Here, I am taking the real example of Caste Discrimination.

India is a country that's changing fast even though it's still known for
its rigid caste system. Members of India's lowest class were
traditionally called "untouchables." They are now known as Dalits.
But despite the name change, and laws to protect them, Dalits say
they still suffer widespread discrimination. Now, a group of
volunteers throughout India is gathering video evidence of that
discrimination in an effort to end it. The videos show a man who
complains that a local barber refuses to cut his hair; a group of
children who are forced to eat lunch separately from their
classmates; women who walk for hours to fetch water because they
are not allowed to use the public tap in the village None of the
footage on its own is particularly dramatic. But it documents a
persistent form of social discrimination – untouchability. Amit is a
Dalit, who lives in the northern state of Haryana. He's one of 65
video volunteers currently documenting examples of untouchability
for a campaign called Article 17. It's named after the constitutional
provision that banned caste-based discrimination in 1950. But for
Amit, and millions of other Dalits, very little has changed. "This Dalit
stamp is always with us," Amit said. "When we apply for jobs, or try
to get into college we have to show which community we belong to.
That's when the discrimination starts. Here in Haryana, Dalits are still
being tied to trees and beaten by the upper-caste people. No one
stands up for us." Amit takes me to visit his friend, another Dalit
named Vimal. Most Dalits never get out of poverty, so Vimal's house
is not what I expect. It's new and spacious – testament to the fact
that some Dalits have benefited from India's economic growth. But
Vimal tells me right after his family arrived, a mob of upper-caste
neighbours attacked the house. And as more Dalits moved in, upper-
class neighbours moved out. "They can't handle us having money or
education, “said Vimal. India's caste system is deeply rooted in
Hinduism. Across India, especially in rural areas, people are still born
into their caste and occupations. Even if a Dalit scavenger could
afford to open a grocery store — an upper-caste customer probably
wouldn't touch the produce or even shop there. But untouchability is
rarely covered in the media and gets little attention from India's
urban middle class. Amit is the one who shot the video. It's from his
village. I ask him to show me the temple, which is a public place.
Amit and his friend get on the bike; and we follow in a car. But
instead of stopping at the temple, we park in an alleyway behind it.
Amit leads me to a friend's house, where everyone looks nervous.
Finally, they explain what's going on. There are some upper cast
people there, Amit and his friends tell me; they are too scared to
enter the temple.
Now, my second example is related to Earthquake in Gujarat where
caste discrimination had been occurred.

On January 26, 2001, a devastating earthquake rocked the northwest

Indian state of Gujarat. Within days of the country's worst natural
disaster in recent history at least 30,000 were declared dead and
over one million were left homeless. In the months since the
earthquake, residents of the state of Gujarat have been besieged by
a man-made disaster: caste and communal discrimination in the
distribution of relief and rehabilitation, corruption in the handling of
aid, and political squabbling that has done little to help the
earthquake's neediest victims. Six weeks after the earthquake,
Human Rights Watch visited the towns of Bhuj, Bhijouri, Khawda,
Anjar, and Bhachau in Kutch, the state's most devastated district. In
all areas visited by Human Rights Watch, Dalits and Muslims lived
separately from upper-caste Hindus. Several residents and survivors
told us, "we are surviving the way we lived, that's why we are in
separate camps. “While the government has allocated equal
amounts of monetary compensation and food supplies to members
of all communities, Dalit and Muslim populations did not have the
same access to adequate shelter, electricity, running water, and
other supplies available to others. This was apparent in several cities
near Bhuj, including Anjar and Bhachchau, where the government
had provided far superior shelter and basic amenities to upper-caste
populations.

My third example is based on Caste and Marriage.

Often, rigid social norms of purity and pollution are socially enforced
through strict prohibitions on marriage or other social interaction
between castes. While economic and social indicators other than
caste have gained in significance, allowing intermarriage among
upper castes, in many countries strong social barriers remain in place
against marriage between lower and higher castes. In India the
condemnation can be quite severe, ranging from social ostracism to
punitive violence. On August 6, 2001, in the north Indian state of
Uttar Pradesh, an upper-caste Brahmin boy and a lower-caste Jat girl
were dragged to the roof of a house and publicly hanged by
members of their own families as hundreds of spectators looked on.
The public lynching was punishment for refusing to end an inter-
caste relationship.

My forth example is based on Access to Education.

High drop-out and lower literacy rates among lower-caste

populations have rather simplistically been characterized as the
natural consequences of poverty and underdevelopment. Though
these rates are partly attributable to the need for low-caste children
to supplement their family wages through labor, more insidious and
less well-documented is the discriminatory and abusive treatment
faced by low-caste children who attempt to attend school, at the
hands of their teachers and fellow students. Over fifty years since
India's constitutional promise of free, compulsory, primary education
for all children up to the age of fourteen-with special care and
consideration to be given to promote the educational progress of
scheduled castes-illiteracy still plagues almost two-thirds of the Dalit
population as compared to about one-half of the general population.
The literacy gap between Dalits and the rest of the population fell a
scant 0.39 percent between 1961 and 1991. Most of the government
schools in which Dalit students are enrolled are deficient in basic
infrastructure, classrooms, teachers, and teaching aids. A majority of
Dalit students are also enrolled in vernacular schools whose students
suffer serious disadvantages in the job market as compared to those
who learn in English-speaking schools.

My fifth one real example is based on Caste and Labour.

Allocation of labor on the basis of caste is one of the fundamental

tenets of many caste systems, with lower-castes typically restricted
to tasks and occupations that are deemed too "filthy" or "polluting"
for higher-caste communities recent allegation of discrimination
based on descent is that made by Tamils of Indian origin employed
mainly as tea estate workers in the hill country. With regard to
wages, housing, sanitation, health and educational facilities, they
were an oppressed group. Improvements have slowly been made as
a result of government policies and powerful trade union action.
Integration with the rest of society is more difficult owing to
prejudice, but this is breaking down. There are signs of upward
mobility through education and non-discriminatory laws. Caste
distinctions exist among themselves and complaints have been made
that workers (mostly Dalits) are kept out of trade union office by high
caste supervisors.