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﻢ ﺑﺄ ‪‬ﻥ‬
‫ﻳﺪﺧﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻻﺕ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻚ‬
‫ﰲ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺘﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﳍﺎ‪ .‬ﻳﱰﺍﻭﺡ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺔ ﻛﺜﲑﺍ‪ ،‬ﻓﻨﺠﺪ‬
‫ﺑﱪﻭﺯ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺗﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻠﻚ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻨﺎﺓ ﺍﺗّﺼﺎﻻﺕ ﳑﻴ‪‬ﺰﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺃ ‪‬ﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳋﻴﺎﺭ ﰲ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺘﻪ ﻫﻮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﻳﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺃﻧّﻪ ﰲ‬
‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﻠﻜﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺬﺍﻉ ﻟﻠﻨﺎﺱ‪ .‬ﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﻌﺐ ﺇﻗﻨﺎﻉ‬
‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻴﻊ ﻭﺇﻥ ﺧﺎﻟﻒ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﻻ ﻳﻘﺒﻞ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻴﺎ ٍﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻭﻟﻜﻦ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﲟﻦ ﳜﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﳌﻠﻚ ﻭﺭﻳﺜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻲ ﰲ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻭﻑ‬
‫ﻳﻨﺰﻝ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺭﻏﺒﺔ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻃﻮﻋﺎ ﺃﻭ ﻛﺮﻫﺎ؛ ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﺿﻞ‬
‫ﻭﺍ‪‬ﻬﻮﻝ! ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﻌﺐ ﺗﻘﺒ‪‬ﻞ ﻓﻜﺮﺓ ﺃ ‪‬ﻥ ﳑﻴ‪‬ﺰﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﱵ‬
‫ﺇﺫﻥ ﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺒﺴﺎﻃﺔ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎء ﺍﻷﻃﻮﻝ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻷﻗﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻧّﻤﺎ ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺑ‪‬ﲏ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺘﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﺎﻟﻮﺭﺍﺛﺔ ﰲ ﺳﻼﻟﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﳝﻜﻦ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻛﻞ ‪‬‬
‫ﻣﺮﺷﺢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﻓﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﲝﺴﺐ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﻮ ّﻓﺮﺓ ﻟﺪﻳﻪ ﻋﻦ ّ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ّ‬
‫ﻓﻴﻘﺪﻡ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﻓﺮﺹ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺗﺪﺭﻳﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﺴﺘﺜﻤﺮ ﰲ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺎﺣﺔ ﻟﻪ ﻋﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻘﻴﺪ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ!‬
‫ﻟﺴﻼﻟﺔ ﺍﳌﻠﻚ؛ ﺑﻞ ﻭﻳﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺧﲑﺓ ﻧﺴﺎﺋﻪ ﻟﺘﻜﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﺓ ﻭﱄ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﻬﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺇﺫﻥ ﲝﺘﻤﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻮﺭﺍﺛﻲ ﰲ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺨ ّﻠﻔﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﺸﺄ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﺔ ﻣﺘﻜﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﻣﺎ ﳝﻜﻦ‬
‫ﺑﻠﻮﻏﻪ ﲠﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﺣﺘّﻰ ﺣﲔ ﻳﻔﺮﺯ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﻜﺎ ﻇﺎﳌﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﳌﻠﻜﻴ‪‬ﺔ‬
‫ﺳﻴﻜﺴﺐ ﺍﻷ ‪‬ﻭﻝ ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﳌﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ‪ (١‬ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻈﺎﱂ ﻭﺍ‪‬ﻬﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ‪ (٢‬ﺑﲔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻈﺎﱂ ﻭﺍﻧﻔﺮﺍﻁ ﻋﻘﺪ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﳌﻠﻔﺖ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺮ ﺃﻧّﻪ ﺣﺘّﻰ ﻳﻮﻣﻨﺎ ﻫﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻵﻥ ﺩﻋﻨﺎ ﻧﻌﻮﺩ ﻋﱪ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﻨﻈﺮ ﺇﱃ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺃﻧﻈﻤﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺴﺘﺒﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻟﺘﺨﻠﻖ ﻧﻔﺲ‬
‫‪‬‬ ‫ﻳﻬﻴ‪‬ﺊ ﺍﳊﻜّ ﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺘﻴﺢ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﺩﻋﻨﺎ ﻧﺒﺪﺃ ﺣﻴﺚ ﱂ ﺗﻮﺟﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻘﺎﺭﻧﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓـ ‪ (١‬ﻳﺒﻄﻠﻮﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺓ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺪﻳﻞ ﳝﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪﺓ ﺍﳌﺘﺎﺣﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ‪ (٢‬ﻳﻬﻨﺪﺳﻮﻥ ﺍﺗﺰﺍﻥ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﲝﻴﺚ ﻳﻨﻔﺮﻁ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺃﺭﺿﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻻﺕ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻦ‪ (١ :‬ﺿﻴﻖ ﺳﻌﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ ‪ (٢‬ﻋﺪﻡ‬
‫ﺑﻐﻴﺎﺏ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﺒﺪ!‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺘﺒ‪‬ﻌﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﲟﻌﻨﻰ‪ :‬ﻻ ﳛﻴﻂ ﺃﺣﺪ ﻭﻻ ﺟﻬﺔ ﻻ ﺑﺎﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‬

‫‪٢‬‬
‫ﲢﺴﻨﺖ‬
‫ﻟﺘﺤﺴﻦ ﻫﻬﻨﺎ ﱂ ﻳﻌﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﰲ ﺳﻌﺔ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻧّﻤﺎ ‪‬‬‫ﺍ ‪‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻮ‪‬ﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻲ‬
‫ﺳﺮﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺻﻞ‪ .‬ﻟﻦ ﻳﻀﻄ ‪‬ﺮ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻟﻼﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻃﻮﻳﻼ ﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺪﻭﺭ‬
‫ﰲ ﺃﺭﻭﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﻭﺍﳊﻜﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﺻﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﳌﻠﻜﻲ ﻳﻌﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺃﺻﻴﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻧﺸﻮء ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻟﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻳﻮﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﻫﻬﻨﺎ ﺑﺪﺃﺕ ﺗﺘﺎﺡ ﺧﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻟﻠﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴ‪‬ﺔ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺮﻳ‪‬ﺘﻨﺎ ﻓﺎﳌﻔﱰﺽ ﺃ ‪‬ﻥ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻠﻜﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﲟﻌﺰﻝ ﻋﻦ ﺑﻘﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ .‬ﻟﻮ ‪‬‬
‫ﳝﺘﺪ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻻ ﻳﻘﻒ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻮ‪‬ﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ‪‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺎﻟﻚ ﺗﻄﻮ‪‬ﺭﺍ ﺣﺪﺙ ﰲ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﺔ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻻﺕ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻬ‪‬ﺪ ﻟﻔﻜﺮﺓ‬
‫ﻟﺒﺖ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺍﺳﻄﺔ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﳌﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻫﺆﻻء ﺍﻟﻨﻮ‪‬ﺍﺏ ﻭﺍ ‪‬‬ ‫ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳ‪‬ﺎﺕ ﺑﺘﻤﻜﲔ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺧﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻨﺎﻓﺲ ﺍﳌﻠﻮﻙ!‬
‫ﳝﻜﻨﻨﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﲢﺴﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻛﺜﲑﺓ ﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺻﻞ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ‪:‬‬
‫ﺛﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻻﺗّﺼﺎﻻﺕ ﻭﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺳﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﳊﻜﻢ‬
‫• ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﳝﻜﻨﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍ ‪‬ﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻛﺄﺭﺻﻔﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻮﺍﺻﻞ‪ .‬ﺑﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﺍﻻﺗّﺼﺎﻻﺕ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﻮ ّﻓﺮﺕ‬
‫ﻛﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﺃ ‪‬ﻥ ﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻔﱰﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮ ‪‬ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻟﻐﺔ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﺗﻌﺒﲑﺍ ﻟﺘﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ؛‬
‫ﳝﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺻﻮﻝ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﰲ ﺃﻧﻈﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﻣﺎ‬
‫ﻧﻮﻋﺎ ﻣﻦ‬
‫• ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻭ ّﻓﺮ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻟﻼﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻮ ﻳﻌﻄﻲ ً‬
‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﳊﻜﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻐﻔﻠﲔ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮ‪‬ﺭ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻣﻦ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻓﻀﻠﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺘﻌ ّﻠﻤﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﺗﻀﻴﻖ ﺩﺍﺋﺮﺓ ‪‬‬
‫ﺍﳌﺮﺷﺤﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺑ‪‬ﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺗّﺼﺎﻻﺕ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﳋﺼﻮﺹ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻮﺩ ﺍﻷﺧﲑﺓ ﺷﻬﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺧﺒﲔ!‬
‫ﺗﻘﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺗّﺼﺎﻻﺕ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻃﻔﺮﺍﺕ ﰲ ﻏﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻀﺨﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﻳﻜﻔﻲ‬
‫ﻹﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺗﻐﻴﲑ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﰲ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ .‬ﺍﳍﺎﺗﻒ‬ ‫ﻭﲢﺴﻦ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﲥﺎ ﻳﻘ ّﻠﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ‬
‫‪‬‬ ‫• ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻜﻞ ﻓﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻠﻪ ﺃﻳﻨﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ‬
‫ﳐﺼﺼﺔ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﻭ ّﻓﺮ ﻗﻨﺎﺓ ﺍﺗّﺼﺎﻻﺕ ‪‬‬ ‫”ﺍﻟﻀﻮﺿﺎء“‪ ،noise level ،‬ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﻨﺨﻔﺾ‬
‫ﻭﻣﺘﻰ ﻟﺰﻡ! ﻟﻜﻦ ﱂ ﻳﻘﻒ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﻋﻨﺪ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳊﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﲡﺎﻭﺯﻩ ﻛﺜﲑﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺚ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴ‪‬ﺎﺕ ﻭﺗﻘﻮﻯ ﺇﺷﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺚ‬
‫ﻟﻌﻞ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺼﺔ ﻓﻴﺴﺒﻮﻙ‪ّ .‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺘﻬﺎ ‪‬‬
‫ﺑﻈﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴ‪‬ﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﰲ ‪‬‬ ‫ﻋﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻴ‪‬ﺰ ﻓﻴﺴﺒﻮﻙ ﻫﻮ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻪ ﺍﻟﺼﺮﳛﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍء ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ )ﻣ ‪‬ﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺏ ﻭﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ( ﺃﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪ ﺃ ‪‬ﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﻋﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﺍﻷﻛﱪ ﰲ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺻﻞ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‬
‫)ﻋﺪﺩ ﺍﳌﺘﺎﺑﻌﲔ(‪ .‬ﻓﻀﻼ ﻋﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻓﺄﺛﺮ ﻓﻴﺴﺒﻮﻙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻔﺎ‪ ،‬ﲤﺜّﻞ‬
‫ً‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺒﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺃﻡ‬
‫ﺍﺧﱰﺍﻉ ﺁﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﺎﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﳌﺎ ‪‬ﺩﺓ ﺍﳌﻄﺒﻮﻋﺔ‪ً ،‬‬
‫ﻭﺣﺪ‬
‫ﺃﺛﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﺷﺮﻧﺎ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﺣﲔ ﻧﺎﻗﺸﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻮ‪‬ﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻲ‪ :‬‬ ‫ﲢﺴﻦ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺎﺓ ﻭﺍﺳﻌﺔ ﻟﻨﻘﻞ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬‬
‫ﻟﻐﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﻨﻔﺬ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ ﺇﱃ ﻋﻘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻵﺭﺍء ﻭﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻷﲰﺎء‪ .‬ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺴﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻭﳓﻮﻫﺎ ﰲ‬
‫ﻛﻞ‬
‫ﻛﻞ ﻓﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﺻﺎﺭ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺘﻠ ّﻘﲔ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻠ ّﻘﲔ ﻛُ ﺜﺮ ﻟﻠﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺒﻌﺚ ﲠﺎ ّ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺻﻞ ﺃﺗﺎﺣﺖ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺻﺔ ﻟﺘﻮﺳﻴﻊ ﻧﻄﺎﻕ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺼﺔ ﺇﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻀﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﲢﺘﻜﺮﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﳝﻠﻚ ‪‬‬ ‫ﳎ ‪‬ﺮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﳌﻠﻚ ﺇﱃ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﳊﻜﻢ ﻭﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ ﺍﳊﺎﻛﻤﺔ؛‬
‫ﰲ ﻋﻬﺪ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳉﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻵﺧﺮ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﺒﲑ‬ ‫ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ ﺑﺪﺃﺕ ﺗﻈﻬﺮ ﻓﻜﺮﺓ ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻟﺲ ﺍﻟﻨﻴﺎﺑﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﲢﺖ ﻣﻈ ّﻠﺔ ﺍﳊﻜﻢ ﺍﳌﻠﻜﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﻘﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﳑ‪‬ﺎ ﻗ ّﻠﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺓ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‬
‫ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ‪ّ ،‬‬ ‫ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺃ ‪‬ﺩﺕ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﻳﺔ ﻟﻈﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳ‪‬ﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﺛﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮ‪‬ﺭ ﺍﻷﺧﲑ ﰲ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺍﻻﺗّﺼﺎﻻﺕ ﻻ ﻳﻘﻒ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺻﻌﻮﺑﺔ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬
‫ﲢﺪﻳﺎ ﻟﻔﻜﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﳌﺮﻛﺰﻳ‪‬ﺔ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﺭﺑ‪‬ﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﻳﺸﻜّ ﻞ ‪‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴ‪‬ﺔ‬
‫ﻣﺆﺧﺮﺍ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﻋﻦ ﻻﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳ‪‬ﺔ ﺍﳊﻜﻢ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﻟﻸﺳﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺚ ‪‬‬
‫ﻇﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﻜﲑ ﳏﺪﻭﺩﺍ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳ‪‬ﺔ ﺍﳉﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﻟﻼ‪‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳ‪‬ﺔ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺣﲔ‬
‫ّ‬ ‫ﰲ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻧﲔ ﺍﻷﺧﲑﻳﻦ ﺗﻄﻮ‪‬ﺭﺕ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻜﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻼﺳﻠﻜﻲ‬
‫ﺃ ‪‬ﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻂ ﺍﻻﺗّﺼﺎﻻﺕ ﲡﺎﻭﺯﺕ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﳌﻜﺎﻥ ﻛﺜﲑﺍ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺄﺗﺎﺣﺖ ﻗﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺻﺮﳛﺔ ﻟﺘﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﻭﺗﺪﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ‪.‬‬

‫‪٣‬‬
‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﺸﻞ ﺍﳌﻨﻈﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﰲ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﳕﻮﺫﺝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻟﻠﺴﻠﻄﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺗّﺼﺎﻻﺕ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻗﺪ ﻳﻌﻄﻲ ﻓﻜﺮﺓ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻭﺿﻮﺣﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳌﺸﻜﻠﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻳﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺻﻞ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺗﻨﺰﻟﻖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻨﻈﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﳓﻮ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﺎﺫﺝ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺴﻬ‪‬ﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﻜﲑ ﰲ ﺍﳊﻠﻮﻝ؛ ﻣﺜﻼ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻳ‪‬ﺔ‪ .‬ﳍﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﺐ ﻓﻠﻦ ﻧﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺘﺸﻜّ ﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﺍﻟﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬
‫ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﺗﻠﻘﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻋﻀﻮﻳ‪‬ﺔ‪ ،organic ،‬ﺑﻞ ﺳﻨﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳ‪‬ﺔ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﺑﻨﺎءﺓ‬ ‫ﻓﻤﻌﺪﻝ ﺇﻧﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﰲ‬
‫• ﻟﺪﻳﻨﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺑﻂء‪ ،latency ،‬‬
‫ﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﳕﻮﺫﺝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺳﻨﻨﺎﻗﺶ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﱄ‪.‬‬ ‫‪propagation‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺃﻛﱪ ﻣﻦ ﺳﺮﻋﺔ ﺑﺜّﻬﺎ ﺑﻌﻴﺪﺍ‪،‬‬
‫‪ ،speed‬ﻋﱪ ﺷﺒﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴ‪‬ﺔ؛‬

‫• ﻟﺪﻳﻨﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﺧﺘﻨﺎﻕ ﺗﻘﻒ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﳏﺎﻭﻟﺔ ﲡﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‬

‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺎ؛‬
‫‪Social Internet‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻜﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴ‪‬ﺔ‬
‫ﲣﺺ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫• ﺛ ‪‬ﻢ ﻟﻠﻤ ‪‬ﺮﺓ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﺻﺎﺭ ﻟﺪﻳﻨﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﺔ ‪‬‬
‫ﰲ ﻧﻈﺮﺓ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺻﺮﺓ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻻ ﺍﻻﺗّﺼﺎﻻﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﳌﺮﻛﺰﻳﺔ‬
‫ﻇﻞ ﺛﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ ﺍﳊﺎﻝ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺩﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻌﺎﺏ ﻭﻣﻌﺎﳉﺔ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳊﺠﻢ ﺍﳌﻬﻮﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﰲ ّ‬
‫ﳒﺪ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﺘﻨﺎﻗﻞ ﻭﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺗﻨﺸﺄ ﻭﺗﺘﺨ ّﻠﻖ ﻭﺗﺘﻄﻮ‪‬ﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺩﻭﺍﺋﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ‪‬ﻓﺞ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ!‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺩﻣﺔ ﻣﻦ ّ‬
‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺛﺮﺓ‪ :‬ﳎﻤﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺗﺴﺎﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻴﺴﺒﻮﻙ ﺍﳌﻘﻔﻮﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ‬
‫ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺼﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﳓﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺷﻚ ﲡﺎﻭﺯ ﺍﻻﻓﱰﺍﺽ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺑﻨﻴﺖ‬
‫ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﺼﺪﺍﻗﺔ‪ ،‬ﺻﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺑﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﻌﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﳋ ‪‬ﺮﳚﲔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺸﱰﻛﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﱁ‪ .‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﻜﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﳌﺮﻛﺰﻳ‪‬ﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺃ ‪‬ﻥ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺗﻌﺮﻑ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﰲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻗﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﺗّﺼﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﱂ ﻳﻌﺪ ﺑﻮﺳﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‬
‫ﻟﺸﻔﻮﻱ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳ‪‬ﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻨﻘﻞ ﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﺋﺮ‬
‫‪‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺻﻞ ﺍ‬
‫ﻳﺘﻌﺬﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻳ‪‬ﺔ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻱ ﺇﻃﺎﺭ ﳝﻜّ ﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻜّ ﻢ ﻓﻴﻬﻢ‪ .‬ﱂ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺮﻛﺰﻳ‪‬ﺔ ﺍﺣﺘﻮﺍء ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ‪‬‬
‫ﻣﻨﺼﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ‪ّ .‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ‪‬‬
‫ﻳﺘﻌﺬﺭ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﺪ ﺑﻮﺳﻊ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺍﳌﺮﻛﺰﻳ‪‬ﺔ ﻣﻮﺍﻛﺒﺔ ﺗﻄﻮ‪‬ﺭ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ‪ .‬ﻧﻜ ‪‬ﺮﺭ ﻟﻠﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ‪ :‬ﻻ‬
‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳ‪‬ﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﺋﺮ ﺃﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﳏﺘﻮﺍﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ ّ‬
‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻓﺎﻋ ٍﻞ ﻭﻓ ‪‬ﻌﺎﻝ‪،effective and efficient ،‬‬
‫‪‬‬ ‫ﺇﻧﺸﺎء ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺤﺪﺙ ﻋﻦ ﻗﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﻷﺩﺍء‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻧّﻤﺎ ﻧﻘﻮﻝ ﺑﺄﻧّﻪ ﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﺳﻌﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻛﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﰲ‬
‫‪‬‬
‫ﻭ ‪‬ﻣ ‪‬ﺮ ٍﺽ ﰲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳﻌﺔ ﺍﻻﺗّﺼﺎﻻﺕ ﻭﻣﻌﺎﳉﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺎﺣﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﺑﺪﺃﺕ‬
‫ﺗﻨﺸﺄ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﳋﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﻖٍ‬
‫‪‬‬ ‫ﺍﳊﻞ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺳﻴﻘﻮﻝ ﺍﳉﻤﻴﻊ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﺻﻮﻝ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻻ‬
‫ّ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻋﻠﻤﻬﺎ! ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺑﺪﺃ ‪‬‬
‫ﻳﻨﻔﻚ ﺍﺣﺘﻜﺎﺭ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴ‪‬ﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﻬﻨﺎ ﻫﻮ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﻓﺒﺪ ًﻻ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺮﻓﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﺎﺭ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻳﺘﻠ ّﻘﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻳﺼﻌﺐ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﳉﻐﺮﺍﰲ‪ ‬ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺗﻲ‪ :‬ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺘّﺒﻌﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﻮﺟﺪ ﺍﳌﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﻨﺸﺄ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺘﺎﺡ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻊ ﺣﻴﺚ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺃﻥ ﻧﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﳌﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﲑ ﺍﳌﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﰲ ﳕﻮﺫﺝ ﺍﳊﻜﻢ ﺗﻠﺰﻣﻨﺎ ﺍﻹﺷﺎﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻳﻨﻀﺞ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺘﻮ ّﻓﺮ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﻠﺰﻡ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﻞ‪ .‬ﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺇﱃ ﺃ ‪‬ﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺚ‪ ،‬ﻭﺻﻌﻮﺑﺔ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﻌﺐ ﺭﺅﻳﺔ ﺃ ‪‬ﻥ ﳕﻮﺫﺝ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﳌﺮﻛﺰﻳ‪‬ﺔ ﻻ ﻳﺘّﺴﻊ ﻟﺬﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﺰﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ‬ ‫ﺃﺣﻴﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺟﺪﻭﻯ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﺍﻷ ‪‬ﻭﻝ‪ :‬ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺟﻞ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺣﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﻟﻪ ﺑﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﺎﺩ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﲟﺤﺎﺫﺍﺓ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻜﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺿﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻄﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﳊﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻨ‪‬ﻪ ﳝﺜّﻞ ﻭﺿﻌﺎ ﻣﺘّﺰﻧﺎ‬
‫ً‬ ‫ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﻟﻴﺲ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻨﻘﻞ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺗﻮﻟّﺪ ﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ‪ .‬ﺍﳋﻄﻮﻁ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﻳﻀﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺪﻡ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﳌﻨﻈﻮﻣﺔ ﺍﻻﺗّﺼﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺻﺮﺓ‪ .‬ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻼﺣﻈﺔ ﻗﺪ ‪‬‬
‫ﻟﺮﺅﻳﺘﻨﺎ ﻟﺒﻠﻮﻍ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻫﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴﲑﺍ ﻟﻄﻤﻊ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻣﺜﻞ ﲪﻴﺪﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻠﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﲑ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺤﻮﺍﺫ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻨﺎ ﻫﺬﺍ! ﻟﻜﻦ ﻟﻴﺲ‬
‫‪ .١‬ﺗﻘﻨﲔ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴ‪‬ﺔ‪،social networks ،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺬﺍ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﳝﻜﻦ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺔ ﻫﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺟﻞ ﺍ ُﳌﻨﻘﺬ ﺣﻮﻝ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻮﺟﻮﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭ\ﺃﻭ ﺑﻨﺎء ﺷﺒﻜﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﺣﺴﺒﻤﺎ ﻳﻘﺘﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻗﺎﻣﻲ ﰲ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺪﺍ ﻭﺃﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﰲ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺎ ﻭﺗﺮﺍﻣﺐ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘّﺤﺪﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻷﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﻛﻤﻨﺘﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﻟﺘﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ؛‬ ‫ﳘﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻼﺣﻈﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺃﻧّﻪ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﳌﺜﺎﻝ ﻻ ﺍﳊﺼﺮ! ﺃ ‪‬‬

‫‪٤‬‬
 ‫ﺧﺎﲤﺔ ﻭﻧﻈﺮﺓ ﻟﻸﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫‪Social‬‬ ‫‪ .٢‬ﺭﺑﻂ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﻨﺎﺛﺮﺓ ﰲ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﺓ‪،‬‬
‫‪ ،Internet‬ﻳﺘ ‪‬ﻢ ﺗﺰﻭﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﱪﻭﺗﻮﻛﻮﻻﺕ ﺗﺮﻓﻊ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﻭﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴ‪‬ﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺻﻞ؛‬
‫ﰲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺭﻗﺔ ﺳ ّﻠﻄﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﻀﻮء ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺍﻻﺗّﺼﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫‪ .٣‬ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﺕ ﺗﺪﺭﳚﻴ‪‬ﺎ ﳍﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺋﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﲔ ﺃﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﳊﻜﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺧﻠﺼﻨﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺃ ‪‬ﻥ ﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻭﻓﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﻴ‪‬ﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺰ ‪‬ﻭﺩ ﺍﳌﻨﺘﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺑﱪﻭﺗﻮﻛﻮﻻﺕ ﲤﻜّ ﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻢ ﻻ ﺗﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻣﻊ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻭﺳﻌﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺍﻻﺗّﺼﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺻﺮﺓ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻗﱰﺍﻉ ﻭﺇﺻﺪﺍﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺇﱃ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻬ ‪‬ﻤﻪ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ‪.‬‬
‫ﻧﺎﻗﺸﻨﺎ ﳕﻮﺫﺟﺎ ﺑﺪﻳ ‪‬ﻼ ﻳﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻨﺎء ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﲟﺤﺎﺫﺍﺓ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺍﻻﺗّﺼﺎﻻﺕ‪ .‬ﻗﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻧّﻪ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻫﻨﺎﻟﻚ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﻮﻳﺾ‬ ‫‪‬‬
‫ﻻ ﺗﺒﺪﻭ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﺓ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺳﺎﺋﻐﺔ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻴﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﲟﺠ ‪‬ﺮﺩ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻔﻬﺎ ﲠﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﺘﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻠﻄﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺃﲰﺎء‬
‫‪‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﳌﻨﺘﺪﻳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﻜﻞ ﻓﻠﻦ ﻳﻌﺠﺰ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻟﺪﻳﻪ ﺧﻠﻔﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻻﺗّﺼﺎﻻﺕ ﺃﻭ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻮﻗّﻌﲔ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻜﺎﺕ ﺃﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﻜﻤﺒﻴﻮﺗﺮ ﺃﻭ ﳓﻮ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻋﻦ ﺗﺼﻮ‪‬ﺭ ﺗﻔﻮ‪‬ﻕ ﻫﺬﺍ‬
‫‪ ٤.‬ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬﻳ‪‬ﺔ ﺗﺪﺭﳚﻴ‪‬ﺎ ﻛﺬﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﺑﺈﻧﺸﺎء‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳕﻮﺫﺝ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﺳﻴﻜﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﰲ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳋﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺃﺟﺴﺎﻡ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻳ‪‬ﺔ ﺗﺮﺗﻜﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﺳﺘﻴﻌﺎﺏ ﺍﻷﺟﺴﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻮ‪‬ﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻮﺩ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﻮ‪‬ﻕ ﻟﺴﺒﺒﲔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷ ‪‬ﻭﻝ ﻫﻮ ﺇﺷﺮﺍﻙ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬﻳ‪‬ﺔ ﺍﳌﻮﺟﻮﺩﺓ‪ .‬ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﳌﻼﺣﻈﺔ ﻫﻮ ﺃ ‪‬ﻥ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﺔ‬
‫ﻋﺪﺩ ﺃﻛﱪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﰲ ﺗﺴﻠﺴﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﳌﻀﺎﻓﺔ‪،value chain ،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻮ ﺇﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳊﻮﺍﺳﺐ ﺍﻵﻟﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻫﺬﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳ‪‬ﺔ ﻛ ّﻠﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﺃﺟﻬﺰﲥﺎ‪ ،‬ﳝﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ‬
‫ﲡﺮﻳﺪﻳ‪‬ﺎ ﻛﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻜﺔ ﺍﳌﺄﻣﻮﻟﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺻﻌﻮﺑﺔ ﰲ ﺗﺼﻮ‪‬ﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺓ‬
‫ً‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻻﻓﱰﺍﺿﻴ‪‬ﺔ‪ .‬ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻗﺪ ﻻ ﳒﺪ‬
‫ﻧﺎﺭﻛﻲ‬
‫ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺗﻄ ّﻠﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﳓﻮ ﺍﳊﻜﻢ ﺍﻷ ‪‬‬ ‫‪ .٥‬ﺗﺰﻭﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻜﺔ ﺗﺪﺭﳚﻴ‪‬ﺎ ﺑﺎﳋﺪﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺋﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻻﺷﱰﺍﻛﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻔﻀﻞ ﻗﺪﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻛﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻮﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻭﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﳋﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻣﻨﻴ‪‬ﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎء ﺑﺎﳋﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﻟﻠﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺮﻭﺓ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺎﻟﻴ‪‬ﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪network‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻔﺘﺎﺡ ﻻﺳﺘﻴﻌﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﺓ ﻫﻮ ﺗﺼﻮ‪‬ﺭ ﺃ ‪‬ﻥ ﺑﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻜﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﳏﻞ ﺍﳋﺮﺍﺋﻂ‬
‫ﲢﻞ ّ‬‫‪ ،topology and architecture‬ﳝﺜّﻞ ﺧﺮﻳﻄﺔ ﳍﺎ ّ‬
‫ﺍﳉﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳ‪‬ﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﱰﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﺑﻨﺎء ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﺇﺫﻥ ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺧﻄﺔ ﻹﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﳉﻤﻴﻊ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻜﺔ‪orientation ،‬‬ ‫ﲢﺘﻮﻯ ﻋﻠﻰ ّ‬
‫‪plan‬؛ ﺑﻌﺪﺋﺬ ﺳﻴﻬﺘﺪﻱ ﺍﻟﺮ ‪‬ﻭﺍﺩ ﺗﻠﻘﺎﺋﻴ‪‬ﺎ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻠﺰﻣﻬﻢ ﻟﻌﺮﺽ ﺑﻀﺎﻋﺘﻬﻢ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍء ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺎ ‪‬ﺕ ﻟﻠﺒﻴﻊ ﺃﻭ ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭ ًﺍ ﻟﻠﻨﺸﺮ ﺃﻭ ﺭﺅﻯ‪‬‬
‫ﻟﻠﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩ ﻓﺎﻟﺮﺅﻳﺔ ﺗﺼﻒ ﺍﻟﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﳌﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﻻ‬
‫‪‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ‬
‫ﺧﻄﺔ ﺍﺳﱰﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴ‪‬ﺔ‬
‫ﺗﺼﻒ ﺑﺎﻟﻀﺮﻭﺭﺓ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺻﻮﻝ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻠﺰﻡ ﻭﺿﻊ ّ‬
‫ﻟﻼﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﳌﻄﻠﻮﺏ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﳌﺜﺎﻝ‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﺎﻟﺒﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﺍﻷﻓﻀﻞ ﻗﺪ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﺑﺘﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻣﻨﺘﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﳕﻮﺫﺟﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﺑﺪﻻ‬
‫ﻋﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﳌﻮﺟﻮﺩﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﺿﻊ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻻﺳﱰﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﻄﺎﻕ‬
‫ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺭﻗﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻠﺤﻘﺎﺕ ﻧﻌﺮﺽ ﳕﻮﺫﺟﺎ ﻻﺳﱰﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴ‪‬ﺔ ﻋﻤﻠﻴ‪‬ﺔ‬
‫ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﳊﺎﱄ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺩﺍﻥ‪.‬‬

‫‪٥‬‬