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This dissertation is dedicated to the memory of my father

Longitudinal Changes in Chinese Adolescent Girls’

Physical Growth, Social Contexts, and Mental Health
during the Transition from Primary to Junior High School
Jia Guo
Doctor of Philosophy – The University of Edinburgh – 2015

DECLARATION
This thesis has been composed by me, is my own work, and has not been
submitted for any other degree or professional qualification.
Jia Guo
i
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
I dedicated this thesis to the memory of my father. I would also like to dedicate
this thesis to all my students who embarked my thoughts on taking this
journey of doing research with young people in China.
This study could not have been completed without the help from many
important and special people who gave me support when I most needed it.
First and foremost, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to Dr Joanne
Williams for her wholehearted support of this study, including not only
guidance, suggestion, and constructive criticism which have contributed
immensely to the evolution of my ideas on this study, but also unfailing faith
in my ability to complete this work. For this I am forever thankful. I am also
very much thankful to Jo Inchley for her help with the questionnaire
composition regarding items from Health Behaviour in School‐Aged Children
(HBSC) protocols. To Cristina Iannelli in Moray House School of Education,
for her course and help on quantitative data analysis with SPSS. I also have
particular cause to value the help from Colin Chandler and Emily Gribbin in
School of Health and Social Science.
I would like to thank all the participants in this study; without them, this work
would not have been possible. I would also like to thank all the participating
schools for allowing me to visit their schools and conduct survey with their
students. In particular, I would like to express my very great appreciation for
the assistance given by my friends from Beijing Normal University and my
colleagues from Students Times in my data recruitment process and advice on
questionnaire modification. My thanks also go to Ling in Moray House School
of Education, Jackie, Megan, and Cassie in School of Social and Political
Science, for their help with questionnaire composition and translation. To
Shuman in Department of Psychology for offering counselling when my
participants needed it. To Amy in my office for keeping me company in many
late nights.
Last, I wish to thank my families for their unconditional support and
encouragement throughout this journey.
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ABSTRACT
This study explores the longitudinal changes among a sample of early
adolescent girls in China throughout their transition from primary to junior
high school. Early adolescence is a time of multiple transitions and is
associated with a range of mental health outcomes in Western literature. This
study will be the first to examine developmental changes in early adolescence
among Chinese girls.
A sample of 425 Chinese girls completed a self‐report questionnaire at three
time points: the end of primary school, the start of the first year of junior high,
and the end of the first year of junior high. The questionnaire comprised a
range of measures relating to bodily changes, puberty, and gender issues,
social changes in family, peers and school, and a series of standardised
measures of mental health including: life satisfaction, self‐esteem,
psychosomatic symptoms, loneliness, anxiety, depression, and coping.
Results were analysed using ANOVA to examine longitudinal changes in
measures. Following an overview of the interrelations between all the
variables in this study using One‐way ANOVA, longitudinal results were
reported in three chapters: physical changes, social changes, and mental health.
Findings relating to physical growth highlighted the co‐occurrence of pubertal
development and school transition. Significant increases in body
dissatisfaction and social comparisons of physical appearance were identified,
indicating girls’ growing self‐consciousness about their physical changes.
Specifically, apart from weight concerns, an interesting finding of this study
was that girls in this study reported consistently higher and significantly
growing concerns about their height stature. A significant decline in positive
feelings of gender typing was also identified.
In terms of social development, there were no longitudinal changes in the
overall quality of attachment with parents or peers, as well as peer norms,
suggesting that although variance exists across individuals, these constructs
remained longitudinally stable in this sample. On the other hand, a significant
decline was found in parental involvement. In contrast to the negative
outcomes reported widely in Western literature following the primary to
middle school transition, this study revealed an overall positive school
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transition experience. To be specific, overall school climate was reported to be
more positive in junior high school, girls’ personal goals and school
behaviours were improved longitudinally, and school transition problems
were significantly smaller than expected prior to the transition.
Analysis of developmental changes in mental health revealed no changes in
global life satisfaction and depression. However, self‐esteem in general
significantly reduced over time; simultaneously and interestingly,
psychosomatic health, loneliness, and overall anxiety significantly improved
after the transition. Furthermore, longitudinally girls adopted a wider range
of coping strategies to deal with stressful events, although both the selection
and efficacy evaluation varied across coping strategies among individuals.
This study is the first to explore Chinese girls’ development during early
adolescence. Developmental trends are established in Chinese adolescent girls’
physical, social, and psychological domains. Despite evidence consistent with
the universalities of this life stage as established in Western literature, this
study also highlights cultural differences in the developmental experiences of
Chinese adolescents. Taken together, the findings reveal a positive
developmental phase with little evidence of increases in adaptation difficulties
or mental health outcomes. These empirical findings are in contrast to Western
research, which often highlights early adolescence as a time of adaptation
difficulties. Overall, this study contributes to the literature on adolescent
development. The role of culture and implications for future research and
practice are also discussed.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
DECLARATION .............................................................................................. I
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT ............................................................................... III
ABSTRACT .................................................................................................... V
TABLE OF CONTENTS ............................................................................... VII
LIST OF FIGURES ...................................................................................... XV
LIST OF TABLES....................................................................................... XVII
CHAPTER 1 ADOLESCENT DEVELOPMENT: FROM THE WESTERN

PREMISE TO THE CHINESE EXPERIENCE ................................................ 1
1.1 AIMS AND OUTLINE OF THIS THESIS ................................................................... 1
1.2 INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................. 4
1.2.1 Early adolescence – “The ontogenetic laboratory” ............................. 4
1.2.2 The “storm and stress” hypothesis ........................................................ 5
1.3 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORKS OF ADOLESCENT DEVELOPMENT ........................ 6
1.3.1 Cumulative effects of developmental transitions and the focal
theory of adolescence ........................................................................................ 6
1.3.2 Adolescent development in contexts – the bioecologcial system
model .................................................................................................................. 8
1.3.3 Summary of adolescent development research in Western literature
and emerging issues in cross‐cultural studies ............................................ 10
1.4 CULTURAL AND SOCIAL DIMENSIONS OF CHINA – THE PAST AND TODAY .... 12
1.4.1 Confucianism and Collectivism ........................................................... 12
1.4.2 Modern changes ..................................................................................... 13
1.5 ADOLESCENCE IN CHINA – CULTURAL AND SOCIAL INFLUENCES ON CHINESE
ADOLESCENT DEVELOPMENT ................................................................................. 15
1.5.1 Single child – From “4‐2‐1” to “1‐2‐4” phenomenon ........................ 15
1.5.2 Chinese adolescents in schools ............................................................. 16
1.6 CONCLUSION AND IMPLICATIONS FOR THESIS ................................................ 21
CHAPTER 2 THE DEVELOPING BODY – PHYSICAL GROWTH DURING

ADOLESCENCE .......................................................................................... 23
2.1 AIMS OF THIS CHAPTER .................................................................................... 23
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2.2 INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................ 23
2.3 PUBERTY AND PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT DURING ADOLESCENCE .................. 24
2.4 BODY IMAGE AND CONCERNS .......................................................................... 26
2.4.1 Thinness, overweight, and obesity ...................................................... 27
2.4.2 Body dissatisfaction ............................................................................... 29
2.4.3 Physical appearance comparisons ....................................................... 31
2.5 GENDER ISSUES ................................................................................................. 32
2.6 LIMITATIONS OF PREVIOUS STUDIES ON PHYSICAL GROWTH DURING
ADOLESCENCE AND RESEARCH NEED FOR CHINESE ADOLESCENTS ..................... 34
2.7 CONCLUSION AND IMPLICATIONS FOR THESIS ................................................ 37
CHAPTER 3 ADOLESCENTS AND SOCIAL CONTEXTS ........................... 39
3.2 INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................ 39
3.3 THE FAMILY CONTEXT ...................................................................................... 41
3.3.1 Parents attachment ................................................................................. 42
3.3.2 Parental involvement ............................................................................. 44
3.4 PEER CONTEXTS ................................................................................................ 45
3.4.1 Peer attachment ...................................................................................... 46
3.4.2 Peer norms ............................................................................................... 47
3.5 SCHOOL CONTEXTS .......................................................................................... 48
3.5.1 School climate ......................................................................................... 49
3.5.2 School goals ............................................................................................. 53
3.5.3 School Behaviours .................................................................................. 55
3.5.4 School adaptation ................................................................................... 56
3.5.5 Limitations of previous research on adolescents’ social contexts and
research need for Chinese studies ................................................................. 59
3.6 CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS FOR THESIS............................................... 61
CHAPTER 4 MENTAL HEALTH DURING ADOLESCENCE ........................ 63
4.2 GLOBAL LIFE SATISFACTION ............................................................................. 63
4.3 SELF‐ESTEEM ..................................................................................................... 64
4.4 PSYCHOSOMATIC SYMPTOMS ........................................................................... 65
4.5 MENTAL HEALTH DIFFICULTIES ....................................................................... 67
4.5.1 Loneliness ................................................................................................ 67
4.5.2 Anxiety ..................................................................................................... 69
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4.5.3 Depression ............................................................................................... 71
4.6 COPING ............................................................................................................. 73
4.6.1 Coping strategy ...................................................................................... 74
4.6.2 Coping efficacy ....................................................................................... 75
4.7 CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS FOR THESIS .............................................. 76
CHAPTER 5 METHODOLOGY.................................................................... 77
5.2 DESIGN AND RATIONALE ................................................................................. 77
5.3 PARTICIPANTS .................................................................................................. 82
5.4 RECRUITMENT .................................................................................................. 87
5.5 THE QUESTIONNAIRE ....................................................................................... 89
5.5.1 Selection, modification, translation, and permission to use of
standardized instruments .............................................................................. 89
5.5.2 Ethical considerations ............................................................................ 91
5.5.3 Instruments ............................................................................................. 92
5.5.4 Pubertal development ........................................................................... 96
5.5.5 Body Image and concerns ..................................................................... 98
5.5.6 Gender issues ........................................................................................ 100
5.5.7 Families .................................................................................................. 100
5.5.8 Friends ................................................................................................... 101
5.5.9 Schools ................................................................................................... 102
5.5.10 Mental health ...................................................................................... 106
5.5.11 Summary ............................................................................................. 111
5.6 DATA COLLECTION ........................................................................................ 112
5.6.1 Procedure .............................................................................................. 112
5.6.2 Practical issues of psychological research with Chinese adolescents
.......................................................................................................................... 113
5.7 DATA ANALYSIS............................................................................................. 115
5.7.1 Data preparation .................................................................................. 116
5.7.2 Analysis plan ........................................................................................ 117
5.8 CONCLUSION AND IMPLICATIONS FOR THESIS .............................................. 117
CHAPTER 6 INTERRELATIONS BETWEEN VARIABLES ....................... 119
6.1 AIMS OF THIS CHAPTER .................................................................................. 119
6.2 INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................. 121
6.3 RESULTS .......................................................................................................... 123
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6.3.1 Demographics ....................................................................................... 123
6.3.2 Physical growth .................................................................................... 124
6.3.3 Social contexts ....................................................................................... 126
6.3.4 Mental health ........................................................................................ 129
6.4 DISCUSSION OF RESULTS ................................................................................ 131
6.4.1 Demographics ....................................................................................... 131
6.4.2 Physical growth .................................................................................... 131
6.4.3 Social contexts ....................................................................................... 133
6.4.4 Mental health ........................................................................................ 135
6.4.5 Summary ............................................................................................... 137
6.5 CONCLUSION AND IMPLICATIONS FOR THESIS .............................................. 137
CHAPTER 7 LONGITUDINAL CHANGES OF ADOLESCENTS’ PHYSICAL

GROWTH ................................................................................................... 139
7.2 INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................. 140
7.2.1 Pubertal development ......................................................................... 140
7.2.2 Body image and concerns ................................................................... 141
7.2.3 Gender issues ........................................................................................ 143
7.2.4. Research questions and hypothesis .................................................. 143
7.3 PUBERTAL DEVELOPMENT .............................................................................. 144
7.3.1 Pubertal status and pubertal timing .................................................. 144
7.3.2 Perceived pubertal timing ................................................................... 149
7.4 BODY IMAGE AND CONCERNS ........................................................................ 150
7.4.1 Body Mass Index (BMI) ....................................................................... 150
7.4.2 Body dissatisfaction ............................................................................. 151
7.4.3 Physical Appearance State and Trait Anxiety Scale ‐ State (PASTAS‐
S)....................................................................................................................... 155
7.4.4 Physical Appearance Comparison (PACS) ....................................... 158
7.5 GENDER ISSUES ............................................................................................... 158
7.6 DISCUSSION .................................................................................................... 159
7.6.1 Pubertal development ......................................................................... 159
7.6.2 Body image and concerns ................................................................... 161
7.6.3 Gender issues ........................................................................................ 166
7.7 CONCLUSION AND IMPLICATION FOR THESIS ................................................ 168
CHAPTER 8 CHANGING SOCIAL CONTEXTS: FAMILIES, FRIENDS, AND

SCHOOLS .................................................................................................. 169
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8.2 INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................. 170
8.2.1 Families .................................................................................................. 172
8.2.2 Friends ................................................................................................... 173
8.2.3 Schools ................................................................................................... 174
8.2.4 Research questions and hypothesis ................................................... 177
8.3 RESULTS .......................................................................................................... 177
8.3.1 Parent attachment ................................................................................ 177
8.3.2 Parental involvement ........................................................................... 178
8.3.3 Peer attachment .................................................................................... 178
8.3.4 Peer norms ............................................................................................. 179
8.3.5 School climate ....................................................................................... 179
8.3.6 School goals ........................................................................................... 184
8.3.7 School behaviours ................................................................................ 185
8.3.8 School adaptation ................................................................................. 186
8.4 DISCUSSION .................................................................................................... 187
8.4.1 Parent attachment ................................................................................ 187
8.4.2 Parental involvement ........................................................................... 189
8.4.3 Peer attachment .................................................................................... 190
8.4.4 Peer norms ............................................................................................. 192
8.4.5 School climate ....................................................................................... 193
8.4.6 School goals ........................................................................................... 195
8.4.7 School behaviours ................................................................................ 196
8.4.8 School adaptation ................................................................................. 199
8.5 CONCLUSION AND IMPLICATION FOR THESIS ................................................ 200
CHAPTER 9 LONGITUDINAL CHANGES IN ADOLESCENTS’ MENTAL
HEALTH ..................................................................................................... 201
9.2 INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................. 202
9.3 RESEARCH QUESTIONS AND HYPOTHESIS ...................................................... 202
9.4 RESULTS .......................................................................................................... 204
9.4.1 Global life satisfaction ......................................................................... 204
9.4.2 Self‐esteem ............................................................................................. 205
9.4.3 Psychosomatic symptoms ................................................................... 208
9.4.4 Loneliness .............................................................................................. 211
9.4.5 Anxiety ................................................................................................... 211
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9.4.6 Depression ............................................................................................. 213
9.4.7 Coping .................................................................................................... 214
9.5 DISCUSSION .................................................................................................... 219
9.5.1 Global life satisfaction .......................................................................... 219
9.5.2 Self‐esteem ............................................................................................. 221
9.5.3 Psychosomatic symptoms ................................................................... 223
9.5.4 Loneliness .............................................................................................. 226
9.5.5 Anxiety ................................................................................................... 229
9.5.6 Depression ............................................................................................. 233
9.5.7 Coping .................................................................................................... 235
9.6 CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS FOR THESIS............................................. 238
CHAPTER 10 GENERAL DISCUSSION .................................................... 241
10.1 AIMS OF THIS THESIS .................................................................................... 241
10.2 LONGITUDINAL CHANGES IN PHYSICAL GROWTH ...................................... 242
10.3 LONGITUDINAL CHANGES IN SOCIAL CONTEXTS ........................................ 243
10.4 LONGITUDINAL CHANGES IN MENTAL HEALTH .......................................... 245
10.5 SYNTHESIS OF RESULTS: “STORM AND STRESS” RECONSIDERED ................. 247
10.6 UNDERSTANDING THE LONGITUDINAL CHANGES IN THIS STUDY AND THEIR
THEORETICAL IMPLICATIONS ............................................................................... 248
10.6.1 An integrated theoretical model ...................................................... 248
10.6.2 Change is universal: Developmental and normative principles . 250
10.6.3 Adaptation is critical: The fit between adolescent and environment
.......................................................................................................................... 251
10.6.4 Timing is not everything ................................................................... 253
10.6.5 Adolescents as agent of their development .................................... 254
10.6.6 Comments on results ......................................................................... 255
10.7 RESEARCH IMPLICATIONS ............................................................................ 256
10.7.1 Implications for schools ..................................................................... 257
10.7.2 Implications for parents .................................................................... 258
10.7.3 Implications for adolescent health policy and practice ................ 259
10.8 LIMITATIONS AND STRENGTHS OF THIS STUDY ............................................ 262
10.9 FUTURE RESEARCH DIRECTIONS ................................................................... 265
10.10 CONCLUSION .............................................................................................. 268
REFERENCES ........................................................................................... 269
xii
APPENDIX
QUESTIONNAIRE
CORRELATION TABLES
ETHICS APPROVAL LETTER
PARTICIPANT INFORMATION SHEET AND CONSENT FORM
INFORMATION SHEET AND PARENTAL/GUARDIAN CONSENT FORM
xiii
LIST OF FIGURES
1.1 A study of longitudinal changes in Chinese adolescent girls’ physical
growth, social contexts, and mental health during the transition from
primary to junior high school ...................................................................... 1
1.2 Primary to secondary school admission proportion in a key school in
Beijing .............................................................................................................. 19
3.1 Adolescent’s social contexts in the bioecological model ............................. 41
5.1 A study of longitudinal changes in Chinese adolescent girls’ physical
growth, social contexts, and mental health during the transition from
primary to junior high school .................................................................... 78
5.2 An overview of the research design and variables in this study ............... 79
5.3 Participating schools at each phase within four main districts in Beijing 83
6.1 An overview of variables examined in this study at three time points .. 120
7.1 Longitudinal changes in physical growth during the transition from
primary to junior high school .................................................................... 139
7.2 A longitudinal study on early adolescent girls’ physical growth ............ 144
7.3 Percentage distribution of pubertal timing groups based on PDS (PT) and
self‐reported perceived pubertal timing (PPT) across three phases .... 149
7.4 Percentage distribution of weight status based on BMI according to IOTF
cut‐offs for Asian girls at Time 1, Time 2, and Time 3 ........................... 151
7.5 Percentage distribution of body change, body size, dieting behaviour, and
perceived looks ................................................................................................ 152
7.6 Means of care about height and care about figure ........................................... 155
7.7 Means of physical appearance anxiety regarding individual body parts across
three time points .......................................................................................... 156
7.8 Means of positive feelings about own gender and act like opposite sex ........... 158
8.1 Longitudinal changes in adolescent girls’ social contexts during the
transition from primary to junior high school ......................................... 169
8.2 Adolescents’ social contexts within the bioecological model ................... 170
8.3 A longitudinal study on early adolescent girls’ social contexts ............... 171
8.4 Means of IPPA – Parent Trust, Communication, and Alienation at Time 1,
Time 2, and Time 3 ...................................................................................... 178
8.5 Means of IPPA – Peer Trust, Communication, and Alienation at Time 1, Time
2, and Time 3 ................................................................................................ 179
8.6 Percentage distribution of school satisfaction ................................................ 180
8.7 Percentage distribution of perceived academic achievement ....................... 180
8.8 Percentage distribution of perceived pressure from schoolwork .................. 181
8.9 Prevalence of being bullied and bullying others ............................................. 182
8.10 Longitudinal changes in means of being bullied and bullying others ....... 182
xv
8.11 School achievement goals in terms of school emphasis on ego goals and school
emphasis on task goals across three phases ................................................. 183
8.12 Personal achievement goals in terms of personal ego goals and personal task
goals across three phases ............................................................................. 184
8.13 Percentage distribution of future plan after high school .............................. 185
8.14 Problems with adaptational tasks of secondary school transition ......... 186
8.15 Problems with substance abuse in terms of alcohol, drugs, and cigarettes
........................................................................................................................ 187
9.1 Longitudinal changes in adolescent girls’ mental health during the
transition from primary to junior high school ......................................... 201
9.2 A longitudinal study on early adolescent girls’ mental health ................ 203
9.3 Prevalence of degree of happiness throughout the transition ...................... 204
9.4 Prevalence of frequency of happiness throughout the transition ................. 204
9.5 Means of subscales of self‐esteem at three time points ................................ 206
9.6 Means of psychosomatic symptoms in the past 6 months ............................. 208
9.7 Percentage of girls’ experiencing more than once a week of each
psychosomatic symptom at three time points ....................................... 210
9.8 Means of subscales of anxiety at three time points ..................................... 212
9.9 Longitudinal changes in depression with two‐factor structure .................. 214
9.10 Prevalence of coping strategy at three time points ..................................... 215
9.11 Means of coping efficacy at three time points .............................................. 217
10.1 Longitudinal changes in early adolescent girls’ physical, social, and
psychological domains during the transition from primary to junior high
school ............................................................................................................. 241
10.2 Tao of adolescent development: the constitutive nature of the adolescent
and the environment ................................................................................... 249

xvi
LIST OF TABLES
1.1 Educational system in the UK and the US ..................................................... 17
1.2 Educational system in China ........................................................................... 17
5.1 Participants and attrition rate across three phases ....................................... 82
5.2 Participants of the whole sample at each time point ................................... 85
5.3 Demographic characteristics of the final sample .......................................... 85
5.4 An overview of the longitudinal questionnaire composition with questions
and measures’ details under research themes ........................................... 93
7.1 Means, standard deviation of PDS at three time points ............................ 145
7.2 Number and percentage distribution of means, standard deviation of
pubertal timing groups at each time point ............................................ 146
7.3 Association between pubertal timing groups based on PDS (PT) and self‐
reported perceived pubertal timing (PPT) at three time points .......... 150
7.4 Means, standard deviation, and range of age, height, weight, and BMI
across three time points .............................................................................. 150
7.5 Means and standard deviations of body image indicators at three phases 153
7.6 Association between weight groups based on BMI and perceived weight
status at each time point ............................................................................. 154
7.7 Means, standard deviations, degree of freedom, F‐value, p‐value, and post
hoc pairwise comparison results of physical appearance anxiety regarding
individual body parts at three time points .............................................. 157
7.8 Means and standard deviations of scale and indices scores of physical
appearance comparison ................................................................................... 158
hoc pairwise comparison results of self‐esteem ......................................... 207
hoc pairwise comparison results of psychosomatic symptoms ................ 209
9.3 Means, standard deviations, and range of loneliness at three time points .... 211
9.4 Means, standard deviations, and range of anxiety at three time points .. 212
9.5 Two‐factor solution of depression (BDI‐II) .................................................... 214
9.6 Means and standard deviations of coping strategy at three time points .. 216
9.7 Means, standard deviations, and longitudinal changes in coping efficacy
across three time points .............................................................................. 218
10.1 An overview of longitudinal changes in key indicators of adolescents’
physical growth ............................................................................................ 242
social contexts ............................................................................................... 244
mental health ................................................................................................ 247
xvii

CHAPTER 1 ADOLESCENT DEVELOPMENT: FROM THE WESTERN

PREMISE TO THE CHINESE EXPERIENCE
1.1 Aims and outline of this thesis
This thesis will argue that early adolescence provides an ideal time to study
developmental transitions, because this period of life accommodates multiple
rapid, and sometimes simultaneous changes, in different domains. It is also a
time of major biological change with substantial implications for psychological
change.
Despite the research interest in early adolescence, limitations exist.

Longitudinal studies of the developmental changes in this life stage are
needed. Compared with growing empirical evidence and theories on
adolescent development based on Western populations, studies on adolescent
development in China are scarce.
Therefore, to fill in the research gap in studies on adolescent development, this
thesis aims to provide evidence and argument whether Western‐established
models are applicable to Chinese context, thus contribute to the knowledge of
generality of classic theories, and to generate implications for local practice.
Figure 1.1 A study of longitudinal changes in Chinese adolescent girls’ physical growth, social
Time 1 Time 2 Time 3

Pre-transition During transition Post-transition
Physical growth Physica growth Physical growth
Social contexts Social contexts Social contexts
Mental health Mental health Mental health
The transition from primary to junior high school
contexts, and mental health during the transition from primary to junior high school
1
A central concern of this thesis is the debate about whether adolescence as a
period of “storm and stress” is cross‐culturally universal or whether cultural
differences lead to an alternative account of adolescent development.
Currently, some researchers have highlighted important cultural differences,
whereas others have also shown universalities across cultures. However, both
camps were often limited by the fact that they either focused on genetic or
maturational factors (“nature”; e.g., Hall, 1904), or on factors relating to
“nurture”. Subsequently, these theories were succeeded by studies that
emphasize relations between the individual (biological) and contextual
ecological variations (including culture and history) that were involved in the
course of adolescent development (Lerner & Steinberg, 2009). Based on such
understanding, this thesis will examine the issues of adolescent development
by testing a broad range of concepts tackling the physical, social, and
psychological domains of the adolescent, by adopting a three‐phase
longitudinal study of adolescents in China (see Figure 1.1). By utilising a large
battery of standardised measures at each phase (see Chapter 5 for
questionnaire composition), this thesis will chart the developmental changes
in multiple indicators of Chinese adolescent development. The empirical data
obtained from this thesis will be used to examine the following three main
research questions:
Research Question 1: What are the longitudinal changes in Chinese
adolescents’ physical growth?
Research Questions 2: What are the longitudinal changes in Chinese
adolescents’ social contexts?
Research Question 3: What are the longitudinal changes in Chinese
adolescents’ mental health?
Within each main research question, subsidiary questions will be tested within
these themes. The subsequent literature review chapters will thus discuss
existing research evidence of both main research questions and secondary
constructs in details in relation to each developmental domain, respectively.
To report the study, which was driven by these three main research questions,
this thesis comprises ten chapters, including four literature review chapters
(including this chapter; Chapter 1‐4), a method chapter (Chapter 5), a
descriptive chapter of variables’ interrelations (Chapter 6), three main
2

empirical results chapters (Chapter 7‐9), and a concluding general discussion
chapter (Chapter 10).
This chapter serves as a general introduction to the thesis, focusing on the
general research topics and relating cultural backgrounds. Chapter 2 focuses
on research exploring physical growth during adolescence, and the
developmental changes over time. Chapter 3 reviews literature on adolescents’
social contexts and relative developmental changes, including: family, peers,
and schools. Chapter 4 carries on the discussion on literature with research
evidence on mental health during adolescence. Chapter 5 then gives a
comprehensive description of the methodology and data analysis procedures
employed in this study. The first results chapter (Chapter 6) gives an overview
of the interrelations of all the variables in this study, followed by three
empirical chapters of longitudinal changes. The main empirical results of
analysis are reported in the corresponding order to three main research
questions as well as the literature reviews chapters. Chapter 7 presents data
on longitudinal changes in physical growth of Chinese adolescents to answer
Research Question 1. Chapter 8 presents results on longitudinal changes in
social contexts of Chinese adolescents to respond to Research Question 2, and
Chapter 9 investigates Research Question 3 by presenting findings on
longitudinal changes in Chinese adolescents’ mental health. The final chapter
of this thesis, Chapter 10, concludes the thesis with a general discussion on the
key findings in this study, the implications of these empirical results,
limitations of the study, and recommendations for future research.
After zooming out for an outline of the thesis, this chapter will return and
proceed with more details to the different issues aforementioned. It briefly
introduces early adolescence as an ideal period of time to study developmental
changes. This is followed by an overview of the debate of whether this time
stands for “storm and stress”. The controversies in research evidence
throughout history were identified and raised the question of whether this
hypothesis exists in China. To understand the developmental changes during
this stage, two theoretical frameworks are introduced. They also provide
theoretical guidance to this study. The chapter proceeds with an overview of
cultural factors, which may influence adolescent development in China, and
concludes with a summary of the key issues and their implications for the
thesis.
3
1.2 Introduction
1.2.1 Early adolescence – “The ontogenetic laboratory”
The passage from childhood into and through adolescence is composed of a
series of transitions that unfold gradually, sometimes simultaneously, and
touch upon the adolescent’s physical and physiological, through cognitive,
emotional, and behavioural, to the social relational and institutional aspects
(Coleman, 1974, 2011; Ellis, Boyce, Belsky, Bakermans‐Kranenburg, & van
IJzendoorn, 2011; Meaney, 2010; Williams & Currie, 2000).
The most obvious and dramatic changes are the biological and physical
transformations associated with puberty. The young adolescent experiences
shifts in body size and shape, increases in hormones and cognitive capacities,
changes in brain structures, which are linked to their physical abilities and
maturation (Ellis et al., 2011), as well as awareness of gender identities and sex
roles (Hill & Lynch, 1983). Parallel to the aforementioned individual
developmental transitions in this life period, early adolescents also face the
multiple contextual transitions, in relation to major institutions of society,
including: family, peers, schools, and broader community (Crockett & Crouter,
2014). To be specific, alongside the biological changes in the physical domains,
adolescents also face the development of self and cultural identities,
transformations of relationships with parents and peers, and formations of
friendships and social networks, which linked to the transition from
dependence on parents and families to growing intimacy with peers and
greater independence (Brown & Larson, 2009). Around the same times, many
adolescents are also undergoing the transition from primary to junior high
school, adapting to new physical environments, educational demands, and
social relations (e.g., Wigfield & Eccles, 1994, 2002; Eccles & Roeser, 2011).
Many of these developmental changes happen during the early years of
adolescence (van der Laan, Veenstra, Bogaerts, Verhulst, & Ormel, 2010), and
over half a century ago researchers proposed that the young person roughly
at the age of 9‐13 was experiencing unique developmental changes which were
beyond the existing knowledge and theories based upon childhood or
adolescence (e.g., Blair & Burton, 1951). With such recognition and research
evidence, the notion of early adolescence started to be accepted as a legitimate
developmental stage in the science of adolescent development (Thornburg,
4

1983). Nowadays the age bracket of early adolescence varies from one research
to another, and in this study, early adolescents referred to young persons of
11‐14 years old (Steinberg, 1993). Very few developmental periods are
characterised by so many changes at so many different levels (Ellis, et al., 2011),
and early adolescence was therefore regarded as an “ontogenetic laboratory”
for many researchers in developmental science (Steinberg & Lerner, 2004). As
a result, early adolescence has received wide research interest in Western
literature (Reitz, Dekovic, & Meijer, 2006), and still calls for scholarly attention.
Despite such enquiries which may take various forms, one of the key questions
has been on how successfully the adolescents cope with these physical,
contextual, and emotional changes that occur to them during early
adolescence (La Fontana & Cillessen, 2010; Lerner & Lerner, 2013). Following
this line of questioning, the next session will generally review the premise of
adolescence as a period of “storm and stress” as established in Western
literature (e.g., Hall, 1904; Cote, 2013).
1.2.2 The “storm and stress” hypothesis
Given the multiple transitions across many domains during early adolescence,
the adaptational capacities of adolescents are often put into test (Urdan &
Midgley, 2003), and distress and problems in emotional and psychological
domains, as well as subjective wellbeing, self‐perceived competence and
coping abilities become salient among some adolescents as they navigate these
transitions and sometimes even beyond (Simmons & Blyth, 1987). Indeed,
evidence points to early adolescence as a critical period of time in terms of
internalizing and externalizing mental health difficulties, including, increases
in psychological distress, declines in self‐esteem and motivation, and growing
risk for academic failure and delinquent behaviours (Baker, Grant, & Morlock,
2008). In a word, early adolescence is a period of “storm and stress” (Hall,
1904). To take a further look at this term by tracing back to its origin, Hall (1904)
borrowed from the German writings of Goethe and Schiller, who wrote novels
full of idealism, commitment to goals, revolution against the old, passion and
feelings. There is certainly a sense of parallel between the themes from these
authors and the psychological development of adolescents in the modern
literature. Building on such understanding, Brooks‐Gunn (1991)
conceptualized “storm and stress” as two overlapping yet different
dimensions. “Stress” is defined in terms of the potentially stressful life events
5
that characterised this life stage in adolescence; while “storm” refers to
emotional instability and outburst of temporary negative behaviours.
Much of previous research on adolescence has been focused on testing this
hypothesis (e.g., Larson & Ham, 1993; Simons & Blyth, 1987), however, there
are also researchers questioned this view by arguing that although early
adolescents in this life stage may experience some difficulties, yet most
adolescents are free from “storm and stress” in their transition from childhood
into adolescence (Arnett, 1999; Wigfield & Eccles, 2002), and refined the
statement as “although adolescence may be stormy and/or stressful for some,
it is not typically a developmental problem, nor is it inevitable or ubiquitous”
(Hollenstein & Lougheed, 2013).
In keeping with this position, research on adolescent development has been
shifting from focusing on whether this period is inevitably stormy and
stressful, to examining variations associated with adolescents and their
developmental contexts involved in the course of adolescent development,
including culture and history (Bronfenbrenner, 1979, 2005; Bronfenbrenner &
Morris, 2006). Underpinning the complex variations and relations in
adolescent development and the contexts where the development is
embedded, theoretical frameworks of adolescent development will be
reviewed in the next session, with focus on: focal theory (Coleman, 1974, 2011),
and bioecological system model (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006).
1.3 Theoretical frameworks of adolescent development
Paralleled with research on testing the hypothesis of adolescence as a time of
“storm and stress”, many researchers developed theoretical frameworks to
answer the question of why early adolescence is stormy and stressful to some
adolescents, while others have no difficulties navigating the developmental
transitions in this stage.
1.3.1 Cumulative effects of developmental transitions and the focal theory

of adolescence
As outlined above, adolescence, especially early adolescence, accommodates
multiple developmental transitions in many aspects. Moreover, early
adolescence is not only a period of physiological, cognitive, and social
6

transformations, but also a time when multiple transitional changes occur

simultaneously (Simmons & Blyth, 1987). Each of these life events might
independently influence the emotional development of adolescence and their
wellbeing, and the “pile‐up” of these events may collectively contribute to
greater stress. In particular relevance to changes in early adolescence, such
“pile‐up” comprises the physical transformations initiated by the onset of
puberty, social relationship renegotiations with parents and peers, and
adjustment to institutional transitions from primary to junior high school
(Steinberg, 1993). Although some of these events are normative and
predictable, while others happen at random (Steinberg, 1993). In other words,
besides the universal developmental tasks and expectations of this life stage,
adolescents also have to deal with the here‐and‐now tasks of everyday living.
Yet the adjustment to one transition may be affected by the number of other
changes, which also take place in the adolescent at the same time. Research
has shown that the discontinuities and resulting difficulties of such
synchronous changes in adolescence, for example, the co‐occurrence of onset
of puberty and transition from primary to junior high school in early
adolescent girls, may be easier for adolescents to cope with when these
problems are dealt with one at a time or come into focus at different stages
(Simmons & Blyth, 1987).
This idea upholds Coleman’s (1974, 2011) focal theory of adolescent
development. According to the original focal model (Coleman, 1974), if the
adolescent experiences transitions at different times rather than
simultaneously, they are less likely to experience difficulties. By contrast,
when adolescents experience more than one transition at a time, they are more
likely to be at risk of having psychological and developmental difficulties.
Hence, a potential explanation to the fact that some adolescents during this life
stage have difficulties making the transitions while other do not, is that
different relationship patterns in adolescence and associated concerns come
into focus of the adolescent at different ages. However, these patterns overlap
and the resolution to one problem is not essential to facing another.
Furthermore, the adolescent may not follow a fixed sequence of dealing with
these problems, although some particular themes may come into focus to the
majority of adolescents at particular ages (Coleman, 1974, 2011). For example,
“parental relationships” and “authority in large group” were most focused in
early adolescence among girls, whilst “Heterosexual relationships” came into
7
increasing attention in middle adolescence (Coleman, 1974, p.137). The focal
theory of adolescence has been tested empirically and received support from
a range of studies (e.g., Hendry, Shucksmith & McCrae, 1985; Kroger, 1985;
Simmons & Blyth, 1987).
The focal theory of adolescent development offered an explanation to the
differences in adolescent transition outcomes, and it points to the need for
more recognition of the nature, timing, and different stages of adolescents’
transitions, including the significance of the transition itself. Following this
line of reasoning, the adolescent transitions and their embeddedness in
associated contexts will therefore be interpreted through the bioecological
system model next.
1.3.2 Adolescent development in contexts – the bioecologcial system model
As reviewed earlier, adolescent development involves multiple transitions

and changes in relations between themselves and the multiple levels of
contexts in which they are embedded. The contemporary theoretical
framework for such scholarship involves relational developmental systems
theoretical models (Overton, 2010), and an example of these models is
Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological system model (e.g., Bronfenbrenner & Morris,
2006). In a similar vein, bioecological system model emphasizes that the basic
process of human development involves mutually influential relations
between the developing individual and the multiple levels of their changing
contexts (Bronfenbrenner, 1979, 2005; Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006).
In specific, the bioecological model suggests that the broad context is made up
of nested systems. At the most proximal level to the individual is the
microsystem, which the individual actively participates in, such as family,
peer groups, and schools, which together represent the primary microsystems
the adolescent interacted with. The further levels include mesosystem
(interaction of microsystems), the exosystem, equalling influences external to
the adolescent’s microsystem, and the macrosystem (e.g., the overarching
societal and cultural blueprint including values and ideologies, such as
collectivistic beliefs). From this perspective, adolescent development can be
understood through the reciprocal interactions between them and their
contexts (multilayer systems). Bronfenbrenner and Morris (2006) later added
another system as Chronosystem, relates to what might happen in time,
8

indicating the patterning of contextual events and transitions over time (e.g.,
longitudinal changes in the adolescent and their relating systems over time).
Other hypothesis also applied Chronosystem to explain contextual factors that
may interact with timing of events, indicating it is the timing or the
synchronicity of the transitions in adolescence that puts the adolescent’s
developmental outcomes at risk. This resonates the aforementioned focal theory
on the importance of timing of transitional events.
Guided by the bioecological system model, research designs in social and
developmental psychology have increasingly incorporated individual
difference measures and measures of their social contexts (Li, Lynch, Kalvin,
Liu, & Lerner, 2011). Such studies have encompassed various domains of the
adolescent’ developmental contexts, including the family, peer groups, schools,
and beyond, and they have investigated a wide range of indicators regarding
adolescent transitions in multiple domains, including parent‐child
relationships (Branje, Hale, Frijns, & Meeus, 2010), peer relationships (Li et al.,
2011), school transition adjustment (Rice, Frederickson, & Seymour, 2011; Arens,
Yeung, Craven, Watermann, & Hasselhorn, 2013), subjective wellbeing (Atkinson,
2013), and mental health difficulties (Ford, Goodman, & Meltzer, 2003), as well as
delinquency and substance abuse (Reitz et al., 2006). Besides influences from
these microsystems of the adolescents’ developmental contexts, factors at the
level of macrosystem, such as general social‐cultural norms, also modify the
development of adolescent and their socialization in the respective culture
(Magnusson & Stattin, 2007). Therefore, to study transitions in adolescence within
certain cultural context through bioecological system model, it is important to
take into account of cross‐cultural and intra‐cultural differences of adolescent
development while investigating universal processes.
As implied by chronosystem, developmental contexts undergo processes of

historical and social changes. Adolescents in many parts of the world
experience socio‐political, economic, and cultural changes that have an impact
on their lives (e.g., regarding family, life standards, and health). As mentioned
above, research reviews on adolescent development have shown that the
experience of transitions and changes does not necessarily result in
problematic or difficult development (e.g., Coleman, 2011; Steinberg, 1993).
Empirical research has dealt with questions of whether certain social, economic,
and political changes include risks and chances and how they impact adolescent
9
development (e.g., Greenberger, Chen, Beam, Whang, & Dong, 2000; Griffin,
2013). However, questions concern conditions and functions of cultural values
and norms for both positive and negative developmental outcomes and the roles
of cultural factors in these processes remain. A major gap is the lack of
longitudinal data and the scarcity of culture‐informed approaches.
1.3.3 Summary of adolescent development research in Western literature

and emerging issues in cross-cultural studies
To continue with the brief reflection upon the above reviewed literature on
adolescent development, a few limitations can be identified. First, existing
literature primarily relied upon white, middle‐to upper‐middle class, Western,
Caucasian (often American), small sizes, and homogeneous samples (e.g., Dubas,
Graber, & Petersen, 1991), but the findings in one sample may not necessarily
generalize to another. Besides, interactions between culture, ethnicity, social
economic status, and minority status can prove detrimental to the adolescent’s
healthy development and are still poorly understood to date (Lerner, 2006).
Second, relatively few studies in adolescent transitions have dealt with normal
adolescents, and much research has been done on “problem” adolescents (e.g.,
delinquent adolescents). Of those that have, few are concerned with the
consequences of experiencing several developmental transitions at a time
(Elder Jr., Caspi & Burton, 2013). Third, differentiating from existing research
interests, one universal characteristic of adolescents that is often ignored is the
excitement of growing up, which concerns the movement away from
childhood toward increasing skills, forming new relationships, and achieving
the important roles in given societal and cultural contexts (Demetrovics, 2012).
Despite the cultural‐informed studies on adolescent development is still in
need, a few emerging issues in cross‐cultural studies should also be noted.
First, traditional cross‐cultural research tends to emphasize mean differences
across cultural groups (e.g., people of Culture A score or rank higher on
Variable × than those of Culture B). Little attention has been paid to the
examination of differences in the longitudinal changes and the resulting
developmental processes. Second, interdisciplinary models that consider
multiple biological, psychological, and contextual levels of functioning which
bring together the expertise of diverse scientists to provide integrated
knowledge about the holistic properties of the developing adolescent are
10

warranted. Third, in recent years, the definition and measurement of
adolescents’ wellbeing have become issues of widespread interest and
importance (Benson & Scales, 2009; Scales, Benson, & Roehlkepartain, 2011).
Despite attentions to conceptualising and evaluating wellbeing in academic
and in policy circles, wellbeing remains a narrowly defined term in education
and health studies which may compromise efforts to assess and promote it
effectively (Ereaut & Whiting, 2008).
Nevertheless, a growing number of national and cross‐national research

protocol on adolescence with strength of covering multiple dimensions and
quality indicators of adolescents’ life and wellbeing are being put into practice,
thus enable the quantification of patterns and trends in prevalence of key
health behaviours, health indicators, and contextual variables, and inform
educators, researchers, and policy‐makers depends upon grounded models of
adolescent wellbeing that are relevant to today’s cultural‐contextual structures
and ethos, and that resonate with adolescents, teachers, families, and society.
For example, the world health organization collaborative cross‐national
survey Health Behaviour in School‐Aged Children (HSBC), Global School‐based
Student Health Survey (DSHS) developed by the World Health Organization
(WHO) in collaboration with United Nations’ UNICEF, UNESCO, and
UNAIDS and with technical assistance from CDC; Taiwan Youth Health Survey
(TYHS) conducted by the Bureau of Health Promotion, starting in 2005,
rotating junior or senior higher schools.
Research on adolescent development especially on adolescent wellbeing in

Mainland China is scarce (Jiang, Petersen, Peng, Tai, & Bian, 2005). With
recognition of limitations in previous literature and the emerging issues in
cross‐cultural studies on adolescent development, it is therefore important to
undertake empirical research in Chinese populations to provide evidence and
argument whether Western‐established theories are applicable to Chinese
context, thus contribute to the knowledge of generality of classic theories and
generate implications for practice. Before moving on to research questions of
this study, the next two sessions will outline background information on
several cultural factors, which may contribute to understanding adolescent
development in China.
11
1.4 Cultural and social dimensions of China – The past and today
1.4.1 Confucianism and Collectivism
Chinese culture, rooted in Confucian philosophy and embodied in a collective
context for several thousand years, differs markedly from Western culture
(King & Bond, 1985; Lin, 2010). Throughout Chinese history, the
predominance of Confucianism ideologies created a system of education and
became the official philosophy of the state (Lin, 2010).
Confucianism is fundamentally a social theory with its primary purpose of
achieving a harmonious society (King & Bond, 1985). In the Confucian
tradition, the individual is never an isolated, separate entity. An individual is
always regarded as part of a social network with a specific role in relation to
others, or as a social, interactive, or relational being (Lai, 2008) who is required
to fit into and conform to the existing orderly world. These Confucian concepts
construct human relationships in hierarchical patterns and have provided a
particularly Chinese form of order linking the individual, the family and the
state. Therefore, individuals are socially situated and defined within an
interactive context (Lai, 2008). As a result, the Chinese concept of a person,
developed from Confucian philosophy, is based on the individual’s transactions
with their fellow human beings (King & Bond, 1985).
Collectivism is often used as the dominant ideology in describing Chinese
culture (Voronov & Singer, 2002). The collectivist culture of the Chinese is
developed from the notion of the Confucian ideal state, the essence that the
individual is responsible for collective good. With this cultural ideal, Chinese
individuals are trained to pay greater attention to the maintenance of
relationships and a stable social order, and less attention to the pursuit of
personal needs and rights (Voronov & Singer, 2002). The former means the
Chinese see themselves situated symbolically in the web of a relational
network through which they define themselves (Bond, 1986). The latter means
achievement goals of individuals are often presented as being for the benefit
of a group (Oyserman, Coon, & Kemmelmeier, 2002) and people act in
accordance with external expectations or social norms to function as integral
parts of the social networks, instead of emphasizing independence, personal
achievement and growth and the rights of individuals as most Western people
do (Lai, 2008). Such cultural notions are also reflected in adolescent
12

development, and proved insight into their psychological processes (Triandis,
1996, 2007). Recent evidence, however, indicates that both independent and
interdependent values can coexist within the same individual regardless of
their cultural background (Suh, Diener & Updegraff, 2008). Some researchers
revealed patterns similar to the individualistic approaches in Chinese urban
adolescents (e.g., psychological autonomy) found in Western cultures (e.g.,
Chen‐Gaddini, 2012). Such coexistence of both individualistic and collectivistic
approaches in some Chinese adolescents supports Suh et al. (2008)’s view, and
indicates that Chinese collectivistic cultural notions influence their adolescents,
and it is also important to note that such values of being individualistic or
collectivistic may function together and sometimes complement each other
within the adolescent, especially in certain unique cultural and familial
circumstances (Schonpflug & Yan, 2013, 2014).
1.4.2 Modern changes
China has been experiencing significant economic and social changes since the
Open Door Policy in 1978, towards a market‐oriented society (Tisdell, 2009),
which may undermine the traditional cultural systems. These changes have
occurred over a relatively short period of time and have resulted in intensive
economic development, improved quality of life, and higher level of educational
attainment (Li, 2004). Alongside, today’s adolescents are subject to a much wider
range of information about the wider world than they were three decades
previously, fuelled in part by explosion in new media and communication
structures and information technology. Awareness of what is going on well
beyond the boundaries of the local area is now the norm, and with it has come
the sense that Chinese adolescents are part of a much larger society.
However, these changes can be seen as a double‐edged sword. For example,
cultural values of Chinese parents changed over the past few decades as a
result of the transformation of the society. Chinese parents nowadays
particularly in high socioeconomic status urban families, valued autonomy
and independence. The urbanization and socioeconomic development were
associated with a decline in material dependence within the family and an
increase in positive attitudes toward children’s independent and exploratory
behaviours. Similar findings concerning changes in cultural values of
13
independence and individuality have been reported in other societies such as
Germany (Eickhorst, Lamm, Borke, & Keller, 2008; Keller & Lamm, 2005).
On the other hand, during the period of economic liberalization, China has
shown a hybrid governance that has combined earlier Maoist socialist,
nationalist and developmentalist practices and discourses of the Communist
Party with the more recent market logic of market socialism (Qian & Wu, 2008),
which promotes the search for individual success and highlights the
importance of the free market. Under such influence, China has transformed
into a highly unequal and divided society, with growing income inequality
and unequal access to social services by individuals (Wang, 2008), and
materialistic values prevail (Chan, 2013). These trends pose risk to social
cohesion and also influence the development of Chinese adolescents.
Social changes are closely linked to education, especially where education is
considered a major vehicle of social mobility and life success. High levels of
educational attainment are especially important in China, where possessed
only limited natural resource and wealth. Therefore, human capital, gained
through education, is an important asset in ensuring Chinese people’s
competitiveness in the global economy (Li, 2004), and this has lead Chinese
students under great pressure to excel in schools at very young age.
The economic transitions in China have also been linked to shifts in cultural
beliefs and beauty ideals among adolescents living in urban areas (Lee & Lee,
2000). This shift may be increased by other sociocultural factors including
pressures from peers, relatives, parents, and other social environmental factors,
and play an important role for adolescents in setting their own body image
standards to evaluate their physical growth, even if these standards are
considered unhealthy (Chen, Jackson, & Huang, 2006). In the meantime, the
process of urbanisation also brought about changes in diet and lifestyle, such
as an increase in the availability of sweets and fast‐food and in the use of
television, personal computers and cars, all of which can pose potential health
risks (Chen & Jackson, 2008).
In a word, to understand today’s Chinese adolescents in this era, it is crucial
to acquire a broader and more modern perspectives; old knowledge built on
stereotyped simple cultural beliefs is still of importance, but might no longer
adequate. With the broader changing context at societal level in view, the next
14

session will zoom in to a few cultural factors at the policy and practice level
that have closer links to today’s adolescent development in China.
1.5 Adolescence in China – Cultural and social influences on Chinese

adolescent development
The ideas, values and practices of a particular culture are significant in
scaffolding adolescent developmental and their psychological wellbeing
(Nsamenang, 1992; Triandis, 1996, 2007). Together they provide guidance on
behaviours that are normalised or accepted as appropriate within the social
milieu (Triandis, 1989, 2001). Thus to study Chinese adolescent development,
it is necessary to understand the cultural practice and norms which shape the
development of Chinese adolescents.
1.5.1 Single child – From “4-2-1” to “1-2-4” phenomenon
Since 1979 China has adopted the One Child Policy and has resulted in most
city‐dwellers being only‐children. Early research were focused on whether
only child would become spoiled and overprotected, given the fact that the
only child received attention and investment from two parents and four
grandparents (“4‐2‐1” phenomenon; Wang & Fong, 2009). However, Peng
(2011) argued in response to concerns over spoiling of the single or only
children, that parents are actually demanding even more of children at
younger ages than parents of previous generations.
The aspirations of many parents, who had limited educational opportunities
themselves, are now invested in their only children (Hua, Jin, Gu, et al., 2014).
This together with the possibilities for upward mobility in society has led to a
highly competitive educational system. In addition, strong traditional ideas of
being children in the family persist, based on the Confucian traditions of
respect for parents and elders, filial piety, obedience and discipline. There are
increasing concerns about the effects of all these pressures on the health and
wellbeing of youth in China (Shang & Katz, 2014). Researchers further raised
the “1‐2‐4” phenomenon surrounding the One Child Policy which means that
only children will have to bear the responsibility of supporting both of their
parents and, sometimes, all four of their grandparents in their old age, as they
cannot rely on siblings to help them care for their aging family (Zhang & Goza,
2006). In addition, due to technological advancements and improved
15
healthcare, people are living longer and therefore the size of the aging
population worldwide is growing (Kunzig, 2011). This argumentation in the
growing number of elderly people in China will lead to the costs of which will
fall on the only children (Wang, 2008).
Traditionally, the support system for the elderly in China is family‐based. The
old saying of having sons to support parents in their old age preserved for
years (Li & Yi, 2011). This also led to the traditional desire for male child
(Ebenstein & Leung, 2010). Although infanticide and sex selective abortions in
China is illegal, the latest census figures suggest that there is a gap between
males and females, and this gap has led to a marriage crisis and may lead to
violence and criminality among males (Li, Yi, & Zhang, 2011).
To resolve the various issues created by the One Child Policy, earlier this year
the Chinese government has already instituted exceptions to the policy, such
as allowing parents who are only children to have a second child. Implications
for the policy changes can only be tested in future; nevertheless, Chinese
adolescents are developing in unique cultural contexts, and to study
adolescent development in such sociocultural contexts, it is important to
acknowledge the cultural specific policies and practice.
1.5.2 Chinese adolescents in schools
Schools are where adolescents spend the most of their time, and to understand
adolescent development it is important to know something about the
education system (an element of the exosystem in Bronfenbrenner’s
terminology; Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006). Similar to the Western
education structure (see Table 1.1), the Chinese educational system consists of
five tiers: kindergarten; primary (elementary) school; junior high school;
senior high school, and; college or university. Chinese schools widely adopt
the grade level organization which often known as the 6‐3‐3 plan (Table 1.2).
It involves spending 6 years in a primary school, 3 years in a junior high school,
and finally transition into a 3‐year senior high school. Thus for Chinese
students, who move from primary school to junior high and then on to senior
high school, have to experience disruption twice. Although there are also some
experimental schools adopt K‐12 system, due to their small numbers in total,
the mainstream educational context still is dominated by the 6‐3‐3 system.
16

Table 1.1 Educational system in the UK and the US1 (up to secondary school)
Age UK grade US grade Level of study Type of education

(approximate)
17-18 Years 2 12- 11th-12th (Junior - Sixth Form or Post-Secondary
13 Senior) Work-based Training education
12-16 Years 7-11 6th-10th Secondary School Secondary education
4/5-11 Years 1-6 Kindergarten-5th Primary School Elementary education
3-4/5 N/A N/A Nursery School Pre-school education
Table 1.2 Educational system in China
Average age Grade level Grade Organization Type of education

18 Senior 3 Senior high
17 Senior 2 (Grade 1-3)
16 Senior 1 (Age 16-18) Secondary
15 Junior 3 Junior high education
14 Junior 2 (Grade 1-3)
13 Junior 1 (Age 13-15) K3-12
12 Primary 6 (Age 7-18)
11 Primary 5
10 Primary 4 Primary school Elementary
9 Primary 3 (Grade 1-6) education
8 Primary 2 (Age 7-12)
7 Primary 1
3-6 Kindergarten Nursery school Pre-school education
Different from the distinctions between private and public schools in the UK or
the U.S., one controversial phenomenon in Chinese educational system is the
designation of “key schools” (Wu, 2013). Key schools are schools distinguished
from ordinary schools by their academic reputation and are generally allocated
more resources by the state. The designation of “Key School” status exists for
selected schools at every educational level: elementary, secondary, and higher. In
addition, there are various levels of the “key” designation itself (Wu, 2013). There
are national key institutions; provincial or municipal key institutions, and county

1 As described in the chart above, formal education in the US is generally mandatory to 16. School-level
education is divided into “years” in UK, and grades K (Kindergarten) – 12 in the US correspond to Years 1 – 13 in
the UK
2 “Year” is used in the UK to describe a student’s “grade”
3 Kindergarten
17
or district key institutions. In all cases, this stratified structure has given key
schools numerous privileges. They receive the lion’s share of public funding
(especially Project 211 Universities4). They can select the best students through
city‐wide or region‐wide examination and transfer the best teachers in the area to
teach in their school. They receive much more funding from the government, and
in getting funds for upgrading equipment or the purchase of expensive items
such as computers; they always have priority (Wu, 2013). Because of these
advantages, key schools often boast 90% to 99% admission rates to universities
(Gao, 2011). In addition, key schools dominate the creation and distribution of
primary and secondary school education materials. Their best teachers are not
only called upon to write and grade national examination test papers, but they
are also publishing researchers who authoritatively resolve secondary school
disputes through their domination of district education bureau publications.
Some key schools are even affiliated with overseas alumni associations that are a
source of prestige and hard currency. Such schools embody China’s
modernization goal of defining success in relationship to international standards.
Most of secondary schools in China comprise both junior and senior high grades,
and entering into key school at junior high often eases the way to continue with
senior high grades in the same school; because those schools often favour their
existing students to keep the coherent education to their own level. Furthermore,
admission into key secondary schools often paves the way for entering elite
colleges and universities in China and abroad; as a result, the competition to
obtain admission into these key schools is fierce and puts school children under
ever‐increasing pressure.

4
Project 211 is the Chinese government's new endeavour aimed at strengthening about 100 institutions of higher
education and key disciplinary areas as a national priority for the 21st century.
18

Competition for places in key schools is not limited to students’ academic
credits. Although secondary schools are meant to receive students from their
feeder primary schools or students whose registered residence is within their
educational area selected by computer system on a random basis, in practice
they take the best students from a wide geographical radius. Take one key
school in Beijing as an example (as shown in Figure 1.2), only 10% of their
students were assigned by computer, 35% were chosen in terms of students’
academic credits, 25% were selected giving consideration to students’
specialty, 20% due to the relations of students’ parent(s) workplace and school,
10% by attending pre‐secondary school classes run by the key school itself and
achieving the due credits.
Academic Recommendation
10% Specialty (literature and art, sports, or, science and

10% technology)
35%
Joint Cooperation Unit
20%
Pre-Secondary School Training Class
25%
School Allocation by Computer
Figure 1.2 Primary to secondary school admission proportion in a key school in Beijing5
In China, besides the enrolment ways of key school as shown above, parent‐
initiated school choice became prevalent in the mid‐1990s. Since then with the
help of the government policies which legalize the intake of choice students
(State Council, China, 1993), it has been exercised actively by parents and
schools for different purposes: for parents, it is an opportunity to let their child
receive better education; for schools, to generate more funds. Key schools
attract top‐performing students, which in turn enables them to come out at top
of the exam league tables. The good performance in exams attracts more out‐
of‐zone (as shown in Figure 1.2) choice students who have to pay the school
an additional large sum of money commonly known as sponsorship fees or

5 Data were obtained from internal source based on one junior high school in Beijing in 2011
19
school selection fees. That is, the students did not score well enough on the
admission test to attend these schools on full subsidy, so parents who can
afford to do so must incur some of the fees. This source of additional funding
can greatly improve school performance in terms of employing more qualified
teachers, purchasing more advanced teaching facilities and increasing teachers’
income. Du (2000) argued that the process of choice if socially constructed, but
by its nature disadvantages families who often find it hard to get access to key
schools. This invariability results in school segregation and unequal student
outcomes.
Expenses on choosing a school and class might be unique in China. This
operation takes place because educational authority and schools have the
freedom to set their own practice, which may differ from the general policy of
compulsory education; the stratification of schools and classes; and charges
that correspond to recourses used (Jiang, 2001). As a whole, the condition
reflects an endorsement for market ideology in the educational institution for
the distribution of resources. Accordingly, the rule of games is to
strengthening differentiation and stratification, and thereby, parent
involvement with school by means of family wealth is important in the
provision of and access to the resource.
China is a test‐driven country. However, the cultural notions of cultivating
and leaning among Chinese also emphasize education both broadly defined
as well as specific to schooling. Cultivation through schooling is still regarded
as the primary way for social mobility. However, it is also important for
building character, or qualities such as being hardworking, self‐disciplined,
preserving, and moral. Many of the cultural beliefs and views about children’s
development and learning in China are distinctly linked to views about
education and the importance of children’s schooling. Nevertheless, the
argumentation on Chinese educational systems and school practice identified
two issues that need to be addressed. First, Chinese adolescents go through
school transitions earlier (at primary to junior high school level); second,
Chinese parents consider their children’s schooling as a collective efforts, and
they actively involve themselves by means of school involvement and school
selections.
Taken together, the above review does not claim to be a definitive explanation
for the developmental process of Chinese adolescents, and there are many
20

other cultural factors which influence Chinese adolescent development;

however, it does highlight two points: there are neglected areas which need to
be explored within the Western dominant perspective of adolescent
development; and given the distinct sociocultural differences at levels of
ideology and practice in China compared with that in the West, Chinese
adolescents may create a developmental path on their own account.
1.6 Conclusion and implications for thesis
This chapter begins with a description of the aims, research questions, and
outline of this thesis. It then argues that early adolescence is an “ontogenetic
laboratory” which provides researchers with the opportunities to study
multiple developmental transitions accommodated in this life stage, and has
long term implications for both adolescents and societies. It proceeds with the
hypothesis of adolescence as a time of “storm and stress” and contemporary
challenges to this view, followed by a brief review of two main theoretical
frameworks of adolescent development: the focal theory and bioecological
model. Cultural factors are then reviewed in relation to their roles in Chinese
adolescents’ development. The next chapter (Chapter 2) will review previous
literature on adolescent development regarding their physical growth.
21

CHAPTER 2 THE DEVELOPING BODY – PHYSICAL GROWTH DURING

ADOLESCENCE
2.1 Aims of this chapter
Chapter 1 set the scene for the establishment of the broad research enquiry of
Chinese adolescent development. It first reviewed the commonly accepted
premise of adolescence as a period of storm and stress, and then moved on to
the introductions of two main theoretical models of adolescent development,
which also serve as the guidance of this study. The chapter also provided
information on certain cultural factors, which may contribute to
understanding previous research literature and empirical data from this study.
This chapter will review research evidence in both Western and Chinese literature
on adolescents’ physical growth. Several themes are identified, including pubertal
development, body image and concerns, as well as gender issues.
2.2 Introduction
Puberty is developmentally the most significant milestone occurring during
early adolescence (Berenbaum, 2010). It represents a key transition in
psychological function, and many studies of adolescent development consider
puberty.
In pace with changes in many aspects of adolescents’ physical growth
triggered by the onset of puberty, adolescents also experience increasing
awareness of their gender identity (Hill & Lynch, 1983; Beltz & Berenbaum,
2013), and face societal expectations and pressure from mass media, parents,
and peers, in terms of the feminine ideals and gender roles (Byne, 2006).
Self‐perception together with the attitudes toward the body represents two
important dimensions of body image. Individual differences in these
characteristics and the timing of the changing processes mean these changes
must be incorporated into the child’s perceptions towards the developing
body and personally evaluated in a diversity of settings and influenced by
social norms and standards of the dominant culture (Thompson & Hirschman,
1995; Moradi, 2010).
23
Amplified by social comparison, body dissatisfaction emerges when the
discrepancy between the real and ideal body image comes forth, and by
adopting body image management behaviours such as weight control dieting,
social interaction avoidance, and clothes selections, children also involve
themselves in the actions of body image improvement and enhancement.
Besides the growing self‐consciousness in the physical self, development of
cognitive abilities and the psychological process of adolescence typically set in
motion an unsettling review of personal identity that is rooted in the body
(Harter, 1990). As Erikson (1950) once contended that the physical changes
associated with puberty serve as a catalyst for adolescents to question
childhood identifications and to consolidate these with current self‐
conceptions, personal ideologies, interpersonal values, and future aspirations.
2.3 Puberty and physical development during adolescence
During adolescence, puberty initiates a series of complex physiological

changes, most visibly in the developing body (Williams & Currie, 2000). In
addition to an increase in height and weight and the attainment of mature
reproductive capacity, the adolescent also undergoes changes in the
distribution of body fat, alterations in body proportions, and development of
secondary sexual characteristics (Tanner, 1962; Christie & Viner, 2005).
Studies on puberty and a pubescent child concern three main variables and
their interactions, and they are: chronological age, pubertal status and pubertal
timing (Christie & Viner, 2005). Pubertal status refers to the current level of
pubertal development at a given point in time. Pubertal timing indicates
whether the adolescent’s physical maturation is occurring early, on time, or
late, relative to same‐sex peers (Dubas, et al., 1991; Ellis, 2004). Studies on
pubertal timing suggest early pubertal timing to be particularly important,
and has been linked to different types of externalizing problem behaviours
and internal psychological outcomes among girls, including substance abuse,
delinquency, low self‐esteem, and depression (Graber, Lewinsohn, Seeley, &
Brooks‐Gunn, 1997; Sontag, Graber, & Clemans, 2011; Crockett, Carlo, Wolff,
& Hope, 2013).
However, a review of literature reveals that the majority of studies on
adolescent health and psychosocial development do not measure pubertal
development and, of those that do, there is little consistency in the methods
24

and conceptualization of pubertal processes and their role in adolescent
development. Thus, relevant conclusions about the impact that puberty or
pubertal timing may have on health and development is difficult to discern,
and continue to limit comparisons across studies and in turn hamper overall
progress in the field of study on adolescent development. In sum,
methodological issues, a general lack of conceptual clarity, and paucity in
systematic research contribute to a scarce of knowledge concerning how
physical changes, body image, and related behavioural and psychological
contributes may differ across time, cultures, and ethnic groups.
Rests on the assumption that the onset of puberty itself is a novel event that
calls for new psychological adaptations, the stressful change hypothesis
(Simmons & Blyth, 1987) predicts that, regardless of timing, girls experiencing
the pubertal transition will manifest higher levels of distress than pre or post‐
pubertal girls. The rationale for this proposition has its origins in the stress‐
distress paradigm, which assumes that change itself is inherently stressful and
requires adjustment.
Concerning the relation between off‐time pubertal development and girls’

problem behaviours, two hypotheses have traditionally been prominent in the
literature and supported by empirical data (e.g., Brooks‐Gunn, Petersen, &
Eichhorn, 1985; Silbereisen & Kracke, 1997), the maturational deviance hypothesis
(off‐time) (e.g., Alsaker, 1995) and the stage termination hypothesis (early timing)
(e.g., Petersen & Taylor, 1980). The prior hypothesis emphasizes the negative
outcomes of being off‐time, while the latter indicates the early timing warrants
more attention to facilitate less problematic transitions (e.g., Petersen, Sirigiani,
& Kennedy, 1991). Contemporarily, several hypotheses have been advanced
to explain the link between early pubertal timing and psychosocial functioning
of adolescent girls and to describe during what circumstances the link is most
likely to occur: the peer socialization hypothesis and the contextual amplification
hypothesis (Ge & Natsuaki, 2009). The peer socialization hypothesis (Stattin, Kerr,
& Skoog, 2011) posits that early‐maturing girls will seek out friends with older
girls and other early maturers and socialize themselves into problem
behaviours (Kort‐Butler, 2009). The contextual amplification (Caspi, Lynam,
Moffitt, & Silva, 1993) posits that implications early timing will have for girls’
adjustment depend on external conditions; certain social contexts will either
strengthen or weaken the association between early pubertal timing and
25
problem behaviour, and deviant contexts may increase such probabilities (Ge,
Natsuaki, Jin, & Biehl, 2011). Recently, an integration of these two hypotheses
was proposed (Stattin et al., 2011). The idea was that the negative peer
socialization of early‐maturing girls should be more prevalent in deviant
contexts. However, there are no studies published in which a macro‐social
approach has been taken to studying the developmental significance of girls’
pubertal timing.
More recently the research effort has been to identify specific aspects of
puberty (biological and psychosocial) that might confer a differential
sensitivity to the development of internalizing problems in particular girls
during puberty. Pubertal timing, physical, biological and hormonal changes,
peer involvement, culture, and ethnicity are possible relevant factors; although
no one factor alone is likely to account for the increased incidence of
internalizing disorders in girls during early adolescence. Longitudinal studies
are required to determine the direction and persistence of effect. More research
using a developmental psychopathology framework is needed, which would
examine not only puberty itself but also the complex relationship among these
factors and serve to link the various theoretical perspectives (e.g., medical
models, social learning theory) together.
2.4 Body image and concerns
Preoccupation with the body and its image is a central theme during
adolescence (Fisher, 2014). A negative body image in adolescence has been
linked to negative psychological experience, such as low self‐esteem, anxiety,
and depression (Paxton, Eisenberg & Neumark‐Sztainer, 2006). It is also
related to behavioural problems like dieting and eating pathology (Swanson,
Crow, Le Grange, Swendsen, & Merikangas, 2011), and suicide intention and
attempts (Gupta & Gupta, 2013). Therefore, understanding body image and
the ways in which the child pictures their body is important from a theoretical
as well as a practical standpoint.
Body image is discriminated as a multidimensional construct that generally

includes perceptions of body appearance, thoughts and beliefs regarding body
shape and appearance, attitudes reflecting how one feels about their body size
and shape, and behaviours that embody actions related to appearance
(Thompson & Hirschman, 1995; Cash & Smolak, 2011). In research literature the
26

topic of body image appears in a variety of fields such as communication,
psychology, and textiles and clothing (Rudd & Lennon, 2000).
Notions of ideal body types are influenced significantly by sociocultural
norms among Western samples, particularly females (Tiggemann, 2011). The
current ideology of the feminine body is composed of a set of unattainable
contradictions – ultra‐thin yet curvaceous, small‐hipped and large‐breasted,
firm but not too muscular, and strong but graceful (Krane, Choi, Baird, Aimar,
& Kauer, 2004). This thin and attractive body ideal has become the dominant
narrative of hegemonic femininity in most Western world that is reinforced
through everyday discourse (George, 2005). Such body image ideal
approximates ever‐narrowing standards for desirability in relation to body
size, youthfulness, and grooming practices, to name just a few criteria (Jeffreys,
2005). The standards represented by this ideal are socio‐historically specific, in
that thinness and physical attractiveness for example, are not inherently
desirable, but rather they have been constituted as such within the current
cultural climate (Malson & Ussher, 1996), and feelings and attitudes toward
the body vary depending on situational contexts (e.g., Williamson Thompson,
Anda, Dietz, & Felitti, 2002). Studying adolescents’ body image is even more
complex in the developmental years when body image is forming.
Nevertheless, to highlight the literature on body image, two aspects have
received extensive studies: weight status and physical attractiveness.
2.4.1 Thinness, overweight, and obesity
Body weight has always been in the central of body image studies, especially
among women and girls. Following Ford and Beach’s (1952) ground‐breaking
ethnography, research in the past few decades has reliably documented cross‐
cultural (e.g., Cassidy, 1991), temporal (e.g., Swami, Gray, & Furnham, 2007),
and individual differences (e.g., Swami, Hadji‐Michael, & Furnham, 2008) in
the perceptions and attitudes toward body weight.
In terms of cross‐cultural differences, the available evidence broadly suggests
that the ideal body weight is slimmer in contexts of high, compared to low,
socioeconomic status or in more Westernized societies (Swami & Furnham,
2008), where thin, and possibly even underweight body is considered
maximally attractive (see Calogero, Boroughs, & Thompson, 2007 for review).
In less socioeconomically developed (or non‐Western) societies, plumpness is
27
(or was) linked with psychological traits of fertility, sexuality, and
attractiveness (e.g., Brown, 1991; Teti, 1995) and individuals positively
evaluate overweight, and sometimes‐obese figures (e.g., Swami, Frederick,
Aavik, et al., 2010; Swami, Knight, Tovee, Davies, & Furnham, 2007).
The body is a primary means through which individuals negotiate social
meanings and identities by cultural standards (Swami et al., 2010). Currently, in
Western society, overweight may be viewed by some as symbolic of an
individual’s moral failing in self‐control (Ritenbaugh, 1991), representing laziness,
weakness, a lack of impulse control, irresponsibility, the primitive, and the
unattractive (Farrell, 2011), whereas thin, toned bodies indexed discipline and
willpower (Huff, 2001). Compared to men, being fat has a disproportionate,
negative effect on women’s experiences in education, employment opportunities,
health care, romantic relationships, and portrayal in the media (see Fikkan &
Rothblum, 2012 for review). Weight concerns predict lower levels of body
satisfaction among girls and young women (Ousley, Cordero, & White 2008).
Weight‐based teasing among children and adolescents is linked to lower self‐
esteem, lack of peer acceptance, lower participation in physical activity, and
unhealthy weight control practices, which can lead to disordered eating and
exercise addictions (Levine & Murnen, 2009).
In contrary to the thin ideal and the stereotyped social interpretations to
fatness, the prevalence of overweight and obesity among children and
adolescents has increased in recent decades and has become a public health
concern worldwide (Ogden, Carroll, Kit, & Flegal, 2012). Obesity in
adolescents has been of particular concern because the period of adolescence
is characteristic of physiological (e.g., pubertal maturation and body
composition), behavioural (e.g., diet and physical activity), and psychological
(e.g., body satisfaction and low self‐esteem) changes.
However, a few methodological issues may over‐predict the level of obesity in
children and adolescents. Obesity is defined as an excess of body fat mass and
ideally a definition based on percentage of body fat would be used, which is
impracticable for epidemiological use (Cole, Bellizzi, Flegal, & Dietz, 2000).
Body mass index (BMI) instead has been widely accepted as a standard for the
assessment of obesity in physic‐psychological studies (Williams, Taylor, Wolf,
Lawson, Crespo, 2008). However, dynamic growth makes the choice of
definitions more complex for children and adolescents. Three sets of standards
28

in terms of BMI are used internationally to define weight status in children: US
Centres for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) 2000 standard (Kuczmarski,
Ogden, & Guo, et al., 2002), the International Obesity Task Force (IOTF)
standard (Cole, Bellizzi, Flegal, & Dietz, 2000), and the WHO 2006 standard
(World Health Organization, 2012). The use of different criteria results in
differing reports of prevalence rates, and it is even harder for cross‐cultural
comparative studies without a consensus on diagnostic criteria (Goon, Toriola,
Shaw, 2010). Further, BMI essentially adjusts weight for variation in height, thus
weight by itself is limited; it is difficult to interpret weight independent of height.
Low or high weight may have an independent effect and implications for a
person’s body image irrespective of height. Individuals who are very short or
very tall may also deviate from norms of desirable height and hence experience
their body in a negative way, irrespective of weight. Research found low body
height was among the most important predictors of body dissatisfaction
(Jackson & Ervin, 1992), however, whether height concerns also contribute into
girls’ body dissatisfaction and whether shortness is perceived as less
consequential for adolescent girls are not clear.
2.4.2 Body dissatisfaction
Body dissatisfaction refers to the negative self‐evaluations of one’s body shape,
size, and appearance (Menzel, Krawczyk, & Thompson, 2011), which occurs
when perceptions of one’s actual physical attributes do not match the personal
or societal body shape standards endorsed by the individual (e.g., actual‐ideal
body image discrepancy), the larger the discrepancy between one’s perception
and preference; the greater one’s body dissatisfaction (Heron & Smyth, 2013).
Evidence shows body dissatisfaction increases during the adolescent years
(McCabe & Ricciardelli, 2001). The most drastic increase in body dissatisfaction
for both boys and girls occurs during early adolescence when dramatic
appearance changes initiated by the onset of puberty took place (Graber, et al.,
1996), therefore, research on body dissatisfaction contributes to the
understanding of early adolescents’ physical development.
Body dissatisfaction is generally claimed by many studies as Western culture‐
bound syndromes (Gordon, Perez, & Joiner, 2002). Although recent reports
show an increase in body dissatisfaction in non‐Western countries such as Japan
(Pike & Borovoy, 2004), Malaysia (Mellor, Ricciardelli, McCabe, et al., 2009), and
29
China (Chen & Jackson, 2008), however, cross‐cultural studies report lower
levels of both negative body image and disordered eating in non‐Western
compared to Western societies (e.g., Mahmud & Crittenden, 2007). This is
consistent with the finding that there are marked cross‐cultural differences in
ideal body size (e.g., Brewis & McGarvey, 2000). Furthermore, studies have
reported that Asian women not only have lower body dissatisfaction than
Western women, but also have a lower likelihood of engaging in weight loss
behaviours (Lowry, Galuska, Fulton, et al., 2000). However, recent work
suggests that the biggest difference in ideal body size is not found between
Western and non‐Western societies, but rather between samples that differ in
socioeconomic status (with low socioeconomic samples idealizing a heavier
ideal compared with high socioeconomic samples (e.g., Swami, et al., 2007).
Research indicates that body dissatisfaction is a gendered experience that is
more common among women than men (Maphis, Martz, Bergman, Curtin, &
Webb, 2013), and adolescent girls are widely reported at greater risk for body‐
related concerns (Cash & Pruzinsky, 2002). However, a close examination
reveals methodological biases may make it more likely to find body
dissatisfaction among females than among males. First, research that does not
control for actual weight may amplify the dissatisfaction that some women
feel with their bodies. Second, although many women and girls have normal
and even underweight, researchers seem to inquire only about behaviours
used to lose weight. Another methodological bias concerns the notion of body
image as a multidimensional construct (Cash & Brown, 1989). While most
research on global body dissatisfaction reports women to be more dissatisfied
(e.g., McCauley, Mintz, & Glenn, 1988), research examining specific foci
reveals different findings and women are most concerned with the size of their
thighs, buttocks, and hips; the areas primarily associated with weight gain
(Monteath & McCabe, 1997). Males, on the other hand, have indicated a desire
for a more muscular appearance (McCabe & Ricciardelli, 2001), although
Mable, Balance, and Galgan (1986) found that men and women did not differ
in terms of ideal body for different parts of the body. Research focusing on
global body dissatisfaction does not provide an indication of whether there are
parts of the body that have greater salience to the individual, nor whether there
are parts of the body where there are larger differences between the actual and
ideal body size. In the meantime, despite the inconsistency in research findings,
there has been limited research that has assessed concerns or satisfaction with
30

different parts of the body. Little research has been done among children or
adolescents, and the magnitude of these discrepancies between children’s actual
and ideal body for the various parts of the body are unknown. Longitudinal
work on changes on body dissatisfactions among children and adolescents are
still in need.
2.4.3 Physical appearance comparisons
Social comparison theory has informed much of recent body image research
(Myers & Crowther, 2009). However, comparison of physical appearance
differs from Festinger’s (1954) traditional view on social comparison in a few
ways. First, physical appearance comparisons are often associated with
extremely dissimilar targets (e.g., models, celebrities) in contrast to similar
targets within one’s social group (Myers & Crowther, 2009). Second, people
often make physical appearance comparisons even if these comparisons make
them feel worse about themselves or they do not believe they can change the
current circumstances (Bosch, Buunk, Siero, & Park, 2010). Third, physical
appearance comparisons are associated with strong negative consequences
including increased body dissatisfaction, disordered eating, and low self‐
esteem (Boroughs, Krawczyk, & Thompson, 2010). Although it remains
unclear whether girls’ everyday physical appearance comparison is as
different from other comparison topics, research should be cautious before
applying traditional comparison theory to physical appearance comparisons.
Determining if and how physical appearance comparisons differ in contrast to
other topics also could suggest new and effective intervention methods or
individual differences that might mitigate some of the negative effects
associated with physical appearance comparisons.
There is ample support for the role of social comparison in people especially
women and girls’ body image and socio‐psychological influences. However,
when studying social comparison during adolescence a few limitations should
be noted. First, there is little information on appearance‐related social
comparisons during adolescence even though there are clear indications that
social comparison is employed by early adolescents to evaluate their academic
competence among peers (Ruble, 1983). Second, existing research has focused
primarily on models or celebrities as targets for appearance comparisons
during adolescence, whereas peers play a vital part of adolescents’ social life
31
and play an increasingly prominent role in defining social expectations,
establishing identity, and evaluating self (Brown, Mory, & Kinney, 1994).
Third, previous research has not specified the particular body part attributes
that are involved in appearance social comparisons, but have assessed the
body as a whole in terms of body image. However, reliance upon such a global
approach does not permit an analysis of the relevance of various attributes for
social comparison processes. It is through examining specific attributes that a
better understanding of social comparison and body image for adolescents
will be possible.
2.5 Gender issues
Identity theorists frequently define adolescence as a critical juncture in the
formation of a mature understanding of the self, including gender identity
(Erikson, 1959, 1968). Traditionally, gender identity has been defined as an
individual’s knowledge of his or her membership in a gender category as male
or female (e.g., Kohlberg 1966). However, this traditional view of gender as a
fixed or biologically determined position has been replaced by the concept of
gender as a dynamic, socially constructed category. Through their
development, adolescents continually negotiate their gender identity in the
context of multiple and competing messages, discourses, and role possibilities
(Lorber, 1996). According to Tajfel and Turner’s (1986) social identity theory
and Spence’s (1993) multifactorial gender theory, gender identity not only
includes one’s identification with one gender group, but also takes into
account one’s personal and public gender esteem and the effect of gender
stereotypes on one’s behaviour (Smith & Leaper, 2006 ).
Gender identity is constructed in relation to other equally important axes of
difference such as culture, race, and class, and these categories in turn inform
gender (Hooks, 1981). The effects of socio‐cultural context on gender identity
involve the culture‐specific guidelines (e.g., gender roles) for behaviours
considered appropriate, gender stereotypes, social status of the two genders,
and various patterns of gender socialization in different societies (e.g., Moore
1998). Thus particular ways of doing legitimate and legible versions of “boy”
or “girl” are deeply entwined with normative practices of heterosexuality.
Thus, the construct of gender identity and its influences on individual’s
32

psychological adjustment cannot be understood adequately without

considering the broader cultural context in which they develop and function.
Traditional gender roles associate femininity with beauty and concern with
appearance (Freedman, 1988). For youth, gender is a child characteristic with
significant implications for development; it helps create a set of environmental
expectations for girls, and their gender differences in behaviours (Gilliam,
2005). Categories of age and developmental stage such as “adolescence” carry
with them certain expectations regarding how to perform particular bodily
practices. The categories such as “adolescent” intersect with categories such as
“gender” in ways, which influence how girls may present and perform their
bodies, and this is in ways, which differ considerably from how they conduct
and perform their bodies as “children”. Although recent research has
demonstrated that girls are subject to the pressure of heterosexuality even
while in primary school (Renold, 2000), it is not before adolescence that girls’
gender and sexuality become explicitly linked. For 10 and 11‐year‐old girls
soon to enter adolescence, behaviour and gender expectations are highly
monitored and peer acceptance is of utmost importance (George & Browne,
2000). Subtle gestures or suggestions around gender performance can make
girls hyperaware of their bodies and the messages they put forth. The notion
of “doing girl” for early adolescents uses feminist post‐structuralist theorizing
to explain how girls strive to position themselves within acceptable
frameworks of femininities, for example, demands the adolescent girl present
as being interested in fashion, make‐up, celebrities, being co‐operative and
diligent, conscientious with a care and concern for relationships with teachers
and friends and a (heterosexual) interest in boys (Renold & Allen 2006); on the
other hand, it has little place for girls to effectively demonstrate their
cleverness (masculine) as displays of confidence are often seen as assertive
(Renold & Allen, 2006). Gilligan (1982)’s work concerning the “loss of voice”
holds that, for girls, puberty and the transition toward adult maturity can
involve the suppression or disguise of central elements of identity in favour of
conformity with cultural gender stereotypes and of prioritizing others’ needs
ahead of one’s own (Roeser, Galloway, Casey‐Cannon, et al., 2008). To the
extent that being beautiful and not being too smart is a prevailing cultural
gender role for girls, they may be conforming to that role at the expense of
cultivating other important aspects of themselves and their education (e.g.,
Pipher, 1994).
33
Researchers indicate that girls whose behaviours matched gender
prescriptions were more likely to be psychologically well adjusted because
they would be fulfilling a psychological need to conform to internalized
cultural standards of gender. Bem (1974, 1981), however, challenged this
perspective, arguing that the need to adhere to an internalized standard of
gender would promote negative adjustment. Meanwhile, the sociocultural
context of gender inequality is particularly influential in shaping adolescent
girls’ development (e.g., Tolman & Porche, 2000). Despite significant ethnic,
cultural, and socioeconomic variations in their life experiences, all adolescent
girls mature in a society that privileges men over women in the labour market
and in cultural life, places an extraordinary amount of pressure on girls to
strive towards feminine ideals, has high rates of violence against women and
girls, and presents young women with contradictory sexual messages (Phillips,
1998), and the increase in gendered social pressure is likely to result in
adolescent girls’ increased vulnerability to negative mental health outcomes
(Tolman, Impett, Tracy, & Michael, 2006). However, the hypothesized
relationships between gender identity and psychological adjustment, though
supported by studies based on American samples (mainly White Americans),
may not hold true for children from a different cultural context (Corby,
Hodges, & Perry, 2007).
2.6 Limitations of previous studies on physical growth during adolescence and

research need for Chinese adolescents
It is useful to return to the aim of this chapter as addressed in the beginning,
on the review of previous literature of physical growth during adolescence,
and emphasise the need to consider the physiological mechanism through
which genetic and environmental factors affect development in adolescence.
Puberty is a key mechanism because it is associated with psychological
changes, including cognition and social relationships. Existing studies on body
image exposed a lack of research examining the relative importance of
sociocultural influences and types of sociocultural pressures on body image in
non‐Western populations (Chen, Gao, & Jackson, 2007; Mellor et al., 2009).
Research on the topic of racial differences shed no light on how women and
girls who are neither Black nor White navigate the personal and social
consequences of beauty standards; the Western paradigm of race common in
much of the literature is insufficient and exclusionary. No studies have
34

examined the beauty standard to culture, nor have studies examined other
potentially salient body image variables (e.g., other than body size, body parts
alterable by weight loss behaviours).
A review of literature on Chinese studies on the physical development of
children and adolescent revealed that few similar studies have been conducted,
especially on early adolescents. Within the limited publications many have
been restricted to local journals in Chinese language, and focus on medical or
biological aspects of this population (e.g., Wu, Yang, & Zhang, et al., 2005).
Although there is a significant body of literature on body dissatisfaction and
disordered eating among Chinese sample in Hong Kong and, to a lesser extent,
Taiwan (e.g., Lee, 2004; Wong, Ho, Lai, Leung, Stewart, & Lam, 2005), however,
Hong Kong reflects a 150‐year blending of Chinese and Western cultures that
is without parallel in the modern world. Similarly, the special social, economic,
and political characteristics of Taiwan make it difficult to determine the extent
to which data collected in Taiwan can be generalized to other Chinese
populations.
Until recent years, girls from China were assumed to be at very low risk for
the development of body dissatisfaction, pathological weight concerns, and
disordered eating. However, the traditional belief that being overweight is a
sign of healthiness in adolescents is changing within the country (Park, Im, &
Im, 2003). With increasing Internet and media exposure, Chinese adolescents
are exposed to topics such as dieting, weight loss, and the Western ideal body
image. Many Chinese adolescents are likely to feel pressure to be thin and try
to lose weight (Lee, 2004). With changing beliefs about weight status in China,
it is important to assess weight perceptions of adolescents and to determine
how these perceptions relate to actual weight and their attitudes towards it.
Studies also revealed that China is fast catching up with the West in the
prevalence of overweight and obesity (Yu, Han, Chu, et al., 2011). However,
the absence of agreement on the definitions to be used in classifying obesity in
China has meant that the prevalence and trends of obesity have not been
accurately documented for Chinese children. National and local surveys often
give different rates of obesity, and surveys from different parts of China
cannot be compared or combined within China or internationally because of
the different diagnostic criteria used. Height concerns are pronounced in
China (e.g., Jackson & Chen, 2007). Chen, Jackson, and Huang (2006) found
35
Mainland Chinese adolescents reported significantly more concern about
shortness in height stature than either being overweight or facial appearance,
which was also a prominent source of appearance dissatisfaction for both boys
and girls. Sociocultural correlates of body image found eating disorder
symptomatic adolescents and matched non‐symptomatic peers could be
differentiated on the basis of appearance pressure, teasing, and social
comparison among Chinese adolescents (Jackson & Chen, 2007). The study did
not assess body image per se, but high correlations between eating pathology
and body dissatisfaction suggest that sociocultural processes are also germane
to understanding weight concerns among the Chinese. In a study of
sociocultural factors that shape body image among Chinese adolescents, Xu et
al. (2010) found that girls reported higher levels of body dissatisfaction than
boys. However, there is also a lack of research examining whether
sociocultural factors extend to body dissatisfaction, aside from weight.
China has seen dramatic transformations in ideals of femininity since the 1970s
(Huang, 2006). The specific Chinese cultural and social contexts influence
children’s gender socialization (Cheung, 1996). The conceptualization of
gender stereotypes in Chinese culture is different from that in Western culture.
For example, Yu and Xie (2008, 2010) found that the communal traits, almost
exclusively defined as feminine characteristics in Western cultures, were
incorporated into both feminine and masculine traits in Chinese culture. Thus,
less distinction between masculine and feminine traits among Chinese
children may reduce the negative attitudes toward the other gender. Similar
to Western children (Carver, Yunger, & Perry, 2003), older Chinese children
tend to hold more flexible attitudes toward gender stereotypes than younger
children (Fan & Fang, 2004). Despite in the last few decades the increasing
number of research on children’s gender development in Chinese culture (e.g.,
Knobloch, Callison, Chen, Fritzsche, & Zillmann, 2005), most of these studies
focused primarily on describing the developmental trends of gender
stereotyping and the basic process of gender identity formation, such as
gender label and gender constancy. Researchers have neither studied
children’s gender identity from a multidimensional perspective, nor examined
the relationships between different dimensions of gender identity and
psychosocial adjustment.
36

This chapter reviewed literature in both Western and Chinese contexts under
the topics of pubertal development, body image and concerns, and gender
issues to offer an overview of research evidence on adolescent physical growth.
The next chapter (Chapter 3) will carry on with this line, and review literature
on social contexts of adolescents, in terms of family, peers, and schools.
37

CHAPTER 3 ADOLESCENTS AND SOCIAL CONTEXTS
Chapter 2 outlined adolescents’ developing body, in terms of pubertal

development, body image and concerns, gender issues, together with an
endeavour to illustrate adolescents’ own perceptions, attitudes, and
adjustments towards these developmental changes. Following this, as
adolescents mature, the establishment of a unique social identity is another
critical developmental task awaits them as they step out of childhood and
progress into adolescence.
This chapter will systematically describe the social aspects of adolescent
development and relationships between adolescents and their social contexts.
As will be shown, this chapter is guided by bioecological model (Bronfenbrenner,
1979, 2005; Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006), and considers three main social
contexts in adolescents’ life, including family, peers, and schools. This chapter
will also make reference to contemporary research findings in Chinese
literature on adolescents’ social contexts, accordingly. Attempts will be made
to examine cross‐cultural comparisons between evidence drawn from both
Western and Chinese settings.
3.2 Introduction
Adolescents develop within multiple social subsystems with each subsystem
bi‐directionally affecting the contributions of other subsystems and
collectively contributing to the overall functioning, growth, and adaptation of
the child (Magnusson, 2000). Interest in these social systems and implications
for adolescents’ development has burgeoned in recent decades. Studies have
considered adolescents’ family, peers, and schools contexts, and they have
investigated a wide range of adolescent experience including parents and
peers relationships, friendship, school attitudes and engagement, and
psychological health. Supportive families, positive peer relationships, and
teachers and classmates with high levels of social cohesion provide key
contexts that are protective of the adolescent’s healthy development (Currie,
Zanotti, Morgan, et al., 2012). Aside from individual factors, the influence from
social systems is also significant (Viner, Ozer, Denny, et al., 2012).
39
Bronfenbrenner & Morris (2006)’s bioecological system model contains six
important components, the individual, microsystem, mesosystem, exosystem,
macrosystem, and chronosystem. According to this theory, each of these
components of an ecological system affects the adolescent’ behaviour and
interacts with other systems at different layers (Bronfenbrenner, 1979, 2005).
This suggests that systems at all the different layers not only generate
independent influence on the individual’s behaviour, but also produce joint
influence on the adolescent. Specifically, the macrosystem refers to social and
philosophical ideals that define a particular culture or society, such as culture,
and value. The exosystem refers to conditions and settings in the parents’ life
that do not directly contain their children but influence the children indirectly
through their direct influence on parents, such as family social economics
status. The effects of these exosystemic contexts may enhance or hinder the
parents’ ability to effectively communicate with, discipline, and support the
adolescent. Mesosystems refer to relationships and interactions between the
adolescent’s microsystems, such as parental involvement in schoolwork,
parents’ attitudes towards adolescents’ friends, and peer norms upon school.
In other words, a major function of mesosystem is to bridge one microsystem
with another or more other microsystems, and the main principle of such
functions is that the stronger and more complementary the linkage between
systems, the more positive the influence of mesosystems on a child’s
development (Pantin, Szapocznik, & Coatsworth, et al., 2009). Microsystems
refer to the social contexts in which the adolescent participates directly, such
as family, peers groups, and school. Within each social setting, the adolescent
maintains relationships with a network of people (e.g., parents, friends,
classmates, and teachers). Through these sets of relationships, each
microsystem shapes adolescent development toward either health or
dysfunction. Chronosystem indicates changes in time.
This framework fits a growing body of research revealing the importance of
the significant changes in relationships with both adults and peers
experienced by adolescents during school years (Wentzel, 1999).
40

Macrosystem
Culture
Value
Exosystem
Family SES
Family Microsystem
Parent attachment
Parental involvement
THE ADOLESCENT
School Microsystem
School climate Peer Microsystem
School goals Peer attachment
School behaviours Peer norms
School adaptation
Chronosystem
Figure 3.1 Adolescent’s social contexts in the bioecological model (based on Bronfenbrenner &
Morris, 2006; adapted from Hoffman & Kruczek, 2011)
3.3 The family context
The family is one of the most important developmental contexts for adolescents.
Within the family, parents are the first and foremost socializers of children,
having a tremendous influence on the child’s perception of and interactions with
the world. Decades of research show a link between the family context and
adolescent adjustment (Smetana, Campione‐Barr, & Daddis, 2006).
Parent‐child relationships are characterised by significant changes as a result
of children’s biological maturation and cognitive development (Steinberg,
41
1993). During this developmental stage, adolescents become more critical of
parental regulations of their personal choices, and they are expected to
distance from parents and to establish a stronger relationship with peers. As a
result of these changes, some arguments and continuing conflicts are to be
expected. Previous studies have reported that most of the arguments involved
everyday activities in the home, rather than major conflicts resulting from
extraordinary circumstances (Steinberg, 2001).
Adolescents in China did not distance from the family. Instead, they were
expected to take on more responsibility as they aged and to obey their parents
even during adolescence (Chan, 2008). Any questioning or talking back was
considered disobedience (Detzner, Xiong, & Eliason, 1999). Recent studies
with adolescents have shown a shift in the dynamics of parent‐child
relationships in Chinese families due to rapid socioeconomic changes (Chapter
1). Thus the shift of values and modes of behaviours seemed to play a critical
role in changing parent‐child relationship.
Gender and age of adolescents have been shown to affect the degree to which
adolescents interact with their parents. Girls compared to boys, were more
likely to disagree with their parents, particularly mothers. Early adolescents
experienced more frequent conflicts with their parents, and mid adolescents
tended to experience more intense conflicts with their parents (Laursen, Coy,
& Collins, 1998; Adams & Laursen, 2007).
3.3.1 Parents attachment
Bowlby’s (1982, 2008) theory of emotional attachment suggest that, all infants
have an innate, biologically based tendency to form an attachment bond to
stronger and wiser individuals, who become their attachment figures.
Through repeated daily experiences with these attachment figures, children
develop cognitive affective attachment representations of themselves as being
(un)worthy of care and protection and of the tendencies of these figures to be
(un)available, (un)responsive, and (in)sensitive to their need for protection
(Cassidy, 2008). Attachment, therefore, is often described as the discriminating
bond that a young child forms with their primary caregiver (Cassidy, 2008).
Although all children will become attached to caregivers who are consistently
part of their lives, there are individual differences in the quality of each parent‐
child attachment relationship.
42

This representational model or internal working model guides the adolescent’s
attachment behaviours. Theoretically, attachment bond is a positive influence on
development throughout the life span by providing a sense of emotional support
and of closeness and continuity to later psychosocial development, especially
during times of important life transitions (Bowlby, 1982). Adolescence is such a
time of important life transitions. During this period, adolescents confront the
task of developing their identity and learning how to become autonomous,
independent individuals while remaining involved in close relationships,
especially with parents. However, Bowlby (1977) observed that adolescence is
characterized by a decline in overt attachment behaviours such as seeking
physical proximity with parents. Weiss (1982) also found that explicit reliance of
the child on parental support diminished during adolescence; although,
psychological health during this period is still grounded in the adolescents’
confidence in the availability and commitment of parental figures to them.
Therefore, though the physical attachment may decrease, the emotional
connection maintains its importance (e.g., Paterson, Pryor, & Field, 1995).
Attachment theory postulates that the parent‐child relationship develops from a
behavioural to a mental level, where the cognitive and affective inner working
model of the parent’s availability shapes the adolescent’s state of mind regarding
attachment (Bretherton & Munholland, 2008). In this view, attachment is essential
not only on a behavioural level during early childhood but also as a mental
construct across the lifespan, making attachment theory a useful frame for
studying emotional well‐being in the transition during adolescence from
childhood to adulthood. There is now convincing research indicating that secure
attachment during adolescence is associated with the presence of a parent who is
sensitive to the adolescent’s internal state of mind (Allen, 2008). In the meantime,
distinct developmental changes are found in parent‐child communication toward
less parental control and reduced knowledge and less willingness of adolescents
to share information with their parents (Keijsers, Branje, Frijns, Finkenauer, &
Meeus, 2010; Keijsers & Poulin, 2013). However, the parent’s role and influence
does not necessarily decrease. As Reitz et al. (2006) noted, the parents’ role may
change to become more managerial, and advising and parental knowledge,
discipline, and support may be important factors influencing the adolescents’
development. Nevertheless, it is reasonable to expect that the effects of parenting
practices do vary not only because children become more mature and
independent but also because peers and teachers take on an increasing role in
43
affecting the adolescent’s development (Barber, Stolz, Olsen, Collins & Burchinal,
2005).
3.3.2 Parental involvement
Apart from providing the emotional climate through family styles to boost
parenting practice and functioning as the secure base for attachment to
facilitate the developing child to explore social relations out of family, parents
also actively involved in adolescents’ social activities, and have direct
influence on adolescents’ other social subsystems (Hayes, Hudson, &
Matthews, 2004, 2007).
Parents’ involvement in school has evolved into a complex array of parental
actions, including parental participation in school activities and events,
parental discussion of school with their child at home keeping abreast of what
is going on in the child’s school life, and help children with their schoolwork
(Hayes et al., 2007). This large and growing body of literature suggests that
different kinds of parental involvement are effective at different times during
the student’s life (Jeynes, 2014).
Several reviews and meta‐analyses have demonstrated the positive

relationship between parental involvement and academic achievement among
students at all levels (Hill & Tyson, 2009). Although the importance of parental
involvement is undisputed, still, research clearly indicates that too few parents,
from kindergarten through high school, are actively involved in their
children’s school life (Steinberg et al., 1996). With insufficient parental
involvement even in primary school, research suggests that there is a steep
decline in overall parental involvement as children matriculate through school
systems, and it drops significantly during the middle and high school years
(Simon, 2004). Mau also noted some racial differences in the types of parental
involvement in which parents engaged. Although this relationship has been
demonstrated in samples from around the globe, the theoretical
conceptualization and measurement of parental support is predominately the
work of researchers from the West, mainly the US (Barber et al., 2005). Not
known is whether Western measures fully capture the construct of supportive
parenting across all cultures. Moreover, while the positive influence of
parental involvement in school seems universal, little is known what
involvement in practice is most helpful for facilitating school success.
44

Part of the reason for the limited insight about what kinds of parental
involvement helps the most stems from the fact that research on parental
involvement frequently suffers from one or more of the following limitations:
first, many studies are not based on large nationally representative samples;
second, the vast majority of studies obtain measures of parental involvement
and academic achievement within the same time frame, raising questions
about the direction of causality; third, the definitions that some studies use for
parental involvement are often distinct to the study, making it difficult to
know whether parental involvement, overall, is helpful for students or merely
certain aspects of parental involvement (Christian, Morrison, & Bryant, 1998);
fourth, given the distinct definitions of parental involvement used in various
studies, it is sometimes difficult to make conclusions regarding which aspects
of parental involvement are most helpful (Christian et al., 1998); last, some
studies examine parental involvement in such a specific context (focusing on
either a specific school subject, or children with special needs, etc.) that it is
difficult to generalize to the general population.
3.4 Peer contexts
The peer group represents another primary social context in adolescents’ life
(Coleman, 1980; Brown & Larson, 2009). Peers have been regarded as
significant rivals to parents in modelling behaviour and values (Collins &
Laursen, 2004). In early adolescence, the dependency on parental relationships
decreases, while peer and friendship relationships become more intensive,
important, and time‐consuming (Crosnoe, 2011). Accordingly, it has been
proposed that the peak of peer influence occurs between the ages of 11 and 13
years (Berndt, 1979). During this period, interactions with peers are highly
rewarding and influential for emotional wellbeing (Spear, 2010; Steinberg,
2008). Erikson (1963) specifically named peers as a key agent in adolescent
development. It is during this period that children begin learning important
social and academic skills as they interact with their peers. Indeed, peer
relations theory and research indicate that early adolescence is a
developmental period during which youth are especially concerned with
getting along with classmates and expanding their social networks, and when
they often report concerns with their current peer relationships and social
standing (de Bruyn, Cillessen, & Wissink, 2010; La Fontana & Cillessen, 2010).
45
During early adolescence, friendships are the most prominent extra‐familial
feature of this expanding network. Different from peers, friends are peers with
whom the adolescent deliberately has a close and intimate relationship. The
adolescent trusts their friends, relies on them, and expects their support
(Hartup & Stevens, 1997). Thus, friendship has a special place within the peer
group, where there is a lot more give and take in a relationship; the principle
of fair treatment encourages an openness of self‐disclosure through
communication and sharing of problems and advice. Hence, youth who share
characteristics are more likely to become friends (Goodreau, Kitts, & Morris,
2009), and same‐sex friendship groups are more common than mixed‐sex
groups in adolescence (Cairns, Xie, & Leung, 1998). However, peer
relationships also tend to be in a state of flux (Cairns, Leung, Buchanan, &
Cairns, 1995), and thus changes in peer relationships as a social context
become common during this time of life (Wang, Iannotti, & Nansel, 2009).
3.4.1 Peer attachment
As mentioned above, primary attachment relationships occur primarily

between child and parents prior to adolescence. During adolescence, however,
primary attachment relationships begin to form between child and peers, not
just with parents (Millings, Buck, Montgomery, Spears, & Stallard, 2012), and
might be more important than parent attachment on adolescent adjustment
(Brown & Larson, 2009). Although adolescents seek to individuate from family
of origin by turning to friends in order to meet many attachment needs, they
continue to rely on parents to provide a secure base to explore other
relationships (Bretherton & Munholland, 2008). More precisely, a secure
representational model of attachment provides the child with the capacity to
explore the social world confidently and to meet the challenges associated with
forming and maintaining healthy peer relations. On the same account,
attachment theorists have long argued that representations of attachment
relationships, or internal working models, are carried forward into new, extra‐
familial relationships, particularly their relations with peers (Bretherton &
Munholland, 2008). Thus, the quality of the primary relationship engenders a
set of internalized relationship expectations that affect the initiation and
maintenance of extra‐familial (e.g., peer) relationships. Research demonstrates
that adolescents with secure attachments to primary caregivers in infancy
46

demonstrate higher levels of socio‐emotional functioning and reciprocity in

peer relationships (Ranson & Urichuk, 2008).
Individuals hold multiple attachments with specific partners, attachment

representations in the individual’s social worlds are organised hierarchically
(Mikulincer & Shaver, 2010), with attachments in specific close relationships
predict outcomes more strongly than general representations (e.g., Sibley &
Overall, 2007), and according to attachment theory, the internal working
models of relationships with parents should most directly influence the
manner in which children think and feel about their interactions and
relationships with close friends (Bretherton & Munholland, 2008). However,
the hypothetical situation in previous studies involved an unspecified peer,
rather than a close friend.
To date, most studies examining links between attachment and peer relations
have been conducted with children (Dykas & Cassidy, 2011). A large and
convergent body of literature indicates generally that, compared to insecure
children, secure children demonstrate greater social competence and have
more positive peer group status. However, despite this extensive child‐based
research, relatively few studies have examined whether attachment is linked
to adolescents’ peer relations. This lack of research is surprising because
adolescent peer relations have great social and emotional importance and have
the capacity to set individuals on different trajectories for overall adjustment
later in life (Collins & Laursen, 2004).
3.4.2 Peer norms
Many children actively select peers who behave similarly as themselves as
friends. For example, Kupersmidt and colleagues (1995) demonstrated that as
similarity in behaviour and peer reputation increased between children, the
likelihood of the initiation of a shared friendship increased. Friends tend to be
similar on various attributes. Two processes often explain this homogeneity.
First is reciprocal influence process, where children attempt to change each
other to create a more satisfying friendship (Ennett & Bauman, 1994). Second
is selection process indicating friends select each other base on common
attributes (Bauman & Ennett, 1996). The majority of studies on peer influence
have not separated the effects of friendship selection from effects of friendship
influence. This might have led to an overestimation of the influence effect
47
(Aseltine, 1995). Studies also indicated that compared to friendships during
childhood, friendships formed during adolescence are more likely to share
similar values (Berndt & Perry, 1990), shared attitudes towards academic
excellence in school is often one of them, given the amount of time youth
spend in the school context and the enormous opportunities for them to
interact with peers (Kindermann, 2007).
Support for the importance of considering the role of the peer context in school
engagement comes from contemporary developmental systems theories,
which stress that systematic relations between individual and contextual
variables provide the bases of human behaviour and development (see Figure
1, Brofenbrenner, 1979, 2005; Lerner, 2006). Research and theory has begun to
highlight the potential relations between academic behaviours and peer
relationship among adolescents, suggesting that peers may influence
adolescents’ achievement and attitudes toward academics. Interpersonal
relationships with peers at school are important in providing social and
instrumental support, such as help with homework and encouragement to do
well in school. Academically successful students and students who hold high
expectations for themselves tend to affiliate with peers who are highly
motivated academically, value good grades, and are similarly involved in
academics. There is increasing evidence that peers play a crucial role in
academic adjustment (e.g., Wentzel, Battle, Russell, & Looney, 2010), including
China (e.g., Li, Lynch, Kalvin, Liu, & Lerner, 2011). However, although there
is a growing empirical base showing that peer norms matter for academic
adjustment, it is still relatively small compared with work on peers and social
adjustment issues.
3.5 School contexts
School is particularly important as a social and learning institution. In most
countries, adolescents attend schools and probably spend more time at school
than in any other social contexts. Hence, the physical environments, learning
atmosphere, and interaction with classmates and teachers in the school will
greatly influence adolescents’ learning and development. School policies can
also exert an influence on specific behaviours of adolescents.
48

3.5.1 School climate
Across many cultures, the developmental transition into adolescence often co‐
occurs with the social transition into middle school, and the concurrent shift
from family members to peers as primary socialization agents suggests
another important contextual factor in shaping adolescent development:
school climate. The definition of school climate as a multilevel concept,
includes more than just the experience children have on school grounds, is an
extension of previous conceptualisations of school climate and is mostly used
in contemporary literature (e.g. Cohen, McCabe, Michelli, & Pickeral, 2009).
Hence, there is more than one level of school climate, and in the present study,
five indices were included: school affect, pressure from schoolwork, school
emphasis on achievement goals, social relationships classmates and teachers,
and school safety.
School affect
In recent decades, social psychologists have paid greater attention to the non‐
academic aspects of education (Coleman, 1990; Steinberg, Brown, &
Dornbusch, 1996). School affect is a key part of this emerging tradition. School
affect taps the felt connections to the actual school community rather than
abstract commitment to the educational process. In short, it is a domain‐
specific form of socio‐emotional adjustment, namely students’ adjustment to
everyday life in their own schools (Moody & White, 2003). Like other social
psychological dimensions of schooling, school affect is tied to academic
achievement and educational attainment but also signals wellbeing, social
competence, and adaptation to major societal institutions (Johnson, Crosnoe,
& Elder, 2001; Roeser, Eccles, & Sameroff, 2000).
Pressure from schoolwork
Relative to primary schools, middle schools are characterized by higher
expectations for students’ school performance (Eccles, Midgley, Wigfield, et
al., 1993). Accordingly, academic learning is among the most important
sources of stress among young students worldwide and appears to be quite
severe especially in Asian countries (Brown, Teufel, Birch, & Kancherla, 2006;
Huan, See, Ang, & Har, 2008). Asian students usually have high academic
burden (Lee & Larson, 2000), low satisfaction regarding their academic
49
performance, and high expectations (Crystal, Chen, Fuligni, et al., 1994) and
thus may suffer more academic stress (Ang & Huan, 2006; Ang, Huan, &
Braman, 2007) than their counterparts in Western countries. Among studies
on Chinese adolescents, academic‐related factors, such as underachievement,
pressure from transitional examinations, and study workload are associated
with poor mental health (Li & Zhang, 2008; Liu & Tein, 2005).
School emphasis on achievement goals
According to the theory of achievement goals (Ames & Archer, 1988; Elliot,
1997), the type of goal structure that emphasised in school guides students’
degree of involvement, the cognitive strategies they use to complete their tasks,
their self‐perceptions as learners, and their motivation to learn (Elliott, 2005).
The achievement goals are often considered as two categories: the goal to learn,
to master, and to develop and improve ability is often compared with the goal
to demonstrate, to perform and to prove ability (e.g., mastery versus
performance goals (Ames & Archer, 1988; Meece, Anderman, & Anderman,
2006).
In school where task goal structure is emphasised provide diversified and
stimulating learning opportunities, emphasize effort, support student
autonomy, encourage students to use self‐reference criteria, and realize that
mistakes are part and parcel of the learning process. In contrast, schools where
encourage ego goal structure tend to group students by ability, value students
who succeed over other students, extend privileges to students with better
grades, and use evaluation procedures that encourage students to compare
themselves with their classmates (Kaplan, Middleton, Urdan, & Midgley, 2014;
Meece et al., 2006).
Social relationships with classmates and teachers
Early adolescence is an age at which non‐familial social interactions take on
greater importance, influencing students both socially and academically
(Rodkin & Ryan, 2012). Indeed, relationships with authority figures and peers
within school settings are considered key socializing agents for school
students (Reddy, Rhodes, & Mulhall, 2003). Research consistently finds the
relationship between teachers and students to be one of the most important
factors in student success. This has been reported for students from many race
50

and ethnicity groups (e.g., Scrimsher & Trudge, 2003; Woolley & Grogan‐
Kaylor, 2006). It should also be noted that adolescents are exposed to positive
and negative social interactions during the school day, both of which likely
have a strong influence on subsequent adjustment and behaviour (Card &
Hodges, 2008).
To a lesser extent, researchers have worked to identify qualities of adolescent
group relationships. Group relationship qualities are similar to dyadic
friendship or peer relationship qualities in that they focus on the attachment to,
and potential support received from, the group. However, conclusions drawn
regarding associations between group relationship qualities and adjustment are
more tentative, because fewer empirical studies have explored those
relationships. Adolescent adjustment has been hypothesized to be associated
with whether adolescents believe themselves to be members of a group, how
involved and attached the adolescents feel to a particular group, and how
important the group is to the adolescents (Brown, 1990). Ethnographic studies
have indicated that adolescents who belong to a group and who feel valued by
the group are likely to have a more positive self‐image, greater self‐confidence,
and well‐developed interpersonal skills in comparison to adolescents who do
not belong to a group or who feel that they are not valued by fellow group
members (Hallinan, 1980). From this perspective, students’ perceived bonding
and supports from classmates might have important influence on students’
school experiences, when taking the class as a group setting. However, studies
on children’s non‐adult relationships primarily focused on peers or friends
rather than classmates as a unique social setting.
Due to their position of authority and time spent with students in the
classroom, teachers hold a unique position to support and impact students’
beliefs and behaviours in their academic and social life at school. Moreover,
schoolteacher is a responsive adult with whom children develop a relationship
of trust, fostering a sense of connectedness to the school environment. A
growing number of researchers are focusing attention on the relationships that
develop between teachers and students (Decker, Dona, & Christenson, 2007;
Hamre & Pianta, 2001). This emerging research is theoretically diverse and
includes perspectives on motivational and self‐systems processes (Connell, &
Wellborn, 1991), social support networks (Malecki & Demaray, 2003), and
attachment theory (Pianta, 1999). Although these theoretical orientations vary,
51
they all incorporate dimensions of positive involvement and emotional
support as well as negative dimensions of alienation and conflict in their
definitions of supportive and non‐supportive relationships with teachers.
Further, they all propose that positive and negative features of teacher‐child
relationships influence a broad range of emotional, behavioural, and cognitive
outcomes both within and beyond the contexts of schools (Woolley & Grogan‐
Kaylor, 2006; Kindermann, 2011; Wentzel, Battle, Russell, & Looney, 2010).
Given the strength of these associations, teacher‐student relationships may be
particularly important at this juncture (Davis, 2003).
Teacher‐student relationships certainly exist within different cultures,

although the way in which these relationships function across cultures and
ages may differ (Chong, Huan, Quek, Yeo, & Ang, 2010). Theoretical models
developed to explain how teachers promote student behaviour and attitudes
(e.g., self‐determination theory; Deci & Ryan, 2000) are quite similar to family
socialization models, and empirical findings are beginning to provide support
for these models (Thuen, 2007). However, despite the fact that researchers
have demonstrated that teachers can provide key socialization experiences,
the importance of each of these various experiences as indicators of different
kinds of development in different cultures, is not known and more research is
needed (Davidson, Lickona, & Khmelkov, 2008). Despite increased awareness
about the positive benefits of supportive teacher‐student relationships, very
little is currently known about early adolescents’ perceptions of their
relationships with teachers, and prior research on these relationships has
focused primarily on students in early elementary school (e.g., Ladd, Birch, &
Buhs, 1999; Saft & Pianta, 2001).
School safety - Bullying and being bullied
Bullying occurs within a social context, and the intent is to cause harm to
another (Cook, Williams, Guerra, Kim, & Sadek, 2010). Bullying may be in the
form of physical aggression or relational aggression using words, gestures, or
social exclusion (Vlachou, Andreou, Botsoglou, & Didaskalou, 2011). The
method of bullying changes as children develop cognitive awareness, for
example, they may develop subtle forms of relational aggression often
purposely hidden from adults (Schonert‐Reichl, Smith, Zaidman‐Zait, &
Hertzman, 2012). The intent of relational aggression is to obtain a goal such as
social status or power (Vlachou et al., 2011). Children who are bullied are at
52

risk of poor developmental outcomes including depression and loneliness,

and they are at increased risk of suicide and early school leaving (Cook et al.,
2010; Troop‐Gordon & Gerardy, 2012). Although it is very difficult to compare
the results of the frequency of violent behaviour in different cultures and
educational systems, the results of studies in many countries have suggested
that the frequency of violent behaviour among students had been on the
increase (Carney & Merrell, 2001). There is a tendency for victimization to
decline as age increases (Fonzi, Genta, Menesini, et al., 1999). On the other hand,
the frequency of bullying others has failed to reveal a consistent and clear pattern
across studies. In addition to that, the results of numerous studies have pointed
to the negative and long‐term consequences of bullying for all participants
including the child who is bullying others as well as the recipient (Pepler,
Craig, Connolly, et al., 2006).
3.5.2 School goals
Personal achievement goals
Conceptually parallel with school emphasise on achievement goals as ego or task
oriented, students’ personal achievement goals can also be categorised as personal
task goal and personal ego goal (Covington, 2000). Students’ personal
achievement goal structures are also important indicators to understand students’
academic functioning and school adjustment. As mentioned above, although
there are subtle differences among goal theorists regarding the exact nature and
functioning of these two types of goals, there is considerable overlap in these
different conceptualizations (Ames, 1992; Elliot, Shell, Henry, & Maier, 2005).
Students who express a task approach goal orientation are focused on aims such
as learning as much as possible, overcoming a challenge, or increasing their level
of competence. Students with an ego approach orientation want to demonstrate
their ability relative to others or to prove their self‐worth publicly (Eccles &
Wigfield, 2002). However, in real life it seems that students could, and often might,
pursue task and ego goals at the same time (Kaplan et al., 2014).
Research on the impact of school, classroom, and family environments show that
more critical for the motivation of learners is not their actual environment but
rather how they subjectively perceive and interpret the messages conveyed in
those environments. Therefore, in studies of learning environment conducted
within the achievement goal tradition, students’ perceptions of the goal
53
structures in their classrooms and schools emerge as a strong predictor of the
achievement goals they pursue in those contexts (Kaplan et al., 2014). When
students believe that their teachers in school deem mastery of the learning tasks
and deep understanding of the material more important than test scores per se,
they tend to embrace similar attitudes toward learning and espouse a personal
mastery goal. When students feel their classroom and school cultures promote
competition and reward better performers, then they are likely to internalize
these values and personally adopt either a performance‐approach or a
performance‐avoidance goal. Students’ perceptions of the learning environment
also directly affect their motivation and socio‐emotional adjustments (Roeser &
Eccles, 1998; Friedel, Cortina, Turner & Midgley, 2007).
Prior research examining the potential effect of achievements goals has often
failed to account for existing differences in students’ performance or perceived
competence (Friedel, Cortina, Turner, & Midgley, 2010). While researchers have
explored learning outcomes in relation to achievement goals, the ways in which
these goals change over time have remained largely unstudied. The middle
school transition provides an informative window on this question, given the
many changes that take place during this period (e.g., school structure,
curriculum, teaching practices, classroom groupings), which are likely to affect
students’ motivational dynamics (Eccles & Roeser, 2011). Though scant, the data
to date largely support the idea that goals change during this period.
There has been little work on how children’s goals develop. Although Nicholls
documented that both task goals and ego goals are evident by second grade
(Nicholls, Cheung, Lauer, & Patashnick, 1989; Nicholls, Cobb, Wood, Yackel,
& Patashnick, 1990), he also suggested that an ego goal orientation becomes
more prominent for many children as they get older as a result of both
developmental changes in their conceptions of ability and systematic changes
in school context. The relations of goals to performance should also change
with age as the meaning of ability and effort change and as the social
conditions under which tasks are performed change (Urdan & Midgley, 2003;
Shim, Ryan, & Anderson, 2008). Developmental studies of multiple goals are
badly needed. Very little is known about how these kinds of multiple goals
emerge during childhood and whether the relation of these different goals to
performance varies across age and context.
Personal school goals
54

Individual motivation has been conceptualized in terms of self‐articulated

personal goals, such as life tasks, personal projects, personal strivings, and
future goals (Cantor, Norem, Niedenthal, Langston, & Brower, 1987; Emmons,
1986; Nurmi, 1989), and how people appraise their goals along several
dimensions, such as importance, commitment, progress, effort and stress (for a
review, see Austin & Vancouver, 1996). One assumption made within this
framework is that by setting personal goals, individuals direct their lives and
their own development (Nurmi, 1993; Salmela‐Aro, 2009; Salmela‐Aro & Nurmi,
1997). It has been suggested that people construct their goals by comparing their
individual motives to the opportunity space created by their environments
(Nurmi, 2004). People also adjust their personal goals during major life
transitions in order to adapt to the outcomes of those transitions and
environmental changes related to those transitions (Nurmi, 2004; Salmela‐Aro
& Suikkari, 2008). During their adolescent years, youth are faced with many
transitions that do not only have important consequences for their later
development but also for their personal goals and related appraisals. Previous
research has shown, for example, that the educational transition to junior high
school primarily has negative consequences for adolescent development, such
as loss of self‐esteem and intrinsic motivation (Eccles & Midgley, 1989; Otis,
Grouzet, & Pelletier, 2005), and a drop in grades (Blyth, Simmons, & Carlton‐
Ford, 1983), which may affect students’ personal goals directly or indirectly. In
the present study students’ future plan after high school has been used as an
indicator of personal goal.
3.5.3 School Behaviours
School involvement
School involvement is a term that researchers have operationally defined in
various ways in an effort to access the extent to which students are involved
and committed to school and motivate to learn (Steinberg, 1993). Studies on
the developmental changes in school involvement among school children find
that as students grow older and especially during the transition from primary
into middle school, their school involvement generally decline (Holas &
Huston, 2012).
Absenteeism
55
Absenteeism in school students refers to excused or unexcused absence from
school (Kearney, 2008). Absenteeism, also called hidden dropout or irregular
school attendance, is considered as the first stage of school dropout (Rosenblum,
Goldblatt, & Moin, 2008). Whether studies focus on dropout (Fortin et al., 2004;
Fortin, Marcotte, Potvin, Royer, & Joly, 2006) or on absenteeism (Kearney, 2008),
the explanatory factors are similar and are usually personal, familial, and school
variables. In general, the impact of school context in absenteeism has been
neglected in favour of a mainly psychological approach (Kearney, 2008).
According to Pellegrini (2007), school non‐attendance is too frequently
conceptualized from a psychopathological perspective. For example, terms like
truancy or school refusal carry with them the connotations that the problem lies
within the child (Carroll, 2010). One aspect of the newer research on
absenteeism is how transition from one level of education to another can lead to
truancy, and school level transition has also been used to explain why both
dropout and truancy patterns increase when children move from primary to
middle school (e.g., Akos, 2002).
Disruptive behaviours
Primary differences in the way males and females present symptoms of
disruptive behaviour within the school context have been reported in the
research literature. Generally males tend to exhibit external behaviours or
symptoms at school, such as harming others or the environment by, for
example, stealing, lying, fighting, or destroying property (Kann & Hanna,
2000). Females’ behaviours are often not as aggressive as those of males,
females tend to be less noticed and receive fewer disciplinary referrals; females
tend to engage in covert behaviours that usually occur without the awareness
of adult caretakers (McMahon & Wells, 1998).
3.5.4 School adaptation
The transition from primary to middle or junior high school is a normative aspect
of adolescent development. Moving from the familiar environs of the primary
school to secondary school is both an important milestone and challenge that
confronts most early adolescents. Whilst there is variation between school
systems around the world, the challenges that this transition presents bear
remarkable similarity (Humphrey & Ainscow, 2006) and in large measure are due
to the disparity between the cultures of the primary and secondary school
56

(Ganeson, 2006). Indeed Topping (2011) notes that many children see transition
as a normal part of their journey through the years of formal schooling. Although
the majority of children successfully cope with this move and find that many of
their initial fears do not eventuate, there is evidence to suggest that the academic
progress of children can be compromised when children change schools (Ashton,
2008). The health, well‐being and potential for disengagement of early
adolescents is therefore of concern for educators (Dinham & Rowe, 2008), as
evidence suggests that this disengagement increases as students move through
secondary school (Daly, Shin, Thakral, Selders, & Vera, 2009). Assisting students
to successfully navigate the journey from primary to junior high school is of
importance to educators, parents and policy‐makers alike, therefore, before
considering these factors in more detail it is necessary to review the key features
of the transition process itself.
The primary to junior high school transition generally includes a change of
school campus, where in comparison to primary schools, is physically larger,
mixing with a new and different peer group, is more impersonal due to a
larger student‐teacher ratio, and have a departmentalized instruction
structure where students learn from numerous teachers who will have
different teaching styles (McDevitt & Ormrod, 2012), and are often required to
move to different locations throughout the day for their classes on time with
correct equipment. Such challenges are a contrast to the primary school where
children spend the majority of their day in the same classroom with the same
teacher and the same group of peers, having their personal equipment is
conveniently located in this one classroom. Furthermore, instead of
performance‐based evaluations in primary schools, social comparison‐based
evaluations, such as public honour rolls and strive for high academic standing
relative to other students, are frequently used in junior high schools (Eccles &
Roeser, 2011).
The transition between different school environments is often characterized by
discontinuity in physical location, alienation from peer groups, and insecurity
in teacher relationships (Ashton, 2008). For children who transferred into junior
high school they must adjust to no longer being the oldest in the school and may
find that they are treated as being younger and less independent by their
teachers or other adults in school than they had been in primary school (Yates,
57
1999). While some children make this move with many of their peers from
primary school, for others they may be required to make the journey alone.
Many students have to travel significant distances, often by public transport, to
access their new school. Many also find it hard to meet the academic demands
of new junior high school, and school work can also be an issue in this regard.
Moreover, in junior high school level, children are expected to take greater
responsibility for their own learning process and result, with regard to school
performance, tests, and assignment (Elias, 2002). The decision to engage in this
more difficult environment may well be reliant on the extent to which children
themselves believe that they can meet all of these challenges, see value in what
they are doing and whether they perceive the classroom to be a safe and
supportive environment (Roeser, et al., 2000).
Despite the many challenges that are presented by the move from primary to
junior high school, there is also much to look forward to. Adolescents are excited
at the prospect of having more freedom, more subject choices, making new
friends, opportunity to participate in a wider range of extra‐curricular activities
(Coffey, 2009). However, they also worry about getting lost on campus, having
more and harder homework, being bullied by older students, and having
difficult teachers (Coffey, 2009). For many early adolescents in the Western
cultures, the social aspects of school take precedence over academic concerns.
Sweetser (2003) notes that children place the need to belong to a peer group
above all else. Past research on early adolescents has pointed to the significance
of the relationship that exists between children’s perceptions of caring and
support from teachers, peers, and parents to positive aspects of school
experience (Daly et al., 2009; Reddy, et al., 2003).
Whilst most students cope with this transition to the secondary level of
schooling (Jindal‐Snape & Miller, 2008), some perceive it as a period of stress
that can be anxiety provoking (Ashton, 2008; Grills‐Taquechel, Norton, &
Ollendick, 2012). This struggle may be supported by declines in mental health
at school, academic performance, school attendance, and involvement (Ashton,
2008; Daly et al., 2009; Dinham & Rowe, 2008). Concerns about junior high
school are not limited to the year of transition, but it may pervade throughout
junior and senior high school years. If school transitions are not navigated
successfully, students are at an increased risk for lower school quality of life
(Topping, 2011), poorer academic performance (Chung, Elias, & Schneider,
58

1998), greater depressive symptoms (Barber & Olsen, 2004), and lower self‐
esteem (Eccles & Roeser, 2011). Scholars studying the transitioning process
between primary school and middle school have noted that middle schools
typically house increased peer pressure, bullying, fighting, and accessibility to
drugs and alcohol (Cook, MacCoun, Muschkin, & Vigdor, 2008). Additionally,
concern has also been expressed about the stress caused by being in the
youngest class in a school, as children relatively younger than their peers often
have lower self‐esteem and feel more strained (Fenzel, 1992). Gender appears to
be a factor in adjustment to school transitions, and results have largely
documented higher levels of anxiety in females than in males during school
transition (Rice, et al., 2011).
Some studies suggest the pre‐transition year is characterised by higher levels of
anxiety; however, it is often unclear whether this is part of normal adolescent
development or is linked to the stressors of impending school transition (Grills‐
Taquechel, et al., 2012). Rice et al. (2011)’s study of a small sample of UK
students found both school‐related and generalised anxiety symptoms were
highly correlated with concerns about school (including social, structural and
academic factors) both before and after the transition to middle school.
Surprisingly, little is known about the long‐term contribution of worries prior
to entering middle school on adjustment in middle school. Most studies have
either evaluated worries after the transition has taken place or measured
worries subsequently with adjustment indices (e.g., Wenz‐Gross, Siperstein,
Untch, & Widaman, 1997). In addition, individual differences in adjustment
were not considered. Accounting for these differences could bring new insights
into the interplay between worries and subsequent adjustment. Finally, these
studies largely neglected characteristics of the new school environment (e.g.,
school emphasis on achievement goals, Meece, et al., 2006) that is liable to either
weaken or strengthen the relationship between worries about middle school
transition and adjustment.
3.5.5 Limitations of previous research on adolescents’ social contexts and

research need for Chinese studies
The above sessions in this chapter reviewed previous literature on family,
peers, and schools during adolescence in both China, and predominantly in
59
Western contexts. Several research limitations and cross‐cultural gaps can be
identified, with regards to each context, accordingly.
Research on family so far has been mostly on parent‐child relations especially
attachment that focused on infancy and early childhood, and it is relatively
less known how parent‐child and their attachment relationships change
during adolescence (Paterson, et al., 1995). Although there is some evidence to
support the universality of attachment and the need for relatedness (van
IJzendoorn & Sagi‐Schwartz, 2008), attachment at different developmental
stages manifest itself with different features, thus is changing dynamically
over time. On a similar account, another limitation is the lack of longitudinal
studies. Consequently, little is known about the longitudinal changes or effects
of family contexts. Several earlier studies that examined the impact of family
on adolescents’ outcomes were predominantly based on cross‐sectional data,
which prevented researchers from concluding whether the expected effects
were a result of the initial level of children’s outcomes or if family contexts
also influenced the developmental trajectory of children’s outcomes. It is also
unclear to what extent relations between parent attachment and involvement
are universal across cultures. Culture is a contextual factor that has been
suggested to have a great influence upon the parent‐child relationship in both
Western and non‐Western societies (Song, Thompson, & Ferrer, 2009). Still, the
number of published studies focusing on associations between parental
rearing and adolescents’ wellbeing in non‐Western societies is limited
compared with the number of studies presenting data from Western societies.
Specifically, investigations performed in rapidly developing non‐Western
countries are sparse.
Studies on the peer contexts of adolescents largely focuses on peer influence,
and results provide an inconsistent picture; this may resulted from the fact that
the characteristics of the peers have often not been taken into consideration. In
addition, the stability and quality of peer relationships also changes over time
(Poulin & Chan, 2010; Way & Greene, 2006). Researchers who have examined
the link between peer relationships and adjustment typically have focused on
either the qualities of peer relationships or the general behavioural
characteristics of individuals. Researchers, further, have limited their inquiry
to either the impact of close friends (Savin‐Williams & Berndt, 1990) or the
impact of the broader peer group (e.g., cliques, crowds, and friendship groups;
60

see Brown, 1990). Peer relationships are affected by culture‐specific views on
interpersonal relationships and norms, which have to date only rarely been
investigated (French, Pidada, & Victor, 2005). Development of close
relationship with peers is a universal task of adolescence, but the cultural
context in which these peer relationships develop differs. Peers norms play an
important role in the socialization and selection of close peers, however, while
much research has been done on peer influence especially on negative
outcomes during this life stage, less has been done on positive contributor or
outcomes in peer norms. What’s more, although there is abundant research on
peer relationships in Western cultures (Bukowski, Newcomb, & Hartup, 1996),
very little is known in a cross‐cultural context, less is known in a Chinese
population.
Studies on school transitions often adopt a cross‐sectional approach rather than
longitudinal design, and among the longitudinal research, the majority of them
studied students’ transition experiences or adjustment at two time points as
before and after the transition, missing is the time point of during the transition
when students just entered their new school. The majority of studies have been
conducted with students from Western cultural backgrounds. Few studies have
been conducted with students from Eastern backgrounds, such as Chinese
students (Hui & Sun, 2010). Results of cross‐cultural studies (Yu, 1996)
indicate that Chinese students excel their Western counterparts on academic
achievements, are more interested in schoolwork than other activities, and like
school more. However, how Chinese students make their school transitions
have been missed from local research literature.
3.6 Conclusions and implications for thesis
The bioecological system theory (Bronfenbrenner, 1979; 2005) offers a broad
orientation for viewing the social worlds of the developing child. However,
limited research has explored the longitudinal changes of the contextual
factors that shape and influence adolescent’s development. While each of the
above‐noted social contexts of the adolescent represents an important
component of their developmental ecology, when these components are
separated and examined in piecemeal fashion across studies, it is impossible
to consolidate findings and identify whether certain microsystem is more
important to consider than others and how they change longitudinally. As
61
such, a primary goal of the present study was to simultaneously consider
multiple components of these social contexts and integrate these microsystems
into the social ecological model to provide a systematic, comprehensive, and
longitudinal overview of the cybernetic and dynamic contexts in adolescents’
social worlds.
Alongside the rapid changes in the physical body (see Chapter 2) and social
contexts (current Chapter), the psychological functioning of the adolescent is
also experiencing developmental transitions. In next chapter (Chapter 4), the
psychological domains of adolescents will be explored in details in terms of
global life satisfaction, self‐esteem, psychosomatic symptoms, mental health
difficulties (loneliness, anxiety, depression), and coping.
62

CHAPTER 4 MENTAL HEALTH DURING ADOLESCENCE
Followed literature reviews on adolescents’ physical growth (Chapter 2) and
social context (Chapter 3), this chapter will proceed with research literature on
adolescents’ mental health and wellbeing, in terms of: global life satisfaction,
self‐esteem, psychosomatic symptoms, mental health difficulties (loneliness,
anxiety, depression), and coping. These areas of mental health will be
reviewed with regards of their concept, characteristics, prevalence rates, and
developmental trends. This chapter will also explore research findings on
these topics in cross‐cultural contexts.
4.2 Global life satisfaction
Global life satisfaction has been defined as a cognitive appraisal of the quality
of one’s life in general (Huebner, 2004), and has been a major indicator of
adolescent subjective wellbeing (Diener & Diener, 1995). It also has broad
educational and social implications. Because a major goal of most educational
programmes is to enhance the quality of life in their students (Landesman,
1986), the impact and quality of school practice can be improved if teachers
and educators have a better understanding of the way students perceive their
lives. Given these reasons, life satisfaction constitutes an informative index for
understanding adolescent development (Loewe, Bagherzadeh, Araya‐Castillo,
Thieme, & Batista‐Foguet, 2014).
Compared with research on global life satisfaction of adults, research on
adolescents’ global life satisfaction is little. Though scarce, previous Western
literature suggests a slight decline in global life satisfaction from early to
middle adolescence (Goldbeck, Schmitz, Besier, Herschbach, & Henrich, 2007),
and it is suggested that adolescents were more critical and self‐conscious and
thus less happy than pre‐adolescents (Goldbeck et al., 2007). However, despite
the main trend of developmental decline during adolescence reported by
many authors, there are also research evidence contradicted this view. For
example, a Scottish study (Levin, Currie, & Muldoon, 2009) reported a
significant improvement in adolescent between 1994 and 2006.
63
In contrast to abundant life satisfaction research on Western samples (mainly
adults), only a limited number of studies have been conducted with children
and adolescents across cultures (Leung & Zhang, 2000). Possible reasons for
this research gap have been led to a lack of well‐validated, age‐appropriate
measures of children and adolescents (Huebner, 2000), given the assumption
that children or early adolescents may have difficulty in evaluating their
global life satisfaction because they may have difficulty integrating evaluative
information from various life domains (Harter, 1985). However, in this study,
the HBSC items on global life satisfaction was adopted and has been suggested
to show potential utility of global life satisfaction among early adolescents (11‐
15 years; Levin et al., 2009, 2011).
So far much research has been conducted to identify factors leading to or
hindering life satisfaction in Western populations, systematic research among
adolescents in Chinese societies has just begun, with work so far mainly from
Hong Kong (e.g., Sun & Shek, 2010). Large‐scale and systematic cross‐cultural
investigations, especially on developmental stability of life satisfaction are still
lacking.
4.3 Self-esteem
Self‐esteem, defined as a favourable or unfavourable attitude toward the self
(Rosenberg, 1965), is generally regarded as an important index of adolescents’
mental health and wellbeing (Rey, Extremera, & Pena, 2011). It has been
studied mostly as a one‐dimensional construct as global self‐esteem, and in
recent years, a number of authors begin to study self‐esteem in a multi‐
dimensional manner (e.g., Harter 1982, 1999). It is also important to
distinguish the parts from the whole; for example, Marsh (1986)’s research
provides clear empirical evidence that global and specific self‐esteem cannot
serve as substitutes for one another.
With respect to the content of self‐esteem, research suggests the relative
importance of different self‐esteem domains on the judgement of global self‐
esteem varies across age as children transition into and through adolescence.
Within the framework of multidimensional self‐esteem (Harter, 1982), self‐
esteem in specific domain may follow similar or variable developmental
trajectories. Previous studies on self‐esteem among adolescents have reported
declines across many domains with age (Eccles et al., 1993).
64

Apart from studies on age‐differences of self‐esteem, it is of developmental
importance to study normative changes of different self‐concept across
developmental transitions. Past research suggests that, across many domains,
early adolescents first entering middle schools experience a significant drop in
self‐esteem, which is rebuilt during late adolescence (Harter, 1998). On the other
hand, children in early primary school have relatively high self‐concept
(Wigfield & Eccles, 1994). This age difference in self‐esteem in part also reflects
transitional stress experienced by early adolescents. Early adolescence coincides
with multiple transitions, including the educational transition from primary
school to middle school, cognitive emergence of formal operation reasoning,
and the onset of puberty (see Chapter 1). The cumulative effects of these
transitions result in heightened stress in this age period that often leads to
declines in self‐esteem (Eccles, Wigfield, Midgley, Reuman, MacIver, &
Feldlaufer, 1993; Harter, 1990). The affect dimension of the self‐system is also
often found to experience depression during this transition (e.g., Petersen,
Compas, & Brooks‐Gunn, 1993), which will be discussed below.
Research on self‐esteem keeps growing, yet it is important to note that the
majority of evidence on the role of self‐esteem in child development mostly
comes from research on Western populations, it is not clear whether the
processes by which self‐esteem affects development and mental health are
similar in other ethnic or socioeconomic groups, including China.
Furthermore, most cross‐cultural research on self‐esteem has been conducted
with adults, thus to what extend these controversial patterns of cultural
differences in self‐esteem can be generalize to adolescent samples warrants
more investigation.
4.4 Psychosomatic symptoms
Psychosomatic symptoms are important indicators of psychosocial health and
wellbeing (Griffin & Christie, 2008). By definition, they are often described as
subjective physical symptoms (e.g., headache) as well as psychological
symptoms (e.g., feeling low) that are not caused by an underlying physical
disease (Natvig, Albrektsen, Qvarnstrom, 2001).
Psychosomatic symptoms are found common during early adolescence,

though the frequency, duration, intensity, and their disabling effects vary
among individuals. However, evidence suggests age to be important factor in
65
having psychosomatic symptoms especially among adolescent girls. Studies
show that older girls report more symptoms than their younger peers (e.g.,
Murberg & Bru, 2007; Hjern, Alfven, & Ostberg, 2008).
Research with children and adolescents has demonstrated an increased risk for
psychosomatic symptoms in the presence of psychosocial factors operating
through social stress at a micro (individual) level, such as family problems, peer
pressure, lack of support from parents and teachers (Karademas, Fotiou,
Kokkevi, 2008), as well as factors at the macro (societal or national) level (e.g.,
Holstein, Currie, Boyce, et al., 2009). Findings also provide support for the
relationship between psychosomatic symptoms and other mental health
indicators, such as poor life satisfaction, depression (Piko, 2006), negative
moods (Jellesma, Rieffe, Terwogt, & Kneepkens, 2006), unhappiness (Natvig,
Albrektsen, & Qvarnstrom, 2003), and a lower health perception (Piko, 2007).
There has been emerging consensus that physical health and mental health are
associated, however, research exploring the relationship between mental and
physical health among adolescence is limited.
Stress in the school setting has been shown to be significantly associated with
psychosomatic symptoms in school‐age children in Norway, Sweden and
Finland (Murberg & Bru, 2007; Hjern, et al., 2008). But this relationship has
never been explored in a Chinese setting, where there are growing concerns
about the stressful school environment.
Given the extreme emphasis on academic achievement among Chinese school

children (Chapter 1), school grades and future schooling have been found to be
Chinese students’ primary concerns (Sun, Dunne, Hou, & Xu, 2013). A few
studies have touched on educational pressure and psychosomatic symptoms in
Chinese adolescents with limited symptoms including headache and stomach‐
ache only (Hesketh, Zhen, Lu, Dong, Jun, Xing, 2010), this is the first study which
examined a comprehensive range of symptoms and explicitly address this in a
school transition setting. In addition, although there has been a growing
consensus that physical health and mental health is associated, research exploring
the relationship between mental and physical health among adolescents is
limited. Consequently, whether and how emotional and psychological distress
manifest itself through bodily expression is poorly understood both in the West
and Chinese contexts.
66

4.5 Mental health difficulties
In recent years, the mental health difficulties in adolescence have been
increasing in a particularly insistent way (e.g., Olino, Stepp, Keenan, Loeber,
Hipwell, 2014; Newland, et al., 2014). On the other hand, other studies suggest
that these problems are restricted to a minority (e.g., Ford, Goodman, &
Meltzer, 2003). Widespread concerns together with inconsistent findings
about adolescent mental problems, therefore, have generated intense debate
and resulted in adolescence being high on research interest and policy agenda.
However, despite the inconsistent findings on mental problems’ prevalence
and trend in adolescence, mental problems, on its own account, makes a
significant contribution to morbidity and mortality, which if unrecognised
renders young people vulnerable to poor psychological functioning in the
immediate and longer term.
Psychiatric conceptualisations comprise categories of mental disorders or

mental illnesses, broadly defined as patterns of symptoms or behaviours that
are associated with impaired functioning (WHO, 2012). Guided by this view,
in this section, selected mental health difficulties are reviewed, including:
loneliness, anxiety, and depression. While anxiety and depression show high
prevalence rates in adolescent samples in the Western context, and are
therefore worthy of consideration in a Chinese context. Loneliness was also
explored because it may be of significance in a Chinese context where most
children grew up without siblings due to One Child Policy (see Chapter 1).
4.5.1 Loneliness
Loneliness is reported to first emerge as an intense recognizable phenomenon
in adolescence (Goossens, 2012; van Roekel, Scholte, Verhagen, Goossens, &
Engels, 2010). Indeed, although popular culture depicts adolescence as a time of
sociability and old age as a time of loneliness, research evidence tends to
challenge this view, and van Dulmen and Goossens (2013) have shown that
younger adolescents feel lonelier than older adolescents and many adolescents
from different cultures report feeling lonely.
Loneliness results from the perception that one’s interpersonal relationships
do not meet personal expectations (Van Roekel, et al., 2010), while others (e.g.,
van Dulmen & Goossens, 2013) have suggested developmental and social
67
factors that explain adolescent loneliness, as developmental changes,
separation from parents, maturation, striving for personal autonomy, and the
struggle for significance (van Dulmen & Goossens, 2013), among which
developmental changes during adolescence has received much research
attention. Developmental changes increase the risk for physical isolation, and
increase the chances that these experiences will be perceived as social isolation
and interpreted as loneliness. The social world changes rapidly during the
adolescent years. These changes alter the content and frequency of social
experiences, and the identity of the participants (Viner et al., 2012). As social
experiences change, so do expectations about social interactions and
perceptions of what constitutes social isolation. The literature regarding the
relation between loneliness and the size of one’s social network is not entirely
consistent. The amount of time youth spent alone tended to be uncorrelated
with their feelings of loneliness (Goossens, 2012). Findings such as this indicate
that it is critically important to distinguish physical isolation (aloneness) from
perceived social isolation (loneliness) in understanding the unique risks for
loneliness that confront adolescents, as adolescents are experiencing multiple
changes in their developmental course during this stage and each of these
developmental changes creates new challenges in adolescents’ social
relationships. To sum up, the operative factor appears not to be the
objective/quantitative aspects of one’s social status, but rather the
subjective/qualitative dimensions. In all cases where quantitative and
qualitative factors have been compared, relational quality has been
significantly more predictive of loneliness than the size of network or the
frequency of social contacts.
Although loneliness is considered a normal part of adolescent development, it
can cause considerable distress. Sustained loneliness in particular is likely to
be associated with various forms of psychopathology (Qualter, Brown, Munn,
& Rotenberg, 2010), including internalizing and externalizing problems
(Goossens, 2006; Schinka, van Dulmen, Mata, Swahn, & Bossarte, 2011).
Loneliness is also associated with poorer general health (Hawthorne, 2008;
Qualter et al., 2010).
The ultimate objective of research on loneliness during adolescence is to
describe and understand the natural course of loneliness across this period of
life. However, few data are available on the average developmental trend in
68

adolescent loneliness. Among the limited research, findings are inconsistent
(Benner & Graham, 2009). A recent study of a large sample of adolescents
found that 36.1% of participants experienced increases in loneliness from
middle childhood into adolescence (Schinka et al., 2013). At the descriptive
level, longitudinal studies are sorely needed, but until recently such efforts
have been scarce. At the explanatory level, the combined role of environmental
and personal factors as determinants of adolescent loneliness has long been
recognized (Ladd, 2006). However, important changes have occurred in the
theoretical frameworks used to account for this joint influence of context and
individual.
4.5.2 Anxiety
Anxiety is a cognitive, emotional, behavioural and physiological response of an
individual experiencing a feeling of danger or threat and the cause of which
they are not aware of (Rapee, Schniering, & Hudson, 2009). For many children
and adolescents, anxiety is a normal transient experience, which parallels the
bio‐psychosocial changes in their development (Rapee et al., 2009). For some
others, anxiety is one of the most prevalent mental health difficulties in
adolescence, with evidence that it is relatively stable, highly comorbid, and
associated with later mental health difficulties (particularly depression) and
psychosocial difficulties (Essau, Leung, Conradt, Cheng, Wong, 2008).
The larger part of the research literature on developmental paths of anxiety
covers clinical populations, tracking anxiety mostly in the form of anxiety
disorders in time. The results mostly show that the manifestation of anxiety
differs with age (Rapee et al., 2009). As for non‐clinical samples, the majority
of studies have focused on overall anxiety and its development over time
(Olatunji & Cole, 2009). In such cases, anxiety is often operationalized as a
unitary construct without acknowledgement of the possibility that different
dimensions exist that may have different developmental structures.
Nevertheless, anxiety is a multidimensional construct with components that

differ across age and may function differently in time (Spence, Paula, & Cynthia,
2003). Different stability rates have been established for different components
of anxiety. Since the different components of anxiety in childhood lead to
different problems in adolescence and adulthood (Olatunji & Cole, 2009), a
69
multidimensional evaluation of anxiety is crucial when investigating the
development of anxiety over time and when planning an intervention.
Research on developmental trends generally shows an increase in anxiety
during childhood and adolescence (Silverman & Treffers, 2001). This may be
due to the development of cognitive skills, which enable the development of
worries to continue with developmental trends in adolescence (Lowe, Raad, &
Lee, 2008). However, research on developmental trends of adolescent anxiety
has been constrained by methodological weaknesses. In particular, a large
proportion of studies have been cross‐sectional, employing single informant
designs and clinical or convenience samples, tremendous variations exist in
the number assessments, the length of follow‐up, symptoms assessed, the
treatment of gender in the analysis, and the specific analysis employed (Essau,
Conradt, & Petermann, 2000).
Despite these marked methodological differences and limitations, one possible
reason for disparate findings regarding stability and change is that there are
qualitatively different subgroups in the population, showing different levels
and rates of change in anxiety symptoms over time. Some individuals may
show strong continuity of symptoms, whereas others may show a decline or
sharp increase in symptoms over time. Research on identifying the attributors
to such individual difference in anxiety is now well recognized that a
combination of psychological, social, and biological factors is likely to
contribute to the development of youth anxiety (Rapee, et al., 2009). Consistent
with contemporary integrative and multifactorial models, a range of correlates
and risk factors for anxiety, usually assessed at one point in time, has been
identified (Rapee, et al., 2009). In keeping with an ecological model of
development (Bronfenbrenner, 1979, 2005; Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006),
these factors may be broadly grouped into individual characteristics (e.g.,
genetic factors, female gender, temperamental features including shyness and
negative affectivity, neuroticism, poor social skills, poor physical health),
family characteristics (e.g., low parental warmth, high parental control) and
social and environmental factors (e.g., peer relationship difficulties, negative
life events, and low socioeconomic status).
Research has found cultural differences in anxiety (Choi, Nisbett, &
Norenzayan, 1999). Environments and the broader sociocultural context vary
in the same way per generation; therefore it makes sense to measure trends in
70

anxiety by observing the same generation over time. Moreover, as mentioned
above, research to date has generally focused on a general anxiety variable or
only one aspect of anxiety (e.g., OCD or social anxiety); however, it may be
that different symptoms or subtypes of anxiety are impacted. Compared with
research and theory on anxiety in the Western context, studies on Chinese
children and adolescents’ anxiety are in need. Among the existing literature in
Chinese sample, school‐related problems, such as academic performance and
peer relationships, are the predominant sources of anxiety (Wang & Holcombe,
2010).
4.5.3 Depression
Conceptualization of depression varies among studies in literature. Guided by
Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders‐DSM‐IV (1994), in this
study, depression is defined and studied as a complex pattern of deviations in
behaviours, cognition, and feelings, using Beck Depression Inventory‐II (Beck,
Steer, & Brown, 1996; Chinese Behavioural Science Corporation, 2000). In the
presentation of the results within this chapter, the chief symptom headings of
depression will be produced based on results, and further discussed in later
session.
A number of studies on depression in adolescence reported dramatic increase
during this period of life (e.g., Millings, Buck, Montgomery, Spears, & Stallard,
2012). These studies consistently found linear increases in depressive
symptoms with individual differences in rates of increases. In addition,
research has indicated that depressive symptoms are associated with
functional impairment among adolescents (Millings et al., 2012) and that sub‐
clinical depressive symptoms in adolescence predict the onset of major
depression in adulthood (e.g., Balaz, Miklosi, Kereszteny, et al., 2013).
Life stress has been identified as risk factor for depression during adolescence
(Monroe, Slavich, & Georgiades, 2009), and levels of stress increase (Ge,
Lorenz, Conger, Elder, & Simons, 1994), which may help to explain the
increase in rates of depression during this developmental period. In addition
to environmental risk factors (e.g., stressful life‐events; Ge, Conger, & Elder,
2001; Wu, 2009), genetic and biological factors (Bienvenu, Davydow & Kendler,
2011) and cognitive vulnerabilities (e.g., negative attributional style, Abela,
71
Stolow, Mineka, et al., 2011) are suggested to contribute to the onset of
depression during adolescence.
Research on depression among adolescence has further demonstrated that

depressed affect is associated with other serious consequences for adolescents,
such as emotional and disruptive behaviour, truancy, substance abuse,
adolescent pregnancy (Stange, Alloy, Flynn, & Abramson, 2013), and suicide
attempts (Gibbons, Hur, Bhaumik, & Mann, 2006). Given its associations with a
variety of negative correlates and outcomes, a particular concern of study on
depression is the increase in the number of adolescents for whom the occurrence
of depression becomes chronic or co‐occurs with other disorders. Problems in
meeting basic developmental challenges have been linked empirically to
chronical depression in the presence of other mental problems (Petersen, et al.,
1992). A number of studies have characterized symptom courses as individual
differences in initial levels and longitudinal changes in severity (e.g., Van Oort,
Greaves‐Lord, Verhulst, Ormel, & Huizink, 2009).
Although at the level of diagnosis, depressive episode should be distinguished
from chronically depressed mood, much of the research presented about
adolescent depression has been drawn from cross‐sectional data for which
indicators of depression have been assessed only at one point in time.
Additionally, because the variable‐centred approach has been the primary
conceptual and analytical tool in research on individual development (Wilson,
Pritchard, & Revalee, 2005), the general trend has been to examine the relations
between variables in large groups of individuals (e.g., boys and girls), rather
than being gender‐specific. Moreover, as indicated by Wilson and colleagues
(2005), the identification of patterns of depression (of boys and of girls) across
early adolescence might be as important as trying to understand which
variables are related to it across that period of development.
Despite the inconsistent findings concerning the direction of changes in
depression, many of the available epidemiological studies on depression focus
on short‐term, within‐person changes or cross‐sectional age differences.
Moreover, developmental scientists traditionally have examined cognition
and emotion separately, and little is known about specific cognition‐emotion
interactions that contribute to depression during adolescence.
72

Nevertheless, how depression is experienced, expressed, understood, and

perceived by others is powerfully shaped by specific cultural contexts
(Kirmayer, 2012). Epidemiological studies in China suggest that the incidence
rates of child and adolescent depression are high and prevalence of depression
among adolescents is rising in recent years (Lee, Tsang, Huang, et al., 2009).
Apart from interpersonal relationships (Li & Prevatt, 2008), studies indicated
that academic pressure is a crucial source of stress for Chinese adolescents and
constitutes an important risk factor for depression within this population (e.g.,
Chen, et al., 1995). Prior research on depression in China has focused on testing
whether models of depression developed in Western cultures extend to
Chinese samples. Findings from some of these studies suggest that certain
aspects of adolescent depression are universal (e.g., Cheng, 1997). On the other
hand, other research has pointed to key differences in the antecedents and
correlates of depression between cultures (Greenberger, Chen, Beam, Whang,
& Dong, 2000). Thus, continued research is needed to examine whether
etiological models of depression developed within Western cultures extend to
non‐Western cultures such as China.
4.6 Coping
Coping is defined as the actions and cognitions used to manage stressful
demands (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984). However, based on the argument that
children and adolescents do not have the coping skills that typical adults have,
developmental researchers conceptualize coping as children’s profile of
emotional, cognitive and behavioural responses in dealing with specific
difficulties (Skinner & Zimmer‐Gembeck, 2007). In accordance with
developmental research, this study defines coping as including all emotional,
cognitive, behavioural, and interpersonal (social) responses in children and
adolescents to their problems.
As outlined in Chapter 1 adolescence is a developmental phase characterized
by multiple transitions. The young adolescent faces a series of concurrent
transitions in physical, cognitive, psycho‐emotional, and behavioural
development. The development of coping can be understood by considering
these developmental processes that give rise to it, as well as the environmental
contexts within which it unfolds. Families, peers, and schools create demands
73
on adolescents and may result as stressors; at the same time, they also function
as resources in adolescents’ coping process (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984).
4.6.1 Coping strategy
Though a multitude of coping strategies have been observed and the
categorizations of them used in various studies have been inconsistent, one
widely used categorization adopts three categories of problem‐solving,
emotion distraction, and avoidance coping strategies (Wilson, et al., 2005). A
problem‐solving coping strategy is defined as an individual’s active planning
and efforts to change the environment of psychological stress. An emotional
distraction strategy refers to an individual’s attempt to reduce the negative
emotion caused by stressful events. An avoidance strategy is described as an
individual’s attempts to separate from the source of stress. Each coping
strategy categories includes specific coping behaviours. Once coping
strategies have been deployed, individuals reappraise the environment and
make judgments about the effectiveness of their responses. Thus, appraisal
influences the deployment of coping responses, which in turn, influences
reappraisal of the environment. It should also be noted that these coping
strategies are predominantly behavioural in nature and reflect the personal
resources that are available to early adolescents.
Studies examined consistency of coping during early and middle adolescence
indicates signs of both consistency and inconsistency in adolescents’ coping
response. Some findings show that coping change from context‐to‐context, and
across phases of the same context (Crocker & Isaak, 1997). Despite such view of
coping as a dynamic process, most other researchers have examined the notion
of coping as a dispositional variable. This trait approach to coping assumes that
adolescents possess a stable coping style that predisposes them to cope in a
similar manner across situations. One possible conclusion is that appraisal may
be more inconsistent than actual coping responses (Skinner & Zimmer‐
Gembeck, 2007). However, at the moment these thoughts are speculative, but it
might help to explain some of the contradictions reported in the literature
concerning consistency of coping and the concept of coping style.
In general, adolescents are reported to use a wider range of coping strategies
than children, and it is this increasing flexibility and organisation of their
responses that is likely to be most adaptive, which may owe to their improved
74

cognitive abilities and social skills development during adolescence (Skinner
& Zimmer‐Gembeck, 2007). To be specific, in spite of individual differences,
some authors have concluded that behaviours aimed at changing the stressful
situation are very common, but decrease in use during adolescence, whereas
coping focused on managing emotions and reducing tension increases
(Frydenberg & Lewis, 2000). Skinner and Zimmer‐Gembeck (2007) showed
that support seeking, problem solving and distraction are the most often
coping strategies in adolescence.
Considering cross‐cultural differences in coping strategies, it has been found
that individuals living in a collectivistic culture may engage in more passive or
avoidant coping because of their tendency to appraise stressors as a threat,
whereas those with more individualistic orientation are expected to engage in
more active approach to coping because of their tendency to appraise stressors
as a challenge (Skinner & Zimmer‐Gembeck, 2007). Such influence of culture on
coping strategies further increases the importance of exploring this construct in
a collectivistic culture of China. Furthermore, given the fact that such
comparative studies are often based on older adolescents or adults, to study the
topic on early adolescents will contribute to the missing literature.
4.6.2 Coping efficacy
Coping involves attempts at managing stressors, so by definition coping can
be effective or ineffective. Within the general psychology literature, coping
effectiveness has been conceptualized in terms of the quality of fit between
environmental demands and the person (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984). Effective
coping strategies facilitate performance and mange or alter the problem that
causing stress. Developing effective and positive coping behaviour is one way
to manage stressors during transformation from childhood till adolescence.
On this account, identifying differences in effective and ineffective coping
attempts with specific stressors would reveal important information about the
nature of coping effectiveness.
There is little research on effectiveness of coping as a whole concept or specific
coping strategy, even less among adolescents. This may result from the fact
that studies on coping either consider coping as whole solely, or because
coping efficacy was interpreted through selections and applications of coping
strategies. Nevertheless, the limited data seems to suggest some age‐related
75
differences in the effectiveness of specific types (and application) of coping
strategies across childhood and adolescence. Although adolescents
theoretically possess a greater number of coping responses than children, they
are able to select the most effective coping responses for a given stressful
demand (Aldwin, 2000). From a developmental perspective, these findings
indicate that adolescents can use cognitively‐based coping strategies more
frequently and more effectively than children.
This chapter provide an overview of research on adolescents’ mental health,
focusing on their global life satisfaction, self‐esteem, psychosomatic symptoms,
loneliness, anxiety, depression, and coping. In the following chapter (Chapter
5), the methodological approach used in the research will be described.
Chapter 6 will provide an overview of the interrelations of all the variables
examined in this study, before moving on to empirical results on longitudinal
changes in Chinese adolescent girls’ physical growth (Chapter 7), social
contexts (Chapter 8), and mental health (Chapter 9).
76

CHAPTER 5 METHODOLOGY
The aim of this chapter is to describe and defend the research methodology
adopted in this study. It first outlines the research design, the reasons for
the choice of a longitudinal repeated‐measure quantitative study.
Information is provided in detail on the demographic characteristics and
recruitment of sample, including ethics considerations. Further this section
outlines variables studied, respective research questions and measures in
the questionnaire, and each individual measure is reported with its sources,
applications, characteristics, and modification in this study. Following full
information on the questionnaire, procedures of data collection and practical
issues relating to conducting research with children and young people in
Beijing are discussed. The chapter concludes with a brief analysis plan that
will guide the structure of the following results chapters (Chapter 6 to 9). To
sum up, guided by the broad research objective and set within Chinese
cultural context (Chapter 1), this chapter bridges the previous three
literature chapters and each relating research questions (Chapter 2‐4) with
the research findings presented in the following four chapters (Chapter 6‐9).
5.2 Design and rationale
The aims of the study were to first explore and extend current information
on multiple developmental changes in early adolescents’ life portrayed in
domains of their physical growth, social contexts, and mental health
overtime especially during the transition from primary to junior high school
(see Figure 5.1).
77
Physical growth Physica growth Physical growth
The primary to junior high school transition

Note: The horizontal arrow shows the transition process and developmental changes over time.
Figure 5.1 A study of longitudinal changes in Chinese adolescent girls’ physical growth, social
contexts, and mental health during the transition from primary to junior high school
Governed by these main research objectives, the present research was
designed as a questionnaire‐based prospective longitudinal three‐phase study
using a repeated‐measure design to provide a coherent account of adolescents’
transition experience and developmental outcomes (see Figure 5.2 below for
detailed research domains and supporting topics).

78



Age Physical growth Physical growth Physical growth
 Pubertal  Pubertal  Pubertal
development development development
Grade  Body image and  Body image and  Body image and
concerns concerns concerns
 Gender issues  Gender issues  Gender issues
School ranking
Family and friends Family and friends Family and friends

 Parent attachment  Parent attachment  Parent attachment
 Parental  Parental  Parental
involvement involvement involvement
 Peer attachment  Peer attachment  Peer attachment
 Peer norms  Peer norms  Peer norms
School School School
 School climate  School climate  School climate
Chinese culture

 School goals  School goals  School goals
 School behaviours  School behaviours  School behaviours

 School adaptation  School adaptation  School adaptation
 Global life  Global life  Global life
satisfaction satisfaction satisfaction
 Self-esteem  Self-esteem  Self-esteem
Family SES
 Psychosomatic  Psychosomatic  Psychosomatic

symptoms symptoms symptoms
 Mental health  Mental health  Mental health
difficulties difficulties difficulties
(loneliness, (loneliness, (loneliness,
anxiety, anxiety, anxiety,
depression) depression) depression)
 Coping (strategy,  Coping (strategy,  Coping (strategy,
efficacy) efficacy) efficacy)
Note: Age = Chronological age; Grade = School grade

Arrows represent potential influences; arrows in bold represent key influence and direction of changes
Figure 5.2 An overview of the research design and variables in this study
79
The self‐report questionnaire method is often used to obtain information on
social and behavioural variables and the relationships between these variables
among children and young people (HBSC, 1998, 2002, 2006, 2010, Shaw, Currie,
Koudelka, & Simpson, 2011). In this vein, and also in order to actually let
children speak for themselves and eliminate the buffering effect of other
informants, questionnaire approach was adopted in this research. Moreover,
questionnaire‐based surveys were considered to be suitable in this study as
they encompass data collection on phenomena like developmental trends that
cannot be directly observed. It also has its strength in describing the
characteristics of a large population, while no other method of observation can
provide this general capacity. Consequently, large samples are feasible, which
makes the results robust even when analysing multiple variables.
Standardized questions and measures also ensure that similar data can be
collected from groups and then interpreted comparatively (Palmquist, 2004).
In the words of Angus and Katona (1953, p16, as cited in Colorado State
University, The Writing Studio, 2014), “It is this capacity for wide application
and broad coverage which gives the survey technique its great usefulness”.
Interviews and daily diaries provide richer sources of information but more
difficult to capture the changing trends or patterns which can represent a big
population, as the aim of qualitative research is to understand experience as
unified (Flick, 2014). In addition, they are more labour‐intensive and time‐
consuming; qualitative studies may also neutralise subjectivity and objectivity
(Creswell, 2013), thus were not used in this study.
The questionnaire‐based survey took place at three time‐points (pre‐school‐

transition, during transition, and post‐school‐transition) following the same
sample from primary to junior high school to capture the developmental
changes in early adolescents’ life (see Figure 5.1). A longitudinal design was
chosen for several reasons. First and foremost, longitudinal studies are often
used in psychology to study developmental trends. The advantages over other
study designs, such as cross‐sectional studies, are well documented (Bryman,
2012; Baltes, Reese, & Nesselroade, 2014, for a review). The key benefit of a
longitudinal study is that researchers are able to detect developments or
changes in the characteristics by measuring prevalence at several points in
time and can provide information on causation, prognosis, and stability of the
target population (Hunter, Cox, Teagle, et al., 2002; Twisk, 2013). Cross‐
sectional design was considered less appropriate because it may bring in
80

extraneous differences between cohorts rather than true developmental

changes (as in puberty) or transitional process. By contrast, longitudinal
design can reveal links between early experiences and later outcomes, and
indicate the changes over transitional processes (Cohen, Manion, & Morrison,
2013). In addition, while cross‐sectional data only allow investigation of
differences between individuals, longitudinal studies also allow researchers to
differentiate between change over time in aggregate (group) data and changes
within individuals as well as variation between them (Bryman, 2012).
Longitudinal studies also allow researchers to distinguish short to long‐term
phenomena, which cannot be evaluated by using one‐off cross‐sectional
studies. To this end, longitudinal design was adopted in this study rather than
cross‐sessional approach.
Furthermore, a longitudinal study can be either prospective or retrospective.
When a longitudinal study is to be conducted on adolescents, a prospective
study is preferable for a number of reasons. It follows samples into the future,
allowing researcher to track events before and as they occur, whereas a
retrospective longitudinal study covers only the past (Rogosa, 1995). By
collecting prospectively, the problems of recall bias that occur in retrospective
studies are avoided. As well as exploring the developmental stressors among
adolescents, a prospective study can illuminate the factors that protect
adolescent from risk and create resilience. Valuable insights can also be
obtained from observing the developmental sequences of them (Bryman, 2012;
Cohen, et al., 2013). In practice, the investigation of outcomes suggesting
resilience as well as poorer outcomes can be undertaken in greater detail via a
prospective study (Twisk, 2013).
Repeated measures design can detect the effect of the independent variable even
when the effect is small, it also allows for the detection of change in children or
their environments from one data point to the next (Hunter et al., 2002). By using
standardized measures, the present study will bridge the gap of the scarce
application of such instrument in China and offer a comparative view from the
Eastern culture on existing European and American dominated literature.
Longitudinal studies also has potential disadvantages. For example, it takes
long time to get results, needs to have large sample size and accurate sampling
to reach representativeness, and is often threatened by subject attrition or
81
practice effects resulting from repeated testing (same measures for variables
used to ensure the comparisons). In this study, these potential drop‐backs were
considered carefully and steps were taken to optimize the research process (see
research procedure for detail) and its reliability at all phases.
5.3 Participants
Data were collected from 622 (out of a total of 669; 47 girls from the potential
Time 1 were absent due to illness or other academic commitments at the time
of data collection; see Table 5.1) girls from 14 primary schools reside in 4 main
districts in Beijing at Time 1, constituting a participation rate of 92.97%. Data
from 92.77% of the participating girls were usable (N=577). Following the
transition into junior high school, 502 girls of the 577 original respondents
participated at Time 2 with coverage of 13 middle schools, 462 participated at
Time 3, and eventually produced 471 and 425 usable questionnaires at
subsequent phases, respectively (data verification and treatment of missing
values will be discussed below in data analysis). On completion of the third
wave, 425 respondents were matched across all three waves, from whom
longitudinal results were obtained (demographic characteristics of
participants are shown in Table 5.2 and Table 5.3).
Table 5.1 Participants and attrition rate across three phases
Phase 1 Phase 2 Phase 3

Participating schools N=14 N=13 N=13
Participants approached N=622 N=502 N=462
Usable data N=577 N=471 N=425
Response rates 92.77% 93.82% 91.99%
Longitudinal attrition rates N/A 13.00% 1.91%
Final attrition rates N/A N/A 26.34%
82

Haidian District 4 (Time1) – 4 (Time2) – 4

Shijing shan District
(Time 3) Schools
Tongzhou District
Xicheng District 3 – 3 – 3 Schools
Dongcheng District 5 – 4 – 4 Schools
Chaoyang District 2 – 2 – 2 Schools

Figure 5.3 Participating schools at each phase within four main districts in Beijing
Girls were asked to supply various biographical details about themselves,
including age, date of birth, weight and height. BMI scores were calculated to
reflect girls’ weight status (see Chapter 7 for classifications and analysis details).
Age was calculated as the time between the date of birth and the date when the
survey took place at each time point. Weight and height were acquired in the
measurement of kilograms and metres. School information was collected to
enhance retention rates. As seen in Figure 5.3, in practice, samples were drawn
from schools in four main districts where the majority of schools and universities
distributed in Beijing rather than the total municipality.
Socio‐economic status (SES) of participants was obtained by two questions.
The first question asked information on both parents’ occupation of the
participant and answers were condensed into a classification similar to the
British Registar General’s social classification of occupations ranging from 1
(high occupational status) to 5 (low occupational status). Information that
cannot be categorised under any occupation classifications was coded as
“unclassifiable”. To minimise the effects of missing data and obtain accurate
information on socio‐economics status, information on the status of father and
mother was combined, using the highest occupational status for each couple
as the family SES indicator. In addition, the second question was on girls’
perceived family well‐off situation (“How well‐off do you think your family
is?” also see HBSC, 2010) measured on a 5‐point Likert scale with lower point
indicating higher well‐off status. Chi‐square analysis revealed strong
83
association between SES based on results from objective evaluation and
subjective report χ(16) = 211.826, p < 0.01, (N=393, analysis is based on final
sample with matching usable data). As such, classification of family SES was
based on categorizations of parents’ occupation, and unusable values were
replaced with girls’ perceived family well‐off status. Other popular SES scales
such as the HBSC Family Affluence Scale (FAS) which was based on a set of
questions on the material condition of the household in which participants live
(e.g., car ownership, bedroom occupancy, holidays and home computers) was
considered not appropriate because Beijing is a metropolis city with greater
differences between SES groups, and at the same time material condition
might generate inaccurate information given to the fact that Chinese families
tend to compare with each other thus invest more into material ownership
which might exceed their actual financial situation. As a result, in this study,
the combination of objective classification and girls’ subjective perception of
their family SES is considered a better solution compared with using material
ownership as SES indicator.
Table 5.2 describes the demographic characteristics of the whole sample at each
phase. The BMI mean scores across three time points all fell into healthy range
(adjusted for age) (IOTF, 2012). As can be seen, following the transfer into junior
high school, more girls transitioned into key schools, which indicates that the
changes in school ranking was representative of the school transition outcomes
in China (see Chapter 1). Given the longitudinal changes in this study would be
based on the final sample (N=425), Table 5.3 illustrates the demographic
information obtained at Time 1, except that information on junior high school
ranking were collected at Time 2. As girls transferred into junior high school,
the proportion differences between ordinary and key school was more balanced.
The sample was well distributed across the socio‐economic groups according to
their parental occupations and their perceived family affluence.
Table 5.2 Participants of the whole sample at each time point
84

Time 1(N=577) Time 2 (N=471) Time 3 (N=425)

Chronological age (in years)
Mean (SD) 12.19 (0.75) 12.78 (0.74) 13.29 (0.74)
Range 9.75-13.66 10.33-14.17 10.83-14.66
Height (in meters)
Mean (SD) 1.50 (0.06) 1.53 (0.06) 1.55 (0.06)
Range 1.33-1.68 1.36-1.70 1.38-1.70
Weight (in kilograms)
Mean (SD) 40.00 (5.93) 41.86 (5.91) 43.04 (5.84)
Range 26-65 27-65 28-67
BMI
Mean (SD) 17.69 (1.99) 17.78 (1.96) 17.82 (1.88)
Range 12.20-28.06 12.61-26.71 12.44-26.50
School grade
Primary school Grade 6 N=577 (100%) 0 0
Junior high school Grade 1 0 N=471(100%) N=425 (100%)
School ranking
Key school N=149 (25.8%) N=197 (41.8%) N=179 (42.1%)
Ordinary school N=428 (74.2%) N=274 (58.2%) N=246 (59.7%)
Table 5.3 Demographic characteristics of the final sample

Characteristics N=425
Chronological age (in years) Mean (SD) 12.20 (0.74)
Range 9.75-13.58
Primary school ranking (N/%) Key school N=113 (26.6%)

Ordinary school N=312 (73.4%)
Junior high school ranking (N/%)
Key school N=179 (42.1%)
Ordinary school N=246 (57.9%)
BMI
Height (m) 1.55 (0.06)
Weight (kg) 43.04 (5.84)
BMI 17.82 (1.88)
Family SES (N/%)
High 30 (7.1%)
Good 77 (18.1%)
Fair 162 (38.1%)
Fine 113 (26.6%)
Low 43 (10.1%)
Note: Final sample refers to the group of children who participated in all three phases
To sum up, demographic information provided an overview of the
characteristics of the sample in this study, offered comparative data when
studying cross‐cultural differences, and also served as an easy entry leading
to the more psychological questions in the questionnaire.
Before moving onto the sample recruitment procedures, it is important to note
the sample attrition pattern and treatment in this study. As known to all
longitudinal researchers, sample attrition is a feature of longitudinal data in
which individual participants drop out from the study over time. It is one of
the major methodological problems in longitudinal studies, which poses a
85
threat to weaken generalizability of findings if participants who stay in the
study differ from those who drop out. Attrition rates from 30% to 70% are
often reported (Tortora, 2009), and the longer the follow‐up period, the higher
the chances are for dropout (Menard, 2007). Differences in mean levels of
variables between those who drop out and those who stay in a study do not
necessarily imply that there are differences in associations between variables
(Menard, 2007). Although precautions were paid attention to through sample
recruiting process (see below for details), the study also examined possible
effects of attrition on estimates of associations between variables after data
collection (see empirical chapters).
As shown in Table 5.1, a comparatively bigger attrition rate occurred following
the transition from primary to junior high school at Phase 2. Result of
independent t‐test on demographic information revealed that girls who
remained in the study (N=471) and girls who dropped out of the study (N=106)
did not differ significantly at phase 1 and 2. These observations indicate that
sample attrition was not a major source of bias in this study. It should be noted
that sample attrition in sequent sessions also resulted in the researcher’s
practical consideration and accessibility to participants. Firstly, at Phase 2 after
students transferred into junior high schools, participants were excluded
when the number of participants was less than five in one school. This was
due to the consideration that participants in the same school were in different
classes, and it took schools more efforts to arrange a small number of
participants from all different classes into one classroom setting. Secondly,
following the completion of primary school study, girls who went to study
abroad or returned to their hometown were also excluded from subsequent
survey due to loss of contacts or physical distance. Therefore, the main reason
for the dropout at Phase 2 should not be understood as participant‐biased.
Nevertheless, retention rates were enhanced for those participants who
continued their study into junior high school within the same districts or city.
The researcher was open and friendly to all the participants and their interest
in the project and maintained on‐going informal contacts also helped maintain
participants’ retention.
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5.4 Recruitment
The recruitment6 process aimed to ensure that the sample was as diverse as
possible within the boundaries of the target population (Denscombe, 2007);
efforts were made to select the most representative sample to mirror larger
populations, reduce confounding variables, and guarantee the equality in the
comparison.
The sampling process involved the researcher initially contacting teachers

working in primary and middle schools and with their help further contacts
were made to the dean of educational administration or principals in each
school, seeking permission to recruit school children for survey conduction. In
this manner, teachers responded as designated contact person and manager of
the school setting. Contacts to school level were made in the first instance via
phone calls to introduce the researcher, research outline, and followed with alert
letter, which contained a brief description of the survey process and background
information. Copies of introductory letters and supporting materials were sent
by mail or fax to the principal and/or other school officials when requested.
Schools were also reassured that the research was of value/interest; would be
conducted safely and ethically; and would place a minimal burden on their staff
and participants. As a result, most contacted settings granted permission and
consent was obtained for investigation from school level (see Table 5.1 for
sample information and attrition rates).
Subsequently, school principals or other school authority informed class

teachers about the survey. With the help of contact teachers, survey packets
including a cover page outlining the research purposes (to foster knowledge
about puberty, school transitions, adolescent wellbeing, and potential research
implications to educational practice) were provided to class teachers and
query or concerns in relation to the research intention, survey content, time
scale, venue, or dissemination, from head teachers were answered by
researcher. Hence, girls as prospective research volunteers were recruited in
their classrooms during schools hours, provided with a survey packet that
included a cover page outlining the research purposes and key survey
elements, data confidentiality, assess to result and potential benefits for

6 Recruitment refers to the sampling process at Time 1 to obtain original sample for the longitudinal study
87
participants and wider community, child consent were completed by potential
participants in school. This included information about the time involved, the
participation was voluntary, and they were assured that if they participated,
their answers would not be revealed to their parents, teachers, or anyone else,
and they maintain the right to withdraw from the research at any point.
Potential participants were also given a parents/guardians consent form to
take home providing information about the study and participation details,
the voluntary nature of participation, opportunity to voice any questions or
concerns, and email address and phone number of the researcher as well as
the phone number of a local counsellor (an alumna from University of
Edinburgh, and currently works in hospital), willing to discuss, in confidence,
any issues of concern raised by the child or parents/guardians regarding the
survey. In fact, none of the girls or their parents availed themselves of this offer
at Time 1; however, a few participants were in touch with the researcher after
the survey at Time 1, yet no contacts were made to the counsellor throughout
the whole study. Thus, by implementing the opt‐in consent with participant
girls and an opt‐out consent process with their parents/guardians, adolescents
participated if they voluntarily chose to do so and if their parents did not object
to their participation. This is in line with the ethical guidelines of the British
Psychological Society (BPS, 2009) and advice on carrying out ethical research
with children and young people (see below for ethical considerations in
details). Eventually girls from two to five classes according to the size of each
school who had agreed to participate were selected from Grade 6 among all
primary schools approached.
It had been acknowledged and addressed to the potential participants at the
initial recruitment about the longitudinal nature of this study would require
participants’ being able to participate at all three phases. Thus the re‐
recruitment at Time 2 and Time 3 were non‐problematic on condition of the
researcher was granted with permission to conduct the survey in middle
schools where original participants were tracked according to their primary
school records and information obtained on Time 1 questionnaire. As such, the
re‐recruitment procedures at Time 2 and Time 3 were very similar with that at
Time 1. However, given credit to the completion of the survey at its initial
phase, and interpersonal help from class teachers, all the contacted middle
schools at Time 2 opened their doors to the researcher, which also paved the
way for the re‐recruitment at Time 3. As the majority of participants stayed in
88

the same class and school at Time 3, and previous contacts had been made at
early phase, it is understandable that the re‐recruitment went smoothly and
obtained a high retention rate.
To sum up, the sampling procedures as described in this study might reflect
only the Chinese approach in the initial stages of most similar studies. Given
the importance of Chinese value on Guanxi (interpersonal relationship) (Shang,
Fu, & Chong, 2012), it has been advocated as a pervasive relationship lubricant
that helps to increase the efficiency and effectiveness of organizational
performance (Shang et al., 2012), in the case of the sample recruitment process,
the Guanxi between the researcher and class teachers obviously played a key
role (see below for more practical issues on conducting research among school
children in Beijing).
5.5 The questionnaire
Questionnaire in forms of compositing questions and measures is the core
element of any survey‐based study. How a questionnaire is designed, what
questions will be asked, how the questions progress, and how analysis will
proceed, are all of great importance (Baltes et al., 2014). In agreement with this,
the questionnaire in this study is composed of questions carefully selected and
adapted, written in child‐friendly language, with structure and sequence of
questions carefully considered (e.g., the questionnaire progresses from
demographics warming up individual questions to standardized multiple‐
item psychological measures), and was carefully piloted among target
participants before commence of the survey.
5.5.1 Selection, modification, translation, and permission to use of

standardized instruments
When designing survey questionnaire, researchers often consider the

inclusion of existing instruments. In this study, well‐established measures and
scales that had been applied among Chinese sample were considered first (see
Table 5.4 for an overview of questions and measures included; see Appendix
for full questionnaire). A wide range of standardized measures were
replicated and adapted from previous studies, this allowed an investigation of
whether the findings reported in Western studies would be duplicated in
89
Chinese context. For instance, items from the HBSC, a cross‐national health
survey were selected for this research. As a cross‐national research study
conducted in collaboration with the WHO, the HBSC could provide
resourceful comparable data, and some of the scales were of high validity rate
given its long‐time establishment (HBSC, 2010). The adoption of HBSC items
in current research also exerted the possibility of cross‐cultural comparison
with findings from many other countries. Efforts were made to find culturally
appropriate measures, and subsequent modifications were made to suit
sample and research objectiveness in this study (see below for descriptions of
individual question and measure).
All questions and measures adopted in the questionnaire were originally
produced in English language. After its composition, the questionnaire was
thus translated into Chinese before use. Meaning‐equivalence is considered to
be an important component of the questionnaire’s validity (Wagner, Hansen
& Kronberger, 2014; Iwata, 2014), thus particular attention was paid to the
translation process. At the initial questionnaire design stage, individual
questions and measures in its original language (English) were put up together
under research themes, under the categorical title of My body, My family and
friends, My school, and My feelings. The sequence of questions was then
rearranged and modifications to measures were carefully made to suit the
research need and suitability for the target sample (e.g., item “Loss of interest
in sex” was removed from Beck Depression Inventory‐II, for the consideration of
being inappropriate with early adolescents; see modifications in each
questionnaire descriptions). After the questionnaire content and its cohesion
were carefully modified, the questionnaire as a whole was translated into
Mandarin Chinese by the researcher, and checked by peer Mandarin speaking
PhD students. During the translation process, the Chinese translated questions
and measures that had been used among Chinese sample previously were
taken as reference critically (e.g., Physical Appearance Comparison, Inventory of
Parent and Peer Attachment, Harter Self‐esteem Questionnaire, Children’s Loneliness
Scale, Spence Children’s Anxiety Scale, Beck Depression Inventory‐II). The revised
questionnaire in Chinese was then translated back to English by British‐born‐
Chinese postgraduates who is fluent with both English and Chinese, and
checked by native English speakers, to compare the meaning equivalence and
accuracy, and to ensure that the Chinese version captured the correct notion
of each item. After a few times of revision, the questionnaire was piloted on a
90

small group of target participants (N=10) to check the face validity and content
validity of the questionnaire (also mentioned in procedure) (Creswell, 2013).
To note that, at the time of carrying out the questionnaire translation, the
researcher had 7 years translation experience, excellent and certificated
proficiency in both Mandarin Chinese and English, proven ability to translate
educational, psychological, and also complicated texts in law, IT, business
contracts, and official documents, and fully aware of ethical and multicultural
issues. On this account, the fact that the translation process was directed and
conducted mainly by the researcher was of thorough thought.
Adherence to ethical standards in using any existing standardized instrument
is important to protect and preserve respondents’ rights, as well as the integrity
of the instrument. Also, many of these questionnaires are copyright or trade
mark protected. Therefore, permission to the usage and translation of certain
scales in present questionnaire was sought from the instruments’ originators or
publishers. Questions and measures available in Mandarin were used as
references in the translation process of the questionnaire (see above).
Modifications to measures were made only when necessary. Rationales,
descriptions, reliability and validity tests, result interpretation, and discussion
were presented in full detail. Administration, scoring, and interpretation
instructions contained in the manual of each instrument were strictly followed
to ensure that tests and questionnaires were properly used.
5.5.2 Ethical considerations
Ethics codes for both psychological (e.g., code of ethics and conduct from BPS,
APA, SRCD) and educational research were followed (e.g., revised guidelines
from BERA; Bryman, 2004; Cohen et al, 2007; Alderson & Morrow, 2004, 2011)
in this study. Because the sample of the research was early adolescents,
participants’ rights and issues related to research with children and young
people governed the research design, conduct, and report (Alderson &
Morrow, 2004; 2011). Cross‐cultural differences and cultural specifics in
research ethics were also considered. First and foremost, the researcher is
aware that researchers who are cross‐culturally literate increases their chances
of working in an ethical manner with participants from different backgrounds.
Second, current systems of research practice are rooted in Western culture,
therefore, research procedures can be more ethically appropriate by
91
acknowledging and incorporating practices relevant to the culture of
participants and their larger community (in this study, Chinese students,
parents, teachers, and school faculties). Third, indigenous values and practices
were taken into consideration in questionnaire modification and results
interpretation. For example, sex can be a taboo among school children in China,
and the BDI‐ II item on loss of interest in sex was therefore removed in the
questionnaire used in this study. Traditional individually focused
psychoeducational processes and goals can often exist in opposition to
Chinese collectivist value‐orientations. Therefore, attention was paid in
discussion of relevant results especially in relation to Chinese educational
practice and cultural values. To name, just a few of the salient issues above
related to conducting ethical research with Chinese participants, this also
contributes to designing and implementing research across cultures.
Permission to undertake the study was obtained from Moray House School of
Education, University of Edinburgh, approved by Research Ethics Committee.
Enhanced disclosure from Disclosure Scotland and Certificate of No Criminal
Convictions Certificate from China were both obtained for the researcher
before the commencement of this study.
Data were kept confidentially. Questionnaires were kept in locked cabinet and
electronic data sheets were saved on secure University servers with password
login. Participants in the research were informed that information provided was
to be securely stored against access by persons other than the researcher.
Research reports will be acknowledged to participants in this study.
5.5.3 Instruments
As seen in Table 5.4, the questionnaire at each phase consisted of four parts: my
body, my family and friends, my school, and my feelings. The sequence of questions
was designed to ease the way of completing the questionnaire from subjective
to personal topics, considering the potential sensitivity related to each domain.
Core questionnaire elements were tested through all three phases; meanwhile,
elements that considered more stable in feature development were excluded
from the subsequent phases after phase 1 (e.g. Family SES). Details of all the
measures are provided below (see Appendix for full questionnaire items).
Table 5.4 An overview of the longitudinal questionnaire composition with questions and
measures’ details under research themes
92

Measures at Time 1 Measures at Time 2 Measures at Time 3
Pubertal development Pubertal development Pubertal development

 Pubertal Development  Pubertal Development  Pubertal Development
(Petersen et al, 1988) (Petersen et al, 1988) (Petersen et al, 1988)
 Perceived pubertal timing  Perceived pubertal timing  Perceived pubertal timing
scale (Dubas, Graber, & scale (Dubas, Graber, & scale (Dubas, Graber, &
Petersen, 1991; HBSC, Petersen, 1991; HBSC, Petersen, 1991; HBSC,
2006, 2010) 2006, 2010) 2006, 2010)
Body image and concerns Body image and concerns Body image and concerns
 Body change, body size,  Body change, body size,  Body change, body size,
dieting behaviour, dieting behaviour, dieting behaviour,
perceived looks (HBSC, perceived looks (HBSC, perceived looks (HBSC,
My body - Physical growth
2006, 2010); care about 2006, 2010); care about 2006, 2010); care about
height, care about figure height, care about figure height, care about figure
(Simmons, Black, & Zhou, (Simmons, Black, & Zhou, (Simmons, Black, & Zhou,
1991) 1991) 1991)
 Physical appearance  Physical appearance  Physical appearance
anxiety scale, (Reed, anxiety scale, (Reed, anxiety scale, (Reed,
Thompso,Brannick,& Thompso,Brannick,& Thompso,Brannick,&
Sacco, 1991) Sacco, 1991) Sacco, 1991)
 Physical appearance  Physical appearance  Physical appearance
comparison scale comparison scale comparison scale
(Thompson, Fabian, (Thompson, Fabian, (Thompson, Fabian,
Moulton, Dunn, & Altabe, Moulton, Dunn, & Altabe, Moulton, Dunn, & Altabe,
1991) 1991) 1991)
Gender issues Gender issues Gender issues
 Positive feelings about  Positive feelings about  Positive feelings about
being girls; act like boys, being girls; act like boys, being girls; act like boys,
(Simmons et al., 1991) (Simmons et al., 1991) (Simmons et al., 1991)
93
Family SES --- ---
 Parents occupation
 Perceived family well-off
(HBSC, 2006; 2010)
Parents Parents Parents
My family and friends - Social contexts
 Parent attachment (IPPA,  Parent attachment (IPPA,  Parent attachment (IPPA,

Armsden & Greenberg, Armsden & Greenberg, Armsden & Greenberg,
1987; Gullone & 1987; Gullone & 1987; Gullone &
Robinson, 2005) Robinson, 2005) Robinson, 2005)
 Parental involvement  Parental involvement  Parental involvement
(HBSC, 2006; 2010) (HBSC, 2006; 2010) (HBSC, 2006; 2010)
Peers Peers Peers
 Peers attachment (IPPA,  Peers attachment (IPPA,  Peers attachment (IPPA,
Armsden & Greenberg, Armsden & Greenberg, Armsden & Greenberg,
1987) 1987) 1987)
 Peers norms regarding  Peers norms regarding  Peers norms regarding
academic excellence academic excellence academic excellence
inventory (Kurdek, Fine, & inventory (Kurdek, Fine, & inventory (Kurdek, Fine, &
Sinclair, 1995) Sinclair, 1995) Sinclair, 1995)
94

School climate School climate School climate

 School satisfaction  School satisfaction  School satisfaction
(HBSC, 2006; 2010) (HBSC, 2006; 2010) (HBSC, 2006; 2010)
 Affect at school (Patterns  Affect at school (Patterns  Affect at school (Patterns
of adaptive learning of adaptive learning of adaptive learning
survey-PALS, Midgley, survey-PALS, Midgley, survey-PALS, Midgley,
Maehr, Hruda, et al., Maehr, Hruda, et al., Maehr, Hruda, et al.,
2000) 2000) 2000)
 Academic achievement,  Academic achievement,  Academic achievement,
pressure from schoolwork, pressure from schoolwork, pressure from schoolwork,
classmate support; classmate support; classmate support;
bullying and being bullied bullying and being bullied bullying and being bullied
(HBSC, 2006; 2010) (HBSC, 2006; 2010) (HBSC, 2006; 2010)
 Perceived students-  Perceived students-  Perceived students-
teachers relationships teachers relationships teachers relationships
(PALS, Midgley et (PALS, Midgley et (PALS, Midgley et
al.,2000) al.,2000) al.,2000)
 Perceived school  Perceived school  Perceived school
My school - School contexts
emphasis on achievement emphasis on achievement emphasis on achievement

goals (PALS, Midgley et goals (PALS, Midgley et goals (PALS, Midgley et
al.,2000) al.,2000) al.,2000)
School goals School goals School goals
 Personal achievement  Personal achievement  Personal achievement
goals (PALS, Midgley et goals (PALS, Midgley et goals (PALS, Midgley et
al.,2000) al.,2000) al.,2000)
 Future plan after high  Future plan after high  Future plan after high
school (HBSC, 2006; school (HBSC, 2006; school (HBSC, 2006;
2010) 2010) 2010)
School behaviours School behaviours School behaviours
 School involvement  School involvement  School involvement
(HBSC, 2006; 2010); (HBSC, 2006; 2010); (HBSC, 2006; 2010);
 Absenteeism (HBSC,  Absenteeism (HBSC,  Absenteeism (HBSC,
2006; 2010); 2006; 2010); 2006; 2010);
 Self-reported disruptive  Self-reported disruptive  Self-reported disruptive
behaviours (PALS, behaviours (PALS, behaviours (PALS,
Midgley et al.,2000) Midgley et al.,2000) Midgley et al.,2000)
School adaptation School adaptation School adaptation
 Survey of adaptional tasks  Survey of adaptional tasks  Survey of adaptional tasks
– middle school (SAT-MS, – middle school (SAT-MS, – middle school (SAT-MS,
Elias, Ubriaco, Reese et Elias, Ubriaco, Reese et Elias, Ubriaco, Reese et
al.,1992) al.,1992) al.,1992)
95
Global life satisfaction Global life satisfaction Global life satisfaction
 Degree of happiness,  Degree of happiness,  Degree of happiness,
frequency of happiness frequency of happiness frequency of happiness
(HBSC, 2006; 2010) (HBSC, 2006; 2010) (HBSC, 2006; 2010)
Self-esteem Self-esteem Self-esteem
 Harter self-esteem scale  Harter self-esteem scale  Harter self-esteem scale
(Harter, 1985) (Harter, 1985) (Harter, 1985)
Psychosomatic symptoms Psychosomatic symptoms Psychosomatic symptoms
My feelings - Mental health
complaints among school complaints among school complaints among school

children (HBSC, 2006; children (HBSC, 2006; children (HBSC, 2006;
2010) 2010) 2010)
Mental health difficulties Mental health difficulties Mental health difficulties
 Loneliness (Asher, Hymel,  Loneliness (Asher, Hymel,  Loneliness (Asher, Hymel,
& Renshaw, 1984) & Renshaw, 1984) & Renshaw, 1984)
 Spence children’s anxiety  Spence children’s anxiety  Spence children’s anxiety
scale (Spence, 1997; scale (Spence, 1997; scale (Spence, 1997;
1998; Spence, Paula, & 1998; Spence, Paula, & 1998; Spence, Paula, &
Cynthia, 2003) Cynthia, 2003) Cynthia, 2003)
 Beck depression  Beck depression  Beck depression
inventory-II (Beck, Steer & inventory-II (Beck, Steer & inventory-II (Beck, Steer &
Brown,1996) Brown,1996) Brown,1996)
Coping (strategy, efficacy) Coping (strategy, efficacy) Coping (strategy, efficacy)
 Kidcope (Spirito, Stark, &  Kidcope (Spirito, Stark, &  Kidcope (Spirito, Stark, &
Williams, 1988) Williams, 1988) Williams, 1988)
Note:
Developmental contexts mentioned in research objects were split into two main sessions in the questionnaire,
considering the length and balance between sessions.
Certain measures, including parents’ occupation, education, perceived family well-off, were only studied at Time 1,
considering the consistency in the nature of these indicators, and the length control of questionnaire.
5.5.4 Pubertal development
Pubertal development status: Girls’ pubertal development status was assessed

using the Pubertal Development Scale (PDS) (Petersen et al, 1988). The scale
consists of five items referring to growth spurt, body hair, skin changes, breast
development and whether they have reached menarche for girls. Girls were
asked to indicate the level of physical growth they had reached in each of these
domains on a 4‐point scale ranging from 1 (Has not yet started) to 4 (Has
completed). The item referring to menarche was scored as follows 1 (Has not
yet started menstruating) to 4 (Has already started menstruating). Scores on
five indices were summed up and averaged to provide a mean of the mean
score as an indicator of girls’ pubertal development status. The PDS is a widely
96

used self‐report measure and has shown to have adequate reliability and
validity (Petersen et al, 1988). Previous studies have shown that the self‐
reported PDS is significantly correlated with other more objective measures of
pubertal status, such as physician’s ratings on the Tanner stage (r5.61‐.67,
Brooks‐Gunn, Warren, Rosso, & Gargiulo, 1987) or interviewer’s ratings
(r=5.70, Petersen et al., 1988). In this study, the PDS showed high internal
consistency among the indices across three time points, with Cronbach’s alpha
α≥0.80. In addition, compared to other pubertal development scales, PDS is
written in simple language and constructed with key development indices;
therefore, in this study it was considered to be more suitable for usage in self‐
reported survey among children.
Pubertal timing: When the degree of physical development is standardized
within peer groups, the resulting score can be used as an index of pubertal
timing (Ge et al., 2001). Following previous conceptualisation and measurement
approaches and for the study purpose of this research, means and standard
deviations of pubertal indices obtained from PDS were used to categorize girls
into early, on‐time, or late pubertal timing. In specific, girls whose scores were
one standard deviation above the mean for their group were classified as early
maturing; girls whose scores fell within one standard deviation from their
group mean were classified as on‐time maturing; and girls whose scores were
one standard deviation below their group mean were classified as late maturing.
Such categorisation has been used as conventional procedure in numerous
studies and recognised as a reliable indicator for studying pubertal timing
among adolescence (e.g., Williams & Dunlop, 1999).
Perceived pubertal timing: Girls were also asked to assess their perceptions of
their physical maturity relative to same‐sex peers in form of the question ‘‘Do
you think that your physical development is any earlier or later than most
other boys/girls your age?’’ (Dubas et al., 1991; HBSC, 2006, 2010). Options
ranged from (a) much earlier; (b) somewhat earlier; (c) about the same; (d)
somewhat later; to (e) much later. For analyses, responses of much earlier and
somewhat earlier were combined to represent self‐reported early timing, and
somewhat late and much later responses were combined to represent self‐
reported late timing. Thus, three groups of perceived timing were formed,
paralleled with pubertal timing groups based on PDS scores. Although
perceived pubertal timing is a single‐item measure, previous studies have
97
shown adequate construct validity and reliability for this measure (Alsaker,
1992; Dubas et al., 1991; Graber et al., 1997; Siegel, Yancey, Aneshensel, &
Schuler, 1999). Studies have demonstrated reasonable reliability coeﬃcients
for girls’ perceptions of their pubertal timing (Dubas et al., 1991; Graber et al.,
1997). Graber et al. (1997), for example, found acceptable test retest reliability
of girls’ perceived pubertal timing over 1 year (r=0.61). In this study, test retest
reliability over 1 year is r=0.66.
5.5.5 Body Image and concerns
General perceptions and attitudes of the body: Individual items on body image
were selected from HBSC (2006, 2010) protocol to assess girls’ perceptions and
attitudes of their body, these questions focused on body change, perceived
weight, diet, and perceived looks, and can rated with on dichotomous or
Likert point scale. Care of body height and figure were assessed by individual
questions, as “How much do you care about your height/figure” (Simmons et
al.,1991), girls can rate on a 4‐point Likert scale ranging from “not at all” to
“very much”.
Physical Appearance State and Trait Anxiety Scale (PASTAS) – state (Reed et al., 1991):
The measure evaluates current anxiety reported about different body sites, with
degree of anxiety rated on a 5‐point scale ranging from 0 (“Not at all”) to 4
(“Exceptionally so”). The PASTAS – state instructions asked subjects to rate their
levels of anxiety about their bodies or specific body parts “right now” (The “trait”
instructions were similar, but “right now” was replaced with “in general”). As
reviewed in Chapter 2, body image and body dissatisfaction have been widely
studied; however, most research studied these concepts as whole, thus little
attention has been paid to which specific body part that may trigger body
dissatisfaction or affect the perception and attitudes of body image as whole
(Stanford & McCabe, 2002). PASTAS – state was therefore adopted in this study
to fill in the research gap. The state version was adopted instead of the trait
version because it is useful to assess the overall level of girls’ body image anxiety
across three time points longitudinally and useful to identify which specific body
part causes disturbance at specific time points (Thompson et al., 1991).
Considering meaning equivalence in translation and practical reality, items from
the original scale “my hips” and “my buttocks” were combined into one item,
and “my stomach” and “my abdomen” were merged into one item;
98

complementally two more items “my height” and “my eyes” were added into
the scale, given the fact that previous research suggested that children in China
may have high concerns about their height (e.g., Jackson & Chen, 2010) and the
high yet growing rate of short‐sighted school children (Zhang, Zhu, & Guo, 2014).
In Reed et al. (1991)’s original paper, it was suggested that items from the scale
could be categorised into weight and non‐weight subscales to help study
children’s eating disorders. The reliability and validity of the subscales were
found to be high (Thompson et al., 1991). In this study, when categorising into
weight subscale (WS), items included were the extent I look overweight, thighs,
hips and buttocks, stomach and abdomen, legs, and waist. Conversely, non‐
weight subscale (NWS) were height, ears, lips, wrists, hands, forehead, neck,
chin, feet, and eyes. The internal consistency of WS were low, Time 1, α=0.49;
Time 2, α=0.39; Time 3, α=0.46. While NWS’s Cronbach’s alpha was even lower
across three time points, α<0.10. In this case, research analysis would focus on
longitudinal changes of individual body part (see Chapter 7) and potential
reasons that may cause the low internal consistency will be discussed later in
detail (Chapter 10).
Physical Appearance Comparison Scale (PACS) (Thompson et al., 1991): Social
comparison is found to be a potent predictor of body dissatisfaction in Western
literature and appearance social comparison is considered a central
contributor to body image (van den Berg & Thompson, 2007, see Chapter 2).
PACS has five items that assess the tendency to compare one’s own
appearance with that of others, which indicating the participants’ intentions
on social comparison (e.g., “At parties or other social events, I compare my
physical appearance to the physical appearance of others”). Thus this scale
was adopted in this study to investigate girls’ social comparison intentions
regarding appearance and how they change longitudinally. Another
advantage of PACS compared with other scales on physical appearance
comparison was that it includes not only indices on comparison of bodily
features, but also indices on the comparison on the clothed body (“I compare
how I am dressed to how other people are addressed”). Response options
ranged from 1 (never) to 5 (always). Thompson et al. (1991) found the
psychometric characteristics of the PACS to be adequate. The Cronbach’s
alpha was high in this study across three time points, with Time 1, α=0.87;
Time 2, α=0.82; Time 3, α=0.82.
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5.5.6 Gender issues
Individual questions on gender identities (Simmons et al., 1991): Two individual

questions were formatted: “How do you feel about being a girl”; “Would you
say you act like a boy”. Answers ranged from 1 to 4, with higher score
indicating higher level of contentment. These questions were reported useful
to investigate young people’s feelings towards their own gender and
behaviours regarding their gender roles (Simmons et al., 1991).
5.5.7 Families
Inventory of parent and peer attachment (IPPA, Armsden & Greenberg, 1987; IPPA‐
R, Gullone & Robinson, 2005) ‐ Parent: The IPPA is a self‐report questionnaire
designed to assess participants’ perceptions of the quality of their
relationships with parents and peers on a 5‐point Likert‐type scale format
(1=”Almost never or never true”; 5=”Almost always or always true”). It has
been used extensively in studies of adolescent attachment and its correlates.
The IPPA‐Parent consists of 28 items yields subscales reflecting the
individual’s perception of the extent of trust (e.g., ‘‘When I am angry about
something, my parents try to be understanding’’), communication (e.g., ‘‘my
parents encourage me to talk about my difficulties’’), and feelings of alienation
(e.g., ‘‘I get upset easily around my parents’’) from their parents. These
subscales are combined (with alienation scores reversed) to yield a summary
index of the quality of the attachment relationship (Song, Thompson, & Ferrer,
2009). Attachment has been a key element when studying parents‐child
relationships. In this study, the use of self‐report instrument like IPPA rather
than an observational procedure was due to the consideration that attachment
represents a relationship (either parents or peer relationships) from the point
of view of the individual in the dyad, and in the case of this study, the
adolescent. Another advantage of this measure is that it permits a similar
assessment of the adolescent girl’s peer relationships, with parallel wordings
of items (see below for IPPA‐Peer). It should be noted that, although IPPA –
Parent has a more recent version of studying maternal and paternal attachment
respectively, with a corresponding peer item (Greenberg, Armsden, 2009), the
original version of the scale was adopted in this study (as described above,
with consideration of the IPPA‐R), considering children may exhibit practice
effects as items within each subscale were similar to each other. Another
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consideration was to avoid discomfort the latter version may cause to children
who has either parent figure absent. Therefore, if girls felt they had a very
different relationship with mother and father, or either in the case of either
parent was absent from the family, they were instructed to respond to the
parent form for the parent who they were influenced most (see Chapter 9 on
discussions). Previous research has demonstrated high test‐retest reliability
for this scale (Armsden & Greenberg, 1987), as well as good internal
consistency and convergent validity. In this study, Cronbach’s alphas of each
subscale were shown as follows: Parent trust, Time 1, α = 0.89; Time 2, α = 0.86,
Time 3, α=0.83; Parent communication, Time 1, α = 0.79; Time 2, α = 0.70, Time
3, α=0.90; Parent alienation, Time 1, α = 0.88; Time 2, α = 0.79, Time 3, α=0.81).
Parents support with schoolwork (HBSC, 2006): The 5‐item scale was measured on
a 5‐point Likert scale to provide information on parental involvement in children’
study and schooling experience (e.g. “If I have problem at school, my parents are
ready to help”), with higher scores indicting higher support (1=”Never true”,
5=”Always true”). Parents support with schoolwork bridges the family context with
children’s school life, which represents one of the mesosystems fits in the
ecological model of their developmental contexts (Bronfenbrenner, 1979, 2005;
see Chapter 3). Given the high parents’ investment and involvement in
children’s academic study in China (Chapter 1), it will also generate implications
for both schools and parents to their need. In this study, Cronbach’s alphas were
always higher than 0.80 (α≥0.82) across three phases.
5.5.8 Friends
Inventory of parent and peer attachment (IPPA, Armsden & Greenberg, 1987; IPPA‐
R, Gullone & Robinson, 2005) ‐ Peer: The IPPA‐Peer consists of 25 items yields
subscales reflecting the individual’s perception of the extent of trust (e.g., ‘‘I
trust my friends’’), communication (e.g., ‘‘I tell my friends about my problems
and troubles’’), and feelings of alienation (e.g., ‘‘I feel angry with my friends’’)
from their peers. Same as IPPA‐Parent, these subscales can also be combined
(with alienation scores reversed) to yield a summary index of the quality of
the attachment relationship with peers (Song, et al., 2009). However, in
practice, girls were instructed to think about their closest friends, rather than
their peers in general, when responding to the IPPA‐Peer (Armsden &
Greenberg, 1987; also see Chapter 3). Good internal consistency and validity
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have been reported by Armsden and Greenberg (1987, 2009; Wilkinson, 2010).
In this study, Cronbach’s alpha of each subscale showed high internal
consistency with α≥0.86 at all three time points.
Peer norms regarding academic excellence inventory (Kurdek et al., 1995): Peer
context in school was represented by students’ perceptions of peer norms
supporting academic excellence by Peer Norms for Academic Excellence in this
study. Participants indicated how much they agreed (1 = strongly disagree, 7
= strongly agree) with each of 8 statements regarding how their friends felt
and thought about school (e.g., “It is important for my friends to get good
grades”). In Kurdek et al., (1995)’s study, Cronbach’s alpha for the summed
composite scores was 0.84. In this study, Cronbach’s alpha is always higher
than 0.90 (Time 1, α =0.92; Time 2, α =0.91; Time 3, α =0.90). This scale was
selected in light of evidence that adolescents who experience academic failure,
relative to their peers who experience academic success, are less likely to
associate with peers who value academic excellence (Steinberg, Bornbusch, &
Brown, 1992) and are more likely to affiliate with peers who eventually drop
out of school (Fortin et al., 2006). As much as it provide insight into the
relations of adolescent peer norms and their school adjustment (e.g., Kurdek
et al., 1995), this scale also allows the researcher to investigate the effects of the
peer norms that children hold on their friends selection and shaping their peer
context.
5.5.9 Schools
Affect at school: Individual question was adopted from HBSC protocol (2006;
2010) as “How do you feel about school at present?” to obtain a general
emotional tone of girls towards school at each time point. Affective
experiences in school were further measured using the Positive Affect at School
and Negative Affect at School scales extracted from Patterns of Adaptive Learning
Survey (PALS) (Midgley, Maehr, Hruda, et al., 2000). Items in the two scales
factor analysed together and therefore combined to create a 7‐item Affect at
School Scale. Scales in PALS were developed during a 5‐year period and tested
with various samples of children and adolescents from various ethnic and
socioeconomic backgrounds (Midgley et al., 2000). PALS includes multiple
scales and the validity of each scale was established separately (see Midgley et
al., 2000). In this session of the questionnaire, five of standardized scales
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measured on a 5‐point Likert scale were adopted from PALS, including the
Affect at School Scale mentioned above. The positive affects items were used by
Roeser et al. (1996) and manifested substantial internal consistency. In this
study, Cronbach’s alpha was found also high (Time 1, α = 0.89; Time 2, α = 0.86;
Time 3, α = 0.86).
Selected HBSC questions and measures on children’ school experience: Individual and
group questions were extracted from HBSC protocol (2006; 2010) to reveal girls’
perception of their academic achievement (“In your opinion, what does your
class teacher(s) think about your school performances compared to your
classmates?”), pressure of school work (“How pressured do you feel by the
schoolwork you have to do?”), classmate support (three‐item scale with
Cronbach’s alpha α≥0.72 across all time points in this study), school involvement
(a five item scale tackling students’ performance in class, e.g., “How often do you
put up your hand to answer questions which teacher ask in class?”), absenteeism
(“Do you sometimes stay away from school, not because you are ill, but because
you want to do something else?” “How many days did you skip classes or school
this term?”), being bullied (“How often have you been bullied in school this
term?” and bullying others (“How often have you taken part in bullying other
students in school this term?”). Answers were coded on Likert‐point scales with
higher scores indicating more positive school climate (scores on certain scales
were reversed, for example, schoolwork pressure, frequencies of absenteeism,
being bullied, and bullying others).
Selected school measures from PALS on school relationships and behaviours (Midgley,
et al., 2000): As mentioned above, PALS has been widely used in many studies
on school learning motivation and adjustment, in relation to the research
objectives of this study, three subscales, perceived teacher‐student relationships,
self‐report of disruptive behaviours, and perceptions of school goals emphasis scale
were adopted in this session. Perceived teacher‐student relationship: This 5‐item
scale measured students’ perceived teacher and student relationships in
school (e.g., “In this school, teachers treat students with respects”). Self‐report
of disruptive behaviours: The 5‐item scale attempted to operationalize students’
perceptions of themselves as disruptive (e.g., “I get into trouble more than
most kids”) and therefore tapped on self‐perceptions in relation to classroom
norms and regulations. Children that perceive themselves as disruptive were
likely to feel inadequate in the classroom and school setting, a feeling that
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might result in or be the consequence of alienation. The scale was found to be
a fairly accurate indicator of disruptive behaviour in Kaplan and Maehr’s
study (1999). Perceptions of school goals emphasis scale: This scale comprised of
15 items in two subscales as Perceptions of Emphasis on Ego Goals (e.g., “In this
school, we are encouraged to compete against each other for grades”) and
Perceptions of School Emphasis on Task Goals (e.g., “In this school, mistakes are
okay as long as we are learning”). The former scale consisted of 5 items and
included items tapping student perceptions that relative ability is a salient and
rewarded marker of success in the school, and that higher achieving students
are treated better than other students. The latter scale consisted of six items,
assessing students’ perceptions of an emphasis in the school on efforts,
understanding, and the belief that all students can learn and successful.
School goals
Future plan after high school HBSC (2010): As argued in Chapter 3, in this study
students’ future plan after high school was used as an indicator of personal goal,
as “What do you think you will be doing when you are 16 (after high school)?”,
with options “Don’t know”, “Unemployed”, “Working”,
“Apprenticeship/trade”, “Vocational or technical school”, and “College or
university”. Academic aspiration was considered necessary in composition of
the questionnaire in consideration of the high expectation and investment
Chinese society, parents and children put into it. Longitudinal changes would
reflect children’s attitudes towards their personal goals for their future life.
Personal achievement goals (Midgley et al., 2000): A 6‐item Personal Ego Goals scale
(e.g., “I would like to show my teacher that I am smarter than the other kids”)
which included items that assessed students’ desire to demonstrate their
ability relative to others and to be recognized by their teachers and parents,
and a 6‐item Personal Task Goals (e.g., “The main reason I do my work in school
is because I like to learn”) assessed students’ preferences for challenging work,
task mastery and understanding, and learning new things, composed the
achievement goal scale. Midgley et al. (2000) tested the reliability and validity
of the personal goals and found them to be valid and reliable. In this study,
Cronbach’s alpha (α) for Person Ego Goals ranged from 0.69 to 0.73 while that
of Personal Task Goals ranged from 0.75 to 0.77, across three phases. Students’
goals studies have been received increasing research interest, due to its
connection with other popular school experience indicators like self‐efficacy,
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regulation, and school motivation. Personal achievement goals scale from PALS
is a well‐established and used measure. An additional advantage of adopting
this scale is that a similar assessment on children’s perceived school emphasis
on these goals is also available from PALS (Perceptions of school goals emphasis
scale, see above).
School adaptation
Survey of Adaptional Tasks – Middle School (SAT‐MS) (Elias et al., 1992): SAT‐MS
examines the adaptation to problematic academic and interpersonal tasks that
arise during the transition to middle school. It was employed in the study to
capture the pre‐transition concerns in a prospective manner at Time 1 before
the tranison, and it was used at subsequent time points (Time 2 and Time 3) to
examine students’ concerns based on their experiences during and after the
tranisition from a retrospective angle. Such cognitive appraisals of the
adaptational tasks required provide a potent window onto the psychological
impact of ecological and developmental transitions in this process (Moos,
1984). As mentioned in Chapter 3, research on school transition adjustment in
general compares various educational (motivation, self‐efficacy etc.) and
psychological indicators (e.g., academic competence, loneliness, depression)
based on children’s perceptions at each stage; how children think or concern
about the upcoming transition, whether these prospective thoughts affect their
transition experience, and how they change longitudinally as children
transferring into the new school would provide a more thorough profile of
children’s transition adaptation experience. In addition, as the scale was
designed for primary to middle school transition adaptation, questions and
wording of contents suit the study sample well. In specific, participants rate
along a 4‐point scale (1=”Not a problem”; 4=”Big problem”) using junior high
school as the reference point. Three subscales tangled conflicts with authorities,
older students (including 7 items, e.g., “Having a tough teacher”), peer
relationships (including 7 items, e.g., “Not seeing your friends from
elementary school enough”), and academic pressures (including 2 items, e.g.,
“Having to do harder school work”). Higher scores indicate bigger
potentiality of difficulty and higher concerns about a particular issue or issues
within certain categorization. Because the scale content were about difficulties
in junior high school, at Time 1 girls at the end of primary school were asked
to imagine to what extent the listed difficulties in future junior high school
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might be problematic to them. At Time 2 and 3, participants were instructed
to rate on their actual experiences on those adaptation difficulties, respectively.
The alpha coefficient for the total adaptation difficulty was 0.92 in Elias et al.
(1992)’s study; internal consistencies within each subscales were reported as
Peer relationships, α=0.76; Conflicts with authorities and older students, α=0.85;
Academic pressure, α=0.61; Substance abuse, α=0.93. In this research, Cronbach’s
alphas for total adaptation difficulty are: at Time 1, α=0.62; Time 2, α=0.71; and
Time 3, α=0.76. Regarding subscales alpha coefficient, α is always higher than
0.71 across all three phases for three out of four subscales (Peer relationships,
Conflicts with authorities and older students, and Academic pressure). However,
Substance abuse showed very poor internal consistency (Time 1, α=0.15; Time
2, α=0.26; and Time 3, α=0.27). Potential cultural and methodological reasons,
analysis strategies, and results interpretation will be discussed in Chapter 8.
5.5.10 Mental health
Global life satisfaction
Selected individual questions from HBSC (2006, 2010) on school children’s positive
health: Self‐rated global life satisfaction is a subjective indicator of general
health and wellbeing. Questions included: Degree of happiness (“In general,
how do you feel about your life?”), girls rated their response on a 4‐point
Likert scale with higher score indicating higher satisfaction with their life (1=”I
am not happy at all”; 4=”I am very happy”); Frequency of Happiness (“How
often do you feel happy?”).
Self-esteem
Harter’s (1985) Self‐Esteem Questionnaire: This 36‐item questionnaire has six

subscales measuring children’s perceived self‐esteem in five domains
(Scholastic competence, Social competence, Athletic competence, Physical appearance,
and Behavioural conduct) as well as Global self‐worth. Each scale consists of six
items followed by a description of two types of “kids”. Participant was first
asked to decide which kind of kid is most like herself and then to decide
whether it is very true or sort of true. Scale scores were computed by averaging
across items and ranged from 1 to 4. Higher scores represent higher levels of
self‐perception. Harter (1985) standardized the questionnaire on American
school children from Grade 3‐8, comparable to Primary 3 to Secondary Grade
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1 school children in China. The questionnaire has been shown to have very
good reliability and validity (Boivin, Vitaro, & Gagnon, 1992; Harter, 1985). In
this study, the reliability coefficient for each of the scales was satisfactory at
each time of measurement (Cronbach’s alpha always greater than 0.70, with
only one exception of Athletic competence at Time 1, α = 0.68). The Harter Self‐
Esteem Questionnaire was chosen for a few reasons other than its reputation as
a widely‐used measure. First, it can provide information about age trends in
self‐esteem between 8 to 13 years, thereby providing evidence about the
continuity or discontinuity of self‐esteem that suit the study purpose of
longitudinal changes in adolescents’ self‐esteem profile. Second, self‐esteem
can be studied in different domains by considering children’s self‐perception
as a multidimensional concept; it also provides a subscale as global self‐esteem
to overview self‐esteem in general. Third, within‐subject variation in self‐
esteem can be measured in response to normal, though potentially stressful
events such as transitioning from primary to junior high school. Finally, the
questionnaire also enables between‐subject comparisons to be made in many
circumstances. In addition, there is a more updated version of this measure
available: Self‐Perception Profile for Children – 8‐13 (Harter, 1985, 2012).
Psychosomatic symptoms
Psychosomatic health symptom checklist (HBSC, 2006, 2010): Somatic health

symptoms are important indicators of wellbeing. Frequent or sustained stress
leads to emotional and physiological stress, which in turn affects the
development of frequent symptoms. In this vein, girls in this study were asked
how often they had experienced the following symptoms in the last six months,
including: headache; stomach‐ache; back‐ache, feeling low, bad tempered;
feeling nervous; difficulties in getting to sleep; feeling dizzy, neck pain, and
tiredness. The checklist included 8 items originally and two items “neck pain”
and “tiredness” were added into practice considering the fact that Chinese
school children are facing heavy schoolwork and valuing highly in diligence,
thus may exhibit more health complaints (see Chapter 1). Response options
for each symptom ranged from “Rarely or Never” (scored as 1) to “About
every day” (scored as 5). The checklist presents a non‐clinical measure of
adolescents’ somatic health with respects to multiple symptoms. All items on
the checklist can be used together to measure somatic symptoms and showed
adequate internal consistency for adolescent population (Currie et al., 2012).
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However, in this study, the Cronbach’s alphas were low when studying the
whole scale as a whole (Time 1, α=0.19; Time 2, α=0.48; and Time 3, α=0.22).
Potential reasons that may cause the low internal consistency among these
symptoms will be discussed in Chapter 9.
Mental health difficulties
Children’s Loneliness Scale (Asher et al., 1984): The 24‐item questionnaire
assessed children’s feelings of loneliness and social dissatisfaction. The 16
primary items focused on childrenʹs feelings of loneliness (e.g., “Iʹm lonely”),
feelings of social adequacy versus inadequacy (e.g., “Iʹm good at working with
other children”), or subjective estimations of peer status (e.g., “I have lots of
friends”). The other eight “filler” items focused on children’s hobbies or
preferred activities (e.g., “I watch TV a lot”). In this study all filler items were
removed to restrict the length of the questionnaire. Girls responded to each of
the item by indicating on a 5‐point scale on how much each statement was a
true description of themselves ranging from 1=“Not true at all” to 5= “Always
true”. An adapted version of this scale was then studied by Cassidy and Asher
(1992), in which the statements were replaced with questions and children
responded by answering “Yes”, “No”, or “Sometimes”. However, the original
version of this scale was adopted in the questionnaire, and the reasons were
three‐folds. First, more levels of Likert scale (fewer or equal to seven levels)
may exerts more accurate information (Finstad, 2010). Second, children may
feel more appealing to statements in first‐person narrative rather than being
asked in question formats, given thoughts on the cultural differences in China.
Last, one item was reported inadvertently omitted due to clerical error in the
adaptation study (Cassidy & Asher, 1992). The 16‐item scale was found to be
internally consistent and internally reliable (α=0.90, Asher, et al., 1984). In this
study, Cronbach’s alphas were 0.87, 0.81, and 0.84 at each phase from Time 1
to Time 3, indicating satisfactory reliability.
Spence Children’s Anxiety Scale (Spence, 1997; Spence 1998; Spence et al., 2003):

The SCAS consisted of 38 anxiety items; in this study six positively worded
filler items were removed to limit the questionnaire’s length. The SCAS
provides an overall measure of anxiety together with scores on six subscales
each tapping a specific aspect of anxiety. Each item was rated on a 4‐point scale
coded on 0 (“never”) to 3 (“always”) to indicate how often each of the items
happens to them. This yields a maximum possible score of 114, with higher
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scores reflecting greater anxiety symptoms. Scores may also be produced for
six anxiety subscales include Panic attack and agoraphobia (e.g., “All of a sudden
I feel really scared for no reason at all”), Separation anxiety (e.g., “I would feel
afraid of being on my own at home”), Physical injury fears (e.g., “I am scared of
being in high places or lifts”), Social phobia (e.g., “I feel afraid that I will make
a fool of myself in front of people”), Obsessive compulsive (e.g., “I have to keep
checking that I have done things right”), Generalized anxiety
disorder/overanxious disorder (e.g., “when I have a problem, my heart beats
really fast”). The SCAS scale has now been used in a significant number of
research studies to examine the structure of anxiety symptoms and as an
indicator of anxiety among adolescents (Spence, Rapee, McDonald, & Ingram,
2001). Meanwhile, the scale advantages itself when being part a
comprehensive questionnaire as it was designed to be relatively easy and
quick for children to complete. Cronbach’s alpha of the scale was high (α=0.92)
reported by Spence (1997), and the internal consistency of subscales was also
acceptable (ranging from 0.60 to 0.80, see Spence, 1997, 1998, Spence et al.,
2003). In this study, the co‐efficient alpha was 0.89, 0.87, and 0.87 respectively
across three time points, and subscales’ internal consistencies revealed
relatively low in Separation anxiety (α=0.56) and Physical injuries (α=0.53) at
Time 1, other than that, α fell within the range of 0.67 to 0.82, which is
compatible to previous research. Further attention will be paid on data
analysis and interpretation in result (Chapter 9) and discussion chapters
(Chapter 10).
Beck Depression Inventory‐II (Beck et al., 1996): The BDI‐II measures different
areas of depression symptomatology, including affective, cognitive,
motivational, and physiological domains. Each item out of a total of 21 items
describes a specific behavioural manifestation of depression (such as somatic
problems or loss of appetite), and each symptom item consists of several
statements that range from neutral to severe forms of symptoms rating on a
Likert scale from 0‐3, yields a total depression score ranging from 0‐63, with
higher score suggesting higher level of depression. In this study, concerning
the age range of the participants, item 21 (“Loss of interest in sex”) was
excluded in the questionnaire. Internal consistency among the 20‐item scale in
this study was found satisfactory, with Time 1, α=0.80; Time 2, α=0.77; and
Time 3, α=0.80.
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Previously, researchers have made many attempts to check whether these items
in BDI‐II are loosely connected or can be grouped into subscales. In general, a
two‐dimensional structure composed of a cognitive‐affective and a somatic‐
vegetative factor has been replicated empirically across studies. However, some
studies have also suggested that the structure of BDI‐II can be best described as
three‐dimensional, including cognitive self, performance difficulty, somatic
symptoms (Lindsay & Skene, 2007). Taken together, the structure and model fit
of previous studies in relation to the construct validity of BDI‐II are inconsistent.
In addition, a modified 20‐item BDI‐II was used in this study, whether such
modification would produce new solution to the BDI‐II model fit warrants
further investigation. Therefore, principal factors extraction with Varimax
rotation was performed on 20 depression symptoms and further confirmed
with scree test. Two factors were extracted as Cognitive and affective attitudes
(including Sadness, Pessimism, Past failure, Guilty feeling, Punishment feeling,
Feeling disappointment, Self‐criticalness, Suicidal thought, Worthlessness, Loss of
pleasure, Crying, Agitation, Loss of interest, Irritation, and Indecisiveness), and
Somatic disturbance (including Loss of energy, Changes in sleeping pattern, Changes
in appetite, Concentration difficulty, and Fatigue).
Across three phases in this study, this two‐factor solution of the depression
revealed satisfactory internal consistency range from 0.70 to 0.75 for the prior,
and 0.77 to 0.80 for the latter. Compared with BDI (Beck, Ward, & Mendelson,
1961), the BDI‐II represents a substantial revision of the original version (Beck et
al., 1996). In conjunction with the validity data (Shek, 1990), the BDI‐II can be
regarded as possessing acceptable psychometric properties, and it can be used
as an objective assessment tool to measure depressive or maladjustment
symptoms in adolescents (Steer, Ball, Ranieri, & Beck, 1997). The BDI‐II was
chosen over other similar instruments (e.g., The Children’s Depression Inventory –
CDI, Covacs, 1981) because it was designed to reflect the depth of depression,
and more importantly it could monitor changes over time, which was considered
to suit the research purpose for this study better. The instrument remains widely
used in research and it has been translated into multiple languages, including
Chinese (Chinese Behavioural Science Corporation, 2000).
Coping strategy and coping efficacy
Kidcope (Spirito et al., 1988): The main scale of Kidcope consists of a 15‐item
younger version (for children aged 7‐12 years) and a 10‐item older version (for
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adolescents aged 13‐18 years) that assess the frequency of use and efficacy of
coping strategies. Considering the age range of the sample and the
longitudinal study nature, the younger version was adopted in the
questionnaire. The instruction given with Kidcope asks participants to focus on
coping with a stressor of the researcher’s choosing. For this study, girls were
asked to focus on a general stressor of their own choice. The stressor‐targeted
direction was considered not appropriate because the research purpose of this
study is to obtain a general coping pattern of early adolescents when they face
different and sometimes even multiple stressors, rather than a situation‐
specific or time‐specific coping response. The 15 items of alternative coping
strategies can be categorized into 10 coping category scores, including
Distraction (e.g., “Try to forget it”), Social withdrawal (e.g., “Keep quiet about
the problem”), Cognitive restructuring (“Try to see the good side of things”),
Self‐criticism (“Blaming yourself for causing the problem”), Blaming others
(“Blaming someone else for causing the problem”), Problem solving (e.g., “Try
to sort out the problem”), Emotional regulation (e.g., “Try to calm yourself
down”), Wishful thinking (e.g., “Wish the problem had never happened”),
Social support (“Try to feel better by spending time with others like family,
grown‐ups or friends”) and Resignation (“Do nothing because the problem
couldn’t be solved”). Each of the 10 coping strategies is scored for frequency,
either being present or absent (answers on distichous scale was coded as
1=”Yes”, 0=”No”), and for efficacy, a score that ranges from 0‐2 (“not at all”,
“a little”, “a lot”). Response to efficacy level was only available for relative
coping strategy when children opt for it. Spirito (1996) emphasized that
Kidcope is a scale designed for screening purposes only. This means that its
particular value is to identify a possible profile of stressors and coping
strategies being used by individual child, rather than providing an overall
coping score. In line with this argument, coping strategy and coping efficacy
were studied individually.
5.5.11 Summary
To sum up, inspired by large scale exploratory research (e.g., Health Behaviour
in School‐Aged Children, Global School‐based Student Health Survey, Taiwan Youth
Health Survey), and to fill in the gap between Europe‐America dominated
literature on developmental and wellbeing studies in adolescence, the
questionnaire includes comprehensive questions and measures to cover a
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wide range of variables, in the hope of gaining a fuller picture of the
developmental changes and outcomes of early adolescents in China.
5.6 Data collection
5.6.1 Procedure
Before assessment, the questionnaire was tested by 10 target primary school
girls (mean age=11.50, SD=.85) in grade 6 in Beijing to check for content
readability and comprehension, and to ensure language is appropriate, the
length is acceptable, the basic aspects of the design and procedure were fit for
purpose. The final questionnaire was revised with considerations of results
from the small‐scale pilot study and feedbacks from participating schools and
teachers obtained during the sample recruitment process. The questionnaire
design, translation, structure, and layout in printing form were peer reviewed
by PhD students in Moray House School of Education to enhance content
objectivity and format aesthetic.
After assent and consent were obtained from school children and their parents
(see recruitment procedures above for details), adolescents were administered
an array of measures during a 4‐session protocol, My Body, My Family and
Friends, My School, and My Feelings. Assessments were conducted at each
participating school for the convenience of participants’ attendance. Girls in the
same class or from different classes were gathered to sit either in their own
classroom or selected activity room depending on the number of participants.
To create an open and relaxed atmosphere, and boost response rate, each
survey session started with an informal introduction to warm up the setting
and ensure participants understand that the survey was not a test in any sense,
all the responses were equally acceptable, valid and welcomed, and the survey
would serve as part of a PhD research study affiliated with University of
Edinburgh and it had no direct relations to their schools or teachers; in the
meantime, instructions for certain measures within the questionnaire were
also explained (e.g. Harter Self‐Esteem Questionnaire). Class teachers were
carefully briefed on the neutrality of their role during data collection and
agreed they should not attempt to influence or interpret the responses of
participants.
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Subsequently administered by researcher without respective head teachers

present, participants filled out the questionnaire during regular school hours.
Each participant was provided with a self‐adhesive envelope in which to seal
the completed questionnaire before handing it in. Girls were not paid for their
participation; however, as a good will gesture, each girl received a Scottish
souvenir pen, a keyring, and a fridge magnet at each phase respectively, as
recompense to her time and efforts. The same procedure was carried out
throughtout all the three time points. The three waves were approximately six
months apart, with data collected in June 2010, December 2010, and May 2011.
5.6.2 Practical issues of psychological research with Chinese adolescents
Based on the real‐life experience of sample recruitment and data collection
processes of this study, a few practical issues on conducting research with
school children and young people in Beijing, not necessarily limited within
Beijing, should be noted.
Different from the sampling process in most Western countries, where the key
is to gain participant and their parents/guardians’ participation consent, the
crucial phase in this study to conduct research on early adolescents at school
was to get access to them through school contacts. As mentioned above, the
“school principal – head teacher – class teacher – students – parents” manner
to make arrangement for the survey, researchers had to require permission
from several levels to reach school children as the endpoints to be participants,
which might not be necessary in other cultures. The key gatekeeper of access
to schoolchildren as research participants in Beijing, therefore, are not their
parents or guardians, but schoolteachers.
Secondly, students’ physical and psychological health does receive much

attention from schoolteachers or educational policy makers in China
compared with educational attainment. As a consequence, schools show less
interest in health and psychological research than research on education
processes and attainment. The Chinese aspire to high levels of scholastic
success, which is a way to achieve social mobility, respect, and family pride
(Gow, Balla, Kember, & Hau, 1996); on this account, schools tend to be grade
point oriented in China, especially in big metropolis cities where competition
is even more severe (see Chapter 1). The prime mission of most schools,
113
especially primary and middle schools is to secure good exam results and
students’ safety. To this end, many of schools adopted closed education (Liu,
2013), which means only school students, faculty, and staff, can get access into
school; campus visitors will be strictly investigated. Once students come to
school they are not allowed to leave campus until school dismissed. In
addition, because schools are not obliged to participate in any student‐
involved research according to school or governmental policies, it puts
individual researcher in a very disadvantageous position in terms of accessing
school children for research purposes.
Thirdly, some schools are not very open to researchers from overseas
universities who may wish to carry out studies on issues in China or based on
Chinese school children, due to lack of understanding in research ethics. As
more and more graduate students from China are now studying in overseas
educational institutions, there have been a growing number of research
studies carried out on school children in China. However, the ethical
guidelines and procedures on doing research with children and young people
are underdeveloped and obscure, which may also contribute to the fact that
schools are assuming the role of gatekeeper for access to children as research
participants.
A further issue that arose from the current study was some participating schools’
had concerns about the interpretation and dissemination of findings. Some
schools indicated they were afraid that the data collected from their school
students might be used against local educational practice or policy making. For
instance, at Time 1, one primary school agreed to participate in the survey at the
beginning as they thought the research would be affiliated with Beijing Normal
University and they refused to participate after the researcher clarified that the
research was a project to pursue PhD degree at the University of Edinburgh.
Another example is that one of the participating schools asked their students to
cross their names and school name with black markers on the completed
questionnaires. In this case, on one hand, the school was worried whether their
students would produce expected plausible results, and on the other hand, they
were worried whether only “negative” or bad results would be reported and
used to despise Chinese educational system or even national image since the
researcher is studying in overseas university.
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However, these practical issues may not represent themselves in all research
conducted in China, thus should be understood with an open and reflective
view. In the case of the present study, the completion of the sample recruitment
and data collection among school children in Beijing was largely benefited from
help of schoolteachers (Guanxi, see Chapter 1) and the renowned reputation of
Beijing Normal University where the researcher initially graduated. As the top
teacher training university in China, Beijing Normal University provides
teachers to schools and universities throughout China. After graduation, the
researcher maintained a wide connection with fellow graduates who became
primary school to university teachers in Beijing after their graduation. A key to
successful sample recruitment in this study was the interpersonal relationship
resource of the researcher. The teachers efficiently introduced the researcher to
their schools and actively helped with school contacts, questionnaire printing,
and survey venue arrangements, which together played a decisive role in the
sampling and data collection process of this research. Apart from their input to
guarantee sample size, an additional benefit of having these teachers who were
also class teachers of participating classes also boost response rate and minimise
sample attrition. This may be explained by the influence of Confucius and its
emphasis on values like filial piety and respect for authority (see Chapter 1),
which to some extent helped establish order and subordination in the survey
process.
5.7 Data Analysis
The aim of the study was to investigate the longitudinal changes of early
adolescents’ physical growth, social contexts, and mental health during their
transition from primary to junior high school, by means of questionnaire‐based
survey. Longitudinal data were obtained from schoolgirls at three time points.
Followed each data collection procedures, data were then coded in the
Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) according to a detailed coding
frame agreed with each individual standardized measure, and preliminarily
screened for accuracy of data entry, missing values, and univariate or
multivariate outliers. Assumptions of normality, linearity, multicollinearity,
and homogeneity of variance‐covariance matrices were also checked
(Tabachnick & Fidell, 2007). The reliability coefficient (Cronbach’s α) of the
each instrument was calculated and detailed in the questionnaire session.
115
5.7.1 Data preparation
Normality and transformation of data
Test statistics and standard errors can be biased under severe non‐normality
of data distribution, which tends to inflate the significance in result. In the
current questionnaire the distribution of some instruments (e.g., Beck
Depression Inventory‐II) indicated that these variables were positively skewed,
which is common in non‐clinical populations because few participants would
be clinically depressed. The variables were transformed using square‐root
transformation method (Weinberg & Abramwitz, 2008).
Missing data
Cases within some scales in the questionnaire contained item‐level missing
value at subsequent time point (a particular question on the scale was not
answered) and thus a sum score could not be calculated. In order to obtain
the maximum number of cases and to calculate sum scores of the variables,
item‐level missing data were imputed using Last Observation Carried Forward
(LOCF) method (Molenberghs, Verbeke, & Kenward, 2008). The previous
value (non‐value) is used to fill in missing values at a later point in the study.
Violation of sphericity and corrections
When violations of sphericity occurred before applying repeated measures
ANOVA, therefore, Greenhouse‐Geisser correction and Huynh‐Feldt
correction were used to reduce Type I error rate. In specific, Greenhouse‐
Geisser correction was used when estimated epsilon (ε) is less than 0.75, and
Huynd‐Feldt correction was used when estimated epsilon (ε) is greater than
0.75 (Girden, 1992).
Violation of homogeneity of variance and corrections
When homogeneity of variance was violated before applying one‐way

ANOVA, Welch correction was used, and a Games‐Howell test instead of a
Tukey post hoc.
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5.7.2 Analysis plan
The main analysis plan is straightforward. Given the more statistically
nomothetic nature of the study that focus on relations among variables across
the whole sample of adolescents and their longitudinal changes, repeated
measure ANOVAs were applied to reveal the trends and outcomes in multiple
changes that adolescent girls experienced throughout the transition process.
Such analyses can yield information on which school practices in general, from
adolescents’ points of view, seem to promote positive developmental outcomes
which shapes the experience of adolescence, thus making such practices
possible foci of future school‐wide reform efforts. Apart from the main analysis
that was carried out on all variables with matching data across all time points,
Chi‐square for association, Pearson’s correlation, one‐way ANOVA,
independent t‐test, and principal component factor’s analysis were also
employed to analyse individual variables in depth.
The methodology of this study is shaped by the three research questions stated
in previous chapters. This chapter therefore set out the design, rationale,
structure, content, and procedures of the methodological and analytic
approaches taken in the research reported in this thesis. Before turning to the
results of the empirical investigation, Chapter 6 will describe the interrelations
of all the variables in this study. Chapter 7 examines the longitudinal changes
in adolescents’ physical growth, including physical changes and puberty,
body image and concerns, and gender issues. Chapter 8 investigates
longitudinal changes in adolescents’ social contexts, with regards to family,
friends, and schools. The final empirical chapter, Chapter 9, reports
longitudinal changes in adolescents’ mental health in terms of their global life
satisfaction, self‐esteem, psychosomatic symptoms, mental health difficulties,
and coping.
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CHAPTER 6 INTERRELATIONS BETWEEN VARIABLES
The aim of this chapter is to provide a description of the interrelations between
all the variables in this study as described in Chapter 5. Pearson’s product‐
moment correlations were conducted to investigate the strength and direction
of associations that existed between variables at each time point of the study.
Altogether, 53 variables were included in correlations analysis, and results
between all the 53 variables under the headings of demographics, physical
growth, social contexts, and mental health, respectively, and are reported for
each time point chronologically (53×53, Time 1, Time 2, and Time 3). Results
of correlations and longitudinal changes of interrelations between variables
are summarised to shed light on developmental changes in these associations.
The importance of demographics and the macrosocial contexts as influences
were also explicitly acknowledged. Key findings were discussed, after which
this chapter concludes with an overview of results and implications for thesis.
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Age Physical growth Physical growth Physical growth
 Pubertal  Pubertal  Pubertal
development development development
Grade  Body image and  Body image and  Body image and
 Gender issues  Gender issues
 Gender issues
School ranking


 Parental  Parental  Parental
involvement involvement involvement
Chinese culture

 School behaviour  School behaviour  School behaviour
 Global life  Global life  Global life
satisfaction satisfaction satisfaction
Family SES

difficulties difficulties difficulties
(loneliness, (loneliness, (loneliness,
anxiety, anxiety, anxiety,
 Coping (strategy,  Coping (strategy,  Coping (strategy
Note: Age = Chronological age; Grade = School grade; Arrows represent potential influences; arrows in bold
represent key influence and direction of changes
Figure 6.1 An overview of variables examined in this study at three time points
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6.2 Introduction
Bioecological perspective posits that adolescent development takes place in

multiple domains and there are complex interactions between not only the
adolescent and their developmental contexts, but also these domains each
other (see Chapter 1 and 3). In this study, three domains of adolescent
development were investigated including physical growth, social contexts,
and mental health. In line with the bioecoligcial view, these domains are not
separated from one another; instead, each of these domains consists of multi‐
attribute variables (see Figure 6.1), and their interrelations jointly contribute to
the understanding of adolescent development (e.g., Bronfenbrenner & Morris,
2006).
Although most studies of adolescence and the role of contexts in shaping
adolescent development are studies of a single domain or context examined in
isolation from one another, previous literature provides evidence in the
interrelations between these developmental domains or contexts and the
developing adolescent. For example, age has been regarded as an important
explanatory indicator in adolescents’ developmental outcomes (see Beilin &
Pufall, 2013 for a review). Strong associations between SES and both academic
achievement (Bumgarner & Brooks‐Gunn, 2013) and behavioural disorders
(Leijten, Raaijmakers, de Castro, & Matthys, 2013) have been reported among
school children; SES has also been linked to adolescent mental health
(McLaughlin, Costello, Leblanc, Sampson, & Kessler, 2012). Regarding
physical growth, early pubertal timing, body image concerns, such as body
dissatisfactions and physical appearance anxiety have been associated with
both externalising and internalising problems among adolescents especially
for girls (e.g., Graber et al., 1997; Sontag et al., 2011, Crockett et al., 2013, also
see Chapter 2). Research on adolescent transitions has also evidenced early
pubertal timing and multiple psychological problems among girls during the
transition from primary to secondary school when girls often hit puberty
during the same period of time (Blyth et al., 1983; Eccles & Midgley, 1989;
Eccles & Roeser, 2011). Physical appearance comparisons has been associated
with negative body image and socio‐physical influences (Boroughs et al.,
2010). Gender issues in terms of gender identity and sex roles suggested that
gendered social pressure is likely to increase adolescent girls’ vulnerability to
negative mental health outcomes (Tolman et al., 2006). In relation to social
121
contexts, families and friends have been indicated as both stressors and
protective factors in the adolescent’s life (e.g., Scales et al., 2013; Smetana et al.,
2006). Attachment relationships with parents and peers have been associated
with multiple indicators of adolescents’ mental health, such as global life
satisfaction, self‐esteem, loneliness, depression, and coping (Allen, 2008;
Armsden & Greenberg, 1987; Bowlby, 2008; Millings et al., 2012). Parental
involvement and peer norms have been linked to school experience and
adjustment of the adolescent (e.g., Hill & Tyson, 2009; Jeynes, 2014; Li et al.,
2011; Wentzel et al., 2010). Pedagogical practices, student‐teacher
relationships, classmates, affect at school, academic achievement, and other
aspects of the school milieu have also been found to have a significant impact
on adolescents’ wellbeing in school setting and beyond (e.g., Card & Hodges,
2008; Cohen et al., 2009; Rodkin & Ryan, 2012). In addition, age and gender
have also been linked with students’ school transition adjustment (Fenzel,
1992; Rice, et al., 2011). Respecting mental health, global life satisfaction and
self‐esteem have been suggested by many researchers as major indicators of
adolescents’ subjective wellbeing, as well as protective factors to poor mental
health and externalising problems (e.g., Diener & Diener, 1995; Rey et al.,
2011). Psychosomatic symptoms have been found associated with school
stressors among adolescents (Murberg & Bru, 2007; Hjern et al., 2008), and they
also contribute to manifestation of mental health difficulties, such as poor life
satisfaction, anxiety and depression (e.g., Piko, 2006; 2007). Psychosomatic
symptoms and mental health difficulties both have been linked to poor
psychological wellbeing and negative social behaviours, and their attributes
include developmental and social factors at both micro (individual) and macro
(societal or national) levels (Karademas et al., 2008; van Dulmen & Goossens,
2013, see Chapter 4). In relation to coping, the choice of coping strategies have
been found associated with age, personal temperament, and social resource
(Compas et al., 2001; Seiffge‐Krenke, Aunola, & Nurmi, 2009); whereas coping
efficacy associated with the nature of specific stressors or situations (Skinner
& Zimmer‐Gembeck, 2007).
Nevertheless, previous research findings provide evidence in a piecemeal

fashion towards the interrelations between multiple developmental domains
in the adolescent’s life. Yet there have been no studies on establishing a
systematic overview integrating all the developmental indices into one model
among Chinese adolescents. Therefore, before moving on to the empirical
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results of longitudinal changes in domains of physical growth, social contexts,
and mental health of Chinese adolescents, this Chapter will explore the
interrelations between all the variables examined in the study to provide a
descriptive overview of the data.
6.3 Results
Pearson’s correlations were conducted among 53 variables7 (see Figure 6.1) at
three time points, respectively. To reduce the chance of Type 1 error and
produce conservative results from multiple correlations, Bonferroni correction
was applied to Pearson’s correlation coefficient, with significant level at 0.001.
Associations as indicated by correlation results reported below were therefore
statistically significant at 0.001 level.
6.3.1 Demographics
Demographic information including age, school ranking (key school, ordinary
school), and SES (socioeconomic status) was tested. In general, age and SES
positively correlated with each other (r=.247), and both found associated with
BMI, PDS, pubertal timing, and perceived pubertal timing at all three time points;
school ranking was not found to be associated with any variables across all
time points. Detailed interrelations at each time point were further reported
below.
At time 1, age positively correlated with BMI (r=.245), PDS (r=.335), pubertal
timing (r=.284), perceived pubertal timing (r=.307), and negatively correlated with
care about height (r=‐.156). SES positively correlated with BMI (r=.221), PDS
(r=.446), pubertal timing (r=.388), perceived pubertal timing (r=.309), and
negatively correlated with act like boys (r=‐.146), and school emphasis on ego goals
(r=‐.137).
timing (r=.323), perceived pubertal timing (r=.346), and negatively correlated with

7 To keep correlation results explicit and limit the size of correlation table, 1) When a total score of a measure is
available, subscales of that measure were excluded, 2) Global life satisfaction refers to degree of happiness, 3)
Self-esteem refers to global self-esteem from Harter Self-esteem Scale, 4) Coping strategy was represented by
the first three most often used strategies, problem solving, emotional regulation, and distraction; coping efficacy
was represented by the three most effective coping strategies, including problem solving, cognitive restructuring,
and social withdrawal.
123
school involvement (r=‐.160). SES positively correlated with BMI (r =.213), PDS
(r=.311), pubertal timing (r=.288), perceived pubertal timing (r=.260), and
negatively correlated with self‐esteem (r=‐.167).
timing (r=.306), perceived pubertal timing (r=.349), and substance abuse (r=.167).
SES positively correlated with BMI (r=.211), PDS (r=.261), pubertal timing
(r=.234), and perceived pubertal timing (r=.301).
6.3.2 Physical growth
At time 1, BMI positively correlated with SES (r=.221), age (r=.245), PDS
(r=.515), pubertal timing (r=.407), perceived pubertal timing (r=.357), body size
(r=.410), physical appearance anxiety (r=.172), and physical appearance comparison
(r=.213). PDS positively correlated with age (r=.335), SES (r=.446), BMI (r=.515),
pubertal timing (r=.858), perceived pubertal timing (r=.634), body size (r=.226),
dieting behaviours (r=.154), and negatively correlated with bullying others
(r=‐.199). Pubertal timing positively correlated with age (r=.284), SES (r=.388),
BMI (r=.407), PDS (r=.858), perceived pubertal timing (r=.593), body size (r=.179),
dieting behaviours (r=.189), and negatively correlated with bullying others
(r=‐.207). Perceived pubertal timing positively correlated with SES (r=.309), age
(r=.307), BMI (r=.357), PDS (r=.634), pubertal timing (r=.593), and negatively
correlated with care about height (r=‐.185), and worry about school adaptations
regarding conflicts with authorities and older students (r=‐.220). Body size
positively correlated with BMI (r=.410), PDS (r=.226), pubertal timing (r=.179),
dieting behaviours (r=.264), and physical appearance anxiety (r=.197). Dieting
behaviours positively correlated with PDS (r=.154), pubertal timing (r=.189), and
body size (r=.264). Care about height negatively correlated with age (r=‐.156) and
perceived pubertal timing (r=‐.185). Physical appearance anxiety positively
correlated with BMI (r=.172), body size (r=.187), and physical appearance
comparison (r=.229). Physical appearance comparison positively correlated with
BMI (r=.213) and physical appearance anxiety (r=.229). Act like boys negatively
correlated with SES (r=‐.160).
At Time 2, BMI positively correlated with SES (r=.213), age (r=.233), PDS (r=.418),
pubertal timing (r=.344), perceived pubertal timing (r=.266), body size (r=.403), dieting
behaviours (r=.156), care about figure (r=.161), physical appearance anxiety (r=.189),
and physical appearance comparison (r=.204). PDS positively correlated with SES
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(r=.311), age (r=.371), BMI (r=.418), pubertal timing (r=.846), perceived pubertal
timing (r=.632), body size (r=.224), dieting behaviours (r=.199), and negatively
correlated with care about height (r=‐.174), bullying others (r=‐.212), and conflicts
with authorities and older students (r=‐.182). Pubertal timing positively correlated
with SES (r=.288), age (r=.323), BMI (r=.344), PDS (r=.846), perceived pubertal
timing (r=.549), body size (r=.221), and negatively correlated with care about height
(r=‐.171), and bullying others (r=‐.214). Perceived pubertal timing positively
correlated with SES (r=.260), age (r=.346), BMI (r=.266), PDS (r=.632), pubertal
timing (r=.549), personal task goals (r=.194), and negatively correlated with worry
about school adaptations regarding conflicts with authorities and older students
(r=‐.159). Body size positively correlated with BMI (r=.403), PDS (r=.224), pubertal
timing (r=.221), dieting behaviours (r=.310), and physical appearance anxiety (r=.218).
Dieting behaviours positively correlated with BMI (r=.156), PDS (r=.199), and body
size (r=.310). Care about height negatively correlated with PDS (r=‐.174), and
pubertal timing (r=‐.171). Care about figure positively correlated with BMI (r=.161).
Physical appearance anxiety positively correlated with BMI (r=.189), body size
(r=.218), and physical appearance comparison (r=.216). Physical appearance
comparison positively correlated with BMI (r=.204) and physical appearance anxiety
(r=.216).
At Time 3, BMI positively correlated with SES (r=.211), age (r=.229), PDS (r=.356),
pubertal timing (r=.331), perceived pubertal timing (r=.258), body size (r=.287), dieting
behaviours (r=.158), care about figure (r=.209), physical appearance anxiety (r=.184),
physical appearance comparison (r=.253), and substance abuse (r =.163). PDS
positively correlated with SES (r=.261), age (r=.345), BMI (r=.356), pubertal timing
(r=.863), perceived pubertal timing (r=.575), substance abuse (r=.185), and negatively
correlated with care about height (r=‐.204). Pubertal timing positively correlated
with SES (r=.234), age (r =.306), BMI (r=.331), PDS (r=.863), perceived pubertal timing
(r=.497), and negatively correlated with care about height (r=‐.164). Perceived
pubertal timing positively correlated with SES (r=.301), age (r=.349), BMI (r=.258),
PDS (r=.575), pubertal timing (r=.497), substance abuse (r=.157), and negatively
correlated with care about height (r=‐.221). Body size positively correlated with BMI
(r=.287), dieting behaviours (r=.250), and physical appearance anxiety (r=.182). Dieting
behaviours positively correlated with BMI (r=.158), and body size (r=.250). Care
about height negatively correlated with PDS (r=‐.204), pubertal timing (r=‐.164), and
perceived pubertal timing (r=‐.221). Care about figure positively correlated with BMI
(r=.209), and substance abuse (r=.169). Physical appearance anxiety positively
125
correlated with BMI (r=.184), body size (r=.182), physical appearance comparison
(r=.184), and negatively correlated with frequency of using distraction as coping
strategy (r=‐.169). Physical appearance comparison positively correlated with BMI
(r=.253) and physical appearance anxiety (r=.184).
6.3.3 Social contexts
Families and friends
At Time 1, parent attachment positively correlated with parental involvement
(r=.569), peer attachment (r=.242), and global life satisfaction (r=.178). Parental
involvement positively correlated with parent attachment (r=.569), peer attachment
(r=.345), global life satisfaction (r=.202), and negatively correlated with loneliness
(r=‐.181). Peer attachment positively correlated with parent attachment (r=.242),
parental involvement (r=.345), and negatively correlated with loneliness (r=‐.208).
Peer norms positively correlated with personal ego goals (r=.302).
At time 2, parent attachment positively correlated with parental involvement
(r=.583). Parental involvement positively correlated with parent attachment
(r=.583), and negatively correlated with anxiety (r=‐.174). Peer attachment and
negatively correlated with loneliness (r=‐.167).
At time 3, Parental involvement positively correlated with peer attachment
(r=.541), and global life satisfaction (r=.241). Peer attachment positively correlated
with parental involvement (r=.541), global life satisfaction (r=.260), and negatively
correlated with loneliness (r=‐.235).
Schools
At Time 1, school satisfaction positively correlated with affect at school (r=.410),
academic achievement (r=.204), classmate support (r=.299), bullying others (r=.176),
and teacher‐student relationships (r=.357). Affect at school positively correlated
with school satisfaction (r=.410), classmate support (r=.160), teacher‐student
relationships (r=.252), school emphasis on task goals (r=.312), and personal task goals
(r=.325). Academic achievement positively correlated with school satisfaction
(r=.204), personal ego goals (r=.224), and negatively correlated with pressure from
schoolwork (r=‐.251), and adaptation problems with academics (r=‐.466). Pressure
from schoolwork positively correlated with adaptation problems with academics
(r=.162) and negatively correlated with academic achievement (r=‐.251). Classmate
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support positively correlated with school satisfaction (r=.299), affect at school
(r=.160), and teacher‐student relationship (r=.228). Bullying others negatively
correlated with PDS (r=‐.199), pubertal timing (r=‐.207), and being bullied
(r=‐.255). Being bullied negatively correlated with bullying others (r=‐.255).
Teacher‐student relationships positively correlated with school satisfaction (r=.357),
affect at school(r=.252), classmate support (r =.228), school emphasis on task goals
(r=.279), personal task goals (r=.293), future plan (r=.161), and negatively
correlated with school emphasis on ego goals (r=.‐196). School emphasis on ego goals
positively correlated with personal ego goals (r=.334), and negatively correlated
with SES (r=‐.165), teacher‐student relationship (r=‐.196), and school emphasis on
task goals (r=‐.257). School emphasis on task goals positively correlated with affect
at school (r=.312), teacher‐student relationship (r=.279), personal task goals (r=.289),
and negatively correlated with school emphasis on ego goals (r=‐.257). Personal ego
goals positively correlated with peer norms (r=.302), academic achievement
(r=.224), school ego goals (r=.334), school involvement (r=.359), and global life
satisfaction (r=.222). Personal task goals positively correlated with academic
achievement (r=.325), teacher‐student relationship (r=.293), school emphasis on task
goals (r=.289), and negatively correlated with school emphasis on ego goals
(r=‐.143). Future plan positively correlated with teacher‐student relationship
(r=.161). Adaptation concerns regarding conflicts with authorities and older
students negatively correlated with perceived pubertal timing (r=‐.220).
Adaptation problems with academics positively correlated with pressure from
schoolwork (r=.162), and negatively correlated with academic achievement
(r=‐.466).
classmate support (r=.177), and school emphasis on task goals (r=.159). Affect at
school positively correlated with school satisfaction (r=.341), school emphasis on
task goals (r=.270), personal task goals (r=.193), and negatively correlated with
coping efficacy of social withdrawal (r=‐.201). Academic achievement positively
correlated with school emphasis on task goals (r=.157), and adaptation problems
with academics (r=.440). Pressure from schoolwork positively correlated with
adaptation problems with academics (r=.155). Classmate support positively
correlated with school satisfaction (r=.177), and adaptation concerns about
conflicts with authorities and older students (r=.160). Bullying others negatively
correlated with PDS (r=‐.212), pubertal timing (r=‐.214), and being bullied
(r=‐.200). Being bullied negatively correlated with bullying others (r=‐.200).
127
Teacher‐student relationship positively correlated with school emphasis on task
goals (r=.328), and personal task goals (r=.235). School emphasis on task goals
positively correlated with school satisfaction (r=.159), affect at school (r=.270),
academic achievement (r=.157), teacher‐student relationship (r=.328), and personal
task goals (r=.273). Personal ego goals positively correlated with school
involvement (r=.178). Personal task goals positively correlated with perceived
pubertal timing (r=.194), affect at school (r=.193), teacher‐student relationship
(r=.235), and school task goals (r=.273). School involvement positively correlated
with personal ego goals (r=.178), and negatively correlated with age (r=‐.160).
Absenteeism positively correlated with substance abuse (r=.156). Adaptation
concerns about conflicts with authorities and older students positively correlated
with classmate support (r=.160), and negatively correlated with PDS (r=‐.182),
perceived pubertal timing (r=‐.159). Adaptation problems with academics positively
correlated with academic achievement (r=.440), and pressure from schoolwork
(r=.155). Substance abuse positively correlated with absenteeism (r=.156).
classmate support (r=.242), and negatively correlated with school emphasis on ego
goals (r=‐.197). Affect at school positively correlated with school satisfaction
(r=.249), academic achievement (r=.280), classmate support (r=.180), teacher‐student
relationship (r=.289), school emphasis on task goals (r=.365), and negatively
correlated with school emphasis on ego goals (r=‐.174). Academic achievement
positively correlated with affect at school (r=.280), school emphasis on task goals
(r=.155), and adaptation problems with academics (r=.359). Pressure from schoolwork
positively correlated with adaptation problems with academics (r=.355). Classmate
support positively correlated with school satisfaction (r=.242), and affect at school
(r=.180). Bullying others negatively correlated with being bullied (r=‐.229). Being
bullied negatively correlated with bullying others (r=‐.229). Teacher‐student
relationship positively correlated with school emphasis on task goals (r=.196).
School emphasis on ego goals negatively correlated with school satisfaction
(r=‐.197), affect at school (r=‐.174), and school emphasis on task goals (r=‐.226).
School emphasis on task goals positively correlated with affect at school (r=.365),
academic achievement (r=.155), teacher‐student relationship (r=.196), personal task
goals (r=.180), and negatively correlated with school emphasis on ego goals
(r=‐.226). Personal task goals positively correlated with school task goals (r=.180),
and negatively correlated with global life satisfaction (r=‐.157). Adaptation
problems with academics positively correlated with academic achievement (r=.359),
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and pressure from schoolwork (r=.355). Substance abuse positively correlated with
age (r=.167), BMI (r=.163), PDS (r=.185), perceived pubertal timing (r=.157), and
care about figure (r=.169).
6.3.4 Mental health
At Time 1, global life satisfaction positively correlated with parent attachment
(r=.178), parental involvement (r=.202), self‐esteem (r =.258), and negatively
correlated with anxiety (r=‐.180), and depression (r=‐.268). Self‐esteem positively
correlated with personal ego goals (r=.222), global life satisfaction (r=.258),
frequency of using problem solving as coping strategy (r=.218), and negatively
correlated with anxiety (r=‐.287), depression (r=‐.292), and frequency of using
distraction as coping strategy (r=‐.178). Psychosomatic symptoms positively
correlated with depression (r=.193). Loneliness positively correlated with anxiety
(r=.293), distraction as coping strategy (r=.319), and negatively correlated with
parental involvement (r=‐.181), and peer attachment (r=‐.208). Anxiety positively
correlated with loneliness (r=.293), depression (r=.158), and negatively correlated
with global life satisfaction (r=‐.180), self‐esteem (r=‐.287), and problem solving as
coping strategy (r=‐.205). Depression positive correlated with psychosomatic
symptoms (r=.193), anxiety (r=.158), distraction as coping strategy (r=.203), and
negatively correlated with global life satisfaction (r=‐.268), self‐esteem (r=‐.292),
and problem solving as coping strategy (r=‐.162). Frequency of using problem
solving as coping strategy positively correlated with self‐esteem (r=.218), and
negatively correlated with anxiety (r=‐.205), and depression (r=‐.162). Frequency
of using distraction as coping strategy positively correlated with loneliness
(r=.319), depression (r=.203), and negatively correlated with self‐esteem (r=‐.178).
At time 2, global life satisfaction positively correlated with self‐esteem (r=.269),
and negatively correlated with anxiety (r=‐.194). Self‐esteem positively
correlated with global life satisfaction (r=.269), and negatively correlated with
SES (r=‐.167), anxiety (r=‐.421), and depression (r=‐.221). Psychosomatic symptoms
positively correlated with depression (r=.257). Loneliness positively correlated
with depression (r=.255), and negatively correlated with peer attachment (r=‐.167).
Anxiety negatively correlated with parental involvement (r=‐.174), global life
satisfaction (r=‐.194), self‐esteem (r=‐.421), and problem solving as coping strategy
(r=‐.200). Depression positive correlated with psychosomatic symptoms (r=.257),
distraction as coping strategy (r=.252), and negatively correlated with self‐
129
esteem (r=‐.221). Frequency of using problem solving as coping strategy
negatively correlated with anxiety (r=‐.200). Frequency of using distraction as
coping strategy positively correlated with loneliness (r=.255), and depression
(r=.252). Coping efficacy of social withdrawal negatively correlated with affect at
school (r=‐.201).
At time 3, global life satisfaction positively correlated with parental involvement
(r=.241), peer attachment (r=.260), and negatively correlated with personal task
goals (r=‐.157), and anxiety (r=‐.163). Self‐esteem negatively correlated with
anxiety (r=‐.422), and depression (r=‐.196). Psychosomatic symptoms positively
correlated with depression (r=.206). Loneliness positively correlated with
depression (r=.190), and negatively correlated with peer attachment (r=‐.235).
Anxiety negatively correlated with global life satisfaction (r=‐.163), and self‐esteem
(r=‐.422). Depression positively correlated with psychosomatic symptoms (r=.206),
loneliness (r=.190), frequency of using distraction as coping strategy (r=.189),
negatively correlated with self‐esteem (r=‐.196). Frequency of using distraction
as coping strategy positively correlated with depression (r=.189), and negatively
correlated with physical appearance anxiety (r=‐.169).
To sum up, variables within the same domain or context are more likely to be
correlated with one another (e.g., pubertal timing and physical appearance
comparison), although associations were also found between variables across
different domains (e.g., pubertal timing and depression), and these include:
first, demographic indicators age and SES associated with multiple physical
growth indicators. Second, apart from age and SES, bullying others, concerns
about conflicts with authorities and older students, and substance abuse were also
correlated with physical growth indicators. Third, with regard to social
contexts, families and friends indicators associated with multiple mental
health indicators, including global life satisfaction, loneliness, and anxiety. School
indicators revealed more associations between each other than interrelations
across different domains, although age, SES, pubertal timing, PDS, perceived
pubertal timing, care about figure, global life satisfaction, and efficacy of social
withdrawal were found correlated with different school indicators at various
time points. Fourth, mental health indicators were found correlated with SES,
parent and peer attachment, parental involvement, and personal achievement goals.
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6.4 Discussion of results
6.4.1 Demographics
Age and SES were both found associated with BMI and pubertal development
indicators. Findings are consistent with previous studies. For example, age has
been reported as an important predictor of pubertal status and pubertal timing
(e.g., Stattin et al., 2011). Research on SES and pubertal development
evidenced the association between higher SES and earlier pubertal timing by
other researchers (e.g., van den Berg et al., 2010). Age effects have also been
found in school involvement and substance abuse. As girls grow older, their
school involvement declines, and they concern more about substance abuse.
Such correlations again add evidence to existing literature (e.g., decline in
school involvement, Holas & Huston, 2012; increase in substance abuse, Ge et
al., 2011). Higher SES on the other hand was associated with higher adherence
to gender roles (less likely to act like opposite sex), and perceive lower level of
school emphasis on ego goals in this study. However, there is little research
on interrelations between SES and either gender role indicators or school
achievement goals, and future research is in need to establish confirmative
associations. It is interesting that at Time 3 higher SES correlated with lower
self‐esteem in this study, which is inconsistent with authors who found SES as
an indicator of higher levels of self‐esteem (e.g., Twenge & Campbell, 2002),
however, other authors also argued that SES may not have the same meaning
or salience as a source of self‐esteem (e.g., Birkeland, Melkevik, Holsen, &
Wold, 2012). One reason to such inconsistency may also result from different
measurement of SES, because there are several ways of measuring SES,
although most include quantification of family income, parental education,
and occupational status. Cultural factors may also response as mediators
between SES and self‐esteem in Chinese sample. Nevertheless, the
interrelation between SES and self‐esteem was only identified at Time 3 in this
study, which cannot rule out the possibility that such associations might have
happened by chance.
6.4.2 Physical growth
BMI, PDS, pubertal timing, and perceived pubertal timing associated with each
other at all the three time points. Although other interrelations were
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temporary rather than persistent, there are a few findings worth noting. First,
higher PDS was linked to lower frequencies of bullying others, which is
inconsistent with previous literature whereas pubertal maturation leapt out as
a factor of bullying (e.g., Pepler et al., 2006). Second, although the
interrelations between pubertal maturation and substance abuse is consistent
with existing literature (e.g., Ge & Natsuaki, 2009), it should be noted that the
variable on substance abuse examined in this study refers to students’
perceptions of to what extent substance abuse is a problem for them in school,
which is different from their actual usage of substance (see Chapter 5 for
descriptions of measure). Earlier pubertal timing was associated with lower
frequencies of bullying others at Time 1 and 2, and these findings resonate the
associations between pubertal maturation and bullying as reported above, and
contributes to existing literature (e.g., Caspi et al., 1993; Ge & Natsuaki, 2009).
Another interesting finding is the association between early pubertal timing and
higher levels of personal task goals. Although such interrelations have not been
tested before, the associations between pubertal timing and personal
achievement goals may result from the cognitive development triggered by
the onset of puberty (biological theory of pubertal timing, Mendle,
Turkheimer, & Emery, 2007; Beltz & Berenbaum, 2013). Overall, PDS
correlated with more variables than perceived pubertal timing, which associated
with more variables than pubertal timing. These general findings are
inconsistent with literature whereas pubertal timing has been suggested as a
more important indicator of puberty than pubertal status (e.g., Crockett et al.,
2013), and at the same time, findings in this study add evidence to the
argument that perceived pubertal timing is of more importance than pubertal
timing categories derived from pubertal status (e.g., Siegel et al., 1999).
Considered collectively, these results demonstrate little evidence of the
associations between either pubertal timing or pubertal status and
internalizing problems among girls in this study.
With regards to indicators of body image and concerns, consistent associations
were found across three time points: first, perceptions of bigger body size
correlated with higher BMI, more likely to adopt dieting behaviours, and higher
physical appearance anxiety. These findings support existing literature on the
interrelations between weight problems (body size) and dieting behaviours as
well as physical appearance anxiety, which often indicates that girls who
perceive themselves as overweight are prone to dieting behaviours and more
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anxious about their physical appearance (Paxton, Wertheim, Gibbons, et al.,
1991; Swami et al., 2010). Second, higher physical appearance anxiety was
associated with higher BMI, perceptions of bigger body size, and more physical
appearance comparison. This indicates that girls with higher BMI feel more
insecure about their physical appearance and exhibit more self‐consciousness of
their body, and this is consistent with findings from previous studies (e.g.,
Swami et al., 2007; 2010). However, whether higher physical appearance anxiety
trigger more physical appearance comparisons or more frequent physical
comparisons result in higher physical anxiety needs future verification to
establish causal relations. Additionally, a few other interrelations worth notice.
For example, care about figure was positively correlated with substance abuse at
Time 3. This finding echoes the significant inverse relations between overweight
and substance use disorders as reported by other authors (e.g., Petry, Barry,
Pietrzak, & Wagner, 2008). In addition, physical appearance anxiety negatively
correlated with frequencies of using distraction as coping strategy at Time 3.
Plausible reason can be generated according to the cognitive model of anxiety,
which suggests anxious people exhibit an attentional bias towards threat,
manifested as enhanced detection of threat stimuli rather than distract from it
(Rapee et al., 2009).
In relation to gender issues, act like the opposite sex negatively associated with
SES at Time 1, and this has been discussed above. Positive feelings about own
gender did not reveal any significant correlations with other variables at all
time points. Therefore, gender issues examined by means of these two
questions seem not respond as explanatory variables in this study.
6.4.3 Social contexts
Families and friends
Indicators of families (parent attachment, parental involvement) and friends (peer
attachment, peer norms) associated closely with each other. Besides, parent
attachment, parental involvement, and peer attachment were also correlated with
mental health indicators (e.g., global life satisfaction, loneliness, anxiety). Peer
norms, on the other hand, associated with school indicators regarding personal
goals (personal ego goals, also see below). Hence findings in this study were
consistent with existing literature: first, indicators of families and friends
associated with one other, which can be explained by the internal working
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model of attachment theory (Bowlby, 1982, 2008; Bretherton & Munholland,
2008, also see Chapter 3); second, parent attachment positively correlated with
parental involvement (e.g., Bowlby, 2008); third, quality of attachment
relationships with parents and peers predicts positive wellbeing, such as
global life satisfaction (e.g., Cassidy, 2008; Paterson, et al., 1995), and they are
protective factors to mental health difficulties such as loneliness and anxiety
during adolescence (e.g., Allen, 2008; Bowlby, 2008; Millings et al., 2012);
fourth, peer norms positively associated with personal ego goals, and this finding
is in line with literature on peers norms and school adjustment (Kurdek et al.,
1995; Wentzel et al., 2010; Veronneau & Dishion, 2011).
Schools
Regarding school climate indicators, a few interrelations are highlighted. First,
higher affect at school was associated with more classmate support, better teacher‐
student relationship, higher school emphasis on task goals, and lower school
emphasis on ego goals. These findings were consistent with previous research
literature on the attributes to positive school affect (e.g., Eccles & Roeser, 2011;
Roeser et al., 1996). Second, although for those who bully others may also be
bullied by others, the consistent negative correlations found in this study
between bullying others and being bullied indicate that they are two different
constructs and often do not happen concurrently (e.g., Cook et al., 2010; Hong
& Espelage, 2012). Third, interrelations between school emphasis on
achievement goals and personal achievement goals were consistent with
previous literature on goals studies which indicate school achievement goals
influence personal achievement goals (e.g., Roeser & Eccles, 1998; Friedel, et
al., 2007). In addition, the positive correlations between school emphasis on task
goals and teacher‐student relationship also add evidence to the optimal outcomes
of school achievement goals that emphasize effort and support student
autonomy (e.g., Kaplan et al., 2014; Meece et al., 2006).
With respect to indicators of school goals, it is interesting that at Time 1,
academic achievement was positively associated with both personal ego goals and
personal task goals. Additionally, personal ego goals associated with self‐esteem
whereas personal task goals correlated with global life satisfaction. Taken together,
these seemingly controversial results in this study can be understood by the
argument that in real life adolescents might pursue ego and task goals at the
same time (Kaplan et al., 2014). Personal goals examined by future plan after high
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school and revealed associations with teacher‐student relationship, and this again
is in line with consistent research findings that the relationship between
teachers and students is one of the most important factors in student success
(e.g., Scrimsher & Trudge, 2003; Woolley & Grogan‐Kaylor, 2006).
Regarding school behaviours indicators, school involvement negatively

correlated with age and this interrelation has been discussed above.
Associations between absenteeism and substance abuse add evidence to the
argument that school absenteeism was linked to substance misuse and other
behavioural problems (Henry & Huizinga, 2007; Kearney, 2008). Nevertheless,
disruptive behaviours did not show any significant associations with other
variables in this study, although previously other research reported positive
associations between disruptive behaviours and age (e.g., Currie et al., 2012).
With respect to school adaptation indicators, concerns about conflict with
authorities and older students negatively associated with PDS and pubertal timing,
indicating girls with advanced pubertal maturation and early pubertal timing
showed less vulnerability to adaptation problems with authorities and older
students. These findings are inconsistent with existing literature that often
reports an opposite direction of association (e.g., Fenzel, 1992; Eccles & Roeser,
2011). Persistent positive associations were found between concerns about
academics and pressure from schoolwork. Substance abuse was linked to absenteeism,
age, BMI, PDS, pubertal timing, and care about figure. Although these
connections were only found at Time 3, they are consistent with previous
literature on attributes to substance abuse (Ge & Natsuaki, 2009). Concern
about peer relationship was not found associated with other variables in this
study, and this was in contrast to previous studies, which often indicates that
peers play a crucial role in adolescents’ school adaptation (e.g., Wentzel et al.,
2010).
6.4.4 Mental health
Global life satisfaction associated with self‐esteem, anxiety, parent and peer
attachment, parental involvement, and personal task goals. These pairwise
interrelations between global life satisfaction and each individual indicator have
been reported by other authors, respectively (see Loewe et al., 2014 for a
review). This suggests that different factors lead to and hinder the quality of
global life satisfaction. Likewise, self‐esteem was also found associated with
135
multiple variables, including global life satisfaction, anxiety, depression, SES,
personal ego goals, problem solving as coping strategy. Additionally, the negative
associations between self‐esteem and anxiety as well as depression, were
consistent with previous studies, which suggested self‐esteem a protective
factor to negative psychological outcomes (e.g., Rey et al., 2011).
Indicators of mental health difficulties closely associated with one another, and
this is consistent with findings on the interrelations between these constructs
(e.g., Bor et al., 2014). As mentioned above, self‐esteem, parent and peer attachment,
parental involvement, were negatively associated with loneliness, anxiety, and
depression in this study. Although results in this study did not establish causal
effects between them, such associations were in sync with existing literature on
adolescents’ self‐esteem, parent and peer relationship quality are protective
factors to their wellbeing (e.g., Diener & Rey et al., 2011; Bowlby, 2008; Millings
et al., 2012). Psychosomatic symptoms associated with depression at all time points.
These findings were also consistent with previous literature on the relationship
between psychosomatic symptoms and other mental health indicators (e.g.,
Piko, 2006).
In relation to coping strategy and efficacy, results in this study indicate that
distraction as coping strategy associated with mental health difficulties (e.g.,
depression, loneliness) and low self‐esteem. On the other hand, problem
solving as coping strategy was associated with positive mental health (higher
self‐esteem, lower levels of anxiety and depression). Associations between
coping efficacy of social withdrawal and affect at school indicates that choice
of coping strategy and rating on efficacy can be situation‐specific when
adolescents deal with different stressors. These results are consistent with
previous literature on coping responses as an important correlate of
psychological adjustment. The general trends, however, tend to be qualified
by the nature of the stressor, the specific type of coping strategy used, and
whether these associations are measured concurrently or prospectively
(Compas, Connor‐Smith, Saltzman, Thomsen, & Wadswort, 2001). Although
Fields and Prinz (1997) summarized the literature on developmental changes
in self‐reported coping across diverse stressful situations and drew the
conclusion that the ability of differentiation and situation‐specific use of
coping strategies increases at first from preschool to primary school age with
a second peak in adolescence. Results in this study, like several other studies,
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failed to show developmental differences, suggesting moderate consistencies
of reported coping strategies in different age groups (e.g., Donaldson,
Prinstein, Danovsky, & Spirito, 2000).
6.4.5 Summary
First of all, results of correlations between variables in this study revealed that
adolescent development accommodates complex interrelations between multi‐
attributes that tap into different domains and contexts. Second, interrelations
between variables are not always persistent over time. Results of the
longitudinal changes indicate that such interrelations are rather dynamic than
static. Third, interrelations between variables as found in this study provide
both consistent and inconsistent results compared to existing literature based
on Western samples, which suggests potential cultural differences in the
interrelations of domains and contexts indices. Fourth, as reported above, effect
sizes for most of the associations were small (Cohen, 1988). However, it should
also be noted that when interpreting the correlation results, the adoption of
Bonferroni correction should be taken into consideration. It protected researcher
from Type I errors; however, it may leave the researcher a little more vulnerable
to Type II errors. Nevertheless, this is yet another reason that studies need to be
replicated in future. Last, correlation analysis in this chapter aims to provide an
exploratory overview of interrelations between all the variables in this study,
and therefore it does not establish causal relations or distinguish dependent and
explanatory variables.
This chapter describes the interrelations of all variables studied in the study.
As described above, some variables correlated with many other variables,
some correlated with only a few variables, yet some showed no associations
with any other variables at all. Longitudinally, some interrelations are
persistent over time, and on the other hand, the associations between variables
are not static, such interrelations form, disappear, strengthen, weaken, and
also change in directions. This reflects the fact that adolescents construct,
interpret, and make meaning of the contexts they inhabit, and although their
active agency influences their developmental trajectory, the constructive
nature of adolescent development is not readily apparent in current theorizing
137
or empirical research. Therefore, it is important to study longitudinal changes
in adolescent development as adolescents assert choices, make decisions, and
develop within different contexts and cultures.
In line of this reasoning, the next three chapters (Chapters 7‐9) will report
results of longitudinal changes of all the variables in the survey. Specifically,
Chapter 7 will focus on physical growth indicators, Chapter 8 will focus on
social contexts indicators, and Chapter 9 will focus on mental health indicators.
Last, Chapter 10, as general discussion of the thesis, will summarise key
findings in relation to answering the research questions, and synthesize
empirical results in this study with previous literature.
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CHAPTER 7 LONGITUDINAL CHANGES OF ADOLESCENTS’

PHYSICAL GROWTH
The previous chapter provided an overview of the methodological approach
adopted within this thesis. In this chapter, primary attention is given to the
longitudinal changes in measures of physical development and girls’
perceptions towards these changes during the transition from primary to
junior high school (pre‐transition, last term in Grade 6 primary school; during
transition, first term in Grade 1 junior high school; post‐transition, last term in
Grade 1 junior high school, see Chapter 1 for more detail on Chinese
educational systems). As illustrated in Figure 7.1, the central analysis
presented in this chapter is to document whether, and to what extent,
adolescents’ perceptions and adjustment towards their physical growth differ
across three time points through the transition. This chapter proceeds with a
brief summary of the reviewed literature from Chapter 1 and 2, and re‐states
the relevant research questions. This is followed by the presentation of
empirical analysis and findings. The chapter concludes with a discussion of
the main results in relation to the role of culture on adolescents’ physical
growth as well as their perceptions and adjustments towards their developing
bodies.

Physical growth Physical growth Physical growth
The primary to junior high school transition
Figure 7.1 Longitudinal changes in physical growth during the transition from primary to junior
high school
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7.2 Introduction
As mentioned in Chapter 2, where a comprehensive review of research relating
to the broad concept of physical growth during adolescence was presented,
adolescence is widely acknowledged as an integrated transition across multiple
domains: biological, cognitive, social, and psychological, when these transitions
working together in shaping major changes in an individual’s attitudes, self‐
perceptions, and actual behaviour. As such, adolescence is best conceptualized
as one component of a larger development continuum with the most obvious
changes in their physical growth.
The physical growth of the adolescent is more salient and rapid compared to
physical changes in younger or older age groups. High inter‐individual
variances in rates of growth, body size, physique, and during adolescence have
received wide research recognition (e.g., Flanders, 2009). A growing body of
evidence in Western societies suggests that actual weight status or BMI, weight
perception, body image, and the overall image of the self may vary according to
gender, pubertal status, and may be related to social pressure, attitudes, and
norms of ideal body size and physical attractiveness. From these findings it is
clear that the adolescent must be regarded as an individual entity, even within
the framework of group classifications in the given standards (e.g., pubertal
timing group, grade in school, chronological age).
When considering physical growth and development, pubertal maturation is a
key developmental process producing relevant physical changes and
psychosocial changes, including the awareness of gender identity. The onset of
puberty brings about physical changes that force individuals to reassess
personal conceptions of their own body and how this fits into their existing
conception of their self. The social and psychological experiences of puberty
have generally been examined in terms of pubertal status and pubertal timing
(Graber et al., 1996), and pubertal timing (being earlier, later, or the same as
peers) has been suggested to play a more crucial role in adolescents’
development (Graber et al., 1996; Williams & Currie, 2000). In general, off‐time
development has been hypothesized to be problematic, because they may feel
different from peers and hence have negative self‐appraisals (Brooks‐Gunn,
Petersen, & Eichorn, 1985). In particular, early‐maturing girls are most likely to
140

feel different from peers and have negative self‐appraisals, which have also
been linked to externalizing behavioural problems and internal psychological
outcomes (see Sontag, Graber, & Clemans, 2011 for a review). To complicate
matters, girls are more likely to make the transition from primary to junior high
school during the pubertal transition; consequently research has been focused
on the challenges from both events for adolescent girls (see Flammer & Alsaker,
2006). Much research has been done on puberty; however, the findings are
inconsistent. For example, some studies of pubertal changes have been viewed
more as an opportunity than a crisis (Papalia, Olds, & Feldman, 2001). Such
controversy in research findings initiates new research, and further studies in
return will test previous findings.
Research on puberty in Chinese adolescents is still under‐examined compared
with that in Western literature, and among the existing Chinese studies relating
to puberty, focus has been on effects and adjustment of menarche (e.g., Yang, Ma,
Fu, et al., 2013) and decline in age of menarche in the general population
(Graham, Larsen, & Xu, 1999) rather than individual differences in pubertal
timing and its impact of psychological development. In one recent study on
timing and secular trends in pubertal development in Beijing girls (Chen, Wang,
& Mi, 2014), for example, the median age of breast and pubic hair development
and onset of menarche were studied to identify a secular trend toward earlier
menarche between 1980s and the 2000s. However, the data were based on girls
aged 6‐18 during the years of 1940 to 2004, thus it is hard to provide compatible
data to capture the pubertal development of contemporary Chinese adolescents.
In respect to pubertal timing effects, whether the off‐time or early‐timing
hypothesis is more applicable to Chinese adolescents presently is not clear.
Therefore, in this study, followed longitudinal changes of puberty indicators,
pubertal timing effects are examined among body image and mental health
indicators. They are tested as alternative hypothesis for possible nonlinear
patterns by comparing body image and mental health indicators across early‐
on‐time, and late‐ maturing adolescents.
7.2.2 Body image and concerns
Body image encompasses beliefs and feelings about, and representations of,
one’s body and its attributes, such as weight, size, and shape. The awareness of
the social importance of appearance and the stigmas attached to differing from
141
the norm or ideal emerge quite early in development and amplified during
adolescence when the body is experiencing rapid changes in every aspect.
Weight has often been a central focus of body image studies, and has been
identified as the greatest concern of women regardless of age (Hurd, 2000).
Weight‐related self‐perceptions and the attitudes towards one’s body are
found influenced by social norms and the standards of the dominant culture
(Swami et al., 2010). For example, evidence suggests that the ideal body weight
is slimmer in more developed countries (Swami et al., 2010) while in less
socioeconomically developed societies plumpness is positively evaluated
(Swami et al., 2007). However, despite these cross‐cultural differences, the
prevalence of overweight and obesity among children and adolescents has
increased in recent decades and has become public health concern worldwide
(Ogden et al., 2012). The current prevalence of overweight among Chinese
children and adolescents does not seem comparable yet with that reported in
many developed countries. Alarmingly, however, although among
adolescents age 12‐18‐year‐olds the increase is slow, Zhang et al. (2010) found
that the annual average weight increase among children of 6 to 11‐year‐olds
was 1.21%, which is markedly higher than the rate of increase observed in
other countries.
Body dissatisfaction is considered a Western culture‐bond syndrome by many
researchers (e.g., Gordon et al., 2002), and found more common among women
than men (Maphis et al., 2013). It is even common among females of normal
weight in Western societies (Homan, McHugh, Wells, Watson, & King, 2012).
Although recent research shows an increase in body dissatisfaction in non‐
Western countries including China (Chen & Jackson, 2008), cross‐cultural
studies report lower levels of both negative body image and lower likelihood of
engaging in weight loss behaviours in non‐Western countries compared with
Western countries (McArther, Holbert, & Pena, 2005).
Existing studies on body image, however, lack of research examining other
indicators, which may contribute to the self‐evaluation of body image other
than weight status, body size, and figures. Height, specific body part, and
looks are found to be among the most important predictors of body
dissatisfaction in some studies (e.g., Tiggeman, 2011), however, whether these
concerns also contribute into girls’ body image evaluation and whether they
are perceived as less consequential for adolescent girls are not clear.
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7.2.3 Gender issues
Gender identity is constructed under the effects of socio‐cultural context with
cultural‐specific guidelines for behaviours, stereotypes, social status for two
genders regarding their gender roles (Hooks, 1981). Thus legitimately “doing
girl” is deeply entwined with normative practices of heterosexuality (Hill &
Lynch, 1983; Renold & Allen, 2006). Traditional Western gender roles associate
femininity with beauty and concern with appearance (Freedman, 1988), thus
the notion of “doing girl” for early adolescents demands them being interested
in fashion, make‐up, celebrities, being cooperative, and conscientious with
relationships and interest in boys (Ringrose, 2007). Puberty and the transition
towards maturation of the female body heighten the awareness of girls’ gender
identity, and to the extent that being beautiful and not being too smart is a
prevailing cultural gender role for girls, they may be conforming to that role
at the expense of cultivating other important aspects of themselves and their
education (e.g., Pipher, 1994).
Focus on conformity with cultural gender roles may lead to less concern with
other aspects of personal identity. On one hand, studies indicate that girls
whose behaviours matched gender prescriptions were more likely to be
psychologically well adjusted, because they would fulfil a psychological need
to conform to internalized cultural standards of gender. On the other hand,
Bem (1981) argued that the need to adhere to an internalized standard of
gender would promote negative adjustment. Despite significant ethnic,
cultural, and socioeconomic variations in their life experiences, whether these
gender stereotypes and the hypothesised relationships between gender roles
and psychological adjustment hold true for children and adolescents from a
cultural context different from American samples is still yet to be investigated
(Corby et al., 2007).
7.2.4. Research questions and hypothesis
The goals of this chapter is to answer Research Question 1 by examining the
longitudinal changes in adolescent girls’ physical growth, in terms of their
pubertal development, body image and concerns, and gender issues. Based on
the reviewed theoretical concepts and existing research evidence, it was
hypothesised that with age there would be pubertal changes, increased body
image concerns, and greater gender issues. Empirical results in this chapter
143
are presented in three main parts, each part relating to a secondary research
question and corresponding measures in the questionnaire, as shown below.


 Pubertal development  Pubertal development  Pubertal development
 Body image and  Body image and  Body image and


 Global life satisfaction  Global life satisfaction  Global life satisfaction
 Mental health difficulties  Mental health difficulties  Mental health difficulties
(loneliness, anxiety, (loneliness, anxiety, (loneliness, anxiety,
Figure 7.2 A longitudinal study on early adolescent girls’ physical growth
7.3 Pubertal development
7.3.1 Pubertal status and pubertal timing
Means and standard deviations of individual pubertal development and

average pubertal status scores obtained from Pubertal Development Scale
(Petersen et al., 1988) are presented in Table 7.1. At Time 1 it was found to be
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difficult for girls to precisely recall the date of their first menses, which
resulted in large number of missing value, inaccurate and unusable data. As a
result, the question on date of first menses was removed from the
questionnaire at Time 2 and 3 (see Chapter 5). Repeated measure ANOVA
analysis and revealed a significant maturational progress in girls’ pubertal
status between each two time points (T1<T2, T3**, T2<T3**) (F (1.607, 681.511)
=409.973, p<0.0001, η2=0.49). This indicates that during the transition from
primary to junior high school, girls were undergoing significant pubertal
changes in their body regarding pubertal maturation. Inspections on means
and standard deviations of each index revealed different maturing timing (see
Table 7.1). Across three phases, growth spurt and body hair growth showed
earlier signs in maturation, whereas skin change and breast growth were
reported as starting later. At Time 1, slightly over a third of the girls
experienced their first menses (N=164, 38.6%, mean age=12.53, SD=0.59), while
the proportion reversed at Time 2 with 60.5% (N=257, mean age=12.99,
SD=0.60), and by the time of Time 3, 73.2% of girls (N=311, mean age=13.42,
SD=0.67) reported the onset of menarche.
Table 7.1 Means, standard deviation of PDS at three time points
Scale (Mean/SD) Time 1 Time 2 Time 3

PDS 1.98(.69) 2.37(.70) 2.64(.68)
Growth Spurt 2.15(.75) 2.48(.70) 2.66(.73)
Body Hair 2.07(.73) 2.32(.74) 2.72(.71)
Skin Change 1.64(.67) 1.97(.70) 2.15(.76)
Breast Growth 1.90(.77) 2.29(.83) 2.47(.82)
Menarche 2.16(1.46) 2.81(1.47) 3.20(1.33)
Based on PDS scores (Table 7.1) girls were thus categorised into three pubertal
timing groups: early, on‐time, and late (see Chapter 5 for categorisation
procedures and rationale). Across three time points, the majority of girls’ were
categorised as on‐time compared with their peers (Table 7.2, Figure 7.3). The
percentages of early maturers curved down from Time 1 (22.4%) through Time
3 (15.1%), while an increasing percentage of girls seemed to mature later than
their peers at Time 2 (23.5%) compared with Time 1 (14.6%), and eventually
dropped down at Time 3 (20.0%). Taken together over a third of girls were
identified as off‐time (both early and late maturers) compared with their peers.
145
Table 7.2 Number and percentage distribution of means, standard deviation of pubertal timing
groups at each time point

Early N=95, 22.4% N=74,17.4% N=64, 15.1%
3.01(.20) 3.26(.15) 3.52(.19)
On-time N=268, 63.1% N=251, 59.1% N=276, 64.9%
1.82(.40) 2.49 (.45) 2.76(.37)
Late N=62, 14.6% N=100, 23.5% N=85, 20.0%
1.10(.10) 1.43(.19) 1.57(.25)
Pubertal timing plays an important role in adolescents’ physical growth and
mental health, especially among girls during early adolescence (see review of
literature in Chapter 2). Based on pubertal timing groups categorised at Time
1, pubertal timing effects on body image and mental health indicators in this
study were also investigated8.
Pubertal timing effects on body image indicators
As shown in Figure 7.5, girls’ weight status was categorised into 6 groups
(scored 1 to 6 from thinness grade 3 to obese) and analysed in relation to
pubertal timing groups with one‐way ANOVA. Significant pubertal timing
effects were found (F (2, 146.719)=22.137, p<0.001). Post hoc tests revealed that
early maturing girls were heavier (M=4.15, SD=0.05) than late maturers
(M=3.60, SD=0.64) and on time maturers (M=3.79, SD=0.64). There were no
significant differences between late and on‐timers. Significant difference
between pubertal timing groups was also found in body size (F(2,401) =
4.173, p <0.05). Girls who “don’t think about it” were excluded from the
analysis, and results were based on girls who perceived themselves “much too
thin” (=1) to “much too fat” (=5) with higher scores indicating heavier weight
status. Post hoc tests revealed that early maturers (M=3.53, SD=0.69) were more
likely to perceive themselves with heavier weight status than on‐time
maturers (M=3.24, SD=0.83). Pubertal timing effects were found in care about
height (F(2,422)=5.030, p =0.01, η²=) and care about figure (F(2,422) = 3.495, p <
0.005, η²=). Post hoc tests revealed that late maturers cared more about their
height (M=3.26, SD=0.57) than early maturers (M=2.87, SD=0.79), while early

8One-way ANOVA was used to analyze pubertal timing (based on PDS at Time 1) effects on body image and
mental health indicators (data obtained at Time 3).
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maturers cared more about their body figure (M=3.05, SD=0.82) than on‐time
maturers (M=2.81, SD=0.74).
Significant differences in physical appearance anxiety among three pubertal

timing groups (early, on‐time, and late maturers) were found in two items
from the scale, regarding weight (F(2,422)=4.417, p < 0.05) and height
(F(2,422)=10.932, p < 0.001), respectively. Post hoc tests identified early
maturers concerned more about whether they were overweight (M=1.98,
SD=1.15) than on‐time maturers (M=1.59, SD=1.06); while they were less
concerned about their height (M=1.87, SD=1.19) than late maturers (M=2.73,
SD=1.16) and on‐timers (M=2.35, SD=1.14). No significant pubertal timing
effects were found in other items regarding physical appearance anxiety.
Pubertal timing effects were also found in physical appearance comparison
(F(2,422)=4.075, p < 0.05). Post hoc tests revealed that early maturers were more
likely to compare their physical appearance (M=2.69, SD=0.76) than late
maturers (M=2.59, SD=0.65) and on‐time maturers (M=2.69, SD=0.76).
To sum up, results of pubertal timing effects on body image indicators revealed
that early maturers were more likely to be categorised into heavier weight
groups based on their BMI, they perceived themselves with bigger body size,
cared more about their figure, worried more about being overweight, and
reported more physical appearance comparisons than late or on‐time maturers.
On the other hand, late maturers were found to care more about their height
and worry more about being short. Therefore, it seems that in this study early
pubertal timing effects were found on weight‐related variables (weight status,
body size, care about figure, concern about being overweight), while late pubertal
timing effects were found on height‐related variables (care about height, concern
about being short). Overall, early maturers seem to be more sensitive about their
physical appearance, since they reported higher physical appearance
comparisons than either on‐time or late maturers.
Pubertal timing effects on mental health indicators
Pubertal timing effects were found in the global life satisfaction indicator
degree of happiness (F(2,422)=8.581, p < 0.001). Post hoc tests further identified
the significant difference was between late and on‐time maturers. Late
maturers reported lower global life satisfaction (M=2.69, SD=0.62) than on‐time
147
maturers (M=3.07, SD=0.70). No pubertal timing effects were found in self‐
esteem.
Significant difference was found in the total scores of psychosomatic symptoms
between pubertal timing groups. At the individual item level, one symptom
was found to differ significantly between pubertal timing groups
(F(2,422)=11.121, p < 0.001). Early maturers reported to have higher
frequencies of bad temper (M=2.86, SD=1.06) than on time (M=2.46, SD=1.06)
and late maturers (M=2.06, SD=1.02), while on time maturers more often
reported to have bad temper than their late maturing counterparts.
Regarding mental health difficulties, pubertal timing effects were found in
loneliness (F(2,422)=3.191, p < 0.05). Post hoc tests revealed that early maturers
reported higher levels of loneliness (M=30.02, SD=7.12) than late maturers
(M=27.19, SD=6.31). There were no significant pubertal timing differences in
anxiety at the overall level. However, pubertal timing effects were further
identified in Social phobia among six subscales of anxiety (F(2,422)=4.254, p <
0.05). Post hoc tests revealed that late maturers reported higher level of Social
phobia (M=7.60, SD=2.91) than on‐time maturers (M=6.51, SD=2.94). However,
no pubertal timing effects were found in Depression in this study.
In relation to coping strategy and efficacy, significant differences were found
between pubertal timing groups in frequencies of using Self‐criticism as coping
strategy (F(2,140.155)=4.261, p < 0.05). Late maturers were further identified to
use less frequent of Self‐criticism when coping with stress (M=0.47, SD=0.50),
which was significantly different from on‐timers (M=0.65, SD=0.48), and early
maturers (M=0.69, SD=0.46). Pubertal timing effects were also found in coping
efficacy of Wishful thinking (F(2,337)=3.670, p < 0.05). As girls only reported
coping efficacy scores when they used certain strategy, thus results were based
on 340 girls (Late maturers, N=52; On‐timers, N=211; Early maturers, N=77)
rather than the whole final sample (N=425). Post hoc tests revealed that on‐
timers reported higher coping efficacy of Wishful thinking (M=1.05, SD=0.72)
than late maturers (M=0.75, SD=0.76).
To sum up, early maturers reported higher frequencies of having bad temper
and higher levels of loneliness. Late maturers on the other hand reported to
have lower global life satisfaction (degree of happiness), higher levels of anxiety
(social phobia), and higher frequencies of using self‐criticism as coping strategy
148

than on‐time or early maturers. On‐time maturers reported higher coping
efficacy of wishful thinking as coping strategy. Taken together, in this study
little evidence was found on the negative psychological outcomes of early
pubertal timing.
7.3.2 Perceived pubertal timing
In accordance with the percentage distribution of pubertal timing groups
based on PDS, a majority (T1, N=221, 52.0%; T2, N=249, 58.6%; T3, N=294,
69.2%) of girls perceived their physical developments as “about the same” as
other girls.
100.00%
80.00%
60.00%
40.00%
20.00%
0.00%
E T1 E T2 E T3 OT T1 OT T2 OT T3 L T1 L T2 L T3
PT 22.40% 17.40% 15.10% 63.10% 59.10% 64.90% 14.60% 23.50% 20.00%
PPT 11.50% 13.40% 8.90% 52.00% 58.60% 69.20% 36.50% 28.00% 21.90%
Note: P=Pubertal timing group based on PDS, PPT=Perceived pubertal timing; E=Early, OT=On time, L=Late;
T1=Time 1, T2=Time 2, T3=Time
Figure 7.3 Percentage distribution of pubertal timing groups based on PDS (PT) and self-
reported perceived pubertal timing (PPT) across three phases
Following Williams and Dunlop (1999), Chi‐square test for association was
then conducted between pubertal timing groups based on PDS and girls’
perceived timing. Statistically significant moderately strong positive
associations were found across all three time points (Time 1, χ2(4) =
178.330, p <.0001, φ = 0.458; Time 2, χ2(4) = 158.735, p <.0001, φ = 0.432; Time
3, χ2(4) = 129.724, p <.0001, φ = 0.391) (Table 7.3). This suggests that although
there was not an exact correspondence between objective and subjective
measures of pubertal timing, a high degree of overlap was revealed.
Table 7.3 Association between pubertal timing groups based on PDS (PT) and self-reported
perceived pubertal timing (PPT) at three time points
149
Perceived timing PDS
Early On-time Late
Time 1 Early 37(75.5%) 12(24.5%) 0(0)
On-time 57(25.8%) 156(70.6%) 8(3.6%)
Late 1(0.6%) 100(64.5%) 54(34.8%)
Time 2 Early 30(52.6%) 26(45.6%) 1(1.8%)
On-time 43(17.3%) 176(70.7%) 8(3.6%)
Late 1(0.8%) 49(41.2%) 54(34.8%)
Time 3 Early 20(52.6%) 18(47.4%) 0(0)
On-time 44(15.0%) 215(73.1%) 35(11.9%)
Late 0(0) 43(46.2%) 50(53.8%)
7.4 Body image and concerns
7.4.1 Body Mass Index (BMI)
As shown in table 7.4, the BMI mean scores of the final sample (N=425)
across three time points all fell into healthy range (adjusted for age),
indicating the majority of girls’ growing rates of height and weight are in
pace with their peers (WHO, 2006; Cole & Lobstein, 2012).
Table 7.4 Means, standard deviation, and range of age, height, weight, and BMI across three
time points
T1 T2 T3
Mean (SD)
Range
Age(years) 12.20(0.74) 12.79(0.74) 13.29(0.74)
9.75-13.58 10.33-14.17 10.83-14.66
Height(m) 1.50(0.06) 1.53(0.06) 1.55(0.06)
1.35-1.68 1.36-1.70 1.38-1.70
Weight(kg) 40.42(6.24) 41.99(5.96) 43.04(5.84)
26-65 27-65 28-67
BMI 17.79(2.12) 17.84(1.97) 17.82(1.88)
12.20-28.06 12.61-26.71 12.44-26.50
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In order to reveal the weight status and its developmental changes of girls
following the transition time, BMI scores were further categorised into six
weight status groups according to the cut‐offs for Asian girls suggested
by IOTF (Cole & Lobstein, 2012). As shown in Figure 7.5, the majority of
girls were classified as having normal weight (Time 1, 73.4%; Time 2,
76.0%; Time 3, 74.8%). The percentage of overweight or obese girls
dropped down from 13.0% (Time 1) to 8.9% (Time 2) and with 6.6% at Time
3 (Figure 7.5), while a growing proportion of girls were identified as
underweight (including Thinness Grade 1 to 3; Time 1, 12.4%; Time 2,
15.0%; Time 3, 18.6%).
100.00%
80.00%
60.00%
40.00%
20.00%
0.00%
T1 T2 T3
Thinness Grade 3 0.20% 0.90% 0.70%
Thinness Grade 2 0.90% 1.60% 3.30%
Thinness Grade 1 11.30% 12.50% 14.60%
Normal 73.40% 76.00% 74.80%
Overweight 11.80% 8.00% 5.90%
Obese 1.20% 0.90% 0.40%
Figure 7.4 Percentage distribution of weight status based on BMI according to IOTF cut-offs for
Asian girls at Time 1, Time 2, and Time 3
7.4.2 Body dissatisfaction
Across three time points, girls increasingly wish to change something about their
body (Time 1, N=222, 52.2%; Time 2, N=260, 61.2%; Time 3, N=261, 61.4%),
F(1.520,644.339)=15.173, p<0.0001), η2=0.04, T1<T2**,T3**). This indicates a
significant growth in girls’ dissatisfaction with their bodies in junior high. As seen
in Figure 7.5, over one third of the girls across three time points perceived
151
themselves as a bit or much “too fat” (Time 1, N=147, 34.6%%; Time 2, N=156,
39.1%; Time 3, N=146, 34.4%), with Time 2 revealed higher rates of reported
complaints about their body weight, compared with that at the other two phases.
This trend was further confirmed with statistical significance among girls who
rated on their perceived weight status (N=371, F(1.978,731.711)=5.870, p<0.01,
η2=0.02, T2>T1**,T3**). In addition, the majority of girls who reported “Don’t
think about it (weight status)” (N=106) were found to be of normal weight
category based on their BMI (Time 1, 75%; Time 2, 66.7%; Time 3, 85%; Table 7.5).
In other words, girls who were overweight or underweight tend to be more self‐
conscious about their weight status. Subsequently, although low in percentage, a
growth in dieting behaviour was reported (Time 1, N=21, 4.9%; Time 2, N=31,
7.3%; Time 3, N=47, 11.1%). Despite the growing prevalence in adopting dieting
behaviour, over half of the sample indicated that they need to lose weight
although they were not on a diet (Time 1, N=233, 54.8%; Time 2, N=276, 64.9%;
Time 3, N=231, 54.4%). This suggests that over half of girls were not satisfied with
their body weight, in particular, they perceived themselves as overweight.
Longitudinally, girls’ reported intentions to diet increased significantly at Time 2
when they entered junior high school, and this remained stable at Time 3
(F(1.905,807.702)=14.902, p<0.001, η2=0.03, T1<T2**,T3**). Despite the dominant
attention paid on girls’ body change, body size, and dieting behaviour, the percentage
of girls who perceive themselves as quite or very “good‐looking” varied little
over time (Time 1, N=112, 26.4%; Time 2, N=111, 26.1%; Time 3, N=109, 25.6%),
and failed to reach statistical significance.
100.00%
80.00%
60.00%
40.00%
20.00%
0.00%
Body change 52.20% 61.20% 61.40%
Too fat 34.60% 39.10% 34.40%
Diet 4.90% 7.30% 11.10%
Looks 26.40% 26.10% 25.60%
Figure 7.5 Percentage distribution of body change, body size (too fat), dieting behaviour, and
perceived looks
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Table 7.5 Means and standard deviations of body image indicators at three phases
Body image indicators Time 1 Time 2 Time 3
Body change 0.52 (0.50) 0.61 (0.49) 0.61 (0.49)
Perceived weight (N=371) 3.33 (0.76) 3.46 (0.83) 3.32 (0.82)
Dieting behaviours 1.65 (0.57) 1.80 (0.56) 0.76 (0.63)
Perceived looks (N=414) 3.21 (0.76) 3.18 (0.73) 3.19 (0.74)
Chi‐square test was then applied to investigate the association between BMI
and self‐perceived weight status. At each of the three time points, girls’
perceived weight status was positively associated with their weight groups
based on BMI (T1 χ2(25) = 202.432, p <.0001, φ = 0.309; T2, χ2(25) =
261.029, p <.0001, φ = 0.350; T3, χ2(25) = 102.340, p <.0001, φ = 0.219). However,
at Time 3, although statistically significant, the association was weak. Further
analysis revealed that consistently from primary to junior high school girls
who were classified as normal under BMI category tended to perceive
themselves as a bit too fat (T1, N=88; T2, N=88; T3, N=80); and those who were
slightly thin (Thinness Grade 1) tended to perceive themselves as normal (T1,
N=29; T2, N=31; T3, N=29), such differences may contribute to the weak
association between these two rating scales at Time 3 (Table 7.6). The
discrepancies between the BMI categorized weight groups and girls’ reported
perceived weight groups indicate that girls consider themselves as being
underweight or overweight; this suggested that misperception of weight
status exist in a considerable proportion of the sample.
153
Table 7.6 Association between weight groups based on BMI and perceived weight status at
each time point
BMI weight groups

Perceived Thinness Thinness Thinness Normal Overweight Obese
weight status grade 3 grade 2 grade 1
Time 1 N(%)
Don’t think about it 0(0) 1(3.6%) 3(10.7%) 21(75%) 3(10.7%) 0(0)
Much too thin 1(12.5%) 4(50.0%) 1(12.5%) 2(25.0%) 0(0) 0(0)
A bit too thin 0(0) 0(0) 4(18.2%) 18(81.8%) 0(0) 0(0)
About the right size 0(0) 4(1.8%) 29(13.2%) 173(78.6%) 14(6.4%) 0(0)
A bit too fat 0(0) 0(0) 10(8.1%) 88(71.0%) 23(18.5%) 3(2.4%)
Much too fat 0(0) 0(0) 1(4.3%) 10(43.5%) 10(43.5%) 2(8.7%)
Time 2
Don't think about it 0(0) 0(0) 4(19.0%) 14(66.7%) 3(14.3%) 0(0)
Much too thin 1(16.7%) 3(50.0%) 1(16.7%) 1(16.7%) 0(0) 0(0)
A bit too thin 2(4.7%) 4(9.3%) 7(16.3%) 30(69.8%) 0(0) 0(0)
A bit too fat 0(0) 2(1.8%) 16(14.2%) 80(70.8%) 13(11.5%) 2(1.8%)
Much too fat 0(0) 0(0) 5(15.2%) 26(78.8%) 2(6.1%) 0(0)
Time 3
Don't think about it 0(0) 0(0) 2(10.0%) 17(85.0%) 1(5.0%) 0(0)
Much too thin 3(60.0%) 1(20.0%) 0(0) 1(20.0%) 0(0) 0(0)
A bit too thin 1(4.2%) 0(0) 4(16.7%) 19(79.2%) 0(0) 0(0)
A bit too fat 0(0) 0(0) 13(11.0%) 88(74.6%) 14(11.9%) 3(2.5%)
Much too fat 0(0) 0(0) 3(6.3%) 30(62.5%) 14(29.2%) 1(2.1%)
Note: Higher grade indicates severe thinness
Care about height and figure
Longitudinally, at the mean level (Figure 7.6), girls revealed significant
changes of their attitudes towards their height (F (1.898,804.785)=29.666,
p<0.0001, η2 = 0.07) and figure (F (1.688,715.878) =9.447, p<0.0001, η2 = 0.02);
both significant changes happened between primary school and two
subsequent time points in junior high (T1<T2*,T3*). These developmental
changes indicated that as girls transferred into junior high and as their bodies
mature, they cared more about their height and figure. Compared with care
about height, care about figure maintained even more stable growth with
statistical significance. However, in general at all three time points, girls
reported higher levels of care about their height than their figure.
154

3.20
3.10
3.00
2.90
2.80
2.70
2.60
2.50
2.40
Care about height 2.80 3.08 3.05
Care about weight 2.69 2.83 2.88
Figure 7.6 Means of care about height and care about figure
7.4.3 Physical Appearance State and Trait Anxiety Scale - State (PASTAS-S)
Girls’ concerns about their physical appearance and specific body parts were
investigated using PASTAS‐S. Through three time points, their overall
physical appearance anxiety showed a significant increase in mean scores
(Figure 7.7, Table 7.7), (F (2, 848) =205.323, p<0.0001, η2 = 0.33, T1<T2**,T3**;
T2<T3**). However, because the internal consistency of this measure was low
in this study (see Chapter 5), individual repeated measure ANOVA analysis
was carried out on individual items of the measure. Three highest anxiety
scores were found in: “Height”, “Legs”, and “Eyes” (see Figure 7.7 and Table
7.7). Longitudinal changes in physical appearance anxiety with each body part
were presented in Table 7.7. Significant differences were identified among
most of the body parts over time, while only “forehead” failed to reach
statistical significance. Inspections of item means revealed that weight related
body parts (e.g., weight, thighs, hips and buttocks, stomach and abdomen, legs,
and waist) in general were higher than non‐weight related items (ears, lips,
wrists, hands, forehead, neck, chin, and feet), with height and eyes as
exceptions. This indicates that other than girls’ high concerns with the extent
to which they look shorter than their peers, and their eyes, they reported
having more concerns about weight‐related body parts than their non‐weight‐
related body parts, in general.
155
4
Time 1 Time 2 Time3
Figure 7.7 Means of physical appearance anxiety regarding individual body parts across three
time points
156

Table 7.7 Means, standard deviations, degree of freedom, F-value, p-value, and post hoc pairwise comparison results of physical appearance anxiety
regarding individual body parts at three time points
Mean(SD) Time 1 Time 2 Time 3 df F p η2 Post hoc

PASTAS 13.70(5.05) 17.51(4.88) 18.76(4.96) 2 205.323 <.0001 .33 T1<T2**,T3**; T2<T3**
Weight 1.15(1.01) 1.42(1.05) 1.68(1.11) 1.820 70.362 <.0001 .14 T1<T2**,T3**; T2<T3**
Height 1.55(1.22) 2.07(1.19) 2.30(1.18) 1.904 79.767 <.0001 .16 T1<T2**,T3**; T2<T3**
Thigh 0.97(1.01) 1.19(1.06) 1.19(1.09) 2 8.595 <.0001 .02 T1,T2**; T1,T3**
Hips and buttocks 0.93(1.18) 1.21(1.24) 1.41(1.30) 2 21.143 <.0001 .05 T1<T2**,T3**; T2<T3**
Stomach 0.98(1.25) 1.19(1.28) 1.18(1.26) 2 4.802 <.01 .01 T1<T2*,T3*
Legs 1.22(1.25) 1.71(1.31) 1.88(1.20) 2 43.068 <.0001 .09 T1<T2**,T3**;
Waist 0.99(1.19) 1.41(1.26) 1.37(1.18) 2 22.485 <.0001 .06 T1<T2**,T3**
Ears 0.38(0.70) 0.52(0.80) 0.51(0.76) 2 11.324 <.0001 .03 T1<T2**,T3**
Lips 0.57(0.82) 0.69(0.84) 0.68(0.85) 2 5.562 <.01 .01 T1<T2**,T3*
Wrist 0.63(0.84) 0.81(0.92) 0.80(0.89) 2 11.585 <.0001 .03 T1<T2**,T3**
Hands 0.72(0.87) 0.90(0.91) 1.02(0.96) 1.943 19.759 <.0001 .05 T1<T2**,T3**; T2<T3*
Forehead 0.72(0.89) 0.84(0.99) 0.80(0.94) 1.957 2.624 n/s n/a n/a
Neck 0.56(0.83) 0.60(0.83) 0.78(0.92) 1.969 11.596 <.0001 .03 T3>T1*,T2**
Chin 0.54(0.86) 0.78(1.03) 0.63(0.93) 1.941 7.802 =.001 .02 T1<T2**
Feet 0.56(0.85) 0.56(0.86) 0.72(1.02) 2 5.980 <.01 .01 T3>T1*,T2**
Eyes 1.21(1.32) 1.60(1.36) 1.81(1.33) 1.869 26.877 <.0001 .06 T1<T2**,T3**; T2<T3*
Note. * The mean difference is significant at the .05 level.
** The mean difference is significant at the .01 level
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7.4.4 Physical Appearance Comparison (PACS)
A significant increase in girls’ physical appearance comparison was found

over time, indicating their growing focus on social comparisons (F (1.883,
798.411) =19.417, p<0.0001, η2 = 0.04, T1<T2**, T3**). It is interesting, however,
to note that girls reported higher frequencies of comparing the way they dress
with their peers in social occasions, than their bodily features. Comparing
looks with others to determine whether one is attractive or not, scored lower
than other items in this scale.
Table 7.8 Means and standard deviations of scale and indices scores of physical appearance
comparison
Mean (SD) Time 1 Time 2 Time 3

PAC 2.56(0.79) 2.74(0.73) 2.72(0.74)
Physical appearance 2.58(1.00) 2.69(0.99) 2.75(1.02)
Weight status 2.50(0.90) 2.69(0.92) 2.69(0.93)
Dresses 2.67(1.02) 2.88(1.04) 2.84(1.02)
Looks 2.39(0.86) 2.63(0.91) 2.60(0.86)
Figure 2.67(1.04) 2.79(0.92) 2.73(0.96)
7.5 Gender issues
Longitudinal analyses revealed that girls’ positive feelings about being a girl
dropped down over time significantly by Time 3 (F(2,848)=5.307, p=0.01,
η2=0.01, T3<T1*,T2*). During this the same time period when girls when in the
last term of their Grade 1 in junior high, they also reported to behave less like
a boy compared with previous phases (F(2,848)=7.709, p<.0001, η2=0.02,
T3<T1*,T2**; Figure 7.8).
4.00
3.00
2.00
1.00
Time1 Time2 Time3
Positive feelings about own
2.58 2.55 2.43
gender
Act like opposite sex 2.25 2.25 2.14
Figure 7.8 Means of positive feelings about own gender and act like opposite sex
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7.6 Discussion
Distinct individual differences exist in their pubertal stage, such as their age
to menarche, commencement of puberty, rate of development, maturational
timing, and the status of puberty. However, the precise measurement of the
degree of pubertal development remains challenging when interpreting
results based on specific standard criteria. In this study, growth spurt, body
hair, skin change, breast growth and menarche were investigated as indices of
pubertal development. Growth spurt and body hair were considered as early
signs for the onset of puberty. Comparing results in this study with that from
previous pubertal development research based on Tanner staging method
(Tanner, 1962) using a cross‐sectional study of 20654 healthy Chinese girls (Ma,
Du, Luo, et al., 2009), ratings on breast development in this study were
relatively lower. This may result from the difference between two measuring
scales as well as girls’ perceptions of the developmental rate of individual
pubertal index.
Comparisons of the percentage of each pubertal timing groups based on PDS
and perceived pubertal timing both indicated that the majority of girls
experiencing pubertal development at similar pace and perceived themselves
as on‐time with their peers. However, at each time point, over a third of the
sample were classified as off‐time. Associations between the pubertal timing
groups based on two scales revealed a high degree of overlap, while their
differences suggested that on‐time developers tended to perceive themselves
as late maturing, especially at Time 1 when girls were in primary school (Table
7.3). This might indicates that girls in this sample actually aspire to develop
early. To explore this further, it is important to disentangle the psychological
effects of overweight from the effects of early puberty. That is, are girls
concerns about their body because they are early maturing or because they
perceive themselves as overweight? Traditional Western views suggest that
girls who mature earlier were bigger than their peers and often grew to be
heavier and shorter than peers (Simmons & Blyth, 1987). One of the most
difficult challenges facing early maturers therefore has been identified, as they
do not fit the cultural image of ideal feminine beauty of a tall, slim figure.
However, as reviewed in Chapter 1 and 2, for girls under 13 years old, the
159
China growth curves (Li, Ji, Zong, & Zhang, 2009) are slightly higher than
WHO and CDC growth curves, but after those ages, the China growth curve
fall behind and the differences became larger as age progresses. At the age of
18, Chinese girls are 2.5cm shorter as compared with the US girls. Differences
in weight are very large for school children, especially among girls. The weight
of US girls between 8 to 18 years was 4.1‐20.5kg more than that of Chinese girls
at the same age range. In other words, Chinese early adolescent girls (11‐13
year olds) grow faster in height and at the same time their weight gains slower
than their Western counterparts (Li et al., 2009). Such cultural differences in
physical growth may contribute to the trend of girls’ preference of developing
early.
Results of pubertal timing effects on body image indicators were largely on
height stature and weight status, with early maturers being heavier, care, and
worry more about weight and figure whereas late maturers preoccupied with
caring about height and concern about beings shorter than others. Therefore,
results in this study on early pubertal timing effects on weight‐related
indicators are consistent with previous literature in both Chinese and Western
sample (Alsaker, 1992). Plausible reasons can be derived from above literature
review on pubertal development (Chapter 2). To recap, the onset of puberty
often initiates weight gain during adolescence and requires certain body mass
index. Therefore, early maturers are often with higher BMI and more likely to
perceived themselves as heavier than on‐timers or late maturers. On the other
hand, results of late pubertal timing effects on height‐related indicators are
relatively new to pubertal timing studies. Although results findings on height
concerns among Chinese adolescents have been reported before, no research
has linked height stature to pubertal timing either with Chinese or Western
sample. However, as puberty triggers growth spurt, it is possible that the
delay in height growth may put late maturers experience concern about being
shorter than others. Apart from these pubertal timing effects on weight and
height related body image indicators, early maturers were also found to be
more prone to physical appearance comparison. This can be understood in line
with the argument of early maturers’ insecurity of weight status. Meanwhile,
from the biological theories of maturation, early pubertal timing is associated
with cognitive and neurological development in the adolescent; therefore,
early maturers may develop a sense of self‐consciousness towards their
physical self at an earlier stage than their age mates.
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Regarding pubertal timing effects on mental health indicators, early pubertal
timing was linked to higher frequencies of psychosomatic symptoms (bad
tempter) and higher levels of loneliness. Reasons to these effects may be
attributed to the neurological and hormonal changes triggered by the onset of
puberty. The dramatic hormonal flux may result in instable emotionality
(Angold & Rutter, 1992). Negative affect may emerge as the endocrine system
enters gonadarche (Angold et al., 1999). Another reason to the higher levels of
loneliness as reported by early maturers can be explained from the
psychosocial view on pubertal timing. Early maturation places the pubertal
adolescent in a flurry of social changes that they may not be developmental
ready for (Rierdan & Koff, 1993). The status of being not ready for interacting
with the changing social contexts and being different physically and
cognitively from later maturers and on‐timers both put early maturers at risk
of feeling lonely. Despite the above early pubertal timing effects, late maturers
in this study were found to have lower levels of global life satisfaction in relation
to degree of happiness and they also reported to have higher levels of anxiety
in form of social phobia. The majority of pubertal timing research has been on
the negative psychological effects of early pubertal timing in adolescent girls,
thus it is interesting that results in this study linked late maturers with poor
mental health. To understand results in this study, it might be helpful to link
late pubertal timing effects on body images indicators, although whether
higher concerns about height contribute to negative feelings of global life
satisfaction or anxiety need future investigation to establish causal relations. No
pubertal timing effects were found in this study on self‐esteem and depression,
although both mental health indicators have been closely related to early
pubertal timing in Western studies (see Chapter 2 for a review). Nevertheless,
results in this study seem to support the argument by cultural anthology
researchers that the pathological outcomes associated with early pubertal
timing are largely limited to the Western world (Borgerhoff‐Mulder, 1989).
Thus the potential effects on ethnicity should be considered in future research
on puberty and mental health during adolescence.
7.6.2 Body image and concerns
Self‐perception of body weight (or evaluation of one’s body size), together
with the attitudes toward one’s body, composed of two important dimensions
of body image.
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In this study, values of Body Mass Index (BMI) were relatively low at all time
points, and the majority of girls’ weight status at each time point was reported
as normal. However, Wang et al. (2010) suggested that using BMI calculated by
self‐reported height and weight to classify subjects into BMI categories leads to
an underestimation in the prevalence of overweight. Age has a statistically
significant effect for weight, height and BMI. There was an increasing
underestimation of self‐reported weight and BMI with increasing age, while
older adolescents significantly overestimated their height (Engstrom, Paterson,
Doherty, Trabulsi, & Speer, 2003). To put these together, the adolescents’
reported weights were underestimated, and their heights were overestimated;
therefore their resultant BMI would be underestimated (based on the formula
of BMI=Weight/Height²). This conclusion is supported by previous studies in
adults (Engstrom et al., 2003) and adolescents (Krebs, Himes, Jacobson, et al.,
2007). Furthermore, a review of previous studies in adolescents showed a mean
difference of ‐4.0 to 1.5 kg of weight, ‐1.1 to 6.9 cm of height and ‐3.0 to 0.2 of
BMI value (Sherry, Jefferds, & Grummer‐Strawn, 2007). In this study, BMI was
calculated based on self‐report values, thus whether age associated with
differences between self‐reported and measured values with older girls more
likely to exhibit bias than younger ones was not available. Although one earlier
study found no difference according to age (Janssen, Boyce, Simpson, & Pickett,
2006), other research has found the same trend for height but the opposite trend
for weight (Krebs, et al., 2007); the bias in self‐reported weight and height status
and the effects on BMI, should be considered when interpreting the results from
this study.
Comparing weight status groups based on BMI with girls’ perceived weight
status most girls perceived their weight status in a consistent way with that
calculated from BMI. It should be noted that misperception of weight status
exists in a considerable percentage of girls when comparing their perceived
weight status with their actual weight status. Such misperceptions include two
aspects. First, girls categorized as overweight or obese as well as underweight
tend to report themselves as normal weight. Second, underweight and normal
weight groups tend to perceive themselves as overweight.
Results are consistent with previous observations on self‐perception of body
weight status in American children and adolescents (e.g., Tsigilis, 2006), and
in Chinese adolescents (e.g., Xie, Liu, Chou et al., 2003; Xie, Chou, Spruijt‐Metz
162

et al., 2006), where overweight girls tend to underestimate their weight than
normal weight girls. As pointed by Xie et al. (2003; 2006), perception of being
either overweight or underweight may have reflected the weight
dissatisfaction status of adolescents in this study. Despite the influence of
collectivist cultural values discouraging being different, both underweight
and overweight may tend to report themselves as having normal weight. It
may also be partially because such tendency, especially that for Chinese girls,
was attributable to the ethnic difference in body composition during
adolescent period compared with those in developed countries (Xie et al.,
2006). Many reports have shown that in the Asian populations, such as the
Chinese and Japanese, the growth and development of the skeleton and
muscle are relatively lower than other ethnic groups (e.g., Asayama,
Hayashibe, Endo et al., 2005). In other words, with same BMI, the Asian
population will have relative higher body fat percentage than that of the other
ethnic groups, and thus girls may be more likely to perceive themselves as
overweight although their BMI values indicate their weight status is normal
or even underweight. It has been suggested that younger children (6‐11 years)
in China are more heavily affected by various contributory factors to
overweight and obesity than later years (12‐18 years). Not only the magnitude
of age‐standardized overweight prevalence but also the rate of increase over the
recent years has been higher for the younger age group than for the older age
group (Ji & Sun, 2004). Plausible reasons for the discrepancy may due to the
socioeconomic and behavioural factors that have changed over time in China (Ji
& Cheng, 2008). Another plausible reason is that adolescents who perceive
themselves as overweight may be more likely to control their weight (Kosti &
Panagiotakos, 2006). A slim physique has become desirable among female
Chinese middle school students; therefore, as girls transferred into new junior
high schools, they may become more sensitive with their weight status and
result in weight control behaviours. Together these plausible reasons may
contribute to the results in this study where girls reported a growing trend in
adopting dieting behaviours, more of them would like to change something
with their body over time, and perceive themselves as too fat at Time 2 in
specific when they just entered junior high school.
Longitudinally girls revealed a trend of increase in their care about height and
figure in general. Results of the developmental increase in care about height were
unexpected and they are different from the dominant concerns of weight status
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among adolescents as reported in Western studies (e.g., Kosti & Panagiotakos,
2006). Therefore, results in this study suggest cross‐cultural differences. Further
investigation on girls’ concerns with specific body parts indicates dynamic and
various developmental changes that might result from complex individual
differences. For example, girls were undergoing rapid physical growth during
adolescence, and their concerns about certain body part might change due to their
individual timing and pace of development. Nevertheless, results in this study
revealed that girls’ concerns about being shorter than others (height), legs and
eyes are higher than to what extent one looks overweight (weight) across three
time points (Figure 7.8). This is, however, consistent with Jackson and Chen’s
study (2007; 2008) where Mainland Chinese adolescents reported significantly
higher concern about shortness in height stature than either being overweight or
about facial appearance. The plausible reasons for this may be five‐fold. Firstly,
as mentioned above, overweight in China especially among adolescents apart
from younger children is not as prevalent as that in Western countries, thus
concerns with being overweight is not overwhelming among adolescents.
Secondly, most adult Chinese view plumpness as a sign of prosperity and robust
health; whereas thinness is viewed as representing poverty or illness (Lee & Lee,
2000). This has been a long held traditional value. Adolescents under influence of
such cultural factors may reduce their concerns about being (or feeling)
overweight. Thirdly, in China, height ideals and biases are apparent in hiring
criteria for positions in government, legal firms, banks, education, catering, and
leisure industries that require women to be 1.60 meters tall (Chen, Jackson, &
Huang, 2006), whereas there is no relative criteria for weight limits. Given its
importance in the future career options, height problems may cause more
concerns. Fourthly, adolescents who are taller than their peers are often
considered more mature thus may be granted more freedom from home and
more responsibilities in school (e.g., assigned tasks from teachers). Concerns with
height relate to possibilities of more autonomy. Finally, height stature may
influence the adolescent’s in establishing new social roles in junior high schools.
Being tall in height may make the adolescent feel more secure and confident in
socializing with peers or establishing new friendships in the larger school context
of junior high schools.
Concerns with legs may be understood in accordance with height in stature, as leg
length is a main indicator of height (Bogin & Varela‐Silva, 2010). Leg‐to‐body ratio
(LBR) is also considered a morphological feature that may influence judgments of
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attractiveness, and a relatively high LBR is often perceived as attractive in women
(see Sorokowski, Szmajke, Sorokowska et al., 2011, for a review). Results of these
studies suggest that high LBR should be attractive, for it is a marker of an
individual’s biological quality. To date, it has only been shown how the LBR
influences attractiveness judgments in the United Kingdom (Bertamini & Bennett,
2009), Poland (Sorokowski, Sorokowska, & Mberira, 2012), the United States
(Frederick, Hadji‐Michael, Furnham, & Swami, 2010), and Malaysia (Swami, Einon,
& Furnham, 2007). However, whether Chinese people, or Chinese adolescents in
particular, also have similar view of LBR, and thus concern more with their height,
has not been investigated.
Reasons of girls’ high concerns with eyes may result from the perspective of
both their appearance and functionality. Specifically, on one hand, in judging
beauty, a great emphasis is focused on eyes in Japanese and Chinese cultures
(Kyo, 2012). The eyes certainly invoke Chinese standards of beauty, as well.
By this account, eyes certainly become important index when considering
positive body image; the size and shape of the eyes are particular important in
evaluating female beauty. On the other hand, Chinese students’ impaired‐
vision and suspect‐myopia have received research attention among local
studies (e.g., Gao, Du, Shi, Chen, & Fang, 2013). The prevalence of poor vision
in urban girls aged 7‐18 years was 65.5% based on subjects from 30 provinces
in China (Gao et al., 2013). In (Ji)’s (2008) study, over 95% of the students with
the poor vision belonged to the suspect‐myopia; this results means that 3 out
of 4 Chinese middle school students suffered from myopia. The prevalence of
both poor vision and suspect‐myopia had a significant early tendency.
Moreover, both increasing rates of myopia and its impairing degree were the
swiftest during puberty (Ji, 2008). Generally, whatever the prevalence of
confirmed poor vision or that of suspect‐myopia was higher in girls than in
boys, and higher in urban groups than in rural ones (Gao, et al., 2013). In other
words, urban girls (like subjects in this study) manifest the highest prevalence
of poor sight among all Chinese adolescents.
Significant longitudinal changes on girls’ social comparisons with appearance
were identified in this study, with the biggest changes happened when girls
entered junior high school compared with primary school. Such age/grade
effects are in consistent with previous studies (e.g., Martin & Kennedy, 1993) that
suggest that with development, children will increasingly use social comparison
165
processes to evaluate themselves, and social comparison tendencies increase
with age from childhood to early adolescence. This may result from the fact that
during early adolescence, children are increasingly sensitive to issues of peer
conformity (e.g., Berndt, 1979). As girls transferred into a new school, they may
use the overall cultural ideal of beauty as their normative standard and its
interpretation within the school contexts as their references. Girls who conform
to this ideal and having the ideal body and appearance may receive a socio‐
culturally‐derived privileged status that might be translated into social status for
adolescent girls in their new social groups (Crosnoe, Frank, & Mueller, 2008).
Therefore, physical appearance comparisons played its role in both self‐
surveillance girls’ body image, but also establishing social status in a new
environment. It is interesting that girls in this study showed greater interest in
comparing their clothing with that of others during social occasions. This can be
understood in line with Rudd and Lennon’s (2001) theory that posits apparel not
only create the appearance as part of the body image, but also provide aesthetic
evaluations which leads to satisfaction or dissatisfaction with the body (Markee,
Carey, & Pederson, 1990). Individuals also actively manage (including
controlling and altering) the aesthetics of their physical appearance and self‐
presentation through tools such as clothing. Therefore, physical appearance
should be understood with a broader concept, with the clothed body as an
important element of body image.
7.6.3 Gender issues
Girls at Time 3 the end of Grade 1 junior high revealed a significant decrease in
their positive feelings about being a girl compared with the previous two time
points. Following the same pattern, they also reported behaving less like a boy.
Although the detailed reasons of such developmental changes are yet to be
discovered, this trend may be due to the fact that as girls mature in their body,
especially with development of secondary sex characteristics, girls’ awareness of
their gender identity are heightened, which are accompanied by cultural gender
stereotypes and guidelines of gender typing. Girls were thus facing the revising
of self‐image to adapt to Chinese cultural standards of gender.
The heterosexuality segregation manifests itself in separate guidelines of

“doing girls” or “doing boys”. In such process of girls’ conforming to the
well‐established gender roles, on one hand, they behave more like a girl
166

(consequently, less like a boy), and on the other hand, they may not like it (less
positive feeling of being a girl). This is in line with the Bem’s (1974, 1981)
argument, that the need to adhere to an internalized standard of gender would
promote negative adjustment. Given the fact that, adolescent girls mature in a
society that, traditionally privileges men over women in the labour market and
in cultural life, places an extraordinary amount of pressure on girls to strive
towards feminine ideals, has high rates of violence against women and girls,
and presents young women with contradictory sexual messages (Chan, Ngok,
& Phillips, 2008), such gendered social pressure is likely to result in adolescent
girls’ decrease in the enjoyment of “being a girl” (Tolman, Impett, Tracy, &
Michael, 2006).
In contemporary China there are traditional values of gender typing. Chinese
girls are expected to have higher pressure than their Western counterparts
(Chan et al., 2008). In addition, to understand the developmental changes of
these gender issues among Chinese adolescent girls, it is important to realize
the dilemmas that they face within broader and specific socio‐cultural contexts.
China adopted One Child Policy in 1979, which resulted in girls being the
single child in the whole family with two parents and four grandparents (the
1‐2‐4 phenomenon; Zhang & Goza, 2006; Chapter 1). Despite the great care
and investment they receive, girls have to shoulder expectations from and
responsibilities for the society, family, and themselves. Chinese people hold
the beliefs about the value of education as a means for social mobility leads to
a better life; therefore, girls have to strive in schools and battle with boys on
all academic subjects. The traditional view of being submissive and beautiful
as feminine virtue has long been worshiped in China. By contrast being
socially dominant and clever are often considered as male qualities. Therefore,
as girls make progress with their academic studies and advance in their
physical maturation, they are placed in the ever‐growing dilemma of choosing
between beauty (being girl) and brain (being boy) or struggle to find a middle
ground in between the two extremes (Skelton, Franscis, & Read, 2010).
Although the transitional view celebrates the stereotypes of traditional
femininity, modern Chinese adolescent girls are judged by the double
standards for being both beautiful and clever, which may confuse girls’
perceptions of gender typing.
167
In many ways, to be an adolescent girl is to be over‐identified as a sexualized
being, as Chinese educators, politicians, and parents have worked to control
adolescent female sexuality: schools require all girls and boys to wear the same
design of uniforms to diminish gender difference in school setting, girls and
boys are not allowed to sit together in the cafeteria, sit together in classroom,
or even texting each other in school, parents pick up their girls after school
straight to home or tutoring classes (see Chapter 1) for extra training, and
constantly monitor whether they make good use of their time; adolescent girls
have struggled to determine how and when they are in control of their own
changing bodies (Fine, 1992). Adolescent girls must navigate the conflicting
messages they receive about their growing bodies and their emerging gender
typing, and much of the research into early adolescence has not helped girls
or their caregivers chart these treacherous waters, thus result in girls’ less
positive feelings of being a girl.
7.7 Conclusion and implication for thesis
This chapter examined longitudinal changes of adolescents’ physical growth,
in terms of their pubertal development, body image and concerns, and gender
issues. Results revealed that adolescents’ pubertal development was at height,
and with rapid changes in their body, adolescents also showed increasing
concerns with their body image and a decline in the preference of their gender
typing. However, two specific findings worth noting, first, adolescents
showed preference of growing early, despite previous findings on the negative
implications on early pubertal timing; second, although growing concerns
about body image were identified in this study, the contributors tended to be
different from Western studies. Findings in this study showed high concerns
with height stature, legs, and eyes. Further discussion will be given in Chapter
10.
The next chapter (Chapter 8), empirical finding in longitudinal changes of
early adolescents’ developmental contexts will be presented under each
primer social context as family, friends, and school, respectively.
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CHAPTER 8 CHANGING SOCIAL CONTEXTS: FAMILIES, FRIENDS,

AND SCHOOLS
The empirical analysis presented in previous chapter (Chapter 7) outlined the
longitudinal changes in adolescents’ perceptions and adjustment to their
physical growth with regards to their pubertal development, body image and
concerns, and gender issues. The aim of this chapter is to examine longitudinal
changes in adolescents’ social contexts of family, peers, and schools (Figure
8.1).

Pre-transition During transition Post- transition
Figure 8.1 Longitudinal changes in adolescent girls’ social contexts during the transition from
primary to junior high school
To guide the current empirical investigation of indicators of adolescents’ social
contexts, this chapter borrows Bronfenbrenner and Morris’s (2006)
bioecological model of human development to identify families, friends, and
schools as key social contexts in adolescence within their broader bioecological
contexts (Figure 8.2). As reviewed in Chapter 1, bioecological theory provides
a contextual base to understand the larger system and interpersonal dynamics.
From this perspective, behaviours within the social ecological contexts are
understood as an attempt to provide a developmental profile of adolescent
transitions.
169
Macrosystem
Culture
Value
Exosystem
Family SES
Family Microsystem
Parent attachment
Parental involvement
THE ADOLESCENT
School Microsystem
School climate Peer Microsystem
School goals Peer attachment
School behaviours Peer norms
School adaptation
Chronosystem
Figure 8.2 Adolescents’ social contexts within the bioecological model
8.2 Introduction
Adolescence is a period of life that is characterized by shifts in familial and
social relationships. As argued by Cronbach (1982), understanding an
adolescent’s experience requires an ecological perspective and that
perspective has animated a wide array of contemporary studies with an
increasing body of evidence supports the effects of the social environment on
learning, behaviours, and health (e.g., Elliot et al., 2005).
This is particularly true when one is examining the impact of culture on
adolescent transitions, as in this thesis. As addressed in Chapter 3, family, peers
170

and schools are the three premier contextual factors of adolescents’ development
that strongly influence the adolescence they experience. When the child is young,
the main context of their development can be found within the family
(Karademas, et al., 2008). As the child grows up, friends and schools are likely to
become more significant influences in their development (Collins & Laursen,
2004; Li, et al., 2011). Such relationship and social contexts changes may either
promote or restrict development and adaptation, and researchers emphasize that
in this dynamic it is indeed the way in which the developing adolescent perceives
these relationships and changes that is crucial in the process of their development
(Bronfenbrenner, 1997, 2005; Wang, Deveaux, Li, et al., 2014). In this study, three
key aspects of adolescents’ social contexts were investigated under multiple
indicators (see Figure 8.3).

Physical growth Physical growth
Physical growth

 Mental health difficulties  Mental health difficulties  Mental health difficulties
(loneliness, anxiety, (loneliness, anxiety, (loneliness, anxiety,
Figure 8.3 A longitudinal study on early adolescent girls’ social contexts
171
8.2.1 Families
Recent social‐ecological research focuses on the family as a whole rather than
on any particular dyad. With such understanding, parent attachment and
parental involvement are posited to examine the family as a microsystem of
adolescent development.
Parent attachment is an empirically well‐corroborated framework that

describes normative aspects and individual differences of child‐parent
relations and their socio‐emotional correlates in subsequent development (e.g.,
Berlin, Cassidy & Appleyard, 2008).
During adolescence, relationships between parents and children undergo

crucial changes. Developmental psychologists have suggested that a
renegotiation of roles, rules, and expectations during adolescence occurs
within the parent‐adolescent relationship with the child’s increasing physical
and social maturity (Collins & Laursen, 2004). Consequently, parents show
less physical affection, become less protective, parental supervision,
behavioural control, and communication decline across adolescence (Keijsers
& Poulin, 2013). In other words, the intensity and frequency of attachment
behaviours decline across childhood (Masche, 2010). Regardless of gender,
older adolescents had less secure attachment to parents than younger
adolescents (Gullone & Robinson, 2005). Each pattern or style of attachment
has its own unique strategies for dealing and coping with stressful life
circumstances and this may lead to differences in the experience of adolescent
development.
Studies of parental involvement have revealed positive links when parents
proactively encourage high academic aspirations and help children manage
challenging schoolwork and teacher and peer relationships, but negative links
when parents’ emotional support is reactive in response to children’ academic
difficulties or behaviour problems at school (Cooper, Brown, Azmitia, &
Chavira, 2005). Beside school, parents also involve in children’s peer
relationships. Despite the stereotype of incompatible and contradictory parent
and friend influences, it is more accurate to describe parents’ involvement in
children’s peer relationships as setting the stage for both the selection of
friends and the management of these relationships (Kakihara & Tilton‐Weaver,
2009). As discussed by Coleman (1988), different forms of social relations may
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operate differentially in the achievement of particular results (e.g., grades vs.
school behaviour). For example, with respect to teacher‐student parent
relationships, positive involvement emerges from the development of
reciprocated levels of trust and shared goals and from high expectations for
the child. However, the consequences of these particular microsystem and
mesosystem relationships for adolescents may be outcome and context specific
(Coleman, 1988).
The importance of parents support in children’s school success has been
widely reported in both Western and Chinese literature. On this account, the
present study will focus on the longitudinal changes in parents’ involvement
in schools.
8.2.2 Friends
Western literature shows that as children enter adolescence and have more
control over their leisure environments, they may lean heavily toward peer‐
oriented, unstructured contexts as opposed to adult‐led, structured contexts
(Crosnoe, 2011). Peers become the most important reference group for
adolescents (Gardner & Steinberg, 2005), and an increasingly important source
of social support (Wentzel et al., 2010). Establishment of relationships with peers
constitutes a major developmental task of early adolescence (Sullivan, 1953),
and consequently the maintenance of satisfying peer relationships becomes a
central task for early adolescents (La Fontana & Cillessen, 2010).
Not only do the quantitative changes occur in early adolescents’ peer
interactions, notable developmental changes take place in the features and
functions of friendship relations as well (e.g., La Fontana & Cillessen, 2010).
Whereas during childhood friendships and peer relationships revolve around
playmate activities, it is during early adolescence that friendship becomes
mutually intimate sharing and self‐disclosure (Berndt, 1992). During
adolescence, friendship is often among same sex peers especially for girls
(Cairns, Xie, & Leung, 1998), and with the onset of puberty, there is an increase
in number of cross‐sex friends (Collins, Welsh, & Furman, 2009). Quality of
the friendship is found to be more important to the adolescent rather than
number of friends (Nangle, Erdley, Newman, Mason, & Carpenter, 2003), and
best friends contribute most to adolescents’ wellbeing (Bowker, Thomas,
Norman, & Spencer, 2011).
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Likewise, peer relationship is crucial to the development of a sense of social
acceptance, and is an important index of a child’s current social competence
and psychosocial adjustment. Despite attachment theory’s emphasis on close
relationships, the vast majority of the initial studies exploring the relations
between the parent‐child attachment relationship and children’s peer
relationships focused on such general indicators as peer acceptance (see Berlin
et al., 2008, for a review) and not on close dyadic relationships (e.g., friendship).
Consistent with the premises of attachment theory, however, the relations
between attachment and friendship are generally stronger than the relations
between attachment and peer relationships. Dyadic friendships characterized
by high levels of companionship, support, security, and closeness and low
levels of conflict are expected to provide adolescents with the social support
and intimacy needed in times of crisis as well as with opportunities for
spending time with peers and learning to solve peer relationship problems
constructively.
8.2.3 Schools
Studies on schools have been prominent in not only educational but also
psychological research (e.g., Roeser, 1998; Ruini, Ottolini, Tomba, et al., 2009).
A central assumption behind these studies has been that school as a major
context of adolescent development has significant influences on academic,
social, and emotional functioning, especially during transitions between
school settings (e.g., Roeser & Eccles, 1998). A review of the previous research
reveals a few key themes in the school study literature, including school
climate, school goals, school behaviours, and school transition adaptation (see
Chapter 3).
School climate is typically defined as the total environmental quality, which
includes ecology, milieu, social system and culture (Cohen et al., 2009; also see
Chapter 3). Within a school setting, ecological players, such as the adolescent
students, their peer classmates and teachers, interact and communicate with
each other (see also a concentric circle of school ecology in Hong & Espelage,
2012). Together with the physical and institutional environments of the
schools, such interactions and communication with peers and teachers in
school should shape the climate of the given school, and convey the influence
of one system to another in formation of adolescents’ school experiences
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(Bronfenbrenner, 1989). Studies on school classmates are normally discussed
under the theme of peers and friends. On the other hand, affective teacher‐
student relationships play an important role in students’ school adjustment
and the influence seems long‐lasting (Baker, 2006). Several theories have been
judged important for conceptualizing the role of teacher‐student relationships
(Martin & Dowson, 2009), and many are guided by an extended attachment
perspective that depends on theory and research about mother‐child
relationships (Bergin & Bergin, 2009). The central idea in attachment theory is
that positive relationships between parents and children promote feelings of
security in the child. Emotional security in turn is considered to be a necessary
precondition for exploration of the environment. According to an extended
attachment perspective, sensitive teachers can serve as a secure base from
which children can explore the school environment and become engaged in
learning activities (Hallinan, 2008). Previous research has indicated that
students who feel emotionally supported by their teachers are more likely to
experience social and emotional adjustment or adaption (Chong et al., 2010;
Murray & Greenberg, 2000), positive motivational orientation (Hamre &
Pianta, 2001; Wentzel, 1999), a sense of control and autonomy (Furrer &
Skinner, 2003), academic achievement (Roorda, Koomen, Spilt, & Oort, 2011),
as well as meaningfulness of schoolwork (Thuen & Bru, 2000). Despite
students’ school social relationships, students often experience an unwritten
curriculum distinguished by informality and lack of conscious planning
(Wren, 1999). This unwritten curriculum has often been defined as school
culture, or the character of the school, as it reflects the patterns of values,
beliefs, and traditions that have formed over the years (Power, 2015). One
important factor of school culture is its emphasis on achievement goals as
perceived by students (Covington, 2000), which will in turn act as an
important contextual variable influencing students’ adjustment to school
(Brandtstadter, 2009). Research indicates that school climate is associated with
interpersonal relationships between teachers and students as well as with
students’ behaviour (Wentzel & Looney, 2008). Overall, students tend to
internalize positive school‐related values and goals and exhibit positive school
conduct in a positive developmental context as provided by school (Wentzel,
2002).
Children’s school goals are studied by their personal achievement goals and
personal future goal. In specific, achievement goal theory stresses aspects of
175
motivation that rely on value, or the reasons why students become engaged in
academic tasks (Eccles & Wigfield, 2002). Previous research on achievement
focused on two purposes students adopted by emphasizing mastery and
performance goals, and longitudinal studies on students’ achievement goals’
changes have been examined less often than cross‐sessional research among
different age groups (Senko, Hulleman, & Harackiewicz, 2011), and among the
existing longitudinal studies, results on developmental changes are
inconsistent (e.g., Urdan & Midgley, 2003; also see Chapter 3). However,
previous research has found that the evaluation of goals (not only achievement
goals but also personal goals in general) in terms of high goal progress, low
outcome expectations, and low stress is associated with psychological
wellbeing (Sheldon, Kasser, Smith, & Share, 2002). Little has been studied
among Chinese adolescents on the developmental changes of either
achievement goals or personal school goals, even less on achievement goals’
longitudinal changes during school transition in a Chinese context.
Research on students’ behaviours at school includes both behavioural aspects
related to academic studies and misconducts in school. As children grow older
and follow their move into middle school, their school involvement generally
decline (Holas & Huston, 2012). On the contrary, students’ absenteeism and
disruptive behaviours increase during this period as children transition into
adolescence (e.g., Currie et al., 2012), and move into junior high school (e.g.,
Kearney, 2008). Many parents and educators were concerned about potentially
negative influences more common and more intense during the transition,
prospective investigations of factors that could influence changes in feelings
of self‐worth that accompany the middle school experience (e.g., Barber &
Olsen, 2004).
Research on school transitions from the prospective of students’ concerns prior
to the transition and the subsequent changes or the long‐term contribution of
these concerns to the adjustment outcomes throughout the transition, has been
rare (Rice Frederickson, & Seymour, 2011). Among those which studied
students’ concerns relating to school experiences, three domains have been
identified as concerns about academic demands, concerns about teachers, and
concerns about peers (e.g., Akos, 2002; Berndt & Mekos, 1995). The research
variables and their relations in each study are different from each other
regarding these indicators of students’ concerns, overall, these results suggest
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that students’ concerns are influenced by the features of given school and
students who have difficulty dealing with their worries about school are at
greater risk for academic, social, and emotional adjustment problems as they
enter middle school (e.g., Duchesne & Ratelle, 2010).
8.2.4 Research questions and hypothesis
The adolescent, the social contexts, relations between the adolescent and the
contexts, and relations between one context and another, change over time as
the adolescent develops and as the environment changes. The goals of this
chapter set out to answer Research Question 2 on the longitudinal changes in
adolescent girls’ social contexts regarding their family, friends, and schools.
Drawing on past findings on adolescents’ social contexts, the following
hypothesis emerge: first, quality of relationship with parents would decline
while friends would play an increasingly important role in adolescents’
socioemotional development over time; second, the transition from primary to
junior high school would expect differences between two school settings and
adolescent girls would experience adaptation difficulties making the
transition into the new school context.
8.3 Results
8.3.1 Parent attachment
Through the transition, girls felt the same quality of attachment relationship with
parents (Time 1, M=9.46, SD=1.77; Time 2, M=9.56, SD=1.53; Time 3, M=9.35,
SD=1.54), and during the transition, such attachment in relationship was even
higher than pre‐ and post‐ transition, although not with significant difference.
Trust in parents declined significantly after the transition (F(1.933,819.694)=3.620,
p<0.05, η2=0.01, T2>T3*). By contrast, Alienation in parents was found significantly
higher post‐transition (F(1.939,821.970)=6.846, p<0.001, η2=0.02, T2<T3**).
Longitudinally, however, difference in Alienation between Time 3 and Time 1 is
again very small. Similarly, significant changes in both Trust and Alienation were
revealed between Time 2 and Time 3, this suggests that after the transition, girls
found less trust and more alienation in their parents compared to that during
their transition. Communication with parents was reported stable over time,
although there was a slight decrease longitudinally.
177
5.00
4.50
4.00
3.50
3.00
2.50
2.00
1.50
1.00
T1 T2 T3
Parent trust 3.47 3.58 3.49
Parent communication 3.39 3.32 3.34
Parent alienation 3.43 3.33 3.49
Figure 8.4 Means of IPPA – Parent Trust, Communication, and Alienation at Time 1, Time 2,
and Time 3
A continuous significant decrease in parents support with school work was
revealed as girls transferred into junior high school through the last term of
the first year (F(1.911,810.466)=28.682, p<0.001, η2=0.06, T1>T2,T3**,T2>T3**).
This indicates that in junior high, girls felt they received significantly less help
from parents with their schoolwork (T1, M=4.10, SD=0.84; T2, M=3.97, SD=0.71;
T3, M=3.77, SD=0.67).
At both school settings, quality of girls’ attachment relationship with peers in
general showed no significant differences as they transfer into junior high
school (Time 1, M=10.40, SD=1.85; Time 2, M=10.32, SD=1.96; Time 3, M=10.49,
SD=1.71). However, as girls made the transition into junior high, less trust in
peers (F(2,848)=9.652, p<0.001, η2=0.02, T1>T2,T3**); and less communication
with peers were revealed (F(2, 848)=12.994, p<0.001, η2=0.03, T1>T2, T3**). In the
meantime, they also felt less alienation from peers when they were in junior
high school (F(2,848)=35.167, p<0.001, η2=0.08, T1>T2,T3**). Longitudinal
changes in these indexes suggest that as girls experience the transitions in
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adolescence, their attachment relationship with peers was mixed with both
positive (Trust and Communication) and negative (Alienation) feelings.
Figure 8.5 Means of IPPA – Peer Trust, Communication, and Alienation at Time 1, Time 2, and
Time 3
5.00
4.50
4.00
3.50
3.00
2.50
2.00
1.50
1.00
T1 T2 T3
Peer trust 3.79 3.61 3.63
Peer communication 3.75 3.51 3.56
Peer alienation 3.14 2.80 2.70
8.3.4 Peer norms
No significant change was found on girls’ peer norms regarding academic
excellence over time (Time 1, M=3.35, SD=1.01; Time 2, M=3.28, SD=1.00; Time
3, M=3.35, SD=0.95). Inspection of means and standard deviation changes
across time points revealed that although changes in scale means were not
significant (p=0.443), relatively high standard deviations indicated that at each
time point girls’ views towards peer norms regarding academic excellence
varied differently from person to person.
Affect at school
Across all survey points through the transition, the majority of girls reported
to like school (Time 1, 81.9%; Time 2, 85.7%; Time 3, 85.4 %). The prevalence
changes were revealed between Time 3 and Time 1, with more girls reported
to like school (Figure 8.6), indicating girls at Time 3 have higher school
satisfaction than they did in primary school. However, this trend was not
179
statistically significant (Time 1, M=3.25, SD=0.77; Time 2, M=3.33, SD=0.75;
Time 3, M=3.29, SD=0.73)
Figure 8.6 Percentage distribution of school satisfaction
100.0%
80.0%
60.0%
40.0%
20.0%
0.0%
T1 T2 T3
Don't like it at all 1.2% 1.4% 0.9%
Don't like it very much 16.9% 12.9% 13.6%
Like it a bit 37.9% 36.5% 40.9%
Like it a lot 44.0% 49.2% 44.5%
In accordance with the trend found in the above HBSC single‐item scale on
girls’ satisfaction with school, result from scale on Affect at school (PALS)
showed continuous growth across three time points (Time 1, M=2.91, SD=0.67;
Time 2, M=3.00, SD=0.67; Time 3, M=3.07, SD=0.66), and such increasing trend
was further identified as significant longitudinal changes (F (1.964,
832.614)=7.252, p=0.001, η2=0.02, T1<T3**).
Teachers’ perceptions of student academic achievement
100.0%
80.0%
60.0%
40.0%
20.0%
0.0%
T1 T2 T3
Below average 2.6% 1.9% 2.8%
Average 46.1% 42.1% 41.2%
Good 33.4% 46.1% 43.5%
Very Good 17.9% 9.9% 12.5%
Figure 8.7 Percentage distribution of perceived academic achievement
The majority of adolescent girls in this study viewed academic achievement as
“average” or “good” (Time 1, 79.5%; Time 2, 88.2%; Time 3, 84.7%; see Figure
8.7). Longitudinally, a small growing number of girls reported as above
180

average (Time 1, 51.3%; Time 2, 56.0%; Time 3, 56.0%), indicating girls at junior
high school felt more positive perception from their teachers towards
academic achievement. However, such longitudinal differences were not
statidtically significant.
Felt pressure from schoolwork
Prevalence in girls who felt pressure from schoolwork decreased at Time 2 and
remained relatively stable at Time 3 (Time 1, 95.8%; Time 2, 84.0%; Time 3,
84.7%, see Figure 8.8). Correspondingly, girls’ felt significantly less pressure
in junior high school than they did in primary school (Time 1, M=2.80, SD=0.83;
Time 2, M=2.51, SD=0.92; Time 3, M=2.51, SD=0.91; F(1.899,805.374)=19.184,
p<0.001, η2=0.04, T1>T2,T3**).
100.0%
80.0%
60.0%
40.0%
20.0%
0.0%
T1 T2 T3
Not at all 4.2% 16.0% 15.3%
A little 33.6% 31.1% 31.5%
Some 40.5% 39.1% 39.8%
A lot 21.6% 13.9% 13.4%
Figure 8.8 Percentage distribution of perceived pressure from schoolwork

Classmate support
Longitudinal changes in girls’ perceived classmate support decreased

significantly from Time 1 through Time 3 (Time 1, M=4.14, SD=0.55; Time 2,
M=4.07, SD=0.62; Time 3, M=3.97, SD=0.65; F(1.914,811.390)=10.107, p<0.001,
η2=0.02, T3<T1**,T2*). This revealed that girls felt their classmates in junior
high school were less supportive than their peers in primary school.
School safety (being bullied, bullying others)
As shown in Figure 8.9, the majority of girls reported never involved in being
bullied, or bullying others. This indicates girls’ positive feelings about school
safety at each phase.
181
Among those who involved in such occasions, the frequencies were limited
between “once or twice” and “sometimes”, which is less than a once per week
basis. It is very rare for girls to involve in such occasions several times a week.
100.00%
80.00%
60.00%
40.00%
20.00%
0.00%
T1 Bullied Bully T2 Bullied Bully T3 Bullied Bully
Never 60.7% 85.2% 66.6% 88.9% 69.6% 84.0%
Once or twice 27.8% 11.3% 27.1% 10.1% 26.4% 14.1%
Sometimes 10.1% 2.8% 6.1% 0.9% 4.0% 1.9%
Once per week 1.2% 0.7% 0.2% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0%
Several times a week 0.2% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0%
Note: 0=Never, 1 or 2 = Once or twice, st=Sometimes, 1/wk=Once per week, >1/wk=Several times a week;
Bullied=Being bullied; Bully=Bullying others
Figure 8.9 Prevalence of being bullied and bullying others
5.00
4.50
4.00
3.50
3.00
2.50
2.00
1.50
1.00
T1 T2 T3
Being bullied 1.52 1.40 1.34
Bullying others 1.19 1.12 1.18
Figure 8.10 Longitudinal changes in means of being bullied and bullying others
Longitudinally, girls who were bullied decreased significantly at Time 2 and
maintained a slow rate in reduction at Time 3 (F(1.902,806.535)=11.358, p<0.001,
η2=0.03, T1>T2*,T3**); bullying others was significantly less frequent at Time 2
(F(1.891,801.833)=3.805, p<0.05, η2=0.01, T2<T1,T3*). In general, significant
changes were revealed on being bullied at Time 2 only. In other words, during
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transition, girls were less likely to be bullied by others, compared to that when
they were in primary school. It was also at Time 2 when girls just enterred junior
high school, they reported significantly lower frequencies in bullying others
than they did in primary school. Despite the longitudinal changes regarding
girls’ perceived safety in school, the frequencies of being bullied and bullying
others were rather low across all the three time points (Figure 8.10).
Teacher-student relationship
A significant improvement in teacher‐student relationship was revealed

longitudinally (Time 1, M=2.81, SD=0.72; Time 2, M=3.05, SD=0.62; Time 3,
M=3.22, SD=0.66), and such changes were persistent through the transition
(F(1.752,742.638)=45.545, p<0.001, η2=0.10, T1<T2,T3**, T2<T3**). This indicates
that girls perceived their relationship with teachers were better in junior high
school than in primary school.
Perceived school emphasis on achievement goals
Perceived emphasis on achievement goals were examined by school emphasis
on ego goals and task goals respectively. School emphasis on ego goals
showed persistent longitudinal changes as it decreased significantly ove time
(F(1.776,752.877)=60.419, p<0.001, η2=0.13, T1>T2,T3**,T2>T3**; see Figure 8.11).
School emphasis on task goals revealed a significant increase at Time 2
(F(1.855,786.655)=18.748, p<0.001, η2=0.04, T1<T2,T3**; Figure 8.11). Taken
together, girls perceived their primary schools emphasize more on ego goals
and less on task goals compared to their junior schools.
5.00
4.50
4.00
3.50
3.00
2.50
2.00
1.50
1.00
T1 T2 T3
Emphasis on ego goals 3.14 2.85 2.72
Emphasis on task goals 2.97 3.20 3.13
Figure 8.11 School achievement goals in terms of school emphasis on ego goals and school
emphasis on task goals across three phases
183
8.3.6 School goals
Personal achievement goals
A significant decrease in personal ego goals was found at Time 3 (F
(1.886,799.516)=4.855, p=0.01, η2=0.01, T1>T3*). Personal task goals increased
significantly at Time 2 (F(1.831,776.418)=5.718, p<0.01, η2=0.01, T1<T2**). This
indicates girls’ personal achievement goals shifted from emphasizing
performance (personal ego goals) to gaining ability (personal task goals) as
they transitioned from primary into junior high schools.
5.00
4.50
4.00
3.50
3.00
2.50
2.00
1.50
1.00
T1 T2 T3
Personal ego goals 3.55 3.48 3.46
Personal task goals 3.12 3.24 3.19
Figure 8.12 Personal achievement goals in terms of personal ego goals and personal task goals
across three phases
Future plan after high school
Non‐parametric analysis of future plan after high school revealed a growing
trend with the majority of them (Time 1, 71.8%; Time 2, 76.0%; Time 3, 77.4%)
planning to continue their study in college or university, followed by further
study in vocational or technical school (Time 1, 19.1%; Time 2, 14.0%; Time 3,
13.2%). The third widely chosen aspiration after leaving high school was
“working”, as shown in Figure 8.13. In general, most of girls from Time 1 in
primary school already had plans for their future aspersion after high school,
and as they transferred into junior high, even fewer of them had no idea of
what they would do after high school (Time 1, 3.1%; Time 2, 2.8%; Time 3,
1.4%).
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Figure 8.13 Percentage distribution of future plan after high school

100.00%
80.00%
60.00%
40.00%
20.00%
0.00%
College or Vocational or Apprenticeship Working Unemployed Don't know
university technical
schools
8.3.7 School behaviours
School involvement
Involvement in school dropped down during the transition at Time 2 and
stayed stable although with a trend in growth at Time 3 (Time 1, M=2.89,
SD=0.57; Time 2, M=2.79, SD=0.66; Time 3, M=2.74, SD=0.54). Accordingly,
longitudinal changes in girls school involvement were further identified
between junior high and primary school (F(1.888,800.380)=8.259, p<0.001,
η2=0.02, T1>T2*,T3**), indicating girls in junior high school reported less
involvement in school compared to that in primary school.
Absenteeism
Through the transition from Time 1 to Time 3, prevalence of girls who
sometimes stayed away from school for non‐illness reasons showed a
decreasing trend (Time 1, 44.0%; Time 2, 39.8%; Time 3, 36.2%). Longitudinal
changes were further identified between Time 3 and Time 1
(F(1.855,786.589)=4.512, p<0.05, η2=0.01, T1>T3**), indicating that girls in
primary school were more likely to stay away from school not because they
were ill but because they wanted to do something else.
Self-report of disruptive behaviours
185
No significant longitudinal changes were found in girls’ self‐report disruptive
behaviours in school (Time 1, M=1.92, SD=0.55; Time 2, M=1.91, SD=0.36; Time
3, M=1.95, SD=0.38). In addition, it should be noted that through the transition,
disruptive behaviours reported by girls at the mean level were fairly low (scale
mean score range 1‐5).
Problems with Peer relationships, Conflicts with authorities or older students, and
Academics were significantly declined over time. Substance abuse on the other
hand, increased significantly (Figure 8.14).
4.00
3.50
3.00
2.50
2.00
1.50
1.00
T1 T2 T3
Peers 2.00 1.77 1.85
Conflicts 2.00 1.80 1.75
Academics 2.20 2.00 2.08
Substance 1.05 1.08 1.11
Figure 8.14 Problems with adaptational tasks of secondary school transition

As shown in Figure 8.14, problems with Peer relationships (F(2,848)=12.502,
p<0.001, η2=0.03, T1>T2**,T3*) and Conflicts with authorities or older students
(F(1.843,781.274)=22.933, p<0.001, η2=0.05, T1>T2,T3**) were significantly
smaller during the transition at Time 2 than girls expected at Time 1, and
perceptions upon these problems did not change significantly at Time 3.
However, the perceived problems with these two adaptational tasks were still
significantly smaller than previously expected at primary school (T3<T1*).
Problems with Academic pressures revealed a significant change at Time 2, and
such changes were not persistent (F(1.748,741.270)=5.857, p=0.01, η2=0.01,
T1>T2*). Problmes with substance abuse increased at Time 3
(F(1.834,777.495)=14.487, p<0.001, η2=0.03, T3>T1, T2*. Considering the low
internal consistency of the substance abuse subscale among this sample,
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longitudinal analysis was then applied to individual items within this subscale
(alcohol, drugs, cigarettes, Figure 8.15).
4.00
3.50
3.00
2.50
2.00
1.50
1.00
T1 T2 T3
Alcohol 1.03 1.06 1.08
Drugs 1.01 1.03 1.04
Cigarettes 1.12 1.15 1.23
Figure 8.15 Problems with substance abuse in terms of alcohol, drugs, and cigarettes
Significant differences were identified on cigarettes and alcohol usage
between Time 3 and Time 1, indicating that in post transition time girls were
more likely to involve themselves in alcohol (F(1.677,710.960)=5.577, p=0.01,
η2=0.01, T1<T3*) and cigarettes F(1.804,764.974)=9.262, p<0.001, η2=0.02,
T3>T1**,T2*) usage. Problems with drugs did not reveal longitudinal changes
over time and remained consistently very low.
8.4 Discussion
8.4.1 Parent attachment
Quality of attachment relationship with parents stayed stable through the
transition, although in post‐transition time, Trust in parents dropped down
while Alienation increased at the same time compared to transition time when
girls just entered junior high school. In accordance with the stability revealed
in overall quality of parent‐child attachment relationship, Communication with
parents showed no difference in longitudinal changes. Longitudinally, Trust
in parent peaked at Time 2 during the transition whereas Alienation was at its
bottom at the same time.
187
Previous research on parents attachment in the West suggests that distinct
developmental changes in parent‐child relationships towards a decline in
attachment behaviours, although the parent’s role and influence does not
necessarily decrease (Keijsers et al., 2010; Keijsers & Poulin, 2013). In this study,
although decline in Trust and increase in Alienation were both found between
during transition and post‐transition time, longitudinally, there was no
significant changes between pre‐ and post‐transition time. In addition, during
the transition, Trust in parents was at its highest while Alienation was at its
lowest, indicating best attachment quality in parents when girls made the
transition from primary to junior high school.
Plausible reasons for the stability in quality of attachment relationships may
largely contribute to aforementioned culture differences in parental values
and practice (Chapter 1): first, traditional Chinese family life is described as
strongly influenced by Confucian values, which include a hierarchical family
structure, clearly defined roles and responsibilities, deference to parental
authority, in particular, reverence and respect for parents (filial piety), and
children’s obligations to the family (Ho, 1996). Although Chinese adolescents
reported to desire more autonomy from parents in attachment relationship,
potential conflicts that may result in attachment decline were resolved
primarily by giving in to parents through the notions of being Xiaoshun (filial
piety) (Bian, Logan, & Bian, 1998). Second, with rapid economic development
in China, this tradition has faced considerable challenge (Logan, Bian, & Bian,
1998), together with the endorsement of the One Child Policy, are believed to
have influenced the manner in which parents build their attachment
relationship and parenting practice with their children. Thus contemporary
Chinese adolescents may exhibit the coexistence of different concerns,
including desires for personal control and entitlement, as well as concerns
with duty, hierarchy, and authority. Third, in collectivist cultures, which
emphasize interdependence and more socio‐centric conception of self, greater
emphasis is placed on maintaining harmony in interpersonal relationships,
and therefore alienation or conflicts may be muted. In this view, development
is seen as increasing accommodation to the culture, and accordingly, these
different pathways are proposed to diverge with age. Fourth, theoretically,
attachment relationship with parents is a positive influence throughout
development especially during times of important life transitions (Bowlby,
1982). Multiple transitions in adolescence including the academic transition
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into junior high school is certainly such a time of life transition, as described
earlier in Chapter 1 on parental involvement in school selection, which may
involve more parent‐child communication and mutual understanding thus
might buffer the potential developmental decline in attachment quality in
general. As such, in this study, longitudinal result did not reveal decline in
attachment quality in relationship with parents revealed in Western literature
(e.g., Keijsers et al., 2010).
In this study, parental involvement declined persistently through the

transition from primary to junior high school, and this trend was consistent
with findings from other studies based on Chinese adolescents (e.g., Cheung
& Pomerantz, 2012). Evidence from studies among Western population has
also revealed similar trend in decline, however, such decline was often found
later in middle and high school (Simon, 2004).
However, on understanding such decline, certain cultural differences in

parental practice regarding to involvement with school should be taken into
consideration. First, Chinese parents, compared with Western parents, placed
much more emphasis on the importance of education and are more likely to
involve direct intervention in their children’s academic learning, not only
when involvement required by school or teachers.
Second, Chinese parents are expected to be more involved in their children’s
schoolwork in the early grades and less involved later on, when a pattern of
expectations of high achievement has already been established. Although,
Western parents are reported to be more involved with children’s achievement
relatively later in their development. In the meantime, compares with the
relatively lax sequence of schooling in America or Europe (see Chapter 1), the
strict testing sequence, cumulative nature, and the key and ordinary
designation of schools in China may result in early parental involvement
among Chinese parents in their children’s school experience. In China, at the
equivalent of Grade 6 in the US (Years 7 in the UK), children have to compete
to enter middle schools. Further streaming of children to school tracks (science
vs. arts) occurs around Grade 9 (US; Years 10 in UK). In contrast, there is much
less explicit streaming of students in the US or UK schools until children begin
to consider whether to go on to college.
189
In addition, as questioned in Chapter 3, whether Western measures fully
capture the construct of supportive parenting across all culture is not known.
However, in the case of this study, it is necessary to consider the active roles
that parents play in their children’s admission to junior high schools. As
illustrated in Chapter 1, taking one key junior high school in 2011 as an
example, 20% students were enrolled because of their parents’ occupation
(“joint cooperation unit”), another 25% by speciality and 10% by pre‐
secondary school training class both required parents’ financing and close
home monitoring. In addition, when students failed to reach the school
admission requirement in all the official ways, in some cases, parents would
pay for contribution fees to secure school place for their children (Wu, 2011).
Certainly, such involvement will only happen before the transition, therefore,
when interpreting the decline of parents’ involvement in this study, whether
it was caused by the heightened involvement for preparing children into ideal
junior high school should be taken into consideration.
To sum up, longitudinal declines through the primary to junior high school
transition in this study are in line with findings from Western literature on
parent support with children’s schoolwork. However, difference in the timing
of such decline between Chinese and Western context, and the culture‐specific
practice of Chinese parents’ involvement with school choice should be taken
into consideration when interpreting findings from this study.
Quality of attachment relationship with peers remained stable throughout the
transition. At subscale level regarding Trust, Communication, and Alienation,
significant decrease was revealed at Time 2 when girls entered junior high
school. Result of the overall peer attachment in this study is consistent with
the argument that attachment quality tends to be stable over time (Brown &
Larson, 2009). This suggests that quality of attachment is a characteristic of the
particular relationship, besides reflecting the characteristics of the individuals
in the relationship, a view that is also shared by some attachment theorists
(Bretherton & Munholland, 2008).
The stability found in this study can be explained through the internal
working model (Bretherton & Munholland, 2008). As reviewed in Chapter 3,
attachment is often studied as a general working model which is thought to be
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stable throughout the life span, although changes may occur as the person
experiences new attachment relationships (Buist, Reitz, & Dekovic, 2008). In
this study, the young person progresses through adolescence, they typically
are exposed more frequently and for longer durations to a broader array of
social networks, as the predominant family context of childhood expends to
include interaction in social networks with peers and in school settings. The
internal working models of relationships with parents therefore influence the
manner in which adolescents think and feel about their interactions and
relationship with peers and close friends.
Despite the overall stability, peer relationships during adolescence also tend to
be in a state of flux (Brown & Larson, 2009), and in line with this reasoning that
changes in different domains of attachment quality (Trust, Communication,
Alienation) are common during this time of life. In this study, girls reported
declines in both positive (Trust and Communication) and negative (Alienation)
indicators of attachment quality. On one hand this may due to the wax and wane
that adolescents may experience in their peer relationships as mentioned earlier.
On the other hand, certain cultural influence may play a role. Western literature
suggests that being sociable through communications in peer relationship may
improve the attachment quality (Parker, Rubin, Erath, Wojslawowicz, & Buskirk,
2006). However, results from such investigations should be interpreted with
caution because they focused on young children or new friendships that formed
in summer campus (Parker & Seal, 1996). In China, like in other collectivistic
cultures, a primary task of socialisation is to help youth learn how to develop
cooperative and prosocial attitudes and behaviours (Chan, 2008). Compared
with prosocial behaviour, sociability is neither highly appreciated nor valued in
Chinese culture. Although children are encouraged to interact and to maintain
harmonious relationships with others, it is believed that social interactions must
be guided by prosocial orientations (Gow et al., 1996; Lai, 2008). Sociability itself
may not be adequately relevant to social adjustment in peer relationships among
Chinese adolescents. To this end, as girls progressed into adolescence and new
school settings, Chinese adolescents may show more cooperating and sharing
features in their relationships with peers which may reduce the feelings of
Alienation, and in such process of forming new friendships, Trust and
Communication seemed not playing as big part as they do when compared with
their Western counterparts (e.g., Domino, 2000). Last, it should be noted that
different from previous studies where the hypothetical situation of studying
191
peer attachment quality involved an unspecified peer or peer groups in general,
girls in this study were instructed to reflect their perceptions upon a close friend
rather than a random peer.
8.4.4 Peer norms
Peer norms regarding academic excellence did not show developmental

changes over time, indicating girls’ consistent preference of having best
friends sharing the same norms for academics throughout the transition.
Results in this study is in consistent with Western developmental research
which indicates that compared to friendships in childhood, friendships
formed during adolescence are more likely to share similar values (Berndt &
Perry, 1990), including shared attitudes towards academic excellence in school
(e.g., Kindermann, 2007).
It should be noted, however, in this study such peer norms focused on
adolescents and their best friends rather than peers in general. This is due to
the considerations that developmental research has indicated establishing and
maintaining close friendships during early adolescence is an important
pursuit different from achieving acceptance by these larger peer groups (e.g.,
classmates; Harter, 1990). Because perceptions of peer norms held by close
friends with whom adolescents interact regularly and with high intimacy in
school setting are particularly relevant in regard to their social behaviours and
academic adjustment rather than when interacting with peers in general
through public (e.g., school‐based) behaviours, they are likely to be more
relevant to understanding of peer socialization during early adolescence.
Besides the theoretical explanations and research evidence on peer norms
regarding academic excellence, cultural values and norms also play a part.
Chinese society highly value academic achievement as influenced by Confucius
tradition. One of the major developmental tasks regarding children’s
socialization involves their academic excellence (Leung et al., 2004).
Accordingly, one of the main criteria for being a well‐developed child is his or
her academic attributes, such as the child’s academic performance and attitudes
towards academic work (Shek & Chan, 1999). Together with the functional
value to the child’s future, limited educational resources also place great
pressure on children and further shape their peer norms regarding academic
excellence (Sun et al., 2013).
192

Overall, school climate in junior high school is perceived to be more positive
compared to that in primary school. In specific, following the transition, girls
in junior high school reported to have higher affect at school, feel less pressure
from schoolwork, feel safer in terms of being bullied, have better teacher‐
student relationship, and perceive junior high school emphasize more on task
goals (ability) and less on ego goals (performance). In other words, most of the
school climate indicators share similar patterns in change.
These findings are in contrast to that in Western literature (e.g., Eccles &
Roeser, 2011). Whereas in HBSC (2010) studies and others (e.g., Blyth et al.,
1983; Goldstein, Boxer, & Rudolph, 2015), school indicators have been found
to be worsen with increasing age across countries and regions, with liking
school, perceived academic achievement and, to a lesser extent, classmate
support and teacher‐student relationship decreasing, and perceived school
pressure increasing, indicating school increasingly not meeting students’ basic
psychological needs from ages 11 to 15 (WHO, 2012).
Plausible reasons for the different findings in this study are three‐fold: First,
the school experience in primary and junior high school settings is different in
China than that in many other countries where previous empirical findings
were established. Research in the West suggested the physical environment
and teacher‐student relationships are both the attributes to negative outcomes
of the transition (McDevitt & Ormrod, 2010; Eccles & Roeser, 2009). students
in junior high school stay in the same classroom with the same teachers for
different subjects and the same groups of peers, and have their personal
equipment in this one classroom in China, whereas students in Western
literature have to move to different locations throughout the day to meet
different teachers with the correct materials and equipment (e.g., McDevitt &
Ormrod, 2012); therefore, Chinese students’ experience less change in this
regard indicating less discontinuity in physical environment of school. Public
honour rolls and incentives for high academic standing relative to other
students emphasizing performance roles are normally more common in the
end of primary school compared to the beginning of junior high under the
pressure on entering an ideal key school in China, suggesting less pressure
through social comparison regarding academic achievement and the shift of
school emphasis on ego goals to task goals; while in Western literature the
193
opposite occurs (e.g., Eccles & Roeser, 2009). Chinese primary school teachers
normally treat pupils as children with school disciplines and class rules, while
middle school teachers normally treat students as equals and rationalise their
decisions when apply such regulations, which is different from the
inhumanity and alienation in teachers as reviewed in Western research (e.g.,
Ashton, 2008). Taken together, junior high school provides adolescents with a
more positive school climate compared to primary school from students’ point
of view.
Second, the timing and sequence of school transitions and their importance in
the student’s educational and academic trajectory are different in China from
that in most Western cultures. As reviewed in Chapter 1 on Chinese educational
system, the 6‐3‐3 structure exerts two normative significant transitions in
Chinese students’ life: the primary to junior high school transition and the
entrance to university. The designation of key and ordinary middle schools
consequently results in parents and students compete for the limited
educational resource at an early stage. In addition, middle school normally
house both junior and senior high levels and thus entering a good junior high
school normally continue with subsequent senior high studies and provide the
student with better resource for entering prestige university. Meanwhile, in
both UK and US the pressure of school stratification or streaming of students
occurs in secondary school (when students begin to consider whether to go to
college), where typically house increased peer pressure, bullying, fighting,
declines in affect at school, academic performance, school attendance, and
involvement (Ashton, 2008; Daly et al., 2009; Dinham & Rowe, 2008).
Third, given the great value in Chinese culture and being the most important
pursuit for adolescents in contemporary China, academic success constantly
place more pressure on Chinese students, while for many early adolescents in
the Western cultures, the social aspects of school take precedence over
academic concerns (Sweetser, 2003). Therefore, the parameter of Chinese
adolescents’ transition experience largely depends on how to entering into the
ideal school for the benefit of their educational trajectory (before the transition),
while for Western students are the need to belong to new peer groups (during
and after the transition).
Despite the improvement among school climate indicators through the

transition, perceived academic achievement stayed stable which is different
194

from the prevailing Western view that perceived good academic achievement
was significantly less prevalent with increasing age (Currie et al., 2012;
Veronneau & Dishion, 2011). Girls perceived classmate support declined
through the transition, which is in consistency with Western literature (Currie
et al., 2012). In all, the Chinese culture and educational practice attribute to the
difference in girls’ perceived school climate that illustrated a different view from
the European‐American norm, and at the same time, there are also some
universal elements that shared the same changing patterns among Chinese
adolescents and their Western counterparts.
8.4.6 School goals
Girls’ achievement goals with regards to ego goals (oriented toward a
comparative demonstration of abilities) declined longitudinally while their task
goals (focus on the development of abilities and task mastery) showed an
increase during the transition followed their transition into junior high school
and stayed stable thereafter. The ways in which these goals change over time
have remained largely unstudied both in Chinese and Western contexts.
However, despite the scarce and inconsistency in Western literature in
achievement goals (see Chapter 3), results in this study support previous studies
that have documented goal fluctuations during the primary to junior high
school transition (e.g., Shim, Ryan, & Anderson, 2008). They also deepen the
understanding of the process. First, ego goals did not appear to be stable during
the transition to middle school like some findings in Western samples (e.g.,
Midgley et al.,, 1998; Anderman & Anderman, 1999), but declined over time
(e.g., Shim, et al., 2008). Second, task goals increased during the transition, again
opposite to previous findings (e.g., Anderman & Anderman, 1999). Such
developmental changes in achievement goals may be explained by the nature
of the school transition. Given the many changes that take place during this
period (e.g., school structure, curriculum, teaching practices, school workload,
assessment systems, and school emphasis on achievement goals), which are all
likely to affect students’ motivational dynamics (Eccles & Roeser, 2011). As
suggested earlier on difference in school climate in different cultures, it is thus
understandable that Chinese girls in this study showed different developmental
patterns in achievement goal endorsement. In addition, high pressures on
academic performance placed by parents and teachers on the adolescent at the
end of primary school may also attribute to heightened ego goals before the
195
transition. Other less cultural‐specific plausible reasons may include pubertal
development and cognitive maturation during the transition from childhood
into adolescence (Mendle et al., 2007).
Personal goals after high school condensed on college and university study
throughout the transition with a slight increase in prevalence over time. Unlike
the more balanced distributions among options as revealed in other cultures
(e.g., Currie et al., 2012), such focused future aspiration for Chinese
adolescents is hardly a surprise. It has been argued that to succeed
academically and professionally has traditionally been overwhelming among
Chinese people. This is partly attributed to the influences of Confucius
doctrine and traditional values that look up to scholarship and relate status
success with family honour and pride (Bao & Haas, 2009; Fong, 2004). Chinese
children are therefore educated and socialised with the idea of academic
attainment highly effective means for them to achieve a bright future and a
rewarding career at very young age (Li, 2004). In the meantime, followed the
transition into junior high school, the positive school climate as perceived by
students may also encourage higher academic aspiration (Wang & Holcombe,
2010). In addition, researchers suggest that people construct their goals by
comparing their individual motives to the opportunity space created by their
environment (Nurmi, 2004), and adjust their personal goals to life transitions
in order to adapt to the outcomes of those transitions and environmental
changes related (Salmela‐Aro & Suikkari, 2008). On this account, due to the
restrained opportunities in Chinese society for students after high school and
the underdevelopment of apprenticeship, students’ choices are limited mainly
to either higher education or working. Last, as the education backgrounds of
modern Chinese parents are growing higher, children are also under the
pressure of conforming to parents’ expectations (children are supposed to
achieve more than their parents; Li, 2004).
8.4.7 School behaviours
Longitudinally through the transition into junior high school, girls’

involvement in school and absenteeism both dropped down. Self‐report
disruptive behaviours, however, stayed stable over time.
Results of school involvement in this study are consistent with previous
literature that also indicates that across the move, students’ school
196

involvement generally decline (Holas & Huston, 2012). A few reasons may
contribute to such decline in this study. First, within the given school setting,
routes to student involvement may be social or academic and may stem from
opportunities in the school or classroom for participation, interpersonal
relationships, and intellectual endeavours. In specific, students’ opportunities
to participate and develop social relations were greater in primary schools
(small school) than in middle school (large school) (e.g., Barker & Gump, 1964;
Finn & Voelkl, 1993). Second, involvement in school is likely to take different
forms in primary and junior high school years. In this study, longitudinal
changes in girls’ personal and perceived school emphasis on achievement
goals both revealed that in junior high school, the mastery of knowledge (task
goals) is more important than showing it off (ego goals; see above).
Furthermore, students may not become deeply invested in learning until they
have the intellectual capacity to self‐regulate and become intentional learners,
which tend to occur at later age. In other words, students’ school involvement
in primary schools may therefore manifest itself in display performance, while
in junior high schools; students may focus more on building knowledge. A
third explanation may be due to cultural difference on the notion of shyness.
As reviewed in Chapter 1, in China, under the influence of Confucian
philosophy, inhibition and self‐restraint are considered indices of
accomplishment, mastery, and maturity (King & Bond, 1985); shy, reticent,
and inhibited children are believed to be well behaved and understanding (e.g.
Domino, 2000). On this account, the decline in classroom involvement
behaviours may reflect the inhibition of self‐restraint functioning as children
mature. Furthermore, the social acceptance and positive feedback that shy‐
inhibited children receive might ultimately lead to adaptive development.
Taken together, although the developmental trend of decline in students’
school involvement seems universal in both Western literature and Chinese
studies (e.g., Frericks, Blumenfeld, & Paris, 2004; Li et al., 2011), given the
differences in cultural notions and practice (e.g., gender expectations, social
functioning regarding shyness), it should be interpreted differently especially
when considered as an outcome variable of adjustment to school or social
environment.
Decline in absenteeism and the stability in self‐reported disruptive behaviours
indicate a positive profile of girls’ school conduct in junior high school.
Although such developmental pattern is different from the dominant view
197
from Western literature on either adolescent development or school
transitions, whereas absenteeism and disruptive behaviours both increase as
children gaining in age among 11‐ to 15‐year‐olds (e.g., Currie et al., 2012) and
the same developmental model has also been widely reported when children
move from primary to middle school (e.g., Eccles & Midgley, 1989; Dodge,
Dishion, & Lansford, 2006).
The explanatory factors by Western researchers are similar and are usually
personal, familial, and school variables. Contextually, children move from
self‐contained, single‐teacher primary school classrooms to large, fluid junior
high schools (Eccles & Midgley, 1989), which leads to reductions in parent and
teacher support and monitoring. Consequently, they spend more time with
and are more influenced by peers (especially deviant peers). In addition to
school transition, other changes that co‐occur during this time period, such as
the onset of puberty, also contribute to the increase in disruptive behaviour,
independent of the changes in the structure of school (Ge et al., 2002). However,
studies on disruptive behaviours or conduct problems are mainly among boys
or adolescents in general regardless of their gender. In addition, given the
cultural differences in girls’ school transition experiences, parenting practice,
and gender differences, results in this study are likely to be interpreted
differently from the Western norms.
First, based on results on the improvement in school climate revealed in this
study, it is understandable that less prevalence in absenteeism was reported
in junior high school compared to that in primary school. Second, as
mentioned in Chapter 1, proper conduct in children is considered as a goal for
children and indictor of successful parenting in China. Chinese parents
monitor their children’s proper behaviour through Guanjiao (training).
Previous research suggests that parental monitoring and parental valuation of
tradition reduce the likelihood that Chinese children will engage in problem
behaviours (Chen, Greenberger, Lester, Dong, & Guo, 1998). Moreover, given
that Xiao (filial piety) is expected to derive from Guanjiao, which represents
internalized parental expectations, adolescents who are high in Xiao will
conform to parental expectations and requirements and avoid school
misconduct. Third, grounded in the collective social norms that promote
prosocial behaviours and celebrate inhibited social functioning through
outwards behaviours, it is therefore understandable that Chinese adolescent
198

girls in this study showed a different developmental pattern in their school

behaviours from their Western counterparts.
Longitudinally, except substance abuse, all the other subscales including peer
relationships, conflicts with authorities or older students, and academic pressure
were reported less problematic than expected. This suggests an overall
positive transition experience for the adolescents in this study; however, is in
contrast to Western literature which often identify the transition from primary
to junior high school as a potentially anxiety‐provoking turning point (see
Chapter 3; e.g., Simmons & Blyth, 1987).
However, build upon results from this study in terms of different aspects of
students’ school perceptions and experience (improved school climate, school
goals, and school behaviours), which suggests a positive developmental and
transitional change, the discrepancy (decline) between expected and actual
adaptation concerns is hardly a surprise. The developmental trends in each
indicator (Peer relationships, Conflicts with authorities or older students, and
Academic pressures) resonate findings reported earlier in relation to stable peer
attachment, improved teacher‐students relationships, and reduced pressure
from schoolwork. Although an increase of problems with substance abuse was
identified after the transition, the mean scores of this subscale were very low
at all the three time points, indicating substance abuse was considered a very
small problems among this sample. Therefore, discussion in this session on
adaptation differences found in this study compared with that in most
Western reports would be focused on potential methodological attributes. For
example, the above‐cited studies based on Western population mostly use a
variable‐centred approach to examine the relationship between adjustment
attributes and outcomes in a cause‐effect fashion (e.g., Heubeck & O’Sullivan,
1998). This approach posits that individuals differ quantitatively on one or
more variables of interest, and that the relationships between the variables
apply to the entire sample studied (Magnusson, 1998). Although useful to
determine the contribution of one or more independent variables on a specific
dimension of adjustment, the analysis models stemming from this approach
might not be appropriate for capturing the multidimensional nature of
adjustment, not to mention that they could mask significant individual
199
discrepancies in adjustment patterns (Bergman, von Eye, & Magnusson, 2006).
Moreover, these studies largely neglected characteristics of the new school
environment that is liable to either lessen or strengthen the relationship
between students’ concerns about junior high school transition and
subsequent adjustment. This study examined the developmental profiles of
continuous adjustment variables and students’ perceptions of environmental
variables through the transition, thus the alternative methodology may also
contribute to the differences in results. In a word, whereas researchers (in
particular, Eccles et al., 1993; Simmons & Blyth, 1987) have pointed to many
factors that contribute to the stressfulness of the junior high school transition,
including increased academic demands and social comparisons, exposure to
unfamiliar peers and teachers, and practices that fail to meet early adolescents’
developmental needs, the transition itself thus is not necessarily a threat to
adolescents’ development but the attributors to stress which cause difficulty
in transition experience and subsequent outcomes. Therefore, when such
stress attributors were revealed in primary school instead of junior high school,
which is the case in this study; the transition is thus an improvement for
adolescents’ student life.
8.5 Conclusion and implication for thesis
Grounded in Bronfenbrenner and Morris’s (2006) bioecological model and

guided by research objectives, results in this chapter are presented in line with
literature reviewed in Chapter 3 in terms of adolescents’ social contexts with
regards to their family, peers, and schools.
Adolescents in this study showed an overall stability in relationships with
their parents and friends, and a general improvement in their school contexts
through the transition from primary to junior high school. Apart from the
general picture, parental involvement declined over time. Implications will be
drawn from these changes in general discussion chapter (Chapter 10). The next
chapter (Chapter 9) will present empirical data to answer Research Question
3 on longitudinal changes in adolescents’ mental health, and indicators
including global life satisfaction, self‐esteem, psychosomatic symptoms,
mental health difficulties (loneliness, anxiety, and depression), and coping.
200

CHAPTER 9 LONGITUDINAL CHANGES IN ADOLESCENTS’ MENTAL

HEALTH
Chapter 7 and Chapter 8 presented longitudinal data in Chinese adolescents’
physical and social development, respectively (see Figure 9.1). With
recognition that these physical and social transitions of the adolescent years
are commonly accompanied by changes in their mental health and wellbeing,
this chapter will present results from multiple standardised psychological
measures examining the longitudinal changes in Chinese adolescent girls’
mental health in terms of their global life satisfaction, self‐esteem,
psychosomatic symptoms, loneliness, anxiety, depression, and coping.
Specifically, this chapter proceeds with a brief overview of the literature
reviewed in Chapter 4 on adolescent mental health and wellbeing. Research
questions were restated, and continued with empirical analysis and findings
on developmental trends of individual mental health indicators. Cross‐
cultural differences were discussed through comparisons between results in
this study and Western literature as well as local studies in Chinese
populations. Potential cultural specific variables and plausible cultural roles
were addressed.


Figure 9.1 Longitudinal changes in adolescent girls’ mental health during the transition from
primary to junior high school
201
9.2 Introduction
Developmental psychopathologists know adolescence as a very special phase
of life. Many of mental illness typically have their onset during adolescence
(Powers, 2010), and consequently it is during adolescence that much
psychological adaptation or maladaptation becomes particularly evident
(Roeser, Eccles, & Freedman‐Doan, 1999).
Previous studies indicate that early adolescents are more vulnerable with
regards to mental health status, especially among girls, and a large number of
adolescents report psychosomatic health symptoms, mental health problems
and concerns (Haugland, Wold, Stevenson, Aaroe, & Woynarowska, 2001). A
review of literature shows that mental health difficulties in adolescence are
prevalent in the general population worldwide (Srinath, Kandasamy, &
Golhar, 2010). They are characterised by several factors, including increasing
prevalence, downward developmental trend, and long‐term persistence (see
Chapter 4). In Bor et al. (2014)’s comprehensive review of time trends of young
people’s mental health which examines 19 epidemiological studies conducted
across 12 countries, overall, the findings for internalizing problems suggest an
increasing symptom burden in recent cohorts of adolescents, especially girls.
Such consistency in previous and current findings in the Western literature
raises the question of whether the same developmental pattern exists among
non‐Western, for example, Chinese adolescent girls. The objectives of this
study were thus to estimate the prevalence of mental health wellbeing and
mental health difficulties, and to examine the longitudinal changes of
adolescents’ mental health throughout the transition from primary to middle
school.
9.3 Research questions and hypothesis
A review of the literature shows that many studies have been carried out in
the West to investigate adolescent mental health (e.g., Byrne, 2000;
Trzesniewski, Donnellan, Moffitt, et al., 2006), while in contrast, there has been
very limited local research into the mental health and wellbeing of adolescents
in China, especially Mainland Chinese populations. More than two decades
ago, Shek (1988) conducted a comprehensive epidemiological study to assess
the mental health status of adolescents in Hong Kong. And, so far there has
been little study conducted in China. It can be concluded, however, that
202

mental health is a continuous construct and comprises a broad composite of
background variables. In line with this reasoning, multiple indicators were
selected to examine adolescents’ mental health and wellbeing, and based on
which Research Question 3 was formulated to investigate the longitudinal
changes in adolescents’ mental health, in terms of their global life satisfaction,
self‐esteem, psychosomatic symptoms, mental health difficulties, and coping
(see Figure 9.2). In view of prior research, it was hypothesised that over time
adolescents’ global life satisfaction and self‐esteem would decline with
increasing age, psychosomatic symptoms and mental health difficulties would
increase, and they would use a wider range of coping strategies and opt for
strategies with higher efficacy.


difficulties (loneliness, difficulties (loneliness, difficulties (loneliness,
anxiety, depression) anxiety, depression) anxiety, depression)
Figure 9.2 A longitudinal study on early adolescent girls’ mental health
203
9.4 Results
9.4.1 Global life satisfaction
Longitudinally no significant changes were found in Degree of Happiness (Time
1, M=2.99, SD=0.68; Time 2, M=3.03, SD=0.64; Time 3, M=2.98, SD=0.71),
although a trend of increase in “very happy” was found at Time 2 during
transition (Figure 9.3). In general, the majority of sample in this study reported
to be “quite” or “very happy” with their life at each time point (Time 1, N=339,
79.7%; Time 2, N=350, 82.3%; Time 3, N=333, 78.3%).
100.0%
80.0%
60.0%
40.0%
20.0%
0.0%
T1 T2 T3
Very happy 20.9% 21.4% 21.6%
Quite happy 58.8% 60.9% 56.7%
Don't feel very happy 18.4% 17.2% 19.3%
Not happy at all 1.9% 0.5% 2.4%
Figure 9.3 Prevalence of degree of happiness throughout the transition

There was also no significant difference in Freguency of Happiness over time,
although a trend of increase was found at Time 2 (Time 1, M=3.52, SD=0.78;
Time 2, M=3.58, SD=0.73; Time 3, M=3.58, SD=0.74).
100.0%
80.0%
60.0%
40.0%
20.0%
0.0%
T1 T2 T3
Always 8.5% 7.3% 8.5%
Often 43.3% 49.6% 47.1%
Sometimes 40.5% 37.2% 38.1%
Hardly ever 6.8% 5.4% 6.4%
Never 0.9% 0.5% 0.0%
Figure 9.4 Prevalence of frequency of happiness throughout the transition
204

As shown in Figure 9.4, the majority of girls in this sample were likely to feel
happy “Sometimes” or “Often” (Time 1, N=356, 83.8%; Time 2, N=369, 86.8%;
Time 3, N=362, 85.2%).
Prevalence of both degree and frequency of happiness suggest positive Global
Life Satisfaction. Longitudinally changes in both indicators further revealed an
overall stable status of adolescents’ Global Life Satisfaction throughout the
transition time.
9.4.2 Self-esteem
As shown in Figure 9.5 and Table 9.1, longitudinally girls’ self‐esteem on
Athletic competence, Behavioural conduct, and Global self‐esteem dropped
significantly through the transition period. These effects reflect the gradual
decline over time in girls’ ratings of their self‐concept in sports ability
(F(1.927,817.186)=26.446, p<.0001, η2=0.06, T1>T2*,T3**, T2>T3**); behaviours
(F(1.904,807.384)=20.869, p<.0001, η2=0.05, T1>T2,T3**, T2>T3*); and global self‐
perception (F(1.880,797.015)=34.506, p<.0001, η2=0.08, T1>T2,T3**, T2>T3**).
The largest changes of self‐esteem in Behavioural conduct and Global self‐esteem
were between Time 1 (last term in Grade 6 primary school) and Time 2 (first
term in Grade 1 junior high school), while the biggest change of self‐esteem in
Athletic competence was between Time 2 (first term of Grade 1 in junior high
school) and Time 3 (last term in Grade 1 in junior high school). Physical
appearance was found decreased significantly at Time 3 compared with the
other two time points (F(1.871,793.370)=22.142, p<.0001, η2=0.05, T3<T1,T2**),
this indicates that girls’ self‐esteem in physical appearance only dropped
down significantly at the last term of Grade 1 junior high, rather than when
they made the transition from primary to junior high (first term Grade 1). The
overall longitudinal changes indicate that patterns of change differ across
domains. Self‐esteem in Scholastic performance and Social acceptance showed no
significant longitudinal changes. At the mean level, Physical appearance scored
relatively lower than the other domains, followed by Athletic competence.
205
Figure 9.5 Means of subscales of Harter Self-Esteem at three time points
4.00
3.50
3.00
2.50
2.00
1.50
1.00
T1 T2 T3
Scholastic performance Social acceptance

Athletic competence Physical appearance
Behavior Global self-esteem
206

Table 9.1 Means, standard deviations, degree of freedom, F-value, p-value, and post hoc pairwise comparison results of self-esteem
Self-esteem Mean (SD) Time 1 Time 2 Time 3 df F p η2 Post Hoc
Scholastic performance 2.80(0.58) 2.86(0.56) 2.82(0.58) 1.752 2.240 n/s n/a n/a
Social acceptance 2.88(0.49) 2.84(0.46) 2.84(0.53) 1.864 1.003 n/s n/a n/a
Athletic competence 2.86(0.46) 2.79(0.48) 2.67(0.50) 1.927 26.446 <0.001 0.06 T1>T2*,T3**;T2>T3**
Physical appearance 2.69(0.60) 2.64(0.57) 2.49(0.54) 1.871 22.142 <0.001 0.05 T3<T1,T2 **
Behavioural conduct 2.95(0.51) 2.85(0.49) 2.76(0.54) 1.904 20.869 <0.001 0.05 T1>T2,T3**;T2>T3*
Global self-esteem 3.00(0.53) 2.84(0.56) 2.76(0.55) 1.880 34.506 <0.001 0.08 T1>T2,T3**;T2>T3**
* The mean difference is significant at the .05 level.
** The mean difference is significant at the .01 level.
207
9.4.3 Psychosomatic symptoms
Longitudinally, all the symptoms except Stomach‐ache and Neck pain (which
were both endorsed with relatively high frequency and stayed stable) showed
significant changes between different time points, as shown in Table 9.2 for
details. Specifically, both Difficulties getting to sleep and Tiredness decreased
persistently from Time 1 through Time 3. The significant changes in reporting
of Headache, Backache, Bad temper, and Feeling dizzy happened between Time 1
(in primary school) and the other two subsequent time points (in junior high
school). At Time 2, Feeling low was significantly lower than other two time
points, and at Time 3, Feeling nervous was reported significantly lower than the
other two time points.
Despite the above longitudinal changes, it should be noted that means of all
psychosomatic symptoms were generally low in this sample and most of the
symptoms happened at a weekly or monthly basis on average. Moreover,
prevalence of each psychosomatic compliant was also changing over time. At
Time 1, the first three high frequency symptoms were: Tiredness, Difficulties
getting to sleep, and Neck pain. At Time 2, they were: Tiredness, Bad temper, and
Neck pain, and at Time 3 Bad temper, Stomach‐ache, and Neck pain. Interestingly,
across three‐time points neck pain was reported at consistently high levels of
frequency (Figure 9.6).
5.00
4.00
3.00
2.00
1.00
Figure 9.6 Means of psychosomatic symptoms in the past 6 months
208

Table 9.2 Means, standard deviations, degree of freedom, F-value, p-value, and post hoc pairwise comparison results of psychosomatic symptoms
Time 1 Time 2 Time 3 df F p η2 Post hoc
Headache 2.07(0.97) 1.76(0.87) 1.78(0.86) 1.823 28.838 <0.001 0.06 T1>T2,T3**
Stomach-ache 2.36(0.95) 2.42(0.91) 2.46(0.94) 1.950 1.488 n/s (0.23) n/a n/a
Backache 1.66(0.89) 2.02(0.99) 2.04(0.99) 1.922 34.433 <0.001 0.08 T1<T2,T3**
Feeling low 2.40(1.19) 2.10(1.03) 2.35(1.15) 1.944 17.523 <0.001 0.04 T2<T1,T3**
Bad temper 2.17(1.15) 2.49(1.09) 2.49(1.08) 2 16.184 <0.001 0.04 T1<T2,T3**
Feeling nervous 2.12(1.22) 2.27(1.03) 1.92(0.92) 2 16.946 <0.001 0.03 T3<T1,T2**
Difficulties in getting to sleep 3.00(0.98) 2.40(0.91) 2.23(0.91) 2 95.913 <0.001 0.18 T1>T2,T3**;T2>T3*
Feeling dizzy 1.86(0.78) 1.72(0.69) 1.73(0.70) 2 6.817 =0.001 0.02 T1>T2**,T3*
Neck pain 2.42(1.00) 2.43(0.97) 2.42(0.93) 2 0.022 n/s (0.98) n/a n/a
Tiredness 3.27(1.31) 2.64(1.03) 2.32(1.05) 1.970 87.379 <0.001 0.17 T1>T2,T3**;T2>T3*
209
100.0%
80.0%
60.0%
40.0%
20.0%
0.0%
Feeling Sleeping
Headache Stomachache Back ache Feeling low Bad temper Feeling dizzy Neck pain Tiredness
nervous difficulty
Time 1 5.2% 13.4% 2.9% 18.3% 15.5% 16.0% 30.1% 1.6% 14.8% 45.6%
Time 2 3.5% 11.5% 6.8% 8.9% 18.1% 11.0% 10.6% 0.7% 13.0% 16.9%
Time 3 3.5% 14.1% 6.4% 16.7% 16.9% 4.9% 6.9% 1.6% 13.2% 10.9%
Figure 9.7 Percentage of girls’ experiencing more than once a week of each psychosomatic symptom at three time point
210

At Time 1, 5.2% of girls in this sample report experiencing Headaches, 13.4%
Stomach‐ache, 2.9% Backache, 14.8% Neck pain, 45.6% Tiredness, and 1.6%
Dizziness more than weekly during the past six months, while 18.3% Feeling
low, 15.5% are Irritable (Bad temper), 16.0% are Nervous and 30.1% have Difficulty
getting to sleep. Compared with Time 1, lower percentages of girls experienced
Headache, Feeling low, Feeling nervous, Difficulty getting to sleep, Neck pain, and
Tiredness more than a week at Time 2 and Time 3 (Figure 9.7), indicating
improved psychosomatic health regarding these indicators. As can be seen in
Figure 9.7, the most drastic changes happened on Difficulty getting to sleep and
Tiredness.
Having multiple psychosomatic symptoms is defined as having two or more
symptoms more than once a week (HBSC, 2010). 52.7% of girls reported
multiple health complaints at Time 1 in primary school, and the proportion
dropped down as they transferred into junior high school (Time 2, 28.7%; Time
3, 25.6%).
9.4.4 Loneliness
Longitudinally, girls reported the most Loneliness during the transition at Time
2 (Table 9.3), and it dropped down significantly after the transition (F (1.909,
809.372)=5.307, p=0.01, η2=0.01, T2>T3**). No significant differences were
found in Loneliness between two school settings (primary vs. junior high
school).
Table 9.3 Means, standard deviations, and range of loneliness at three time points
Mean (SD) Minimum Maximum
Time 1 29.87(7.42) 16 59
Time 2 30.15(6.31) 16 53
Time 3 28.84(6.90) 16 55
9.4.5 Anxiety
Similar to longitudinal changes as revealed above for Loneliness, throughout
the transition, girls’ reported overall anxiety decreased after the transition
(Time 3) when compared with the time they entered junior high school at Time
2 (see Table 9.4) (F (1.808, 766.743)=4.569, p<0.05, η2=0.01, T2>T3**). There
were no longitudinal differences in Anxiety between primary and junior high
211
school. In order to provide compare this data with normative data of this
measure mean scores and standard deviations are provided in Table 9.4.
Table 9.4 Means, standard deviations, and range of anxiety at three time points
Mean (SD) Minimum Maximum
Time 1 31.97(13.72) 5 83
Time 2 32.16(12.34) 8 84
Time 3 30.67(11.30) 6 70
Longitudinal changes were further explored in subscales of anxiety

throughout the transition. Social phobia reduced persistently from Time 1
through to Time 3 (F(1.970, 835.269)=27.942, p<0.001, η2=0.06,
T1>T2,T3**,T2>T3**). Generalized anxiety disorder significantly reduced after
transition compared with that prior or during the transition (F(1.934, 820.025)=
4.213, p<0.05, η2=0.01; T3<T1,T2*). Obsessive compulsive increased
significantly in junior high school (F(1.839, 779.595)=16.015, p<0.001, η2=0.04;
T1<T2,T3**). Separation anxiety (F (1.863, 789.968)=5.303, p=0.01, η2=0.01,
T2>T3**) and Physical injury fears (F(1.626, 689.408)=5.366, p=0.01, η2=0.01;
T2>T3**) significantly decreased from Time 2 to Time 3. No change was found
in Panic attack and agoraphobia over time (Figure 9.8).
9.00
8.00
7.00
6.00
5.00
4.00
3.00
2.00
1.00
0.00
T1 T2 T3
Panic attack 4.24 4.12 4.05
Separation anxiety 3.89 4.00 3.63
Physical injury fears 3.36 3.61 3.28
Social phobia 8.17 7.38 6.82
Obsessive compulsive 5.20 5.97 6.27
Generalize anxiety 7.11 7.08 6.63
Figure 9.8 Means of subscales of SCAS at three time points
212

9.4.6 Depression
The Beck Depression Inventory (BDI)‐II total score for the entire sample at three
time points ranged from 0‐38. The overall mean scores of Depression revealed
a longitudinal trend of increase over time (Time 1, M=9.36, SD=5.96; Time 2,
M=9.71, SD=5.97; Time 3, M=9.76, SD=6.50), however, such change was not
statistical significance (p=0.47).
To identify the BDI‐II’s factor structure in this sample, principal factors
extraction with Varimax rotation was performed on the 20 depression
symptoms separately for times 1, 2 and 3. This yielded five factors with
eigenvalue that exceeded unity and accounted for 50.79% at Time 1, 49.53% at
Time 2, and 53.41% at Time 3, of the total variance. To avoid over‐factoring,
further analysis that employed the scree test (Cattell, 1966, Gorsuch, 1974)
showed that two factors could be extracted meaningfully and were applicable
to Time 1, 2 and 3 data. The two‐factor solution, which could be considered as
a relatively adequate representation of the data, was rotated to a Varimax
criterion for interpretation (Nie, 1983). The two main factors were categorised
as cognitive and affective aspects of Depression (Sadness, Pessimism, Past failure,
Guilty feeling, Punishment feeling, Feeling disappointment, Self‐criticalness, Suicidal
thoughts, and Worthlessness, Loss of pleasure, Crying, Agitation, Loss of interest,
Irritating, and Indecisiveness), and somatic complaints (Loss of energy, Changes
in sleeping pattern, Changes in appetite, Concentration difficulty, and Fatigue).
Loadings of variables on factors are reported in Table 9.5. Variables are
grouped by size of loading and underlined to facilitate interpretation. Further
analysis on the reliability of the factors extracted showed that these two factors
were internally consistent; Cronbach’s alpha was obtained for three time
points as seen in Table 9.5.
While Table 9.5 showed the Varimax‐rotated factor structure of the BDI‐II for
all three time‐points, Figure 9.9 revealed the longitudinal changes in the means
of both factors. Factor 1 increased as girls transitioned into junior high school
(Time 2) and maintained stable till Time 3 (F(1.871, 793.394)=5.428, p=0.01,
η2=0.01; T1<T2,T3*), while somatic symptoms (Factor 2) decreased by the end
of junior high school (F(1.901, 806.025)=4.654, p<0.05, η2=0.01; T1>T3*).
Table 9.5 Two-factor solution of depression (BDI-II)
213
Time 1 Eigenvalue of Factor 1 = 4.41(22.06% of variance); Factor 2 = 2.27 (11.35% of variance), total 33.41%
Factor loadings
8.00
Items F1 F2 Communalities F1 F2 Communalities F1 F2 Communalities
7.00
Reliability .80 .73 .77 .70 .80 .75
Sadness .71 6.00 .50 .73 .54 .75 .56
Pessimism .69 5.00 .48 .72 .51 .79 .62
Failure .51 .27 .42 .12 .19 .49 .19 .28
4.00
Loss of pleasure .62 .38 .41 .21 .21 .36 .23 .18
3.00
Guilty .70 .50 .72 .52 .72 .53
Punishment .46 2.00 .22 .61 .37 .67 .45
Selfdislike .59 1.00 .34 .54 .29 .54 .30
Selfcriticalness .56 .12 .33 .68 .46 .70 .49
0.00
Suicidal wish .34 .11 T1 .44 T2
.20 .39 T3 .15
Crying Cognitive and
.54 affective .30 5.80 .39 .23 6.56
.21 .35 .29 6.67 .20
Agitation Somatic .43 .27 .26 3.56 .33 .29 3.15
.19 .40 .31 3.09 .25
Loss of interest .34 .19 .16 .17 .12 .22 .28 .13
Indecisiveness .30 .13 .10 .14 .10 .29 .27 .15
Worthlessness .43 .19 .32 .19 .14 .31 .26 .16
Irritability .33 .25 .17 .22 .21 .09 .20 .22 .09
Loss of energy .65 .42 .68 .47 .73 .54
Sleeping pattern .68 .46 .72 .51 .74 .55
Appetite .71 .50 .66 .44 .68 .46
Concentration .68 .46 .52 .27 .49 .24
Fatigue .71 .51 .67 .45 .74 .54
Figure 9. 9 Longitudinal changes in Depression with two factors
9.4.7 Coping
Percentage of the sample responding to each coping strategy was presented in
Figure 9.10, and at each time point, the three top coping strategies which girls
adopted were: Time 1, Problem solving, Emotional regulation, and Social
withdrawal; Time 2, Emotional regulation, Distraction, and Problem solving; Time
3, Emotional regulation, Cognitive restructuring, and Problem solving. The coping
strategies of Blaming others, Resignation, and Self‐criticism were least frequently
reported at all three time points. Strategies of Problem solving and Emotional
regulation were used of high frequency through all time.
In order to perform longitudinal analysis to examine changes in girls’ coping
patterns, responses to coping strategies were converted to dichotomous scores,
214

reflecting whether a coping strategy was used (“Yes”=1) or not (“No”=0); mean
and standard deviation scores for girls at each time point who reported use of
each coping strategy and longitudinal changes of significance were thus
shown in Table 9.6.
Overall, most changes in coping strategies were revealed between Time 3 and
the two prior time points. By the last term in junior high school girls reported
to lower frequency in use of distractions, social withdrawal, and resignation,
and more frequent use of cognitive restructuring, self‐criticism, emotional
regulation and social support (Table 9.6).
100.0%
80.0%
60.0%
40.0%
20.0%
0.0%
Figure 9.10 Prevalence of coping strategy at three time points
215
Table 9.6 Means and standard deviations of coping strategy at three time points
Time 1 Time 2 Time 3 df F p η2 Post Hoc
Distraction 0.80(0.40) 0.84(0.37) 0.77(0.42) 1.434 3.559 <0.05 0.01 T2>T3**
Social withdrawal 0.80(0.40) 0.79(0.41) 0.73(0.44) 1.487 5.388 <0.05 0.01 T3<T2**,T1*
Cognitive restructuring 0.77(0.42) 0.77(0.42) 0.86(0.35) 1.870 8.221 <0.001 0.02 T3>T1,T2**
Self-criticism 0.48(0.50) 0.62(0.49) 0.63(0.48) 1.219 17.523 <0.001 0.04 T1<T2,T3**
Blame others 0.41(0.49) 0.42(0.49) 0.40(0.49) 1.277 0.221 n/s (0.80) n/a n/a
Problem solving 0.87(0.34) 0.84(0.37) 0.85(0.36) 1.979 0.882 n/s (0.41) n/a n/a
Emotional regulation 0.84(0.37) 0.86(0.35) 0.92(0.28) 1.761 6.729 <0.01 0.02 T3>T1**,T2*
Wishful thinking 0.76(0.43) 0.79(0.41) 0.80(0.40) 1.472 1.611 n/s (0.20) n/a n/a
Social support 0.77(0.42) 0.72(0.45) 0.79(0.41) 1.914 3.336 <0.05 0.01 T2<T3*
Resignation 0.33(0.47) 0.60(0.49) 0.49(0.50) 1.469 45.700 <0.001 0.10 T2>T1,T3**: T1<T3**
216

Girls only reported efficacy for those coping strategies that they had opted for
at each time point, therefore, longitudinal analyses were performed among
sub‐groups of participants rather than the whole sample (Table 9.7). Figure
9.11 shows that at Time 1, Distraction, Cognitive restructuring, and Problem
solving were reported with highest coping efficacy scores. At time 2, Distraction,
Problem solving, and Emotional regulation were rated as more efficient; at Time
3, the three most helpful strategies were rated as Cognitive restructuring,
Problem solving, and Social withdrawal.
2.00
1.80
1.60
1.40
1.20
1.00
0.80
0.60
0.40
0.20
0.00
Figure 9.11 Means of coping efficacy at three time points

Statistically most longitudinal differences in efficacy ratings for each coping
strategy were between two time points at junior high school (Times 2 and 3)
compared to Time 1 at primary school. Post hoc analyses revealed that girls
found Social withdrawal, Problem solving, Emotional regulation, Wishful thinking,
and Social support were more helpful at Time 2 than Time 1; while Social
withdrawal, Social support, and Resignation were found at Time 3 to be more
helpful than at Time 1. At Time 2 Distraction and Emotional regulation were
reported of significant higher efficacy than Time 3 (Table 9.7).
217
Table 9.7 Means, standard deviations, and longitudinal changes in coping efficacy across three time points
Time 1 Time 2 Time 3 df F p η2 Post Hoc
Distraction (n=254) 1.28(0.70) 1.37(0.73) 1.17(0.80) 2 4.418 <0.05 0.02 T2>T3*
Social withdrawal (n=229) 1.00(0.71) 1.27(0.81) 1.18(0.73) 2 7.614 <0.01 0.03 T1<T2**; T1<T3*
Cognitive restructuring (n=238) 1.26(0.69) 1.27(0.73) 1.37(0.66) 2 1.588 n/s (0.21) n/a n/a
Self-criticism (n=131) 0.64(0.65) 0.49(0.65) 0.60(0.69) 2 2.061 n/s (0.13) n/a n/a
Blame others (n=68) 0.59(0.65) 0.57(0.68) 0.65(0.66) 2 0.223 n/s (0.80) n/a n/a
Problem solving (n=276) 1.19(0.70) 1.35(0.76) 1.28(0.66) 2 3.756 <0.05 0.01 T1<T2*
Emotional regulation (N=286) 1.00(0.73) 1.30(0.69) 1.05(0.75) 2 15.136 <0.001 0.05 T2>T1,T3**
Wishful thinking (N=243) 0.86(0.79) 1.12(0.72) 1.02(0.73) 2 7.450 =0.001 0.03 T1<T2**
Social support (N=211) 0.84(0.66) 1.14(0.73) 1.01(0.63) 2 9.940 <0.001 0.05 T1<T2**; T1<T3*
Resignation (N=74) 0.28(0.51) 0.49(0.60) 0.54(0.58) 2 4.186 <0.05 0.05 T1<T3*
218

9.5 Discussion
9.5.1 Global life satisfaction
At the mean level, comparisons of data in this study with the international
report from 2010 HBSC survey (Currie et al., 2012) suggest that girls in this
sample were slightly not as happy, or were less likely to admit to feeling very
happy in terms of both its extent and frequency of happiness, than would be
the case in the general population of Western girls during the age of 11‐15
years old. This finding replicates previous results from surveys of different
nations which also have shown notable variability in the mean levels of
reported global life satisfaction (Diener, Sandvik, Seidlitz, & Diener, 1993),
with Chinese students report lower life satisfaction and general happiness
than do students in the U.S. (e.g., Diener et al., 1993).
As reviewed in Chapter 4, past research demonstrated different correlates of
adolescent life satisfaction, including: intrapersonal (e.g., internal locus of
control, self‐efficacy) and interpersonal variables (e.g., family relationships,
peer relationships). However, cultural factors may influence children’s
cognitive, emotional, and social development and their overall wellbeing
through different social and cultural experiences of parenting, family life, and
schooling (Basic Behavioural Science Task Force, 1996). On this account, apart
from living conditions between countries and psychological factors (see
Diener, Diener, & Diener, 1995 for review), a few cultural differences may
contribute to the differences in this study. First, constrained emotion is
regarded as essential in Confucianism ideology, and it is also possible that
adolescent girls believed it might seem prideful and arrogant to report to be
“very happy” or “always happy”. Second, apart from cultural influence in
general, levels of life satisfaction should also be considered within the school
context, and there has been evidence that school life satisfaction is a key
indicator for Chinese adolescents’ Global life satisfaction. Although education is
valued in most cultures, the extreme emphasis on academic achievement
among Chinese seems phenomenal (Stevenson & Lee, 1996). School grades
and future schooling have been found to be Chinese students’ primary
concerns (Yu, 1996). In contrast, studies with U.S. students find that the school
satisfaction domain is the weakest indicator for global life satisfaction
(Huebner, Gilman, & Laughlin, 1999). Such contrast may result in the overall
219
lower levels of Global life satisfaction in Chinese adolescent girls, when
compared with their Western counterparts.
Adolescent girls’ Global life satisfaction reports were fairly consistent in this
study, even in the context of the transition from primary to junior high school.
Lower scores for some categorises at Time 2 (during transition) might reflect
the hedonic treadmill theory in which adolescents are hypothesized to adapt
to baseline levels of life satisfaction following changing life events (Diener, Suh,
Lucas, & Smith, 1999). However, these differences between mean scores
showed no statistically significance throughout the transition. These findings
are different from the Western norms as reviewed earlier, which suggest a
general decline of Global life satisfaction in adolescence across many countries,
including America (e.g., Suldo & Huebner, 2004), Israel (e.g., Ullman & Tatar,
2001), South Korea (e.g., Park, 2005), as well as China (e.g., Chang, McBride‐
Chang, Stewart, & Au, 2003). Given the fact that a Scottish study (Levin, Currie,
& Muldoon, 2009), on the other hand, reported a significant increase in Global
life satisfaction, results from this study therefore support the model proposed
by Suh et al. (2008) that life satisfaction is strongly influenced by aspects of
culture.
Nevertheless, a few plausible reasons contribute to the stability in Global life
satisfaction in this sample. First, culture shapes the way in which people
experience and express their life satisfaction (Diener, 2009). According to Oishi
and colleagues’ (1999) framework for understanding relationship between
culture and subjective wellbeing, Global life satisfaction depends on the order in
which the underlying life events are priorities at a given age or stage by the
adolescent. Thus culture may determine the relative importance of various life
domains to global life satisfaction by influencing their values. Considering it
within the Chinese culture, where family and social obligations and education
are highly valued, meeting these social norms and expectations are the
primary sources of life satisfaction; moreover, given the pressure of emphasis
on academic success in Chinese societies in particular, competent cognitive
and academic development can be seen as a means to achieving life
satisfaction especially for school children. The majority of these factors are all
distinct from those in Western cultures such as the United States, where
independence and personal feelings and interests are highly valued, self‐
related domains are more important for their judgments of life satisfaction.
220

Therefore, the relatively stable and objective social norms and expectations
from family, social obligation, and education may contribute the static feelings
in adolescents’ Global life satisfaction. Second, cross‐cultural studies have found
that Asian adolescents, who are raised in collectivistic cultures that emphasize
filial piety, harmony, moderation, and family and social obligations, tend to
pay less attention to the self than do their Western counterparts from
individualistic cultures (Bond, 1986; Domino, 2000). Thus the longitudinal
stability found in this study may result from the less sensitivity in realizing or
intention to evaluating their life satisfaction. Third, Global life satisfaction is a
broad and complex construct, which encompasses an evaluation of the full
range of overall functioning, and an appraisal of one’s life in general and in
specific domains, such as family, health, social support, and environment
(Diener et al., 1999; Huebner, 2004). As mentioned earlier in this chapter, early
adolescents may have difficulty in evaluating their global life satisfaction
because they may lack of the ability to integrate evaluative information from
various life domains, thus result in neutral responses over time (e.g., Harter,
1985). Fourth, the present study comprised only early adolescents
representing an age range that might be too narrow to detect developmental
effects in a relatively broad psychological construct.
To sum up, Chinese adolescents reported lower levels of Global life satisfaction
compared with Western data. Although life satisfaction reports can be
sensitive to changes in life circumstances, longitudinal data in this study seems
to suggest that there is also substantial temporal stability in global life
satisfaction during adolescence.
9.5.2 Self-esteem
Girls’ reported compatible self‐esteem at the global level as well as in
individual domain when compared with previous studies in the West (Harter,
1982; Muris, Meesters, & Fijen, 2003), and China (Chang et al., 2003); although
there are also slight variations across studies. The consistency in results across
studies supports that the Harter Self‐esteem Questionnaire is a reliable tool for
examining self‐esteem in children and adolescents (Muris et al., 2003).
Results in this study on the normative longitudinal changes in self‐esteem
among adolescents confirm developmental theories derived primarily from
Western research. In specific, Global self‐esteem decreased consistently over time,
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and the same patterns of change were also found in individual domains of
Athletic competence and Behaviour. Such decline was consistent with studies in
the West, which have reported declines in adolescents’ self‐esteem across many
domains with age, especially during the primary to middle school transition
(Eccles et al., 1993; Marsh, 1989). In Marsh’s study for example, physical,
academic, and appearance related self‐concept of Australian adolescents all
reached the lowest level around Grade 8, which is equivalent to the age of the
present sample. This age difference in self‐concept in part also reflects
transitional stress experienced by early adolescents. Early adolescence coincides
with simultaneous transitions of three kinds. There is the educational transition
from primary school to junior high school, cognitive emergence of formal
operation reasoning, and, in most early adolescents, the onset of puberty. It is
important to note that while each of such factors can increase risk for the
adolescent, ultimately and in reality they are cumulative in nature
(Cunningham et al., 2008). The cumulative effects of these transitions, therefore,
result in heightened stress in this age period (e.g., see Eccles & Midgley, 1989,
for a review; also see Chapter 1). From this view, it is understandable that girls
reported persistent decline through the transition.
Physical appearance dropped down over time and reached its significance at the
end of junior high school. Cole et al. (2001) found that developmental changes
in self‐esteem of Physical appearance represents discontinuous rather than
smooth functions, with breakpoints occurring during transitions from primary
to junior high school. In this study, the breakpoint seemed to happen at Time 3
(post‐transition) rather than Time 2 (during transition). This, however, agrees
with the view that the outcomes of adapting to a more challenging school
setting may reveal themselves not at the initial phase of the transition but rather
the post‐transition time (Schneider, 2013). Similar with the explanations above
on the relative lower ratings in Physical appearance, previous argument of its
decline among early adolescent girls when they make the transition into middle
school has been on either the unfavourable body changes brought upon by
puberty (van den Berg et al., 2010) or environmental changes that might account
for lowered self‐perception (Arens et al., 2013).
Scholastic performance and Social acceptance in this study did not show
significant changes over time. However, a slight increase in girls’ self‐concept
on academic ability was revealed when they entered junior high school, which
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is inconsistent with previous findings on decreasing trend in school transition
studies (e.g., Barber & Olsen, 2004; Eccles & Midgley, 1989; Otis, et al., 2005).
Such increase occurred approximately at the time of cognitive changes
(concrete to formal operational thought; Cole et al., 2001). It may also be
explained by the fact that students in the last year of primary school were
under great pressure and in severe competition in order to enter key junior
high school (see Chapter 1 and 3), which may tax girls’ competence in their
scholastic performance. Therefore, after the fierce competition in the final days
of primary school, girls in junior high school would display slightly higher
self‐esteem in their Scholastic performance. On this account, it is important to
take consideration of cultural differences in educational practice when
studying relating psychological attributes. In the meantime, the subtle
decrease revealed in girls’ self‐esteem of Social acceptance may result from the
changing social networks which brought by the transition into a new school.
Loss of contacts with old friends from primary school and challenges of
establishing new peer groups in a bigger friend’s pool both may contribute to
such decrease.
To sum up, ratings and overall developmental changes were both consistent
with the previous literature in both Western (e.g., Eccles & Midgley, 1989) and
Chinese literature (e.g., Lau, 1989), however, individual domain changes also
revealed distinct patterns (e.g., Social acceptance maintained stable throughout
the transition).
9.5.3 Psychosomatic symptoms
Prevalence of individual symptoms is different across cultures, and from one
another within this sample at each time point. Individual difference may
contribute to the variations in prevalence rates, and supports previous
argument that subjective somatic symptoms are common during adolescence,
though the frequency, duration, and intensity vary among individuals (e.g.,
Dul, Knopf, Zhuang, et al., 2011; Jellesma et al., 2006). However, consistent
with previous quantitative studies, Backache and Neck pain were frequently
reported (Griffin & Christie, 2008; Jellesma et al., 2006), with perceived
aetiology was often commented on and seen as related to lack of activity (e.g.,
sitting in classroom), type of activity (e.g., doing homework), workload (e.g.,
study at school), and defined diagnoses (e.g., migraine) (see Ottova et al., 2012
223
for review). Comparisons with Currie et al. (2012)’s report deprived from
HBSC Survey, in this study, Headache, Dizziness, Backache, Bad temper are lower
than data from the European and American sample, whereas Stomach‐ache and
Sleeping difficulty were reported higher in this study.
Some researchers used the psychosomatic symptoms checklist to produce a

scale mean score to indicate levels of symptoms at an overall level (e.g., Vieno,
Lenzi, Santinello, & Scacchi, 2013), and some studies applied factorial analysis
to generated symptoms classifications which often favours a two‐factor model
labelled as somatic and psychological symptoms (e.g., Haugland et al., 2001).
Similar analytical attempts were made in this study; however, the internal
consistency was very low when the checklist was considered as an integrated
scale, and factorial analysis on the longitudinal data generated different
categorises (see Chapter 5). Therefore, data analysis were carried out and
reported on the basis of each individual item from the checklist. The low
internal consistency in the scale suggests that girls in this study might not have
learnt a common interpretation. Current thinking on somatic interpretation is
often biased toward viewing awareness of symptoms as necessarily
distressing (Cioffi, 1991), such discrepancy may due to cultural factors which
may influence the way a somatic complaint is described, expressed, and
categorized. For example, in Haugland and Wold (2001)’s study, dizziness
seems to constitute a category largely experienced as a normal physiological
change (e.g., dizziness after getting up quickly), sleeping difficulty was seen
as a result of lifestyle (e.g., sleeping during the day), and stomach‐ache was
most often described as period pain or pain after over eating. Lack of
qualitative data from this study limits the knowledge of whether such
differences exist in this sample. Nevertheless, it provides an explanation in
understanding the prevalence rates in some of the psychosomatic symptoms
in adolescence, and illustrates the need to validate symptom checklists in the
target population in future research.
Results of longitudinal changes as compared with Time 1 in primary school, the
prevalence of experiencing psychosomatic symptoms more than once a week
dropped down significantly in junior high school (Time 2 and Time 3), among
many symptoms including Headache, Feeling low, Feelings nervous, Difficulty
getting to sleep, Neck pain, and Tiredness. The decline indicates an overall
improved psychosomatic health status for girls in this sample following their
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transition into junior high school. When consider this decline in the perspective
of age trends, results in this study inconsistent with previous findings of
developmental increase in Western adolescent girls (e.g., Cavallo, Zambon,
Borraccino, et al., 2006; Karademas, et al., 2008; Hagquist, 2009).
Because this study is the first to examine longitudinal changes in Chinese
adolescents’ psychosomatic health with a comprehensive symptoms checklist
in primary and junior high school, comparative local data were thus not
available. However, Therese, Yan, Li, Zhou, Ye and Zhu’s (2009) cross‐sessional
study with a different range symptoms also found high levels of Headache and
Stomach‐ache in Chinese primary school children, although availed no data from
middle school. Such cross‐cultural difference in the developmental trends of
psychosomatic symptoms can be explained in the presence of psychosocial
factors operating through social stress at a micro (individual) level (e.g., Gerber
& Puhse, 2008), as well as factors at the macro (societal or national) level (e.g.,
Holstein et al., 2009; see Chapter 4). Considering the occurrence of time trends
in girls’ psychosomatic symptoms and the transition from primary to junior
high school, it should be noted that the school transition pressure might play an
important role. Stress in school setting has been shown to be significantly
associated with psychosomatic symptoms in school‐age children in Norway,
Sweden and Finland (Murberg & Bru, 2007; Hjern, Alfven, & Ostberg, 2008;
Karvonen, Vikat, & Rimpela, 2005). Although less is known about how such
school‐related stressors may affect psychosomatic symptoms among
adolescents. However, with regards to the Chinese schooling, it should be noted
that students in China undergo the school transition earlier than their Western
counterparts. As reviewed in Chapter 1 and Chapter 3, Chinese educational
system consists of a nine‐year compulsory study for school aged children with
a structure of 6‐3‐3, indicating the first school transition between Primary 6 and
Junior 1. Although, according to relevant policies, primary school students
should transfer to junior high automatically as the case in most Western
countries, however, given to the designation of ordinary and key school with
key school have the lion share in educational resource and their students have
higher rates of entering key universities or oversea institutes, most of the
students choose to apply for school of their choice. The application criteria are
not only based on academic records, but many others (see Chapter 1), together
put primary school students under great pressure, especially in Grade 6, the last
year of primary school. On the other hand, students in most Western countries
225
transfer to middle school automatically, and the first time they are under
pressure of school transition is in secondary school (senior high middle school)
when they start to consider whether to go to college or universities. Given the
priorities of key schools, limited educational resources, and inequalities in its
distribution, severe competition in a huge population in China, it is not hard to
image the pressure on students’ shoulders at each turning point for school
transition. Such cultural‐specific educational phenomenon not only serve as the
rationale for the improvement in girls’ psychosomatic symptoms, it also set the
context for understanding other mental health indicators, which will be
discussed in following sessions within this chapter.
At the individual symptom level, the most drastic longitudinal changes were
found in Difficulty getting to sleep and Tiredness, with highest prevalence found
in primary school (Time 1). Despite the controversial developmental patterns
in many symptoms as mentioned above, the significant increases in Backache
and Bad temper were actually in line with findings from previous Western
research, which often explained by heavy workload (Hesketh, et al., 2010) and
brain development (Steinberg, 2013), respectively. Stomach‐ache and Neck pain
showed no significant longitudinal changes, however, it should be noted that
at the prevalence level, they both revealed higher frequencies in girls
experiencing such symptoms across all time points, which replicates previous
research (e.g., Berntsson et al., 2001; Hjern, et al., 2008; also see above). In
contrast to the rise in prevalence of having two or more psychosomatic
symptoms more than once a week among girls (e.g., Currie et al., eds, 2012),
longitudinally girls in this study reported an obvious decrease in proportion
of having multiple symptoms, and such trend seems logical considering the
declines in majority symptoms.
To sum up, this is the first attempt to apply the HBSC originated
psychosomatic symptoms checklist in China among adolescents. Significant
changes indicate an overall improvement in many symptoms. The fluctuations
in significant temporary or consistent changes between time points indicate
the instability of these symptoms during adolescence.
9.5.4 Loneliness
Generally levels of loneliness reported in this study were high compared to
those reported for equivalent age cohorts in some earlier Western studies (e.g.,
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Asher et al., 1984), and similar with findings in adolescents in Turkey (Demir
& Tarhan, 2001), a country with its smaller parts in Europe and its larger part
in Asia; as well as evidence from Chinese literature among girls in Primary
Grade 6 (Wang & Li, 2011). This finding agrees with Chen and colleagues’
(2014) reports, which addressed the higher rates of loneliness in Chinese youth
compared with in other countries.
Considering the norm of emotion restrain that characterises Chinese culture
(King & Bond, 1985), it is surprising that girls were willing to report loneliness
freely. However, the sanctions against self‐expression may not be operative
because loneliness may be perceived as the result of situational constraints
rather than as a personal deficit. Apart from this, a few reasons may result in
the high level of loneliness in Chinese adolescents. First, Goldenberg and
Perlman (1984) found that dysfunctions in the family was more closely
associated with the loneliness of younger adolescents, while deficits in peer
relationships were more closely linked to the loneliness in their older age.
Therefore, intimate relationships with the family, then friends are crucial to
experiencing or avoiding loneliness in adolescence (Ernst & Cacioppo, 1999).
From this perspective, girls in this study mostly are the only child having no
siblings in the family and both parents preoccupied with their own life.
Considering relationships outside of the family, within the individualism‐
collectivism framework, and in collectivistic culture like China, where strong
interpersonal ties are normative, individuals are more likely to feel lonely.
Furthermore, girls in this study experienced the transition from primary to
junior high school; the improvement in their feeling lonely may result from
the establishment with new peer groups and friendships. Second, in line with
the earlier account, it is important to acknowledge that culture may not only
help shape overall levels of individualism, but also the circumstances under
which individuals within a society feel lonely. Results in this study differed
from the view that adolescents in individualist cultures may feel lonelier, and
support Anderson (1999)’s findings, which reported Chinese to feel lonelier
than Americans. Indeed, the few studies providing comparisons of multiple
countries are consistent with the idea that individuals of collectivistic societies
are more likely to feel lonely than those in individualistic societies (e.g., Yang
& Victor, 2011). In the same vein, results from this study also support the
argument that loneliness is higher in collectivistic as compared with
individualistic societies.
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Result of longitudinal changes in loneliness indicates a significant improvement
after the transition. However, findings from previous research on the
developmental trends of loneliness were rather inconsistent. As reviewed in
Chapter 4, some developmental researchers suggest an increase in loneliness as
children transitioned into adolescents. Other researchers concluded that
loneliness peaked in adolescence and children at this developmental stage tend
to experience loneliness more intensely than other age groups (Hawthorne, 2008;
Goossens, 2006; van Roekel, et al., 2010). Meanwhile, one longitudinal study on
loneliness suggests that the level of loneliness for adolescent girls remains fairly
stable across time while boys exhibit a slight decrease across the same time
period (van Roekel et al., 2010). To support findings in this study, evidence can
be drawn from Ostrov and Offer (1978)’s findings that has shown younger
adolescents feel lonelier than older adolescents, and in Hamid and Lok (2000)’s
study on loneliness in Hong Kong Chinese, younger adolescents were found to
express greater loneliness. Evidence from Mainland China agrees with the age
decline as well (Chi & Xin, 2003).
A few reasons may contribute to the improvement in this study. First, as
mentioned above, the One Child Policy has resulted in adolescents in most
cities being only‐children. Researchers normally argue that contemporary
adolescents with no siblings may feel lonelier as they grow up. However,
being the only child may offer another possibility for their emotional
development concerning Chinese adolescents’ social relationships. Most of the
girls from this study for example live with parents who are dual workers
occupied with fulltime jobs, which normally leave the child with day care or
other adult caregiver. Such status of being alone, away from significant others
from the family starts from very young age, and this may train the child to
develop relevant adaptation abilities and skills. For example, television,
computer games, mobile phones, and other forms of distraction become a
substitution for interpersonal communication in the family (Huang & Leung,
2009). Second, adolescence is thought to be the stage of life when time spent
alone begins to have conscious and deliberate functions (Larson, 1990).
Children rarely strive to be alone and often find it hard to make constructive
use of time spent alone. In adolescence, however, time spent alone is used to
deal with the important developmental tasks of individuation and identity
formation (e.g., to take greater psychological distance from one’s parents and
to contemplate plans for the future in an attempt to form a sense of identity;
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Goossens, 2006; Larson, 1990). As a result, successful negotiation of these
important developmental tasks in adolescence is reflected in the fact that
adolescents come to appreciate the benefits of being alone or feel less negative
about being alone. Third, as discussed in Chapter 8 on Chinese children’s
prosocial attitudes and behaviours to underscore girls’ adjustment to social
relationships with peers, such cultural virtue may also protect Chinese
children from the feelings of loneliness, as loneliness results from the
subjective feelings of insufficient interpersonal relationships at its core. Last,
loneliness results from a deficiency in a person’s social relationship. Results
from this study on attachment with parents and friends showed no decline
over time, which showed little evidence of deficiency in social relationships
regarding families and friends. In addition, studies on loneliness in early
adolescence indicated that self‐esteem had direct effect on loneliness; with low
self‐esteem in social competence contribute to feelings of loneliness (e.g.,
Stoeckli, 2009). On this account, results on girls’ self‐esteem of social
acceptance in this study showed no significant longitudinal changes or
transition effects, as reported earlier in this chapter. Taken together, it is hardly
a surprise that eventually girls’ feelings of loneliness improved.
To sum up, loneliness feelings were higher in Chinese adolescents compared
with their Western counterpart. Developmentally, however, a significant
improvement was found in this study at the post‐ school transition stage.
Cross‐cultural differences and developmental universalities in plausible
reasons were discussed.
9.5.5 Anxiety
The overall mean anxiety scores were 29.87 (Time 1), 30.15 (Time 2), and 28.84
(Time 3) in this study (also see above for results details), which were similar
to previous reports by Spence (1998; 28.59), yet higher compared with results
in other studies that include adolescents, such as Australian (21.72; Spence et
al., 2003), Belgian (16.90; Muris et al., 2002), Dutch (16.56; Muris, Meesters,
Merckelbach, & Hülsenbeck, 2000), German (22.75; Essau et al., 2002, 2008), or
Japanese participants (20.93; Ishikawa, Sato, & Sasagawa, 2009), but lower
compared to samples from England (34.33), aged between 12 and 17 (Essau, et
al., 2011). It is not clear whether this represents the differences in age range of
the adolescents in these studies, or genuine cultural differences. Certainly the
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possibility of cultural differences in the reporting and experience of anxiety
symptoms warrants further investigation. Plausible reasons, however, may
include: first, the highly stressful educational environments and the
importance of academic achievement in their future career and life may
contribute to the elevated level of anxiety symptoms of Chinese adolescents
(see Li & Prevatt, 2008; Fonseca, Yule, & Erol, 1994), especially when compared
with their Western age mates. Second, manifestations of anxiety are also
determined by cultural factors associated with socialization practices (Li, Ang,
& Lee, 2008). Western socialization practices encourage individualism and
independence (Essau et al., 2008), which may contribute to the lowing of
anxiety problems in children and adolescents. By contrast, Chinese
socialization practices are generally characterized by being restrictive,
encouragement of self‐control, as well as high emphasis on other peoples’
opinions emotional restraint and obedience to authority (Xie & Leong, 2008),
which may contribute to a high level of anxiety symptoms among Chinese
children and adolescents. A third reason might be methodological. Some of
the previous evidence was collected from both girls and boys and results were
reported as whole without considering gender differences, while this study
solely focused on girls. Given the fact that gender differences in anxiety has
been widely reported in both Chinese and Western literature, with girls
reporting higher anxiety than boys (Essau et al., 2008; Li et al., 2008; Muris et
al., 2000; Spence, 1998; Spence et al., 2003). Although there are no clear reasons
for these gender differences, some authors suggested that girls may be
biologically wired to be more anxious and worrisome than boys (Lewinsohn,
Gotlib, Lewinsohn, Seeley, & Allen, 1998). Another possibility is that
compared to boys, girls are socialized to be more anxious and fearful and are
reinforced when reporting their inner worries and fears (Ginsburg &
Silverman, 2000).
In keeping with higher levels in the overall anxiety scores reported in this
sample, multiple subscales also scored higher than previous findings (e.g.,
Muris et al., 2000; Essau et al., 2002). Comparisons between means of sub
dimensions of anxiety showed that Social phobia was being most common. This
is in agreement with previous studies as reported in China (Zhao et al., 2012)
and Germany (Essau et al., 2002). Physical injury fears in this study received the
lowest scores, which differed from previous reports in China (Zhao et al., 2012)
and the West (Essau et al., 2008), where Separation anxiety and Panic attack
230

scored the lowest respectively. However, there were no clear patterns within
the group with respect to the combination of types of anxieties reported across
studies. Different ratings on individual dimension of anxiety may results from
cultural factors (Choi, et al., 1999; Markus & Kitayama, 1991), however, further
studies are needed to explore the discrepancy. To understand the high scores
in Social phobia found in this study, supporting evidence have been found by
Dong et al. (1994) that Chinese children and adolescents, especially those 11‐
to 13‐ years olds, reported higher levels of fears related to social evaluation,
such as fear of failure and criticism. In addition, researchers indicated that the
first born or only child tend to be shy and more fearful (Divya & Manikandan,
2013). On top of the potential universalities in rating high in Social phobia as
their Western counterparts, the age range of this sample as well as their single
child status, therefore, together contribute to girls’ high rating in Social phobia.
Similar with the longitudinal decline found in Loneliness, girls reported
improvement in overall anxiety following their transition into junior high
school at Time 3. Results in this study differed from previous research findings
which in general shows an increase in anxiety during childhood and
adolescence (e.g., Silverman & Treffers, 2001), as well as literature on primary
to junior high school transitions, which often reports higher risk of anxiety in
junior high school (e.g., Murberg & Bru, 2007). However, in Spence (2003)’s
study, the same decrease with increasing age was suggested between the age
group 13‐14 and 12 years old. This finding is also consistent with Muris et al.
(2000), who found a decrease in anxiety with 7‐19‐year‐olds and with previous
studies that reported a decline in children’s fears with increasing age
(Ollendick, Yang, King, Dong, & Akande, 1996).
Findings in this study also showed age differences in the number of anxiety
symptoms. While Generalized anxiety, Separation anxiety, Physical injury fears,
and Social phobia decreased with age, Obsessive‐compulsive symptoms increased
as girls became older. In general, such developmental trends found in this
study agree with Mellon and Moutavelis (2007)’s argument that there was a
systematic age‐related increase associated with social anxiety, and in specific
as adolescents move into adulthood, social circumstances rather than physical
fears become the predominant objects of anxiety. In the Spence study (1997),
the mean scores for Separation anxiety, Obsessive‐compulsive symptoms, Panic
attack problems, and Social phobia declined with age, whereas no significant age
231
effects were found for Physical injury fears or Generalize anxiety. In a recent study
by Van Oort and colleagues (2009), decrease was found in symptoms of
Generalized anxiety, Separation anxiety, Social phobia, Panic attack and Obsessive‐
compulsive in adolescents aged 10 to 18. Hale et al. (2008) found that levels of
Panic and Separation anxiety decreased, whereas levels of Social phobia did not
significantly change from age 12 to 16. Symptoms of Generalized anxiety disorder
were found increases among girls. In Essau and colleagues’ (2011) study, the
only significant age difference was found for Separation anxiety. Taken together,
findings regarding stability and changes of individual dimension of anxiety is
rather disparate, indicating the multiple facets of the anxiety under the SCAS
construct differ from one another, and one possible reason for the inconsistent
age‐related findings might be that there are qualitatively different subgroups in
the population, showing different levels and rates of change in anxiety
symptoms over time. Nevertheless, of particular interest in this study, is the
consistent increase found in Obsessive‐compulsive symptoms. There is no clear
support for such longitudinal trend in this subscale of anxiety, although it might
be because items of SCAS that tap Obsessive‐compulsive symptoms viewed by
girls in this sample as more socially acceptable. This potential discrepancy has
also been reported by Essau et al. (2011) in their study with adolescents aged 12
to 17 from Cyprus in Greek version of SCAS. Such meaning equivalence issues
should thus be emphasized when adopting Western established measure in
other countries.
To sum up, results from this study on adolescent anxiety support the hypothesis
proposed earlier in this chapter, as the overall levels of anxiety among Mainland
Chinese samples were higher than those in the previous studies with Western
counterparts (e.g., Muris et al., 2000; Essau et al., 2002; Spence et al., 2003).
Comparisons with previous local evidence further reassured that during the
primary to middle school transition, girls experienced higher levels of anxiety
(Zhao, Xing, & Wang, 2012). It seems that Chinese socialization practice may
exert influence on anxiety in general. Taken together, results in general
replicated previous studies, with cross‐cultural differences identified as well.
However, more studies are needed to explore cultural context and
environmental experiences that account for the high rates of anxiety in China,
especially among children in primary school.
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9.5.6 Depression
The overall mean score of depression based on Beck Depression Inventory‐II
in this study was between 9.36 and 9.769, within minimal depression severity
range designated by the BDI‐II technical manual (Beck et al., 1996). In Wang
and Gorenstein (2013)’s comprehensive review of the psychometric properties
of the BDI‐II in both clinical and non‐clinical samples, the mean score ranged
from 5.1 to 38.4. Since sample standardization is not demographically
representative of the population and little evidence has been provided
regarding the gender and culture fairness of the items and total score, the
original authors recommended development of local norms. On this account,
when compared with previous results from local studies on depression among
adolescent girls, the findings in this study were slightly lower. For example, in
Wu (2010) as well as Wu and Huang (2012)’s studies, the overall depression
scores were 12.2 and 13.0, respectively.
The relatively low depression rates found in this study could be attributed to
a few reasons. First, a recent cross‐national epidemiological study of
depression by Bromet and colleagues (2011) revealed that people in low‐ and
middle‐ income countries tend to feel less depressive than high‐income
countries. China demographically belongs to developing countries with low
income, and it thus fit Bromet’s model, however, the associations of
demographic attributors and depression rates in specific countries are still
unclear. Second, despite demographics factors, researchers are now working
on good evidence that Chinese people might be genetically less susceptible to
depression (e.g., Flint & Kendler, 2014).
Longitudinally, the overall depression scores showed no significant changes.
This is in contrast with the Western norms of dramatic increases in depression
during adolescence as reviewed in Chapter 4 and recapped above (e.g.,
Keenan, Feng, Hipwell, & Klostermann, 2009). However, since the BDI‐II was
built on non‐theoretical assumptions, researchers often choose factor analysis
to account for variance in test performance and determine which
psychological events make up test performance. Besides reducing the items to

9 The mean score was generated from 20 items out of the 21 item BDI-II, while results from cited literature were
obtained from items, therefore, caution should be made when making comparisons between studies; see
Chapter 5 Method for details of measurement adjustment and rationale
233
explain the structure of data covariance, factor analysis can also determine
how and to what extend selected items cluster on one or more factors, which
may provide more accurate information on the examined construct. In this
study, factor analysis showed a robust dimension of general depression
composed by two constructs: cognitive‐affective and somatic aspects. This
two‐factor construct is in agreement with Beck (Beck, et al., 1996)’s construct
using the means of exploratory factor analysis, as two oblique factors,
represented by the cognitive‐affective and somatic dimensions. Further
evidence for the two‐dimensional structure includes studies based on
nonclinical samples using a different language version of the BDI‐II (Dozois,
Dobson, & Ahnberg, 1998; Gorenstein, Wang, Argimon, & Werland, 2011).
Confirmatory factor analysis also reported two‐dimensional structure
replicated the model‐fit based on exploratory analysis empirically across
studies (Dozois, et al., 1998; Uslu, Kapci, Oncu, Ugurlu, & Turkcapar, 2008).
Meta‐analysis of selected empirical studies on this factor structure of the BDI‐
II concluded that much of the data variability can be attributed to the common
dimension of severity of depression and the other part to somatic symptoms
(McPherson & Martin, 2010). Taken together, the consistency of the obtained
solutions seems to support the proposal of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual
of Mental Disorders—Fourth Edition (DSM‐IV), which suggests the cognitive‐
affective symptoms are central to making the diagnosis, supplemented by the
somatic symptoms in the assessment of depressive syndrome.
On this account, in this study Factor 1 the cognitive‐affective aspect shows
developmental increase, which is consistent with Western findings on the
prevalence of depression in adolescents. Factor 2 the somatic aspect reveals
decline over time, and it is, however, in keeping with the longitudinal trend
reported above on psychosomatic symptoms (see result session within this
chapter). To explain the increase in the cognitive‐affective aspect of depression
therefore may draw upon theories from previous literature (see Chapter 4).
Another explanation is sample specific. Adolescent girls in this study were
mainly recruited from above average primary and middle schools in general.
This group of adolescent population may enjoy higher than average self‐
concept in primary school. However, as they transfer into junior high school,
according to Marsh and Parker (1984), they might feel more depressed when
derived from within‐school comparisons that do not benefit from the “big fish
little pond” effect. In other words, as they transferred into new junior high
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school, they might no longer find themselves the “big fish” in a pond with fish
of similar size. Plausible reasons for the decline in somatic aspect of depression
may refer to discussions on the longitudinal changes in overall psychosomatic
symptoms.
Nevertheless, despite the two‐factor construct, it should be noted that some
researchers reached different factor construct with different item loadings (e.g.,
Byrne, Stewart, & Lee, 2004; Wu & Huang, 2012). For example, some studies
have suggested that the structure of BDI‐II can be best described as three‐
dimensional, distributing the cognitive‐affective dimension into two distinct
factors (e.g., Wu & Huang, 2014; Byrne, et al., 2004). These conflicting findings
posited that there are other alternative structural models of BDI‐II.
In sum, Chinese adolescents in this study manifested an overall low level of
global depression, compared with their age‐mates in Western countries and
evidence from previous local research. The Western depression literature often
suggests life stress (Monroe, et al., 2009) and environmental risk factors (Ge, et
al., 2001; Wu, 2009) as attributors to the onset and levels of depression in
adolescents. However, this Western norm seems not adequate to explain the
low levels of depression found in this study, given the fact that girls seemed
to experience stress but do not feel depressed. Demographics and genetic
assumptions were therefore introduced from recent literature. Longitudinally,
the overall levels of depression showed no developmental change with age or
grade. However, a two‐factor construct was reached by further analysis. Based
on this construct, Factor 1 cognitive‐affective aspect of depression was found
increased significantly over time, while Factor 2 somatic aspect declined
significantly.
9.5.7 Coping
In this study, Emotional regulation (87.0%), Problem solving (85.3%) and
Distraction (80.1%) were found to be the most commonly used coping
strategies by Chinese adolescent girls. This finding is in line with Skinner and
Zimmer‐Gembeck (2007)’s study that showed that Support seeking, Problem
solving and Distraction are the most often coping strategies in adolescence.
However, in comparison, Chinese adolescents seem to utilise more Emotional
regulation strategy, while their Western counterparts adopt more Support
seeking. Given the high use of Emotional regulation and Problem solving, evidence
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in this study questions previous literature on cross‐cultural differences in
coping strategies which suggests Chinese people may engage in more passive
or avoidant coping (Liu, Tein, & Zhao, 2004). This could be explained by the
argument that influence of the traditional philosophises on coping in Chinese
communities depends on the extent to which the community has been
modernised (Chun, Moos, & Cronkite, 2006). More efforts to summarize and
synthesize findings based on cultural coping literature are still in need to move
the field toward more unified and culturally informed theories of coping.
Consistent with existing literature (Compas et al., 2001; Seiffge‐Krenke et al.,
2009), longitudinally adolescents in this study reported to use a wider range of
coping strategies to deal with stressors. When ratings of individual strategy
were summed up over all types of strategies, the average index of use was found
to be higher in Time 3 than in Time 1, with Time 2 in the middle. Such
developmental changes may contribute to the fact that adolescents are more
likely to try alternative strategies when the initial strategy is not effective
(Skinner & Zimmer‐Gembeck, 2007). Such developmental increase may also
result from the changes in cognitive abilities or increased skills in using coping
strategies through life experiences. This position is supported by the increase in
use of Cognitive restructuring reported in this study. Furthermore, as suggested
by Boekaerts (1995), younger adolescents may have less access to peer social
support, with peers in this life stage often functioning as a source of stress rather
than resource. On this account, it is understandable that in this study there was
an increase in use of Social support as coping strategy.
Alongside the increasing use of coping strategies in general, longitudinal
changes were also revealed in individual strategy. In specific, a significant
decline was found in Distraction and Social withdrawal, and in contrast, increase
was found in Cognitive restructuring, Self‐criticism, Emotional regulation and
Social support. Such developmental increases in the most commonly used
strategies (e.g., Emotional regulation) suggest that longitudinally adolescents
did not appear to replace these major coping strategies with different ones, but
added other types of strategies to their battery of coping mechanism. On the
other hand, the decline in strategies of Distraction and Social withdrawal
suggests that strategies, which might be less effective or socially appraised,
tend to be replaced by newly acquired or more sophisticated strategies. Taken
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together, the development of coping strategies seems to be a dynamic process
in which the coping abilities of the developing adolescent are also growing.
Nevertheless, it is difficult to make cross‐cultural comparisons between

findings in this study on longitudinal changes in use of coping strategies with
previous literature. This is because studies examined consistency of coping
strategies during adolescence indicates both consistency and inconsistency in
adolescents’ coping response. Some findings show that coping change from
context‐to‐context, and across phases of the same context (Crocker & Isaak,
1997; Gaudreau, Lapierre, & Blondin, 2001). Other researchers have examined
the notion of coping as a dispositional variable, and assume that adolescents
possess a stable coping style that predisposes them to cope in a similar manner
across situations (e.g., Spirito, Stark, & Williams, 1988). However, data of coping
strategy use in this study were based on general stressors at participants’ choice
rather than a researcher identified stressor in specific context, which often are
the case for other coping research. Therefore, attention should be made in
results interpretation. Nevertheless, in spite of individual differences, findings
in this study are in line with the general conclusion from previous literature on
the account of increase in coping focused on managing emotions (Frydenberg
& Lewis, 2000).
On coping efficacy, girls reported highest average overall scores in Cognitive
restructuring, Problem solving, and Distraction. This ranking resonates the
results from coping strategies, where the most commonly coping strategies
were Emotional regulation, Problem solving and Distraction. This consistency
might reflect Lazarus and Folkman (1984)’s stress adaptation model, where
perceived efficacy should increase the use of strategies that are expected to be
effective, and if successful, use of these coping strategies should further
increase perceptions of coping efficacy.
Longitudinal changes in coping efficacy were also identified in various
individual strategies between different time points. In specific, declines were
found in Distraction; while Social withdrawal, Problem solving, Wishful thinking,
Social support, and Resignation were reported with increasing efficacy. Increase
of coping efficacy in multiple strategies was mostly reported between Time 2
and Time 1. Despite the differences in these strategies, the increasing trend
could be explained through the perspective on coping efficacy derived from
the motivational theory of stress and coping (Skinner & Wellborn, 1994, 1997).
237
From this perspective, outcomes of coping affect coping efficacy beliefs, and
coping efficacy beliefs in turn affect future coping behaviours. People appraise
stressful events as a challenge or a threat to their need for competence and
engage in coping to restore or maintain their ability to meet this need. The
transition time may put adolescents under stress, however, as reported earlier
in Chapter 7, students in this study revealed an overall positive transition
experience. Thus when taking positive transition experience as the outcome of
adolescent girls’ coping efforts, it in turn affects and in this case enhances their
coping efficacy. Furthermore, increases of coping efficacy in Social withdrawal,
wishful thinking, and Resignation (strategies which are often grouped as
negative coping behaviours, in contrary to Problem solving and social support)
could be explained through Chinese cultural norms. As reviewed in Chapter
4, Chinese culture values harmony with and interdependence in the family
and with friends (e.g., Oyserman, Coon, & Kemmelmeier, 2002), withdrawal
coping strategies may be more efficient (Nelson & Chen, 2007). Therefore,
although the use of active, approach‐oriented coping strategies is often related
to higher coping efficacy in Western countries (Seiffge‐Krenke, et al., 2009;
Skinner & Zimmer‐Gembeck, 2007), this might not be true in China.
To sum up, research statistics suggest exposure to stress is a normative aspect
of childhood and adolescence. However, findings in this study suggest that
most adolescents display several strategies for adapting to these stressors, but
that there are significant developmental differences in coping during
adolescence. These findings address the issue of which types of coping
behaviours increase and decrease in relative frequency and the timing of such
changes in the primary to junior high school transition process. Findings
suggest that adolescents develop new coping strategies that increase the
flexibility and range of responses to stress. This is significant because such
change is likely to enhance resilience and lead to adaptive outcomes as
adolescents experience varied sources of stress during this period.
A few conclusions can be drawn from results in this study on Chinese
adolescents’ mental health and wellbeing. Generally speaking, sample in this
study report lower scores in Global life satisfaction, Psychosomatic symptoms, and
Depression. Thus they seem to appraise certain aspects of their lives in a
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negative way, and yet do not seem to suffer in terms of mental health
difficulties. However, Loneliness and Anxiety levels were found higher in this
study. Rates on other constructs were compatible to Western literature and
previous research in local studies. Both universalities and differences were
identified in the developmental changes of these constructs. In specific,
Psychosomatic symptoms, Loneliness, and Anxiety improved over time. Global life
satisfaction and Depression maintained stable. Increases in Coping strategy
utilizations and coping efficacy were also reported longitudinally. Taken
together, based on the evidence in this study, it is hard to apply the West norm
of early adolescence and primary to junior high school transition difficulties
to this sample. On the contrary, research attention on mental health during
adolescence should be directed to students in final years of primary school,
when girls seemed most stressful.
The final chapter of this thesis, Chapter 10, draws together the results of
Chapter 6 on the interrelations of all the variables in this study together with
three empirical chapters on longitudinal changes of these variables as reported
in Chapter 7, 8, and 9, in an attempts to resolve three key research questions
to examine longitudinal changes in Chinese adolescent girls’ physical growth,
social contexts, and mental health. The practical implications of the findings
reported in this thesis and suggestions for future research will also be
considered.
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CHAPTER 10 GENERAL DISCUSSION
10.1 Aims of this thesis
The aim of this study was to examine whether the prevailing Western
hypothesis that early adolescence is difficult and stressful period of time
applied to Chinese adolescent girls. The fundamental aim was therefore to
investigate the timing and nature of key adolescent transitions among Chinese
early adolescent girls. Therefore, three main research questions were
formulated to examine the longitudinal changes in early adolescents’ physical
growth, social contexts, and mental health (see Figure 10.1)
The purpose of this final chapter is to draw together findings from the results
chapters (Chapter 6‐9) based on separate analysis presented in this thesis to
illustrate an overall picture of Chinese early adolescents’ development and
their transitional experiences, and to respond to the “storm and stress”
hypothesis (Hall, 1904).
Results of longitudinal changes in each domain from this study revealed both
consistencies with those of other researchers, but also provide unique insights
into developmental patterns of Chinese adolescent girls.

Figure 10.1 Longitudinal changes in early adolescent girls’ physical, social, and psychological
domains during the transition from primary to junior high school
241
10.2 Longitudinal changes in physical growth
In response to the first research question, longitudinal changes in adolescents’
physical domain revealed that throughout the transition sample in this study
were experiencing progressive changes in multiple indicators of their physical
growth, especially in the periods of time between primary and junior high
school (T1‐T2, T1‐T3; see Table 10.1).
Table 10.1 An overview of longitudinal changes in key indicators of adolescents’ physical growth
T1-T210 T2-T3 T1-T3
Physical Pubertal development
11
growth
Body change
Body size
Dieting behaviour
Perceived looks
Care about height
Care about figure
PASTAS
Height
Legs
Eyes
PACS
Positive feelings about own gender
Act like opposite sex
Pubertal development was at height. Alongside, adolescents also expressed

increase in dissatisfaction with their body (body change, “would like
something about their body to change”); were more likely to perceive
themselves fat (body size), have dieting behaviour, care more about their
height and figure; they also showed growing concerns with separate body
parts, especially their height, legs, and eyes; in social occasions, they were
more prone to compare their physical appearance to others (Table 10.1). Taken
together the evidence, adolescents in this study showed increasing self‐
consciousness about their body in the process of their physical maturation.

10 T1 (Time 1) refers to first phase of survey at the end of primary school in Grade 6, T2 (Time 2) refers to the
second phase of the survey at the beginning of junior high school in Grade 1, and T3 (Time 3) refers to third phase
of the survey at the end of junior highs school Grade 1.
11 indicates increase; indicates no change; indicates decline; relevant statistics in details were
reported in empirical chapters 7-9
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This is in line with previous research in both Western and Chinese adolescent
populations. However, in contrary to most previous research evidence in the
West, which often suggests a developmental increase in prevalence of
overweight and obesity, a significant decline was found in this sample at post
transition time. Interestingly, no longitudinal change was found in adolescents’
perceived looks (good‐looking or not good‐looking), and it is the only
indicator in their physical domain that stayed stable over time. Regarding
gender issues, in junior high school (Time 3), adolescents in this study reported
decreased positive feelings about own gender and less likely to act like
opposite sex, which indicate potential pressure of gender roles.
10.3 Longitudinal changes in social contexts
Concerning Research question 2 on the longitudinal changes in adolescents’
social contexts, on the whole, empirical data indicated that adolescents’ family
and peer contexts did not showed much longitudinal changes over time, while
results suggested a positive transition experience following adolescents’
academic transfer from primary to junior high school (Table 10.2).
Longitudinal changes of individual indicator further revealed that quality of
attachment relationship with parents was stable over time. This finding was
in contrast to the frequently reported developmental decline of parents’
attachment in Western literature (e.g., Keijsers et al., 2010). However, parents
of adolescents seemed involved less and less in their children’ school work
over time, with highest involvement reported at the end of primary school,
and declined throughout the transition. Such developmental trend agreed
with findings from previous research in both China (e.g., Chou, 2000) and the
West (e.g., Hill & Tyson, 2009).
In peer context, no significant changes were found in adolescents’ quality of
attachment relationship as well as peer norms (peer norms regarding
academic excellence). Stability in attachment relationship during adolescence
has also been reported in previous research among Chinese adolescents and
their Western counterparts (Chen et al., 2007). However, due to the lack of
evidence in longitudinal changes of peer norms, comparative data of results
from this study and others’ were unclear. However, drawing evidence from
peer socialization literature (e.g., Hartup, 2005) and interpersonal attraction
theory (Huston, 2013), adolescents tend to affiliate with peers of similar
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characteristics and best friends often share similarities. On this account, it
seems logical that adolescents would expect their close friends share the same
norms, especially for academics.
Table 10.2 An overview of longitudinal changes in key indicators of adolescents’ social contexts
T1-T2 T2-T3 T1-T3
Social Parent attachment
contexts Trust
Communication
Alienation
Parents involvement in school
Peer attachment
Trust
Communication
Alienation
Peer norms regarding academic excellence
School satisfaction
Affect at school
Academic achievement
Pressure from schoolwork
Classmate support
School safety Being bullied
Bullying others
Teacher-student relationship
School achievement School emphasis on ego goals
goals School emphasis on task goals
Personal achievement Personal ego goals
goals Personal task goals
School involvement
Absenteeism
Disruptive behaviours
School adaptation Peers relationships
Conflicts with authorities or older students
Academic pressure
Substance abuse
Following the transition into junior high school, longitudinal changes in
school settings revealed that adolescents perceived the school climate in junior
high school was more positive than that in their primary school. Evidence was
drawn from increasing affect at school, less pressure from schoolwork, less
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being bullied, improved relationships with teachers, and less school emphasis
on ego goals while task goals were more encouraged. Meanwhile, longitudinal
changes in adolescents’ school achievement goals showed a decline in ego
goals and an increase in task goals. Such pattern of changes in adolescents’
personal achievement goals resonated that in their perceived school emphasis
on achievement goals, indicating possible correlational changes between these
two constructs. In other words, the perceived school emphasis on achievement
goals may influence their students’ personal achievement goals. In addition,
the direction of change in both school emphasis and personal achievement was
different from that in Western literature, which often reports changes of
opposite direction. Adolescents’ behaviours at school showed an
improvement by the end of junior high school in absenteeism, while self‐
reported disruptive behaviours maintained the same level over time. Again,
results of developmental changes in these school behaviour indicators
revealed both similarities and differences. The longitudinal decline in school
involvement was consistent with Western research (Holas & Huston, 2012),
while the decline in absenteeism and disruptive behaviours were in contrast
to research evidence based on Western populations, whereas developmental
increase in these two constructs are often the norm in middle school (e.g.,
Arens et al., 2013). Last, school transition adaptation problems regarding peers
relationships, conflicts with authorities or older students, and academic
pressure were reported to be smaller than expected before the transition.
Although an increase in problems with substance abuse were found after the
transition; it was perceived not to be a problem or a small problem. Overall,
results of longitudinal changes in school contexts were in contrast to that in
Western literature, whereas a reverse trend was often reported (e.g., Akos &
Galassi, 2004) and the transition from primary to junior high school often
considered as a mismatch for adolescents’ developmental needs (e.g., Baker,
2006).
10.4 Longitudinal changes in mental health
Following the investigation of longitudinal changes in adolescents’ physical
and social domains, Research question 3 focused on adolescents’
psychological domain in transition time. Results showed that longitudinally
global life satisfaction stayed stable, which was inconsistent with the general
decline reported across many countries (e.g., Diener & Diener, 1995), including
245
China (e.g., Chang et al., 2003). Overall level of depression also failed to
support the developmental decline reported in many Western studies among
adolescents (e.g., Goldbeck et al., 2007). Apart from the stability in these two
indicators, developmental declines were found in self‐esteem, psychosomatic
symptoms, loneliness, and anxiety. In specific, the decline in self‐esteem found
in this study was in line with previous research among both Chinese (e.g.,
Leung & Zhang, 2000) and Western adolescents (e.g., Goldbeck et al., 2007),
within or without the co‐occurrence of primary to junior high school
transitions. On the other hand, declines in psychosomatic symptoms,
loneliness, and anxiety indicated that these symptoms and difficulties
improved over time. Again, declines in these constructs disagreed with the
developmental increases reported in Western literature (e.g., Nangle, et al.,
2003). Throughout the transition, emotional regulation, problem solving, and
cognitive restructuring were the most frequently used coping strategies, with
emotional regulation was used increasingly more often over time. Considering
coping efficacy, cognitive restructuring, distraction, and problem solving ranked
at the top. Although distraction was revealed as heavily used strategies with
high efficacy, longitudinally, it was less used in the post transition time and
with reduced efficacy. Despite the longitudinal changes in adolescents’ coping,
the slight discrepancies between the usage of strategy and resulting efficacy
(the most often used strategies differed from the ones which were perceived
as most effective), indicated that adolescents may not opt for certain coping
strategies based on their efficacy (e.g., Rice, Herman, & Petersen, 1993). To
combine the evidence of longitudinal changes in multiple mental health
indicators, adolescents in this study maintained an overall stable
psychological wellbeing, if not improved.
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Table 10.3 An overview of longitudinal changes in key indicators of adolescents’ mental health
T1-T2 T2-T3 T1-T3
Mental Global life satisfaction Degree of happiness
health Frequency of happiness
Self-esteem Global self-esteem
Scholastic performance
Social competence
Athletic competence
Physical appearance
Behavioural conduct
Psychosomatic Difficulties in getting to sleep
symptoms
Tiredness
Loneliness
Anxiety
Generalize anxiety
Panic attack and agoraphobia
Separation anxiety
Physical injury fears
Social phobia
Obsessive compulsive
Depression
Cognitive and affective
Somatic
Coping strategy Emotional regulation
Problem solving
Distraction
Coping efficacy Cognitive restructuring
Distraction
Problem solving
10.5 Synthesis of results: “Storm and stress” reconsidered
The divisions of the above sessions (physical, social, psychological aspects)
were guided by developmental theory as one way of understanding
adolescent development. However, such division may lead to the consequence
of being difficult to understand the adolescent as a whole and integrated being.
It therefore should be cautioned that such division on adolescent development
in different domains does not mean these areas to be seen as on equal and
separate component of development, rather, hierarchical and as interacting.
247
More importantly, according to Gestalt theory, the whole is different from the
sum of its parts (Koffka, 2013). With such recognition, results in this study
would provide a more comprehensive understanding on the role of adolescent
transitions in the developing child’s life course, than if either one of these
domains would have been examined in isolation.
Nevertheless, taken together, results in adolescents’ physical growth, social

contexts, and mental health provided little support to the idea of early
adolescence as a difficult transition time (Table 10.1, 10.2, 10.3). As reviewed
in Chapter 1, adolescence has long been portrayed as a time of ‘storm and
stress’ (Hall, 1904). It has been widely referred to in the Western literature on
adolescent development in supporting the notion of adolescence as a stressful
and troubled period of time (e.g., Hines & Paulson, 2006). Much of the early
research on adolescence focused on testing this commonly accepted premise
(see Cote, 2013 for review). However, findings from this study challenge this
view.
To reconsider the theory of “storm and stress”, much of the early research on
adolescence was based on those adolescents whose behaviours were likely to
cause attention, therefore confirming the view of a non‐diverse population of
adolescents engaged in stormy and stressful behaviours. More recently
research has re‐examined adolescent moods and behaviours and does not tend
to support “storm and stress” as universal and inevitable (Laursen, Coy &
Collins, 1998). Instead, studies on normative outcomes of adolescent
transitions are becoming the research centrepiece.
10.6 Understanding the longitudinal changes in this study and their theoretical
implications
Plausible reasons to the longitudinal changes within each domain have been
discussed in details and presented in empirical chapters (Chapter 7‐9). In this
section, efforts are made to integrate research findings into a theoretical model
and speculate implications in relation to previous research.
10.6.1 An integrated theoretical model
Transitions in adolescence are created over time and are critical in the
adolescent’s development. It is based on such understanding that this study
focused on examining the longitudinal changes in multiple domains of the
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adolescent to reflect their development. In this line, theoretically this study
was largely guided by the bioecological model and biopsychosocial approach
(Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006; Magnusson & Stattin, 1998, 2007). In
particular relevant to the chronosystem within the bioecological model by
Bronfenbrenner (2005), which emphasizes factors in time, patterning of
contextual events, and transitions over life course.
With physical and psychological domains together represent the adolescent,

whereas social contexts represents the environment, the dynamic, interacting,
and hierarchical relationships between this dyad can be interpreted and
understood in the Taosim symbol of yin (the black part) and yang (the white
part; Figure 10.2), to motivate the contemplation (see also Roeser, Eccles, &
Sameroff, 2000). In so doing, the yin and yang symbol simultaneously places
the adolescent and the environment on an equal footing and ranks them
hierarchically, where yang occupies the higher position, yin the lower. The
direction of flow is marked by changes, making it inevitable that yin and yang
alternate and therefore crucial to seek harmonious balance between the two. It
is therefore in the process of seeking the balance and harmonies that answers
can be found to the question why some adolescents have difficulties during
the transition, whereas other do not.
Adolescent
Physical
Psychological
Environment
Families
Friends
Schools
Figure 10.2 Tao of adolescent development: the constitutive nature of the adolescent and the
environment
In relation to the original meanings and relations represented in the yin‐yang
symbol, findings in this study were further discussed and delivered four main
messages in understanding Chinese adolescent development.
249
10.6.2 Change is universal: Developmental and normative principles
The nature of yin and yang flows and changes with time. In this study,
longitudinal changes were identified in the majority of indicators within the
physical, social, and psychological domains of adolescents. This overall
pattern of change indicates a dynamic view of adolescent development during
this time period with changes occur not only in the adolescent (physical
growth, mental health) but also in the environment (social contexts).
Furthermore, as summarised above, results in this study suggested an overall
positive transition for Chinese adolescents, although there were also wax and
wane across indicators along the way (see Table 10.1, changes between each two
time points were not always pointing to the same direction). This further
supports the idea that adolescent development is not a linear; it grows, stagnates,
moves downwards, develops, and eventually spiral upwards to maturation and
development. Results in this study on the developmental changes in
adolescents’ physical growth, stability and positive experiences in their social
contexts, as well as improved mental health, together provide evidence to the
fact that despite the differentiation and increasing complexity, adolescent
development as a result of biological and cultural evolution proceeds in a
direction of increasing adaptability towards survival or the desired outcome
within the environment, and in this case, China.
As aforementioned, changes took place not only in the adolescents, but also in
the environment. Apart from the evidence of adolescents’ positive perception
and experiences of the transitions in their social contexts, further support can
be speculated from changes in the contexts on their own account. In specific,
as seen in Table 10.2, parents’ involvement in adolescents’ schoolwork
decreased over time and such trends is persistent. Along the same line, school
achievement goals emphasise more on task goals (the goal to learn, to master,
to develop and improve ability), and less on ego goals (the goal to demonstrate,
to perform, and to prove ability). To set aside the real life pressure from
transitioning into schools of chosen which confronted by all adolescents in the
last year of primary school (see Chapter 1, 3; this will be discussed further later
within this chapter), such changes in parents and school contexts reflected the
age‐graded expectations or “developmental timetables”. According to
developmental theories most crystallized in Piaget’s work (but others also, see
Beilin & Pufall, 2013), both everyday and professional conceptions of the
250

developing adolescent are dominated by their aged body. Their development
is understood as a natural staged trajectory leads into adulthood. Although
such understanding received challenges from others, the roots of this belief
runs deep and integrate with the physiological demands of clinical and the
logistical demands of a society based on hierarchical distribution of provision.
In relation to the changes found in this study on parents of their school
involvement decline and on schools of their increasing emphasis on task goals
in junior high schools both serve as evidence which can be witnessed in the
everyday interactions of the adolescents’ social contexts where stratification
and disciplining of the adolescent is achieved through the marking out of
levels and stages of competence, essentially measured in relation to the
progress of chronological age and achievement of developmental tasks.
Within each age‐grade structure, there is a set of normative expectations on
cognitive or behavioural development of the adolescent relating to their age,
stage and phase, by which they will be judged and judge themselves.
Therefore, apart from the age influence, the transition from primary to junior
high school not only represents the academic institution change, but also cast
influence on demands and competence of the adolescent, with higher level of
school grade represents higher competences and skills in the adolescents. This
is a powerful discourse in the Chinese child rearing and educational practice
(see Chapter 1). The young persons were often classified as children when they
were in primary school, with parents and teachers displaying strong
authorities, high involvement, and clear demands. While in middle school,
these young people started to be regarded as “grown‐ups” who were expected
to have and display higher cognitive and behavioural competence, with
parenting practice shifting from being controlling and close monitoring to
being more authoritative, and middle schools often begin to install the belief
in students that learning is more important than performing (although this
seems not beneficial in the exam‐orientated system).
Taken together, longitudinal data in this study sent a clear message that
adolescent development is a dynamic process, with changes in both the
adolescent and the environment.
10.6.3 Adaptation is critical: The fit between adolescent and environment
When change is universal, it is inevitable that yin and yang alternate penetrate,
and seek a harmonious balance between the two (Figure 10.2). Coming in
251
terms of results in this study, although adolescents were experiencing the
same universal changes in their physical growth, re‐establishing their
relationships with parents and peers, adapting into new junior high schools as
their Western counterparts do, these transitions did not seem to place the
adolescents in this sample in a more vulnerable situation and cause negative
outcomes, whereas the same transitions often made adolescence in the West a
stormy and stressful period of time (see Chapter 1), and several international
studies all refer to this transition as a time when students are particularly
vulnerable and may easily become disengaged at school. With such
controversial pictures in view, one may easily raise the question that, why?
In line with the original meaning of yin and yang as mentioned above, optimal
development of adolescence involves the overall configuration of the
adolescent’s characteristics and needs (the adolescent), as well as the contexts and
social ethos of families, peers, schools, and wider communities (the environment)
during a particular moment in history (time; chronosystem). With such
understanding in mind, answers to the above question may lie in the quality of
fit between the developmental needs of the adolescents and the nature of the
environments where these transitions took place. Indeed, research in the
Western context on adolescent transitions often suggests middle school
environment mismatches the developmental needs for adolescents, thus leads
to negative outcomes (e.g., Eccles & Midgley, 2002; Bronfenbrenner & Morris,
1998). In the same vein, the good fit in this study contributed to the positive
transition outcomes. To recap findings in the longitudinal changes in school
contexts, for example, junior high schools were perceived as having better
school climate, in terms of adolescents’ increased affect at school, having less
pressure from school work, less being bullied, and improved teacher‐student
relationships. Junior high schools were also reported to emphasize less on ego
goals and instead focus on encouraging task goals, which in return will
contribute to reduction of competition between students in the peer groups.
Adaptation problems in junior high school were also reported to be smaller than
expected prior to the transition. In a word, Chinese adolescents in this sample
revealed a more positive image of the junior high school as their developmental
context, compared with that in their primary school. Such better fit in turn will
promote positive outcomes for their transitions in adolescence. Therefore,
results in this study offered the other side the story to Eccles and Midgley’s
(2002) mismatch found in Western middle schools, and indicated that good fit
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between adolescents’ need and the opportunities provided by their

environments produce positive outcomes. To sum up, it is not the transition
during this life stage itself that matters, but the adaptive nature of the transition;
in other words, the fit between the adolescent and their environment.
10.6.4 Timing is not everything
Timing mainly refers a timetable of when a specific transitional event occurs
(Ge et al., 2011). Results from this study on pubertal timing revealed a different
view towards early pubertal timing. In specific, early pubertal timing seems
favourable among girls in this sample. Although early pubertal timing has
been widely studied and implicated as a risk factor for multiple negative
outcomes including mental health problems, delinquency, body
dissatisfaction, and substance abuse (e.g., Caspi et al., 1993; Ge & Natsuaki,
2009), little is known about how the adolescent girls perceive early pubertal
timing.
Results in this study therefore raise the question of reconsidering the role of
early pubertal timing in adolescent girls’ development: is early pubertal
timing harmful? It should be noted that early pubertal timing (also referred to
as early puberty) in this text refers to pubertal development compared with
peers of similar age, and is different form precocious puberty (the appearance
of signs of pubertal development at an abnormally early age). In agreement
with findings from this study, some researchers (e.g., Skoog, 2008) found that
early developing girls who felt more mature than their classmates, and who
were not particularly involved in romantic relationships at an early age, were
characterized by having the least problematic parent relations and a low level
of problem behaviour in adolescence. Thus, the psychosocial implications of
early pubertal timing seem to differ depending on other conditions in
adolescent girls’ lives. Whether these contribute to the reason that girls in this
study seem to favour early pubertal timing needs further investigation.
In this line of reasoning, good evidence can be found that the potential adverse
effects of early pubertal timing among girls are mediated and moderated by
socialization. Mediators include not only peers, but also parents. For example,
some researchers suggested that girls mature early associate with older and
male peers who expose them to risky behaviours (e.g., Ge, Brody, Conger,
Simons, & Murry, 2002); early developing girls’ external behaviours have been
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linked to parents’ use of harsh inconsistent discipline (e.g., Mrug, Elliott,
Gilliland, et al., 2008). Moderators include social context, for example, early
developing girls living in disadvantageous neighbourhoods were more likely
to affiliate with deviant peers (Ge, et al., 2002; Ge & Natsuaki, 2009).
Taken together, it seems logical to conclude that it is not the timing which
poses the potentials for risk, but the failure to cope and effects of other
mediators and moderators (e.g., previous problem behaviours before puberty,
influence of social contexts). Results in this study hold the same position as
argued by Skoog (2008), that, early pubertal timing is better to be viewed as a
non‐pathological process, rather than “being a result of a pathological process,
the link between early puberty and problem behaviour is a consequence of
normal process” (p. 79).
10.6.5 Adolescents as agent of their development
Although casual relations between variables were not examined in this study,
given the number of indicators with directional changes, it is logical to
speculate that these changes did not happen by chance, but directed by the
adolescent as their own agent. Evidence can be drawn upon (might not limit
to) body image alteration behaviours, improvement in mental health
difficulties, and emphasis on school success.
First, results in this study on longitudinal changes in physical growth
indicated increasing body dissatisfaction, and adolescents also reported an
increase in dieting behaviour and clothing comparisons (see Chapter 7; see
also Table 10.1). Dieting behaviour has often been linked with body image
improvement worldwide (e.g., Paxton, et al., 1991). On the other hand, the
growing interest in comparing their clothing with peers in social occasions can
be understood with Rudd and Lennon’s model (2001; Chattaraman, Lennon,
& Rudd, 2009), which posits that clothing not only creates the appearance as
part of the image of the body, but also allows the individual to actively manage
their physical appearance through tools such as clothing (to enhance the
image). Research in the West also reports findings on clothing indicating that
it is used as a form of physical adornment, with girls consider clothing to be
of greater importance, as compared with boys (Chattaraman et al., 2009). Local
research also supports this view (e.g., Fung, 2000), and some researchers also
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extend the management of clothing to dressing for status (e.g., Lam, 1994, as
cited in Fung, 2000).
Second, results in this study indicated improvement in psychosomatic

symptoms, loneliness and anxiety at post transition time. Although the decline
in some of the symptoms may result from adolescents’ gaining in
chronological age and experience over time according to the developmental
principle as described above (e.g., Masten, 2006), it is hard to exclude the
possibilities that adolescents in this process also actively adapt themselves
towards better wellbeing.
In addition, during school years, most of the Chinese adolescents’ priority as
students is often set upon educational attainment (Leung, McBride‐Chang, &
Lai, 2004). According to focal theory, adjustment to one change at a time,
rather than going through the various adolescent transitions simultaneously,
will reduce the stresses caused by the transitional process (Coleman, 1974;
2011). It follows from this line of reasoning that when multiple transitions take
place in adolescence, the outcomes therefore depends on the priority they
order the problems and the resources and abilities they can use to cope with
the problems. Therefore, given the strong emphasis that Chinese school
adolescents are socialised to place on educational attainment, it seems logical
to speculate that this will buffer the risks posed by other aspects of adolescents’
life.
Nevertheless, speculations based on results from this study and cultural
factors are not sufficient to make conclusive statements of adolescents as the
agent of their own development, however, such an attempt together with
evidence from empirical data will certainly intrigue future research attention
towards this topic.
10.6.6 Comments on results
Evidence from this study portrayed an alternate view of the early adolescence
in China. However, just as there can be Western misperceptions, it should be
cautioned against moving from one extreme to another. Comparing cultural
scripts and being aware of one’s own mind set can help to enlighten
understanding. While cultural patterns influence behaviours, there are also
general principles that underlie the development process, even though their
manifestation are different. Furthermore, although this study focuses solely
255
on Chinese adolescents, it is certainly not the intention of this study to
emphasise homogenous ethnic groupings; the focus is not on same inherent
characteristics of the adolescent (e.g., Chinese immigrants), but on the
adolescent in the context and development in situ.
As a factor of the macrosystem within Bronfenbrenner and Morris (2006)’s
bioecological model, culture itself also subjects to changes, and its changing
characteristics need to be investigated further. In the light of results in this
study, teachers and educators may consider distinctive patterns and common
principles, as well as cultural and situational influences, and reflect on their
beliefs and practices, rather than assuming such influences, or simply grafting
new approaches onto old ones.
Although the concept of adolescence seems to describe in a straightforward
way as the period between childhood and adulthood, there is no necessary
reason why adolescence should be experienced as an in between moment in
life, or as a stage towards something else.
To understand youth as a period of transition, or a series of transitions, does
help to understand the reality of the lives of some young people. However
ideas about youth associated with transition or even with youth as a special
period of freedom, refer to a distinctly modem experience which derived from
industrialisation in the West. They do not adequately deal with the different
conditions in different types of society. Nor do they distinguish between the
different social worlds of young people living in the same geographical and
historical space but experiencing very different circumstances. The here and
now in which young people live is not just about being young, but about a
whole range of personal and social circumstances and issues which can be
equally, if not more important than age.
10.7 Research implications
The findings in this study have several implications for schools, parents, and
health in relation to policy‐making and practice of working with adolescent
girls in China.
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10.7.1 Implications for schools
Findings in this study have a particular bearing on school policies and reforms,
as well as school counselling. The reversed pattern of school transition
experience in this study compared with that in the West, highlights that
Chinese adolescents experience a poor fit between their developmental needs
and primary school environment. Based on results of individual school
indicators, it is urgent for education policy and practice to build improved
school climate to boost students’ affect at school. There is also a need for
primary school to optimise achievement goals emphasis to encourage students
develop task goals than focus on ego goals. In particular to better prepare them
for the transition into junior high schools, efforts should be made to
acknowledge students with information of future junior high schools to
reduce their pre‐transition worries.
Adolescents’ mental health and wellbeing in school have been drawing
increasing attention in China where school counselling has been made
available only in recent years. School counsellors should have a good
understanding of the multifactorial nature of educational stress and its links
to common mental and behavioural problems among students to inform best
practice in counselling.
Apart from individual‐oriented counselling, school health programs can also
help facilitate students’ health in school. However, school programs are less
available in China, compared with many other countries. Where offered,
programs include direct services, but in most situations they are disease
prevention and health promotion entities. With the recognition that results in
this study revealed positive transitions in adolescence, this does not mean
there is no need for health programs. On the other hand, an approach that is
less crisis‐driven and more developmentally appropriate is in need. Focus
should be given on asset building, promoting resiliency, and offering
programs that are less problem focussed and offer a better balance between
risk and protection.
Adolescents should not be viewed as a universal, decontextualized process of
development towards a taken for granted state of maturity, but that which
draws attention to adolescents’ engagement with a range of settings,
relationships, activities, and skills through which they acquire culturally
locate competencies and identities. Initiatives such as these emphasize that
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early adolescence policies, services, curricula, and practices take into account
circumstances of adolescents’ lives, the material and cultural resources
available to parents and communities, as well as their expectations and
aspirations for their children.
Based on empirical data from this study, recognizing development as a
sociocultural process has important implications for policy, curriculum, and
pedagogy (Naughton, 2003). “Developmental niche” has emerged as a key
concept, by drawing attention to three components of children’s environment:
the physical and social settings they inhabit; the culturally regulated customs
and child‐rearing practices; and the beliefs or “ethno theories” of parents,
teachers and others responsible for their care and development (Super &
Harkness, 1986). Therefore, transformations in adolescence education in China
too should call for changes in the curriculum, teaching practices, assessment,
environment, and teacher training, taking into account a fusion of
developmental theories, societal needs, and cultural heritage, so as to create
an environment that would enable children to progress and learn at their own
level and value the joy of learning.
Last, research findings in Western cultures indicate that the transition in early
adolescence has negative consequence for the adolescent’s self‐esteem
(especially girls), and the later they make the first school transition, the better
they are able to cope (Blyth, et al., 1983). Although, the main educational
system has adopted the 6‐3‐3 structure, there are still a small number of
schools which are under the K‐12 systems. Taken in consideration that China
adopts 9 years compulsory education for school‐aged children, whether a K‐9
structure will reduce the pre‐transition pressure for primary school children
worth considering, yet needs empirical support.
10.7.2 Implications for parents
Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological system theory holds that the adolescent’s

development can be understood within the context of relationships in their
environment (Bronfenbrenner, 2005). Parents are significant figures in
adolescents’ microsystem (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006) playing an
important role in enhancing their children’s competence to face challenges.
Results in this study, as well as previous research findings both reported that
parental involvement in their children’s schoolwork decrease as children
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become older (e.g., Jeynes, 2014). Early educational involvement is essential,
however, it is also important for the adolescents to feel supported throughout
their academic career.
Parental sensitivity to children’s manifested emotional or behavioural states
should be enhanced. Previous studies found that, when children are
overwhelmed by academic stress, informational support is inappropriate,
whereas emotional support will be more conductive and helpful. Therefore,
parents should be encouraged to express their care and concern.
Competition and social comparison in school is inevitable, and especially in
Chinese culture. Therefore, parents should be encouraged to use social
comparison in a more constructive way. Special attention should be paid to
choosing the model and area for comparison. Comparison with classmates
who are academically outstanding may give rise to a sense of self‐deprecation.
However, observing classmates of similar talent who perform successfully
comparable ability may give rise to efficacy belief.
Although results in this study showed no quality changes in parent attachment,
on the other hand, at the post transition time, alienation increased and trust
dropped down. Changes in these indicators should alarm parents to improve in
these aspects. Parents should provide an equal and open communication
platform, to build mutual understanding and trust. Only on this ground that
adolescents will be willing to disclose their feelings and problems to parents.
Previous literature indicates feelings of family obligation in Chinese families
(Fuligni, Yip & Tseng, 2002) may lead adolescents to use more indirect forms of
information management, such as telling only when asked or avoiding the issue,
than do European American youth.
As aforementioned in Chapter 1, the collectivist orientation of Chinese culture
means that academic success is not only linked to having more opportunities
and social advancement but also relate to family shame and pride (Stevenson &
Lee, 1996). Parents are recommended to learn the level demands that their
children can tolerant and reflect on positive ways to convey their expectations.
10.7.3 Implications for adolescent health policy and practice
Besides implications for schools and parents, results in this study also generate
several implications for health policy and practice.
259
First, this study provides insights for enriching current psychological theories
developed primarily within the English‐speaking world. Results may extend
understanding and broaden inquiry of human development and behaviour.
Most of the research in China has been using the Western theories with the
assumption that those theories can be equally applied to Chinese adolescents.
Results in this study should also be considered in light of how Western
adolescent development theories have been used. They were formulated in a
time of comparative cultural stability. They were primarily psychological
theories of the individual adolescent. They did not include information from
sociology, anthropology, or economics. They did not include many of the
external realities that impinge upon a given individual. But times are changing.
Health practitioners in developing countries like China need theories to guide
their practices. Sometimes it makes sense for them to borrow theories already
developed and used in the West; these have proven useful over time. But it is
also important to remember that the situations in which adolescents today finds
themselves are quite different from those of adolescents upon whom the
original theories were based. Psychological features are important and intra‐
psychic factors may not change much over time. But the influence of external
factors, such as sociology, economic, and cultural change dramatically and
interacts with the psychological features of interest.
It is equally important for health practitioners in the West to be aware that the
environment of today’s adolescents is different from that of the adolescents in
the mid‐1900s. They need to be aware of how the adolescents’ intra‐psychic
structure interacts with the sociological, economic, and cultural changes of
Western countries. It is important to remember that with increased
globalization, Western countries now include adolescents with a vast array of
cultural histories. Current theories may need to be adapted for them as well.
As such, theories need to be re‐evaluated carefully, both against the experience
of adolescents in non‐Western countries and against the current experience of
adolescents in Western countries.
Health service and programs targeted at adolescents are in needed in China,
especially in the Mainland. According to Shek and Yu (2011), validated
adolescent prevention and positive development programs are almost
nonexistence in different Chinese contexts, with an exception of the Project of
P.A.T.H.S. in Hong Kong. In a similar vein as mentioned in the session of
implications for school health programs, prevention programs provided by
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health sectors should also expand to include not only prevention, but also
intervention and promotion. The traditional prevention context, identification
of the needs and problems of adolescents forms the basis of prevention
programs where such programs are usually developed with reference to the
“problems” and “pathologies” of adolescents. Alternatively, positive youth
development approach is primarily placed on adolescent developmental
assets rather than adolescent problems. According to Shek & Yu (2011), there
are several attributes of the positive youth development approach, including
but not limited to, 1) emphasis on integrated youth development (e.g.,
focusing on a range of youth developmental possibilities and problems) rather
than dealing with a single youth problem; 2) emphasis of person‐in‐
environment perspective; and, 3) focus on developmental models on how
adolescent change, grow, learn and mature. The underlying assumption of
positive youth development programs is that, through strengthening of
psychosocial competencies in adolescents, adolescent risk behaviour will not
be easily developed.
Items relating to the social domains of families, friends, and schools were
included as were an array of relevant health promoting and health risk
behaviours of contemporary public health concern. The survey design and
content acknowledged that how adolescents feel is a valid aspect of their
health, and in this respect this study paid attention to adolescents’ everyday
symptoms and health complaints, as well as their reflections on their health
and wellbeing. Apart from implications based on the overall results in this
study, a few specific findings also provide insight into health practice. For
example, misperceptions of weight status were identified in this sample, and
overweight perception and misperception have important implications for the
future development of interventions to treat and prevent obesity to ensure the
physical and psychological wellbeing of adolescents. In addition, as suggested
in Egan & Perry (2001)’s work, adolescents’ perceptions and attitudes of
gender issues should carry implications for their mental health. Adolescents
who feel strong pressure for gender typing will be less likely than other
children to explore a wide range of options when deciding what interests to
pursue to talents to cultivate and therefore will be less likely to settle on
options that are maximally fulfilling; this self‐limitation should be reflected in
a lesser sense of satisfaction with the self (though perhaps not in a lesser
acceptance by peers). In addition, children who feel strong pressure for gender
261
typing may be said to be experiencing conditionality of support – the sense
that one must tailor the self in order to receive the love and acceptance of
significant others. Conditional support and the false self it fosters are
conductive to low self‐esteem and depression (e.g., Harter, 1999).
Last, statistical significance has been examined in each studied variable;
however, such statistical significance does not necessarily to be considered of
clinical relevance. These are two different things. Even though an association
is statistically significant, it might only be of modest clinical relevance. Overall,
most girls in this study thrive in adolescence, despite multiple transitions. The
findings should be interpreted with this in mind.
10.8 Limitations and strengths of this study
This study has several methodological limitations that can be improved in
future research to draw more confidant conclusions.
First, sample in this study were recruited from schools within four main
districts in Beijing, China. Schools were reached with help from schoolteachers
within the researcher’s interpersonal resource rather than random choice.
Therefore, there was little educational diversity in this study and might not
represent the full ability spectrum of Chinese schools and their students. Also,
students in this study should be considered above average regarding their
academic performance in general. Including school stratification in future
research will enable more detailed analyses. Furthermore, adolescents who do
not attend mainstream schools or who are absent form school are suggested
not as healthy as their peers who are well engaged in mainstream schooling
(Clark, Ringwalt, Hanley, et al., 2010), or at least tend to differ from their peers
who attend school. Given the limited access and inequalities in educational
resources across the country, there is reason to believe the difference may be
even greater between students and nonstudents in China. Moreover, large
percentages of Chinese children and adolescents live in rural areas of China,
in contrast to big cities such as Beijing, their life conditions, health service, and
educational resource are all significantly different (see Chapter 1). Related to
the urban‐rural difference in adolescent population, migrant children also
hold a special place. As described in Chapter 1, the internal migration within
China results in more and more migrant children coming to urban cities from
their rural home, and under the hukou system of household registration, migrant
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children do not have the same benefits as urban children and face many
obstacles in their educational and work paths. Taken together, sample in this
study may only represent a small percentage of adolescents in China, rather
than representing all Chinese adolescent populations, but they may provide an
important first look into the effects of culture on the beliefs and behaviours on
adolescents in China. This findings from students in Beijing, combined with the
potential differences as discussed above, point to the necessity of future work
that could examine within culture differences in China, including education,
socio‐economic status, and geographical regions, and beyond.
Second, data in this study were solely derived from self‐report survey.
Questionnaires were administered on a number of occasions so as to avoid
reliance on a one‐off snapshot. However, the self‐report nature of measures
carries the common problems of potential demand characteristics with
possible report and recall biases. Nevertheless, research has shown that self‐
reports about self‐related constructs are usually in broad agreement with
objective ratings made by others (Marsh, 1990), and self‐report measures are
satisfactory in the collection of information on children and adolescents’
internal and subjective processes (Essau et al., 2011). The measures used in this
study were selected for their robust psychometric properties in other
published works reviewed not only in Western literature but also in local
Chinese publications. Self‐report measures offer pragmatic tool for data
collection from large numbers of participants within the constraints of school
settings.
Third, this study represents a specific range of questions, measures, and topics.
It is a collision of the interest in the topic, the resource limitations and the
availability within the grasp of the researcher. The results should be regarded
as illustrative of relevant topics, rather than an exhaustive account of all
aspects of adolescent development.
Fourth, the development of the items in the questionnaire was mainly based
on reviews of recent English and Chinese literature, and the survey content
was therefore mainly based on Western measures developed in English
language. No attempt was made to more comprehensively map the construct
using grounded theory to explore an underlined model or integrating
indigenous constructs. Caution should be given to the interpretation and
understanding the results in this study especially when comparing with
research based on Western population or local studies stemmed from Chinese
263
measures. This study should be viewed as a starting point of a continuous
process of validation and revision the Western established measures to serve
the purpose of Chinese adolescent study. With caution noted, it worth
mentioning that efforts were made to find culturally appropriate measures,
and subsequent modifications were made to suit sample and research
objectiveness in this study (see Chapter 5).
Fifth, the use of single‐item scales for capturing various mental health
indicators (e.g., global life satisfaction) posed some challenges. Generally,
multiple item measures are preferred as they are more reliable and this is
important in statistical analyses when errors of variance need to be minimized.
However, most of the single‐item measures have long‐standing use in HBSC
and many have been subjected to validation studies.
Sixth, some of the cross‐cultural interpretations in discussion of empirical
results from this study have been made by implicit comparisons with the
existing literature. Future studies that include samples from more than one
culture can make direct comparisons in drawing cross‐cultural inferences.
Last, due to the exploratory nature of the present study, although a
longitudinal approach was adopted to examine the longitudinal changes
across variables, causal inferences and interrelationships were outside the
scope of this study. Hence future research is needed. This study tracked
adolescents across a one‐year time frame, tracking students into young
adulthood and beyond would provide additional information regarding a
fuller process of development during adolescence. Studies of the predictive
developmental outcomes with younger age groups would also be beneficial.
Discussions of plausible reasons to similarities and differences in empirical
results compared with previous Western or local literature mainly based on
careful speculations supported with research evidence and theoretical
hypothesis, however, it might not be confident in drawing a clear conclusion
about the directionalities among the variables examined.
In summary, despite the limitations noted, this study is the first to investigate
longitudinal changes in multiple key domains of Chinese adolescent
development within a school transition context. It provides evidence and
insights for enriching current developmental and psychological theories
developed primarily within the English‐speaking world. To a larger extent,
results in this study revealed an alternative of Chinese adolescents’
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developmental account to that of their Western counterparts (“storm and
stress”, Hall, 1904), therefore, this study may extend understanding and
discussion on the cultural influence on adolescent development (e.g., Tov &
Diener, 2007), and further broaden inquiry of human development and
behaviour. These results are promising as they not only increase the generality
of many established models but also help to identify culturally relevant and
more meaningful factors that could contribute to understanding, facilitating,
and promoting Chinese adolescents in particular. The strength of this study
also includes, but not limited to: first, questions of the questionnaire were
carefully selected and adapted, written in child‐friendly language, with
structure and sequence of questions carefully considered, and was carefully
piloted among target participants before commence of the survey. Second, the
parameters investigated in this study range from the biology to the
sociocultural. Adolescent development was studied in physical, social, and
psychological areas. To these ends, this thesis demonstrates breadth of
coverage. Third, this study adopted a three phase longitudinal design, and
obtained 425 matching empirical data from Chinese early adolescents. With
help from participating schools and teachers, the attrition rates were very low
and the participating girls were committed and engaged in the research.
Fourth, this thesis provides a culturally specific account of adolescent
development in China. Fifth, the attempt of integrating Western
developmental models into Chinese philosophical symbolism motives better
understanding, especially appealing to Chinese audience.
10.9 Future research directions
Despite the efforts in this study and for all the interesting work that has been
done to date, there remain many new and exciting avenues and theories to
explore in regard to development and transitions during adolescence. At this
point, a few suggestions for future research can be formulated following this
study.
First, this study takes up the debates and controversies on the “storm and
stress” hypothesis that have engaged developmental researchers over the last
century. Future research that builds on and tests this idea is still needed and
encouraged. To do so, assumptions and extrapopulations were needed
because of gaps in knowledge particularly in developing countries. Equally
important are detailed data that have traditionally studied in developed
265
countries, but have global importance and require more detailed data and
quantification in developing regions (e.g., obesity, depression). Furthermore,
this study tested three main developmental domains of adolescents, however,
as suggested by Keating (1990), models that open the gate of typically closed‐
system models of thinking, learning, and instruction are still in need. Future
research should take this route to integrate more developmental domains and
contextual dimensions as well as their interrelations in the process of
adolescent development.
Second, in view of the research limitations as discussed above, a few research
suggestions would merit future attention. In specific, by using self‐report
questionnaire this study focused more on the voices of adolescents themselves
about their development; however, the transferability of findings could be
further strengthened by surveying and interviewing parents, teachers, and the
wider community to gain a more comprehensive understanding of adolescent
development and outcomes. Furthermore, this study focused on girls alone,
and future research includes boys would provide an in‐depth comprehension
of adolescent development and gender differences in developmental outcomes.
Additionally, this study followed participants for a year to capture the primary
to junior high school transition, and future research that follows adolescents
into their senior school years and beyond would provide information on
whether certain developmental changes and transitional effects persist over
time. Moreover, while this study built on good practice by using standardised
measures with sound psychometric properties, there is a need to develop
rigorous culturally specific assessment tools that are sensitive to the
development of Chinese adolescents.
Third, in addition to the research models and design, findings in this study
point to some interesting open questions and directions that could be explored
in future studies. For example, in relation to empirical results of physical
growth, there is little evidence of early pubertal timing puts girls at higher risk
of poor mental health in this study, although early pubertal timing has been
implicated with negative outcomes. Future research is in need to investigate
whether cultural differences exist among Chinese girls and their Western
counterparts in pubertal timing effects; and if so, what makes Chinese girls
more resilient. Likewise, regarding social contexts, future research replicates
this study and further investigation of reasons to the stability of parents and
friends relationship quality reported in this study would be of benefit to
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researchers. Moreover, based on empirical results on school transitions from
this study, future research on the mismatch of student’s need and schools in
China should direct their attention from following the Western norm on
middle school transitions to focusing more on the primary school years,
especially the final year. In line with this thinking, research should also
broaden the view to investigate whether the pre‐transition concerns also exist
in other grade‐level or school‐level transitions (e.g., the transition from senior
high to university). Furthermore, with regards to mental health, the absence
of both developmental decline in global life satisfaction and increase in
psychosomatic symptoms and mental health difficulties in this study,
warrants future research on predictors of Chinese adolescents’ developmental
outcomes and identifiying potential mediating and moderating effects.
Apart from future research suggestions derived from findings in this study,
contemporary societal, social, and environmental changes in China also
provide more new ideas for doing research with Chinese population in
particular. For example, in March, 2014 China started to relax the national
policy of one child per family and opted for Two Children Policy in main cities
(including Beijing), which will lead to profound changes in family context as
the previous One Child Policy. Also in the same year, under the pressure of the
inequality in educational opportunities resulted from the practice of parent‐
initiated school choice and in order to enhance education quality in China, the
Chinese government has issued orders to end two practices in schools: school
choice and exams. With these changes in view, it is important to interpret the
results from this study within certain historical context, and in the meantime
these findings are also embodied with more importance in providing potential
comparative data for future research on Chinese adolescent development in
particular. Furthermore, given the rural‐urban difference in China, it offers an
ideal context to study whether the levels of modernization will influence the
experience of adolescent development. Another fact is that the male and
female ratio are different, and there are more males in the society; it will be
interesting to investigate whether this will influence girls’ perceptions of
themselves (e.g., more self‐conscious with their body through man’s gaze, body
objectification theory, Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997) and their developmental
experience of growing up as a girl (e.g., gender issues and relating societal
problems). Additionally, pollutions has been linked to pubertal timing, thus
whether climate change and water resource population in China will influence
267
adolescents’ physical development warrant further research. This list runs
long when future research direct its attention to the Chinese population.
10.10 Conclusion
This thesis endeavoured to deliver a comprehensive reference text arguing for
a cultural specific account for Chinese adolescent development. The aim of this
study is ambitious: it seeks to offer an inclusive overview of adolescent
development in China using a multidimensional angle through longitudinal
investigation. It takes up the debates and controversies that have engaged
developmental and clinical researchers over the past decades (“storm and
stress”). The parameters of this study range from the biological to the
sociocultural. It is believed that the implications of the information generated
via this research will make impact on the study of adolescent health and
development.
Although understanding the developing adolescent is important, it should

also be noted that the complex process that transcend embedded systems are
not isolated or static events, but initiate, sustain, mediate, and terminate
dynamic processes in relation to development, health, and wellbeing.
Henceforth, the completion of this thesis is rather an end to begin with.
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APPENDIX
Questionnaire

About me

Name:
Class:
School:
Date of birth (month/year)
Height (metre):
Weight (kilogram):

Instructions

There is no right or wrong answer for each question. Please pick the one which describes yourself the best.
Please try to answer all the questions according to your real situation.
‘√’ in the box, and please choose only one choice for each single question.
Please put the completed questionnaire into the envelope provided and hand it in sealed.

MY BODY

1. According to your physical growth, tick the option which describes your body the best.
Not yet Has barely Development Developme
started to started to definitely nt seems
develop develop underway completed
Would you say that your growth spurt in height (‘growth

spurt’ means more growth than usual):
And how about the growth of your body hair (meaning
underarm and pubic hair)? Would you say that your body
hair growth:
Have you noticed any skin changes, especially pimples?
Have you noticed that your breasts have begun to grow?

2. Have you began to menstruate (started your period)?
Yes No

3. Do you think your physical development is any earlier or later than most other girls your age?
Much earlier
A bit earlier
About the same
A bit later
Much later

4. Is there anything about your body you would like to change?
Yes No

5. How much do you care how tall you are?
Very much
Pretty much
Not much
Not at all

6. How much do you care about your figure?
Very much
Pretty much
Not much
Not at all

7. Do you think your body is
Much too thin
A bit too thin
About the right size
A bit too fat
Much too fat
I don’t think about it

8. Are you on a diet to lose weight?
No, because my weight is fine
No, but I do need to lose weight
Yes

9. Do you think you are…
Very good looking
Quite good looking
About average
Not very good looking
Not at all good looking
I don’t think about my looks
10. The statements below are used to describe how anxious, tense, or nervous you feel right now about your body.
Right now, I feel anxious, tense, or nervous about:
Not at all Slightly Moderately Very much so Exceptionally so
The extent to which I look overweight
Whether I am shorter than others
My thighs
My hips and buttocks
My stomach and abdomen
My legs
My waist
My ears
My lips
My wrists
My hands
My forehead
My neck
My chin
My feet
My eyes

11. Using the scale please select the option which is closest to how you feel:
Never Seldom Sometimes Often Always
At parties or other social events, I compare my physical

appearance to the physical appearance of others
The best way for a person to know if they are overweight or

underweight is to compare their figure to the figure of others
At parties or other social events, I compare how I am dressed to

how other people are dressed
Comparing your ‘looks’ to the ‘looks’ of others is a bad way to

determine if you are attractive or unattractive (reverse‐scored)
In social situations, I sometimes compare my figure to the

figures of other people

12. How do you feel about being a girl?
Great
Good
Fair
Bad

13. Would you say you act like a boy?
Very often
Sometimes
Not very often
Never

This is the end of Part One of the Survey

*********************************************************************************************
MY FAMILY AND FRIENDS

1. What are your parents’ jobs? Please describe exactly what they do.12
My Father: _______________ I don’t know Unemployed
My Mother: ______________ I don’t know Unemployed

2. How well‐off do you think your family is:
Very well‐off
Quite well‐off
Average
Not very well‐off
Not at all well‐off

3. Please indicate which statement describes your real situation with your parents
always Often Sometimes Seldom never
true true true true true
If I have problem at school, my parents are ready to help
My parents are willing to go to school to talk to my teachers
My parents encourage me to do well at school
My parents are interested in what happens to me at school
My parents are willing to help me with my homework
4．Please indicate to what extent the following statements are true to you.
Always Often Sometimes Seldom Never
My parents respect my feelings.
I feel my parents are successful as parents.
I wish I had different parents.
My parents accept me as I am.
I have to rely on myself when I have a problem to solve.
I like to get my parents’ point of view on things I’m concerned about.
I feel it's no use letting my feelings show
My parents sense when I'm upset about something.
Talking over my problems with my parents makes me feel ashamed
or foolish.
My parents expect too much from me.
I get upset easily at home.
I get upset a lot more than my parents know about.
When we discuss things, my parents consider my point of view.
My parents trust my judgment.
My parents have their own problems, so I don’t bother them with mine.
My parents help me to understand myself better.
I tell my parents about my problems and troubles.
I feel angry with my parents.
I don't get much attention at home.
My parents encourage me to talk about my difficulties.
My parents understand me.
I don't know whom I can depend on these days.
When I am angry about something, my parents try to be understanding.
I trust my parents.
My parents don't understand what I'm going through these days.
I can count on my parents when I need to get something off my chest.
I feel that no one understands me.
If my parents know something is bothering me, they ask me about it.

12 Question 1 and 2 were excluded from the questionnaire at Time 2 and Time 3
5．Please indicate to what extent the following statements are true to you.
always Often Sometimes Seldom never
I like to get my friends’ point of view on things I’m concerned about.
My friends sense when I’m upset about something.
When we discuss things, my friends consider my point of view.
Talking over my problems with my friends makes me feel
ashamed or foolish.
I wish I had different friends.
My friends understand me.
My friends encourage me to talk about my difficulties.
My friends accept me as I am.
I feel the need to be in touch with my friends more often.
My friends don’t understand what I’m going through these days.
I feel alone or apart when I am with my friends.
My friends listen to what I have to say.
I feel my friends are good friends.
My friends are fairly easy to talk to.
When I am angry about something, my friends try to be understanding.
My friends help me to understand myself better.
My friends are concerned about my well‐being.
I feel angry with my friends.
I can count on my friends when I need to get something off my chest.
I trust my friends.
My friends respect my feelings.
I get upset a lot more than my friends know about.
It seems as if my friends are irritated with me for no reason.
I tell my friends about my problems and troubles.
If my friends know something is bothering me, they ask me about it.

6．Thinking about your friends and please choose from the scale of “strongly disagree” 1– “strongly agree” 7 to
indicate to what extend you agree with the following statements.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
It is important for my friends to get good grades.
I do homework with my friends.
I talk about school subjects with my friends.
My friends and I have common interests in school subjects.
My friends work hard at their school work.
I hang around with kids who like school.
I fit in with kids who like school
One thing my friends and I have in common is wanting to do well at school.

This is the end of Part Two of the Survey
********************************************************************************************

My School

1．How do you feel about school at present?
I like it a lot
I like it a bit
I don’t like it very much
I don’t like it at all

2．In your opinion, what does your class teacher(s) think about your school performance compared to your classmates?
Very good
Good
Average
Below average

3．How pressured do you feel by the schoolwork you have to do?
Not at all
A little
Some
A lot

4．Do you sometimes stay away from school, not because you are ill, but because you want to do something else?
Yes, at least once a month
No, never

5. What do you think you will be doing when you are 16 (after high school)?
College or university
Vocational or technical school
Apprenticeship/trade
Working
Unemployed
Don’t know

6. Please tick one option about students in your class.
Strongly Agree Neither Disagree Strongly
agree agree nor disagree
disagree
The students in my class enjoy being together.
Most of the students in my class are kind and helpful.
Other students accept me as I am.

7. Think about the following statements, and tick the frequency of them which happened during the past couple of
months
Never Once or Sometimes About once Several times
twice a week a week
How often have you been bullied in school this

term?
How often have you taken part in bullying

other students in school this term?

8. Please read these statements about your classes carefully. For each statement tick one option.
Very Often Sometimes Seldom Never
often
How often do you have a say in what is done in class (i.e.

what you are going to learn or how you are going to work)?
How often do you have a say in making class rules?
How often do you have a say in how much you are going to

do for your homework?
Very Often Sometimes Seldom Never
often
How often do you yourself ask questions, give suggestions or

make comments in class?
How often do you put up your hand to answer questions

which the teacher asks in class?

9. Please read these statements about your school experience. For each statement tick one option.
Very Sort of Somewhat Not very Not true
true true true true at all
Most of the time, being in school puts me in a good mood.
I like being in school.
I’m happier when I am at school than when I am not at school.
I am often angry when I am at school.
I often feel frustrated when I am doing school.
School often makes me feel bad.
I often feel bored in school.
Teachers often get upset with me.
I don’t make friends with people that always behave nice in class.
I think that people who annoy the teachers are cool.
I get into trouble at school more than most kids.
I sometimes make fun of students who very well.
I would feel good if I was the only one who could answer
the teacher’s question in class
I would like to show my teacher that I’m smarter than the
other kids
I would feel successful in school if I did better than the
other kids in my class
I’d like to show my parents that I’m smarter than the
other kids in my classes
Doing better than other kids in my classes is important to me
I worry about doing worse than other kids in school
Understanding the work in school is more important to
me than the grade I get
I like school work I’ll learn from even if I make a lot of mistakes
The main reason I do my work in school is because I like to learn
I feel most successful in school when I learn something I
didn’t know before
It doesn’t matter to me if other students do better than I
do, as long as I am learning
I often choose projects that I will learn from, even if I
know I will need to work harder

10. Please read these statements about your school. For each statement tick one option.
In this school, students’ ideas are listened to and valued
In this school, teachers and students really trust one another
In this school, teachers treat students with respect
In this school, students feel like they belong
This school really cares about students as individuals
In this school, teachers are always talking about the
honour roll and the honour society
In this school, teachers treat kids who get good grades
better than other kids
In this school, only a few kids get praised for their school
work
In this school, teachers only care about smart kids
In this school, we are encouraged to compete against
each other for grades
This school has given up on some of its students
In this school, special privileges are given to students who
get the highest grades
In this school, teachers believe all student can learn
In this school, every student can be successful
In this school, understanding the work is more important
than getting the right answers
In this school, mistakes are okay as long as we are learning
In this school, teachers think how much you learn is more
important than tests scores or grades
Teachers in this school want student to really understand
their work, not just memorize it
Trying hard counts a lot in this school
In this school, we are given a chance to do interesting and
creative work

11．Imagine when you enter junior high school, to what extent do you think these statements will be problems to
you13
Not a Small Medium Big

problem problem problem problem
Being treated more like a child
Having a tough teacher
Having to do harder school work
Having an argument with a teacher
Being sent to the vice principal
Leaving the wrong books and supplies at home and forgetting to

bring the right books and supplies to class
Getting too much homework
Getting into fights
Having trouble making new friends
Kids trying to talk you into things you don’t want to do
Getting things stolen from you
Being bothered by the older kids
Not getting along with all your different teachers
Other kids teasing you
Not being in the “in” group, like not being able to go around with

the group of kids you’d like to hang around with
Drinking beer, wine or liquor
Taking drugs
Smoking cigarettes
Dating

This is the end of Part Three of the Survey
*******************************************************************************************

13 At Time 2 and Time 3, the instruction of this measure was: Please choose to what extent these statements have been problems
to you.
MY FEELINGS

1．In general, how do you feel about your life?
I feel very happy
I feel quite happy
I don’t feel very happy
I am not happy at all

2. How often do you feel happy?
Never
Hardly ever
Sometimes
Often
Always

3．These sentences describe two kinds of kids, first choose which kind of kid you are and then choose to what extent
it is true for you. Tick ‘√’ only one op on.
Really Sort Sort Really
true of of true
for true true for
me for for me
me me
Some kids feel they are very good at BUT Other kids worry about whether
their school work they can do their school work
Some kids find it hard to make friends BUT Other kids find it’s pretty easy to
make friends
Some kids do very well at all kinds of BUT Other kids don’t feel they are good
sports when it comes to sports
Some kids are happy with the way BUT Other kids are not happy with the
they look way they look
Some kids often do not like the way BUT Other kids usually like the way they
they behave behave
Some kids are often unhappy with BUT Other kids are pretty pleased with
themselves themselves
Some kids feel they are just as clever BUT Other kids aren’t so sure and
as other kids wonder if they are as clever
Some kids have a lot of friends BUT Other kids don’t have very many
friends
Some kids wish they could be a lot be BUT Other kids feel they are good
better at sports enough at sports
Some kids are happy with their height BUT Other kids wish their height or
and weight weight was different
Some kids usually do the right thing BUT Other kids often don’t do the right thing
Some kids don’t like the way they are BUT Other kids do like the way they are
leading their life leading their life
Some kids are pretty slow in finishing BUT Other kids can do their school work
their school work quickly
Some kids would like to have a lot BUT Other kids have as many friends as
more friends they want
Some kids think they could do well at BUT Other kids are afraid they do not do
any new sport well at new sports
Some kids wish their body was BUT Other kids like their body the way it
different is
Some kids usually behave the way BUT Other kids often don’t behave the
they know they are supposed to way they are supposed to
Some kids are happy with themselves BUT Other kids are often not happy with
as a person themselves
Some kids often forget what they BUT Other kids can remember things
learn easily
Really Sort Sort Really
true of of true
for true true for
me for for me
me me
Some kids are always doing things BUT Other kids usually do things by
with a lot of kids themselves
Some kids feel they are better at BUT Other kids don’t feel they can play as
sports than their friends well
Some kids wish they looked different BUT Other kids like the way they look
Some kids usually get in trouble BUT Other kids don’t do things that get
because of things they do them into trouble
Some kids like the kind of person they BUT Other kids often wish they were
are someone else
Some kids do very well at their BUT Other kids don’t do very well at their
classwork classwork
Some kids wish more people their BUT Other kids feel that most people
own age like them their own age do like them
In games and sports some kids usually BUT Other kids usually play rather than
watch instead of play just watch
Some kids wish something about their BUT Other kids like their face and hair the
face or hair was different way they are
Some kids do things they know they BUT Other kids hardly ever do things they
shouldn’t do know they shouldn’t do
Some kids are very happy being the BUT Other kids wish they were different
way they are
Some kids have trouble working out BUT Other kids almost always can work
the answers in school out the answers
Some kids are popular with others BUT Other kids are not very popular
their own age
Some kids don’t do well at new BUT Other kids are good at new games
outdoor games right away
Some kids think that they are good BUT Other kids think that they are not
looking very good looking
Some kids behave themselves very BUT Other kids often find it hard to
well behave themselves
Some kids are not happy with the way BUT Other kids think the way they do
they do a lot of things things is fine

4. In the past 6 months: how often have you had the following….?
About More than About every About every Rarely or
every day once a week week month never
Headache
Stomach‐ache
Backache
Feeling low
Bad temper
Feeling nervous
Difficulties in getting to sleep
Feeling dizzy
Neck pain
Tiredness

5．To what extent are these statements true to you?
True most Sometimes Hardly Not true
Always Always
of the true ever true at all
true true
time
It is easy for me to make new friends at school
I have nobody to talk to
I am good at working with other kids
It’s hard for me to make friends
I have lots of friends
I feel alone
I can find a friend when I need one
It’s hard to get other kids to like me
I don’t have anyone to play with
I get along with other kids
I feel left out of things
There is nobody I can go to when I need help
It’s hard for me to get along with other kids
I am lonely
I am well‐liked by the kids in my class
I don’t have any friends at school

6．Please choose how often each of these things happen to you.
Never Sometimes Often Always
I worry about things
I am scared of the dark
When I have a problem, I get a funny feeling in my stomach
I feel afraid
I would feel afraid of being on my own at home
I feel scared when I have to take a test
I feel afraid if I have to use public toilets or bathrooms
I worry about being away from my parents
I feel afraid that a will make a fool of myself in front of people
I worry that I will do badly at my school work
I worry that something awful will happen to someone in my family
I suddenly feel as if I can’t breathe when there is no reason for this
I have to keep checking that I have done things right (like the switch is
off, or the door is locked)
I feel scared if I have to sleep on my own
I have trouble going to school in the mornings because I feel nervous or afraid
I am scared of dogs
I can’t seem to get bad or thoughts out of my head
When I have a problem, my heart beats really fast
I suddenly start to tremble or shake when there is no reason for this
I worry that something bad will happen to me
I am scared of going to the doctor or dentist
When I have a problem, I feel shaky
I am scared of being in high places or lifts (elevators)
I have to think of special thoughts (like numbers or words) to stop bad
things from happening
I feel scared if I have to travel in the car, or on a bus or train
I worry what other people think of me
I am afraid of being in crowded places (like shopping centres, the
movies, buses, busy playgrounds)
All of a sudden I feel really scared for no reason at all
I am scared of insects or spiders
I suddenly become dizzy or faint when there is no reason for this
I feel afraid if I have to walk in from of my class
My heart suddenly starts to beat too quickly for no reason
Never Sometimes Often Always
I worry that I will suddenly get a scared feeling when there is nothing to
be afraid of
I am afraid of being in small closed places, like tunnels or small rooms
I have to do something over and over again (like washing my hands,
cleaning or putting things in a certain order)
I get bothered by bad or silly thoughts or pictures in my mind
I have to do some things in just the right way to stop bad things happening
I would feel scared if I had to stay away from home overnight

7． Please read each group of statements carefully and pick up one statement in each group that best describe the
way you have been feeling in the past two weeks including today. Be sure that you do NOT choose more than one
statement for any group including item 16 and 18.
1.
I do not feel sad.
I feel sad much of the time
I am sad all the time
I am so sad or unhappy that I can't stand it.
2.
I am not discouraged about my future.
I feel more discouraged about my future.
I don’t expect things to work out for me
I feel my future is hopeless and will only get worse
3.
I do not feel like a failure.
I have failed more than I should have
As I look back I see many failures.
I feel I am a total failure as a person.
4.
I get as much pleasure as I ever did from the things I enjoy.
I do not enjoy things as much as I used to.
I get very little pleasure from the things I used to enjoy.
I cannot get any pleasure from the things I used to enjoy.
5.
I do not particularly feel guilty
I feel guilty over many things I have done or should have done.
I feel quite guilty most of the time.
I feel guilty all of the time.
6.
I do not feel I am being punished.
I feel I may be punished.
I expect to be punished.
I feel I am being punished.
7.
I feel the same about myself as ever.
I have lost confidence in myself.
I am disappointed in myself.
I dislike myself.
8.
I do not criticize or blame myself more than usual.
I am more critical of myself than I used to be.
I criticize myself for all of my faults.
I blame myself for everything bad that happens.
9.
I do not have any thoughts of killing myself.
I have thoughts of killing myself, but I would not carry them out.
I would like to kill myself.
I would kill myself if I had the chance.
10.
I do not cry any more than I used to.
I cry more than I used to.
I cry over every little thing.
I feel like crying but I cannot.
11.
I am no more restless or wound up than usual.
I feel more restless or wound up than usual.
I am so restless or agitated that it is hard to stay still.
I am so restless or agitated that I have to keep moving or doing something.
12.
I have not lost interest in other people or activities.
I am less interested in other people or things than before.
I have lost most of my interest in other people or things.
It is hard to get interest in anything.
13.
I make decisions about as well as ever.
I find it more difficult to make decisions than usual.
I have much greater difficulty making decisions than I used to.
I have trouble making any decisions.
14.
I do not feel I am worthless.
I don’t think that I’m as worthwhile and useful as I used to.
I feel more worthless as compared to other people.
I feel utterly worthless.
15.
I have as much energy as ever
I have less energy in the past two weeks.
I don’t have enough energy to do very much.
I don’t have enough energy to do anything.
16.
I have not experienced any change in my sleeping pattern.
I sleep more or less than usual.
I sleep a lot more than usual.
I sleep most of the day OR I wake up 1‐2 hours earlier and cannot get back to sleep.
17.
I am no more irritable than usual.
I am more irritable than usual.
I am much more irritable than usual.
I am irritable all the time.
18.
I have not experienced any change in my appetite.
My appetite is somewhat less than usual OR My appetite is somewhat greater than usual.
My appetite is much less than usual OR My appetite is much greater than usual.
I have no appetite at all OR I crave food all the time.
19.
I can concentrate as well as ever.
I can’t concentrate as well as ever.
It’s hard to keep my mind on anything for long.
I find I can’t concentrate on anything.
20.
I am no more tired or fatigued than usual.
I am more tired or fatigued than usual.
I am too tired or fatigued to do a lot of things I used to do.
I am too tired or fatigued to do most of the things I used to do.

8．Think of a time when you had a problem that bothered you… then select whether you reacted in the following
ways, if “YES”, please continue to rate how much it helped; if “No”, please leave the second part of question blank.
Did you…? How much did it help?
Yes No Not a lot A little A lot
Try to forget it
Do something like watch telly or play a game to forget it
Stay on your own
Keep quiet about the problem
Try to see the good side of things
Blame yourself for causing the problem
Blame someone else for causing the problem
Try to sort out the problem
Try to sort out the problem by doing something or talking to
someone about it
Shout, scream or get angry
Try to calm yourself down
Wish the problem had never happened
Wish you could make things different
Try to feel better by spending time with others like family,
grown‐ups or friends
Do nothing because the problem couldn’t be solved

This is the end of the Survey
Thank you for your participation
Correlation tables
Ethics approval letter
Participant information sheet and consent form

PARTICIPANT INFORMATION SHEET AND CONSENT FORM
A cross‐cultural study of early adolescent girls undergoing the onset of puberty
and primary to secondary school transition
Jia Guo
PhD student of Moray House College of Education, University of Edinburgh
Rm 2.23, St Leonard’s Land, Holyrood Road, Edinburgh, EH8 8DD
0131 651 4109, 07748851765, s0894421@sms.ed.ac.uk

Why do this study?
Early adolescence is an important period of time in life. Multiple changes are taking place in the developing adolescent
and many are happening at the same time. How well the adolescent adepts to these changes have crucial implications
for their wellbeing during this life stage and beyond.
I’m interested in transitions during adolescence and adolescents’ psychological wellbeing. In this study I am going to
collect data from girls at 11 ‐12 years old and follow them for one year to find out how they think about puberty, school
transition, and psychological wellbeing, how these change over time, and whether the timing of puberty and the
experience of school transition experience affect the wellbeing of early adolescent girls.
What will participation involve?
This study involves completing a questionnaire at three time points, including questions on puberty (Have you noticed
any changes in the growth of your height, body hair, skin, breast, and whether you start your period), school transition
experience (e.g., How do you perceive your school environment, academic achievement, motivation, peer relations in
school), and psychological wellbeing (e.g., How do you perceive the levels of your self‐esteem and anxiety). There will
also be a small informal group discussion at the end of each session, where you can give feedback of the questionnaire
content and your experience during the survey. All together the participation will take about 45 minutes.
What will happen next?
Questionnaire and audio recordings will be kept confidentially. Results will contribute to empirical findings in a PhD
thesis and it is also anticipated that journal articles or reports will be produced aiming to help adolescents with
developmental transitions and enhance their wellbeing during this period of life. A short report will be sent to you and
longer writings will also be available if you want it. Therefore, you too, may find these writings useful.
As an informed participant of this study, I understand that:
 I confirm that I have read and understand the information sheet for the above study and have had the opportunity to
ask questions.
 I understand that my participation is voluntary and I am free to withdraw at any time, without punishment.
 I am aware of what my participation involves.
 There are no risks involved in the participation of this study.
 All my questions about the study have been satisfactorily answered.
Please tick box
Yes No
I agree to participate in this study.
I agree to the group discussion being audio recorded.
I agree to the use of anonymised quotes in publications.
__________________________________ ____________________
Participant’s Signature Date
I have explained and defined the research procedure, and answered all questions asked by the participant.
__________________________________ ____________________
Researcher’s Signature Date

Information sheet and parental/guardian consent form

INFORMATION SHEET AND PARENTAL/GUARDIAN CONSENT
FORM
Anything written on this form will be held in confidence
A cross‐cultural study of early adolescent girls undergoing the onset of puberty
and primary to secondary school transition
Jia Guo
PhD student of Moray House College of Education, University of Edinburgh
0131 651 4109, 07748851765, s0894421@sms.ed.ac.uk
Why do this study?
Early adolescence accommodates multiple rapid, and sometimes simultaneous changes with substantial implications
for the wellbeing of early adolescents and even into their adulthood.
I’m interested in transitions during adolescence and adolescents’ psychological wellbeing. In this study I am going to
collect data from girls at 11 ‐12 years old and follow them for one year to find out how their perceptions of puberty,
school transition, and psychological wellbeing change over time, and whether there are any effects of pubertal timing
and school transition experience on the psychological wellbeing of early adolescent girls.
What will participation involve?
This study involves completing a questionnaire at three time points, including questions on puberty (How do girls
perceive their pubertal development in relation to changes in their growth spurt, body hair, skin, breast, and whether
they begin menstruate), school transition experience (e.g., How do girls perceive their school environment, academic
achievement, motivation, peer relations in school), and psychological wellbeing (e.g., How do girls perceive the levels
of their self‐esteem and anxiety). There will also be a focus group discussion at the end of each session on an informal
basis, where participants will give feedback of the questionnaire content and their experience during the survey. The
entire procedure will last approximately 45 minutes. Participation will be voluntary, and girls are free to withdrawal
from the research at any point without penalty.
What will happen next?
Data will be kept confidentially. Results will contribute to empirical findings in a PhD thesis and it is also anticipated that
journal articles or reports will be produced aiming to help adolescents navigate multiple developmental transitions and
enhance their wellbeing during this period of life. A short report will be sent to participants and longer writings will also
be available if requested. Participants themselves too, may find these writings useful.
**********************************************************************
Name of child: __________________________ Date of birth: _______________________________
I, being the parent or guardian of the child named above, confirm that I:
 have read and understand the information sheet for the above study and have had the opportunity to contact the
researcher for queries
 give consent for the child named above to participate in the study
Contact information
Relationship to child: ___________________
Telephone number: ____________________ Mobile number: _____________________
Home address: __________________________________________________________________________
_______________________________________________________ Post Code: ______________________
Alternative guardian contact
Relationship to child: ___________________
Telephone number: ____________________ Mobile number: _____________________
Address: _______________________________________________________________________________
_______________________________________________________ Post Code: ______________________
Signature: ____________________ Date: ______________________

Please return the completed form to:
Rm 2.23, St Leonard’s Land, Holyrood Road, Edinburgh, EH8 8DD

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This thesis has been submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for a postgraduate degree

Longitudinal Changes in Chinese Adolescent Girls’

Doctor of Philosophy – The University of Edinburgh – 2015

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT ............................................................................... III

TABLE OF CONTENTS ............................................................................... VII

LIST OF FIGURES ...................................................................................... XV

LIST OF TABLES....................................................................................... XVII

CHAPTER 1 ADOLESCENT DEVELOPMENT: FROM THE WESTERN

CHAPTER 2 THE DEVELOPING BODY – PHYSICAL GROWTH DURING

CHAPTER 3 ADOLESCENTS AND SOCIAL CONTEXTS ........................... 39

CHAPTER 4 MENTAL HEALTH DURING ADOLESCENCE ........................ 63

CHAPTER 5 METHODOLOGY.................................................................... 77

CHAPTER 6 INTERRELATIONS BETWEEN VARIABLES ....................... 119

CHAPTER 7 LONGITUDINAL CHANGES OF ADOLESCENTS’ PHYSICAL

CHAPTER 8 CHANGING SOCIAL CONTEXTS: FAMILIES, FRIENDS, AND

CHAPTER 10 GENERAL DISCUSSION .................................................... 241

REFERENCES ........................................................................................... 269

CHAPTER 1 ADOLESCENT DEVELOPMENT: FROM THE WESTERN

1.1 Aims and outline of this thesis

Despite the research interest in early adolescence, limitations exist.

Time 1 Time 2 Time 3

The transition from primary to junior high school

1.2.1 Early adolescence – “The ontogenetic laboratory”

1.2.2 The “storm and stress” hypothesis

1.3 Theoretical frameworks of adolescent development

1.3.1 Cumulative effects of developmental transitions and the focal theory

transformations, but also a time when multiple transitional changes occur

1.3.2 Adolescent development in contexts – the bioecologcial system model

As reviewed earlier, adolescent development involves multiple transitions

As implied by chronosystem, developmental contexts undergo processes of

1.3.3 Summary of adolescent development research in Western literature

Nevertheless, a growing number of national and cross‐national research

Research on adolescent development especially on adolescent wellbeing in

1.4.1 Confucianism and Collectivism

1.4.2 Modern changes

1.5 Adolescence in China – Cultural and social influences on Chinese

1.5.1 Single child – From “4-2-1” to “1-2-4” phenomenon

1.5.2 Chinese adolescents in schools

Age UK grade US grade Level of study Type of education

Table 1.2 Educational system in China

Average age Grade level Grade Organization Type of education

10% Specialty (literature and art, sports, or, science and

other cultural factors which influence Chinese adolescent development;

1.6 Conclusion and implications for thesis

CHAPTER 2 THE DEVELOPING BODY – PHYSICAL GROWTH DURING

2.1 Aims of this chapter

2.3 Puberty and physical development during adolescence

During adolescence, puberty initiates a series of complex physiological

Concerning the relation between off‐time pubertal development and girls’

2.4 Body image and concerns

Body image is discriminated as a multidimensional construct that generally

2.4.1 Thinness, overweight, and obesity

2.4.2 Body dissatisfaction

2.4.3 Physical appearance comparisons

2.5 Gender issues

psychological adjustment cannot be understood adequately without

2.6 Limitations of previous studies on physical growth during adolescence and

2.7 Conclusion and implications for thesis

CHAPTER 3 ADOLESCENTS AND SOCIAL CONTEXTS

3.1 Aims of this chapter

Chapter 2 outlined adolescents’ developing body, in terms of pubertal

3.3 The family context

3.3.1 Parents attachment