J Youth Adolescence (2014) 43:375–386
DOI 10.1007/s10964-013-0043-1
EMPIRICAL RESEARCH
Collective Identity and Well-Being of Bulgarian Roma
Adolescents and Their Mothers
Radosveta Dimitrova • Athanasios Chasiotis •
Michael Bender • Fons J. R. van de Vijver
Received: 23 May 2013 / Accepted: 9 October 2013 / Published online: 19 October 2013
Ó Springer Science+Business Media New York 2013
Abstract In Europe and specifically in Bulgaria, Roma
represent the largest indigenous ethnic minority exposed to
severe discrimination, social exclusion, poverty, and
compromised well-being. To improve their conditions,
identifying sources of psychological well-being for Roma
is theoretically relevant and practically important. This
study investigated the relation between ethnic, familial, and
religious identities as salient collective identity compo-
nents for psychological well-being among 194 Roma
adolescents (age: M = 16.11 years, SD = 1.36) and their
mothers (age: M = 35.95 years, SD = 3.54). The results
indicated that in line with marginalization models of
acculturation, Roma youth and their mothers showed a low
endorsement of both Bulgarian mainstream and Roma
ethnic identity. The average scores of well-being were also
low. For both groups, familial identity was stronger com-
pared to Roma, Bulgarian, and religious identity. A path
R. Dimitrova (&)
A. Chasiotis
M. Bender

F. J. R. van de Vijver
Department of Cross-Cultural Psychology, Tilburg University,
P. O. Box 90153, 5000 LE Tilburg, The Netherlands
e-mail: R.Dimitrova@uvt.nl
A. Chasiotis
e-mail: A.Chasiotis@uvt.nl
M. Bender
e-mail: M.Bender@uvt.nl
F. J. R. van de Vijver
e-mail: Fons.vandeVijver@uvt.nl
F. J. R. van de Vijver
North-West University, Private Bag X1290,
Potchefstroom 2520, South Africa
F. J. R. van de Vijver
School of Psychology, McElwain Building, The University of
Queensland, St Lucia, QLD 4072, Australia
model showed that collective identity was a positive pre-
dictor of well-being in both adolescents and mothers and
that the mothers’ collective identity was a predictor of
adolescent well-being. Bulgarian mainstream identity had
the strongest relationship with collective identity. It is
concluded that, for Roma youth and their mothers, family
is an important identity domain as it represents the most
salient identification source that is not challenged in their
environment.
Keywords Ethnic
Familial
Religious identity

Roma adolescents and mothers
Well-being

Bulgaria
Introduction
There is a growing recognition of the need to examine multiple
identities in combination and conduct research on their influ-
ence on well-being among ethnic minorities (Smith and Silva
2011; Verkuyten et al. 2012). This study examined collective
identity encompassing ethnic, familial, and religious identities
among Roma indigenous adolescents and their mothers in
Bulgaria (see also Dimitrova et al. 2013). The Roma constitute
the largest indigenous minority group in Europe and are
characterized by marked social marginalization and continu-
ous life challenges (Gerganov et al. 2005). Because of these
specific characteristics of such a large, yet neglected minority
group in Europe, the study focused on Roma adolescents and
their mothers to investigate ethnic, religious, and familial
group identification in relation to their psychological well-
being. In a number of European countries, Roma demonstrate a
remarkable ability to cope with persistent discrimination and
marginalization by creating vibrant ethnic communities
(European Commission 2010). Such resilience, referring to the
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achievement of positive developmental outcomes in the con-
text of challenge (Luthar et al. 2000; Masten 2001), has been
ascribed to beneficial psychological and social resources that
protect individuals against the negative consequences of their
ethnic experiences.
The present study examined relationships between
adolescents’ and mothers’ reports of collective identity
encompassing ethnic, familial and religious identity. It
also considered ways in which collective identity might
protect the well-being of Roma adolescents and their
mothers. This study was concerned with relations between
adolescents and their mothers because maternal ethnic
socialization is a well-established factor shaping youths’
identity processes (Hughes et al. 2009). Particularly in
ethnic minority and Roma context, mothers provide a
primary source of identification with a strong impact on
adolescent development (Unicef 2011). Also, mothers
have a major role in transmitting cultural values to their
offspring (Bao et al. 1999; Verkuyten et al. 2012).
However, most studies of relationships between parents’
and adolescents’ ethnic identity, used either parental
reports (Johnston et al. 2007) or youths’ reports (Harris-
Britt et al. 2007), but rarely both, a gap the present study
is designed to address. Therefore, aims of this study were
to explore the intergenerational transmission of collective
identity in the Roma minority group in Bulgaria and to
what extent collective identity is a resource for well-being
in such a marginalized group. Given that traditionally
Roma are experiencing adverse circumstances, it is not
only theoretically but also practically important to iden-
tify sources of psychological well-being for this minority
group.
Collective Identity and Well-Being
The development of a coherent identity is considered a
primary goal for youth, with identity achievement (firm
commitment after identity exploration) and identity diffu-
sion (neither engagement in exploration nor commitment),
proposed as the polar opposite outcomes of this develop-
ment (Erikson 1968; Marcia 1980). For ethnic minority
youth, the process of achieving a stable and solid identity
may be particularly challenging, as they have been found to
face more difficulties in defining their identity than their
mainstream peers (Crocetti et al. 2011). A dominant
developmental task for minority adolescents is to negotiate
multiple social identifications. Also, identity researchers
have recognized that these youth may develop multiple
social identities that are related to individual well-being. In
fact, an increasing number of scholars explores identity and
well-being as dynamic processes intertwined with socio-
cultural behaviors and interactions in a variety of multi-
cultural and acculturation contexts (Smith and Silva 2011).
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J Youth Adolescence (2014) 43:375–386
So far, however, much of this prior work has focused
upon single rather than joint components of social identity
(Kiang et al. 2008). To overcome this limitation, this study
adopts the notion of an overarching collective identity,
comprising different targets (ethnicity, family, and reli-
gion) and components within each target (self-categoriza-
tion, evaluation, importance, attachment and sense of
interdependence, and behavioral involvement (Ashmore
et al. 2004). Self-categorization involves the process of
identifying oneself as a member of a social group, evalu-
ation regards the positive or negative attitude toward the
social group, importance indicates the degree of salience of
a group membership to the self-concept, and attachment
concerns the affective commitment felt within a group.
Behavioral involvement refers to the degree to which the
person engages in actions implicated in the collective
identity component in question. These components are
represented in the measures of the present study.
In line with the multidimensional definition of collective
identity (Ashmore et al. 2004), our study addressed eth-
nicity, family, and religion as important components of
collective identity. Ethnic identity has been conceived as a
process of maintaining positive distinctiveness, attitudes,
and feelings that accompany a sense of group belonging
(Erikson 1968; Ghavami et al. 2011; Phinney 1989; Phin-
ney and Ong 2007). Familial identity concerns the degree
of identification with the familial group accompanied by a
sense of obligation, relatedness, and commitment to the
family and family relationships (Arends-Tóth and Van de
Vijver 2008; Steidel and Contreras 2003). Religious iden-
tity reflects the salience of religious convictions for indi-
vidual identity and self-concept (Furrow et al. 2004), which
can be particularly important for ethnic minority youth
(Verkuyten and Yildiz 2007). Ethnic belonging, religion,
and family were chosen because these domains provide
important sources of identification and their relatedness has
been widely documented (Kiang et al. 2008), specifically in
indigenous minority groups (Lopez et al. 2011; Smith and
Silva 2011). In fact, collective identity is fundamental for
indigenous youth as they begin to figure out their place in
society in the face of profound disruptions, such as
assimilation, forced relocation, and cultural colonization
(Wexler 2009). A number of international studies have
found that youth from indigenous minorities across the
globe achieve better well-being if they maintain a stronger
affinity with their ethnic, familial, and religious traditions.
Such studies provided support for the positive association
between strong collective identity and resilience and well-
being by indigenous young people from aboriginal com-
munities in Canada (Hallett et al. 2007), Norway (Bals
et al. 2011), Australia (Colquhoun and Dockery 2012), and
New Zealand (Moeke-Pickering 1996). These findings also
pointed to the importance indigenous parents place upon
J Youth Adolescence (2014) 43:375–386
their children learning and maintaining their culture for
identity development, and the significance of support from
the family and community to which they belong.
Intergenerational Transmission
This study looked at the role of mothers’ collective identity
for their offspring’s collective identity. Mothers provide
role models and standards for behavior in important life
decisions that help children to become adapted to their
social environment (Putallaz et al. 1998; Roest et al. 2009;
Trommsdorff et al. 2005). Hence, intergenerational trans-
mission is one of the major mechanisms of cultural conti-
nuity and a basis for culture maintenance or adoption
among ethnic minority groups (Nauck 2001; Schönpflug
2001). For example, Verkuyten et al. (2012) examined the
relation between religious, ethnic, and national identity
among Moroccan-Dutch Muslim adolescents and their
parents. Compared to their parents, adolescents showed
stronger national identification and weaker religious and
ethnic group identification. Furthermore, for both parents
and youth, religious and ethnic identifications were stron-
ger identity components than national Dutch identification.
In summary, maternal identification is likely to be a
significant factor for child identification in domains like
religion and ethnicity. The present article extended the
investigation of these issues to a sample of Roma youth and
mothers who live in more marginalized conditions than the
samples studied before. The purpose was to explore inter-
generational (dis)continuities in Roma youth’s ethnic,
familial, and religious identity.
The Roma Minority
Accurate data about Roma demographics are hard to obtain
(European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights 2010),
primarily because of the absence of census information on
ethnic origin in the majority of the European Union (EU)
and ethnic mimicry, that is one’s refusal to disclose one’s
ethnic identity to secure access to better opportunities, and
to avoid stigmatization and prejudice (Prieto-Flores 2009).
Some reports mentioned Roma estimates varying from 3 to
7 million and up to 12 million in the 27 EU member States
(European Parliament Resolution 2008), whereas other
sources showed estimates between 7 and 9 million people
who live mainly in Central and Eastern Europe (Ver-
meersch and Ram 2009).
The target groups of this study were youth and their
mothers of Roma origin in Bulgaria, a postcommunist
country in Eastern Europe that experienced marked polit-
ical and economic instability after the transition to a
democratic system (Vassilev 2004). The Roma population
estimates in Bulgaria range between 325,343 and 800,000
377
people out of the nearly 7 million national population
(National Statistics Institute, 2011). The Roma are the
largest, most vulnerable minority in Bulgaria and other
countries of Central and Eastern Europe. The overall
deplorable situation of the Roma community is due to both
economic and societal transitions occurring in Bulgaria, as
well as to the history of discrimination and exclusion.
Compared to other minority groups, like bicultural Turk-
ish-Bulgarians, which have a widespread socioeconomic,
political, and cultural network, the Roma show less ethnic
vitality and tend to conform more to the mainstream cul-
ture (Dimitrova et al. 2013). Although scarce, the literature
on collective identity of Roma presents mixed findings. A
strong mainstream identity of the host culture among Roma
has been observed, presumably due to extreme marginali-
zation and disadvantaged conditions in many Central and
Eastern European states (Barany 2001; Prieto-Flores 2009).
Other studies have shown a weak endorsement of both
mainstream and Roma ethnic identities among the Roma,
possibly as a coping reaction to their adversities (Dimitrova
et al. 2013; Russinov 2001). Advancing the understanding
of well-being of such a unique yet numerous and under-
represented group, therefore, is a timely effort to contribute
to the improvement of conditions of the Roma, which is
highly likely to remain one of the foremost policy issues
for Central and Eastern European states in the coming
decades.
Identity in Roma
Little is known about identity processes of Roma. A study
conducted by Dimitrova et al. ( 2013) showed that col-
lective identity, represented by mainstream, familial, and
religious components, was a positive predictor of well-
being for Roma youth. In examining collective identity as
salient source of identification, this study took into account
this prior work among the Roma, while also extending the
notion of collective identity to Roma mothers. Also, the
measurement of ethnic identity by Dimitrova et al. (2013)
included only mainstream identification, whereas this study
introduced Roma identity in addition to Bulgarian main-
stream identity.
In so doing, this study combined various models in the
literature, notably the Rejection—Identification Model
(Branscombe et al. 1999), acculturation models of mar-
ginalization (Berry 1997; Mann 1958), and models of
resilience (Lee 2005; Masten 2001; Ungar 2008). The
Rejection—Identification Model and the acculturation lit-
erature yield different predictions about Roma identity.
The former would predict a strong Roma and weak Bul-
garian identity, because of the long tradition of suppression
and discrimination of the Roma. However, marginalization
models would predict low levels of identification with both
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Roma and Bulgarians. The Roma have undergone such a
long history of repression and discrimination in many
European countries that the group has become marginal-
ized. Marginalization is characterized by a low salience of
identification with the mainstream and the own ethnic
group (Berry 1997). It is more likely that Roma develop
strong collective identities only in domains that are not
challenged by salient parties in their environment (either
the Roma themselves or majority group Bulgarians).
Within the context of this study this would be particularly
true for familial identity. Historically, the family has been
the core component of the Roma community and main
vehicle for preservation of Roma traditions and values. A
strong identification with the family has also acted as a
strength and resource for Roma to compensate for a lack of
identification with the Bulgarian society and culture as well
as of their Roma ethnic identity due to severe discrimina-
tion (Nunev 2000). A weaker religious identification has
been observed among Roma (Tomova 2000). This process
has also its historical roots in the anti-religion policies
during the communism period. Yet, compared to main-
stream Bulgarians, Roma have been found to demonstrate
higher religiosity and an overall stronger religious identity
(Dimitrova et al. 2013; Zhelyazkova 1995). An additional
factor for religious identification among Roma is the
importance of religion as a source of social integration, but
also reassurance in face of adversity and discrimination.
The Bulgarian Roma have the same religion (Christian
Orthodox) as mainstream Bulgarians. As a consequence,
Roma do not suffer from religious discrimination and
usually practice religion at their home or in their neigh-
borhoods (Marushiakova 1994; Marushiakova and Popov
1993).
It is plausible to assume that in line with marginalization
models of acculturation (Berry 1997), identity components
that are less challenged in their cultural context will
develop more strongly. In the case of Roma in Bulgaria this
would be familial and religious identities as the only
sources of identification that are well accepted by both the
Roma and mainstream Bulgarian communities. Identities
that have been challenged (Bulgarian mainstream) and
subjected to marginalization (Roma ethnic) may develop to
a lesser extent. This study examined these assumptions in a
sample of Roma youth and their mothers.
Hypotheses
Identity is particularly important for Roma as a way of coping
with adverse conditions and to enhance their resilience. This
study investigated collective identity and subjective well-
being in Roma adolescents’ and their mothers by advancing
two hypotheses. First, because family is a core resource of
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strength for youth and specifically for youth with ethnic
minority and Roma background, familial identity of both
adolescents and mothers were expected to be stronger com-
pared to their ethnic or religious identifications (Hypothesis
1). Second, given the importance of intergenerational trans-
mission in identity from mothers to their offspring, mothers’
and adolescents’ collective identity were hypothesized to be
strongly associated; more importantly, it is expected that
mothers’ ethnic, familial, and religious identifications have
positive associations with their children’s identifications and
well-being (Hypothesis 2).
Method
Participants and Procedure
Participants were 194 Roma adolescents and their mothers.
In the adolescent group, there were 113 girls (mean age of
16.08 years, SD = 1.33) and 80 boys (mean age of
16.18 years, SD = 1.42) 13–20 years old with an overall
mean age of 16.11 years (SD = 1.36). Ninety-two percent
of the adolescents had only one sibling, 51 % had two sib-
lings, 12 % had three siblings, 3 % four siblings, and 0.5 %
reported to have five siblings. The majority of adolescents
(92 %) did not have children, whereas 8 % reported having
one child and 0.6 % having two children. Forty-four percent
of the adolescents indicated a Christian Orthodox religious
affiliation, 7 % a Muslim affiliation, and 49 % did not
indicate any religious affiliation. No significant age effects
were found in relation to collective identity domains.
However, girls held higher scores in Bulgarian mainstream
identity than boys, F(1, 192) = 5.09, p \ .05. Further
analyses controlled for this effect by using the regressed
residuals of gender as a covariate variable. In the maternal
group, there were 178 mothers with a mean age of
35.95 years (SD = 3.54). Most of the mothers were unem-
ployed or did unskilled jobs. Moreover, 49 % of the mothers
of our adolescent sample had not completed primary school.
Participants for this study were recruited through com-
munity organizations in major towns in Southern Bulgaria
with a high concentration of Roma inhabitants: Simeo-
novgrad, Harmanli, and Haskovo. Prior to data collection,
local authorities of community organizations who operated
in the region (two associations working with Roma youth
and parents) were informed about the purpose and methods
of the study to acquire their consent and participation. The
study was part of a larger project on ethnic minority groups
in Bulgaria and was approved by the National Agency for
Child Protection in Bulgaria and the University Psycho-
logical Ethics Committee. The sample was recruited by the
first author, two Roma research assistants, and two school
teachers working with Roma. All field workers received
J Youth Adolescence (2014) 43:375–386
training in the administration of the survey and a weekly
supervision was conducted. Packets of materials were
distributed to youth and their parents, which contained
information on the study, that is, the parent and adolescent
interviews. The researchers supervised the completion of
all measures of mothers and youth at their homes. A small
gift was offered to each family and students received a
pencil and snack for filling in their materials. Surveys were
administered to mothers and youth at their homes and
lasted on average 45 min.
Measures
The measures of the present study included adolescent self-
report and maternal self-report questionnaires previously
applied in a sample of Roma youths in Bulgaria (Dimitrova
et al. 2013). The same measures were applied for assessing
ethnic, familial, and religious identity and well-being among
adolescents and their mothers. The scales were created by
using the average item scores for each identity domain.
Overall there were 2.1 % of missing data in self-reports and
1.5 % in maternal reports, that were replaced using the
regression estimates procedures for handling missing data.
Sociodemographic Questionnaire
All participants completed a short questionnaire assessing
their ethnicity, nationality, gender, age, place of birth,
parental education, and parental occupation.
Collective Identity
The Bulgarian Mainstream Identity Scale was specifically
created by the authors to investigate Bulgarian identity
according to domains of self-categorization, attachment,
evaluation, importance, and behavioral involvement (Ash-
more et al. 2004). The 21-item scale includes items, such as ‘‘I
consider myself Bulgarian’’ and ‘‘I participate in Bulgarian
cultural practices’’. The answers were given on a 5-point
Likert scale, ranging from completely disagree to completely
agree. The internal consistencies of the scale were excellent,
with a values of .96 for both adolescents and mothers.
The Roma Ethnic Identity Scale was developed to
investigate Roma identity using 21 items including ‘‘I
consider myself Roma’’ and ‘‘I participate in Roma cultural
practices’’. The answers were given on a 5 point Likert
scale, ranging from completely disagree to completely
agree and internal consistencies of the scale were .95
(adolescents) and .97 (mothers).
The Familial Identity Scale was used following the same
format and domains as the previous identity scales. Some
examples of the 21 items constituting the scale are ‘‘I see
379
problems of my family as my problems’’ and ‘‘I have a
strong sense of belonging to my family’’ with internal
consistencies of .97 for both adolescents and mothers.
The Religious Identity Scale (21 items) refers to reli-
gious self-categorization, attachment, evaluation, impor-
tance, and involvement. Sample items are ‘‘I see myself as
a member of my religious community’’, ‘‘I am proud to be
a member of my religious community’’, and ‘‘I have spent
much time exploring my religious group (e.g., its rituals,
history and traditions)’’ with internal consistencies of .94
for both adolescents and mothers.
Well-Being
The Satisfaction with Life Scale (SWLS) was applied to
measure global life satisfaction (Diener et al. 1985). The scale
consists of 5 items rated on a 7-point scale (1 = strongly
disagree, 7 = strongly agree). The sample items include ‘‘In
most ways my life is close to my ideal’’, ‘‘I am satisfied with
life’’, and ‘‘If I could live my life over, I would change almost
nothing’’. The internal consistencies for the present sample
were a = .92 (adolescents) and a = .94 (mothers).
Data Analyses
The first hypothesis, specifying the salience of familial
identity compared to ethnic or religious identifications in
both mothers and youth, was tested by running two separate
within-group between-identity domain ANOVAs. Next, the
second hypothesis on intergenerational transmission of col-
lective identity was tested by implementing a structural
equations model on the associations between collective
identity and well-being of mothers and their offspring. The
model tested the central ideas that ethnic, familial, and
religious identities represent one factor of collective identity
based on prior work with Roma groups (Dimitrova et al.
2013) and that mothers’ collective identity relates to ado-
lescents’ collective identity and well-being in line with a
similar path model reported by Verkuyten et al. (2012).
Results
Collective Identity and Well-Being of Roma
Adolescents and Mothers
Table 1 shows the mean scores of Roma, Bulgarian, familial,
and religious identity as a function of adolescent and
maternal reports. In line with the first hypothesis, for ado-
lescents, familial identity was stronger compared to Roma
ethnic, [F(67, 192) = 2.25, p \ .001], Bulgarian main-
stream [F(67, 192) = 7.18, p \ .001], and religious iden-
tity [F(67, 192) = 2.70, p \ .001]. Similarly, for mothers,
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Table 1 Sample characteristics for Roma adolescents and mothers there is much intergenerational continuity in all domains
Adolescents Mothers
studied.
In a further step, the second hypothesis concerning the
Age intergenerational transmission of collective identity was tes-
Mean (SD) 16.11 (1.36) 35.95 (3.54) ted. A structural equation model in AMOS (Arbuckle 2009),
Gender (n) testing associations among collective identity, represented by
Female 113 178 Bulgarian, Roma, familial, and religious components, and
Male 80 well-being (SWLS scores) was implemented. Direct relations
Identity between the four identity components and well-being of
Roma 3.20 (.74) 3.19 (.73) mothers and those of their children were allowed. The fit of
Bulgarian 3.28 (.60) 3.22 (.63) this model was very poor, v2(29, N = 178) = 606.16,
Familial 3.55 (.77) 3.52 (.76) p \ .001, RMSEA = .335, and CFI = .600. In the second
Religious 3.08 (.54) 3.06 (.55) model, four direct paths from Roma, Bulgarian, familial, and
Well-Being religious identity of mothers to the same identity in youth were
Satisfaction with life 2.42 (1.53) 2.32 (1.50) added; these paths refer to domain-specific links of maternal
identity on child identity (and are in line with the strong cor-
relations of the domain-specific identities we reported above).
Table 2 Sample characteristics for Roma adolescents and mothers The model improved considerably [v2(25, N = 178) =
M (SD) Comparisons of familial 96.593, p \ .001, RMSEA = .127, and CFI = .950]; yet, the
versus ethnic and religious identity high RMSEA value and some modification indices suggested
a need for further adaptations. Therefore, direct relations
Identity adolescents
between maternal religious and Roma identity and well-being,
Roma 3.20 (.74) F(67, 192) = 2.25***
and between maternal collective identity and youth’s collec-
Bulgarian 3.28 (.60) F(67, 192) = 7.18*** tive identity were added. The model improved substantially,
Familial 3.55 (.77) resulting in an acceptable fit, v2(20, N = 178) = 31.40,
Religious 3.08 (.54) F(67, 192) = 2.70*** p \ .001, RMSEA = .057, and CFI = .992).
Identity mothers The four identity domains had positive factor loadings on
Roma 3.19 (.73) F(61, 193) = 3.65*** collective identity, which was positively linked to well-
Bulgarian 3.22 (.63) F(61, 193) = 10.83*** being in both adolescents and mothers (Fig. 1). Yet, the link
Familial 3.52 (.76) between collective identity and well-being was much
Religious 3.06 (.55) F(61, 193) = 3.41*** stronger among mothers. Moreover, in the group of mothers
*** p \ .001 there was a direct, negative link between Roma identity and
well-being. The direct link had the opposite sign and was
their familial identity was stronger compared to about of the same size as the indirect link (through collec-
Roma ethnic, [F(61, 193) = 3.65, p \ .001], Bulgarian tive identity). The net link between Roma identity and well-
mainstream [F(61, 193) = 10.83, p \ .001], and religious being was zero. The same was true for adolescents, where
identity [F(61, 193) = 3.41, p \ .001] (see Table 2). Dif- there was only an indirect and non-significant link between
ferences in well-being between Roma youth and mothers Roma identity and well-being. It can be concluded that
were also tested by using an ANOVA with group (2 levels) as Roma identity and well-being are not associated, neither for
the independent variable and the well-being scale (SWLS) as adolescents nor for mothers. Religious identity was more
dependent variable. The results did not show significant important for mothers than for adolescents. In both gener-
group differences between Roma youth and their mothers. ations religious identity was positively linked to collective
identity; however, in the maternal sample the link was
Links Between Maternal and Youth Collective Identity stronger and an additional direct link between religious
and Well-Being identity and well-being was needed to ensure an adequate
fit. The Bulgarian identity via the collective identity factor
Correlations between the four group identification measures showed strong indirect links with well-being in both groups:
were computed to test for intergenerational associations (see Roma adolescents and mothers with a stronger Bulgarian
Table 3). There were strong, positive correlations between identity tended to be happier.
corresponding collective identities of mothers and their youth An important feature of the model involved strong
(Roma identity: r(177) = .81; Bulgarian identity: r(177) = intergenerational continuity effects. Mother’s collective
.76; familial identity: r(177) = .88; religious identity: identity showed a strong, positive association with ado-
r(177) = .61, all ps \ .001). In sum, these results suggest that lescent’s collective identity; the same was true for well-

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Table 3 Correlations among collective identity and well-being for Roma adolescents and mothers
Variable

Adolescents 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10.
1. Roma identity –
2. Bulgarian identity .30*** –
3. Familial identity .36*** .78*** –
4. Religious identity .60*** .46*** .36*** –
5. SWLS .18** .60*** .70*** .33*** –
Mothers
6. Roma identity .81*** .32*** .37*** .48*** .13 –
7. Bulgarian identity .17*** .77*** .67*** .34*** .59*** .22** –
8. Familial identity .30*** .75*** .88*** .37*** .70*** .39*** .78*** –
9. Religious identity .42*** .41*** .35*** .61*** .33*** .52*** .46*** .40*** –
10. SWLS .18** .58*** .61*** .38*** .79*** .13 .59*** .62*** .43*** –
SWLS Satisfaction with Life Scale
** p \ .01; *** p \ .001

Bulgarian
.78***

Roma -.28***
.39***
.52*** Collective .60*** Well-Being
Identity Mother
.99***
Familial Mother

.75*** .40***
.33***
.29***
Religious

.54***
.67***
.54***

Bulgarian
.57***

Roma
.17**
.54*** Collective Well-Being
Identity .13** Adolescent
.37** Adolescent
Familial

.29***

Religious

Fig. 1 Path model of collective identity and well-being of Roma adolescents and mothers. Note The parameters represent standardized
coefficients. Arrows at the left side refer to direct paths between mothers’ and youth’s collective identity components. **p \ .01; ***p \ .001

being. In addition, there was a positive association between
maternal collective identity and adolescent well-being. It
can be concluded that maternal collective identity and
well-being are important for the collective identity and
well-being of their adolescents. Adolescent well-being was
indeed better predicted by maternal collective identity than
by adolescent collective identity. Finally, there was a
strongly positive, domain-specific relation between mater-
nal identity components and those of the adolescents. This
means that, for example, mothers with a strong familial
identity tended to have adolescents with a strong familial
identity. The results indicated that there was much

123
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intergenerational continuity of mothers on their adoles-
cents’ collective identity and well-being.
Discussion
No research has yet addressed ethnic, mainstream, familial,
and religious identities of Roma adolescents and their
mothers simultaneously. Given that Roma represent the
most at risk ethnic minority in Europe, historically exposed
to social exclusion and poverty, it is imperative to identify
sources of psychological well-being for this marginalized
group. This study examined intergenerational transmission
of collective identity in Roma minority groups and the
relation of collective identity and well-being. The results
confirmed our expectations that familial identity of both
adolescents and mothers was stronger compared to their
ethnic or religious identifications; mothers’ and adoles-
cents’ collective identity were strongly associated to well-
being; and mothers’ ethnic, familial, and religious identi-
ties are positively associated with their children’s identifi-
cations and well-being.
In line with our first hypothesis, familial identity was
stronger than ethnic and religious identity for Roma youth
and mothers. Familial identity is not challenged by other
Roma or mainstream Bulgarians. As a consequence, familial
identity may protect individuals against the negative ethnic
experiences that confront them in the Bulgarian society.
Prior work has demonstrated that the family context can be a
salient protective factor for ethnic minorities that facilitates
positive and healthy development and adjustment (Fuligni
and Flook 2005; Kiang et al. 2008). Thus, based on the
present results, it can be argued that Roma with a strong
familial identity feel more connected to their social envi-
ronment and are less likely to experience psychological
distress. In spite of continuous threats from the mainstream
society, Roma adolescents and mothers derive psychological
strength from a sense of connectedness with the family and
might receive support from these relationships when con-
fronted with discrimination and marginalization.
Additional support for our second hypothesis was found
in that for Roma youth, as well as their mothers, collective
identity was related to well-being. The results were also
consistent with our expectations that individuals who felt
particularly connected to their ethnic, religious, and
familial identity report greater well-being. These results
confirmed prior findings on the association between col-
lective identity and well-being (Abbotts et al. 2004; Di-
mitrova et al. 2013; Schwartz et al. 2009), and indicated
that positive ethnic, familial, and religious identity
enhances psychological outcomes for Roma youth and
their mothers.
123
J Youth Adolescence (2014) 43:375–386
Additionally, the results showed that Roma youth and
their mothers also experience higher levels of well-being
when they identify more strongly with the mainstream
context. This underscores the positive relation of involve-
ment and sense of belonging to the mainstream Bulgarian
culture and psychological outcomes among the Roma.
Possibly, in the face of severe discrimination of their
community, Roma youth and their mothers may have
favored their connections with the Bulgarian culture,
because of beneficial sources for their well-being.
Although marginalization may explain the low levels of
endorsement of both identities, it seems that multiple
interpretations are possible when relations between these
identities and well-being are considered. It is remarkable
that the positive associations between identity domains and
well-being were found in a group that is exposed to so
much discrimination. This result is in line with the fun-
damental role of collective identity for indigenous youth
that has been observed in other aboriginal communities
(Bals et al. 2011; Colquhoun and Dockery 2012; Hallett
et al. 2007; Moeke-Pickering 1996). Our study concurs
with these findings which show that even in highly adverse
conditions, collective identity is an important resource that
can foster coping and resilience.
Many social domains may contribute to collective
identity. However, our study shows that not all social
domains are equally important for collective identity. What
emerged from the current data is that Roma ethnic identity
did not provide a resource of strong identification, given
the adverse conditions of the Roma, which were exacer-
bated by a long history of ethnic tensions and assimilation
policies toward ethnic minority groups in Bulgaria. Argu-
ably, the acculturation process and identity salience may
vary across different contexts such as this Roma context
and other indigenous groups. Probably, as an adequate
coping reaction to their adversities and in line with mar-
ginalization models of acculturation, both mainstream and
ethnic identities showed conceivably low levels of
endorsement for the Roma. The absence of any change
may be due to the hostile, yet stable situation of the Roma
in Bulgaria. The marginalized status of the group is not
viewed as ending anytime soon. As a consequence, com-
mon motives for acculturative changes (i.e., more adjust-
ment to the mainstream culture will create better life
conditions in the future) may be absent in this group.
The findings also provide support for the expected
relations between mothers’ and youths’ collective identity.
Mothers are generally considered the most influential
socializing agent in children’s development of ethnic and
religious identity (Verkuyten et al. 2012). Intergenerational
continuity is probably very strong in close-knit communi-
ties, such as the Roma. Research that used independent
data from parents and their children has found that
J Youth Adolescence (2014) 43:375–386
children’s ethnic and religious identification is determined
largely by ethnic and religious commitment of their parents
(Myers 1996; Verkuyten et al. 2012). The present findings
showed that collective identity encompassing ethnic,
familial, and religious identifications of the mothers was
strongly related to collective identity of their children, and
this was also domain specific. There were significant
relations of all collective identity components between
mothers and children with the strongest relations among
Roma and familial identities. This indicates that Roma
mothers were particularly concerned with transmitting their
commitment to the Roma culture as well as their family to
their children. These relations support prior research on
intergenerational transmission, showing that the strong
sense of ethnic, familial, and religious belonging among
minority adolescents tends to reflect the opinion and beliefs
of their mothers (Bao et al. 1999; Verkuyten et al. 2012).
The findings have implications for models of the link
between identity and well-being. In a previous study, evi-
dence was found for the limited role of Bulgarian identity
in Turkish Bulgarians (Dimitrova et al. 2012). The present
study has extended this work by examining a group that is
even more marginalized than Turkish Bulgarians. It
appears that the link between collective identity and well-
being was moderated by contextual factors. In conditions
of extreme suppression and discrimination, we no longer
find that individuals who perceive more discrimination
have a more pronounced ethnic identity, as suggested by
the Rejection—Identification Model (Branscombe et al.
1999). In cases of extreme oppression, ethnic background
may no longer provide a positive source of identification.
More generally, these studies confirm that there is a posi-
tive link between collective identity and well-being, but
also suggest that the link between identity domains and
collective identity and the endorsement of these identities
can be domain specific.
The present findings should be interpreted in light of
potential shortcomings in order to promote future research.
Future work should examine whether our pattern of findings
generalizes to Roma communities that differ from those in
Bulgaria. Our study was concerned with Roma mothers and
youth in Bulgaria, thereby limiting our ability to generalize
any observed effects to other groups in other countries. A
replication in other European countries with Roma popula-
tions could (dis)confirm the current findings. We are currently
completing a study with Roma groups in Romania, Kosovo,
and the Czech Republic that may give us more insight about
identity processes of youth across diverse contexts.
Furthermore, our adult informants were mothers. Within
minority families, it is the mother who is predominantly
considered responsible for the upbringing of children.
Thus, compared to fathers, mothers’ impact in transmitting
cultural values and practices to their offspring is much
383
stronger (Bao et al. 1999). Nevertheless, future work
should address the role of the father as well as gender
related intergenerational influences on collective identity.
Related to that, it is generally assumed that youth are first
exposed to their families and then to the society at large.
Therefore, cultural transmission may be the result of
interactions between socialization inside the family (direct
vertical socialization) and (later) other socialization pro-
cesses related to identity formation often called oblique and
horizontal socialization (Bisin and Verdier 2011; see also
Berry et al. 2011). It may well be that Roma youth acquire
preferences from their parents (vertical transmission) and
from other adults (oblique transmission).
In addition, future studies may include multiple infor-
mants to test whether collective identity is related to both
vertical transmission with offspring being influenced from
their parents, and oblique transmission with offspring
learning from other significant adults. The results reported
here may be influenced by the method by which collective
identity was measured. Studies using different perspectives
and methods should be conducted to assess whether similar
findings emerge regardless of methodology (for a similar
argument, see Verkuyten 2005). For example, data from
interviews and focus groups tracing participants’ identity
maps may broaden the perspective on collective identity
(Sirin and Fine 2007). Roma youth are involved in nego-
tiating in their everyday lives what it means to be Roma
and how it relates to being Bulgarian. Hence, everyday
experiences of ethnic and mainstream identity and the ways
in which Roma youth negotiate them on everyday basis are
important issues to be investigated (Yip 2008).
An additional shortcoming is methodological; we
employed a cross-sectional design, thereby limiting our
ability to make causal attributions. Further investigations
may also take into account age and gender differences as
well as hierarchical analyses to test for the strong rela-
tionships of parental and self-reports. Also, because of the
relatively big sample size, paths with relatively weak
coefficients in our model were found to be significant.
Finally, it would be useful to test the impact of ethnic
and religious socialization processes of mothers more
directly as these can impact children’s collective identity.
In our study, we examined relations between collective
identity of mothers and their children, but did not consider
specific cultural and social transmission practices.
Although prior work documents mechanisms of parental
cultural transmission with regards to values and notions of
ethnicity and religion to their children (Hughes et al. 2006),
much less is known about those mechanisms in ethnic
minority groups. In light of the negative perception of
Roma in many European countries, the role of parents in
enabling their children to cope with discrimination is an
important issue to be addressed in future research.
123
384
Conclusion
The present study showed the importance of intergenera-
tional ties of collective identity represented by ethnic,
mainstream, familial, and religious components that are
resources to cope and enhance well-being of Roma mothers
and youth. These resources have been barely considered in
prior research. This is unfortunate because Roma are
Europe’s largest and most vulnerable indigenous minority,
and issues of successful integration and relations with the
mainstream culture are critical to the future of multicultural
European societies. This investigation contributes to the
study of adolescence by showing intergenerational conti-
nuities of collective identity among marginalized Roma
mothers and their offspring and that strong ethnic, main-
stream, familial, and religious identities of the Roma are
particularly important for their well-being. Specifically
identities that are not challenged by the host society,
related to family and to a lesser extent religion, provide a
sense of belonging, resources, and meaningfulness in the
ways in which Roma negotiate and live their multiple
identities in their everyday life.
Acknowledgments The authors are extremely grateful to Mrs. Neli
Filipova, Mrs. Petrova, and all adolescents and parents for their help
in carrying out the study.
Author contributions R.D. conceived the study, participated in its
design, data collection, and analyses and drafted the manuscript; A.C.
has made contributions to design of the study and revision of the
manuscript; M.B. has been also involved in designing the study and
revising the manuscript; F.V.D.V. has made substantial contributions
to conception of the study, analysis and interpretation of data as well
as revising the manuscript. All authors read and approved the final
manuscript.
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Author Biographies
Radosveta Dimitrova is a candidate for a second PhD in Cross-
Cultural Psychology at Tilburg University. She received her 1st
doctorate in 2008 from Trieste University, Italy. Her major research
interests include acculturation and identity of ethnic minority youth.
123
J Youth Adolescence (2014) 43:375–386
Athanasios Chasiotis is an Associate Professor at Tilburg University.
He received his doctorate in 1998 from the University of Osnabrück.
His major research interests include evolutionary and cross-cultural
developmental psychology, and cross-cultural research in motivation
and acculturation.
Michael Bender is an Assistant Professor at Tilburg University. He
received his doctorate in 2006 from the University of Osnabrück. His
major research interests include autobiographical memory, implicit
and explicit motivation, and acculturation, from a cross-cultural,
developmental perspective.
Fons J. R. van de Vijver is a Professor at Tilburg University and
holds a Chair at North-West University, South Africa and the
University of Queensland, Australia. He received his doctorate in
1991 from Tilburg University, the Netherlands. His major research
interests include acculturation, cross-cultural research methodology,
test adaptations, and intelligence differences between cultures.
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