PRIME MINISTER BOOK OF SPEECHES NEW - b5 PDF

THE MOVEMENT OF
MODERATES
THE REVITALISATION OF AN ANCIENT
PHILOSOPHY
Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak’s Selected
Speeches on Moderation
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PRIME MINISTER’S BOOK OF SELECTED
SPEECHES ON MODERATION
TABLE OF CONTENTS
1. Foreword
2. General Debate of the 65th Session of the Nations

General Assembly
3. The Coalition of the Moderates and

Intercivilisational Understanding
4. Opening Ceremony of the 6th General Assembly of

the International Conference of Asian Political
Parties
5. Honolulu’s East-West Center
6. Global Movement of Moderates: The Way

Forward
7. GMMF Special Address “GMM as a Driver for

Global Changes”
8. 26th Asia-Pacific Roundtable
9. Fourth Extra-Ordinary Session of the Islamic

Summit
10. 8th World Islamic Economic Forum (WIEF):

“Changing Trends, New Opportunities”
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11. General Debate of the 68th UN General Assembly
12. Persidangan Anjuran Asian Peace and

Reconcilation Council / ISIS Malaysia
13. UMNO International Forum on “Global

Moderation”
14. The Opening Session of the National Colloquium

on Malaysia’s Chairmanship of ASEAN 2015
15. General Debate of the 69th United Nations General

Assembly
16. Opening Ceremony of the 26th ASEAN Summit
17. Closing Ceremony of the 26th ASEAN Summit
18. 29th Asia-Pacific Roundtable
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FOREWORD
This updated volume before us, represents the 2nd edition of

a collection of speeches by the Malaysian Prime Minister,
Dato’ Sri Mohd Najib Tun Razak pertaining to moderation
on various occasions be it in Malaysia or abroad. While the
concept of moderation is not new, the articulation for a
global movement of moderates was certainly a refreshing
idea in the field of public diplomacy. First propounded in
2010 at the United Nations General Assembly, the message,
emphasizing the need for members and leaders of the world
to reject extremism and extremists from their own ilk and
to jointly support a ‘movement of the moderates’, was very
much well-received.
Throughout the book, the Prime Minister repeatedly and

vehemently denounces extremism in all its forms and guises,
before calling on the international community, including the
media and the various NGOs to cooperate together - as a
movement of moderates - on the pressing issues of world
peace, security and terrorism afflicting the global world.
Prime Minister Najib Razak speaks with a clear voice, on the
message of moderation, as a message of peace, of hope and
coexistence – not only for Malaysians nor Muslims but for
the people of all faiths and ethnicities transcending national
and geoprahical divides.
In almost every platform of opportunity, the Prime Minister

propounds and proposes for the global community – be it
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at United Nations to OIC levels respectively, let alone
regional spheres, to come together and engage with each
other in order to find meaningful solutions to the crises of
the current by way of addressing the root causes as well
standing ready for service, per his now famous quote, “We
must, and I repeat, we must urgently reclaim the centre and the moral
high ground that has been usurped from us. We must choose moderation
over extremism. We must choose negotiations over confrontation. We
must choose to work together and not against each other. And we must
give this effort utmost priority for time is not on our side.”
Thus, it is with a fervent hope that in addition to this

updated volume of Prime Minister Najib’s collection of
speeches serving not only as a reference point on
moderation as well as a framework on the global movement
of moderates concept, but for it to also lead to further
substantial deliberations towards its enhancement.
Executive Chairman & CEO

Global Movement of Moderates Foundation
March 2017
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GENERAL DEBATE OF THE 65TH SESSION OF
THE UNITED NATIONS GENERAL ASSEMBLY
New York, USA
27/09/2010
Mr. President,
Allow me at the onset to congratulate you, on your election

as the President of the 65th Session of the United Nations’
General Assembly. I am confident that under your very able
and astute leadership, the 65th Session will be able to
complete its proceedings successfully. In this regard, let me
assure you of Malaysia’s full support for your Presidency.
2. Let me reaffirm Malaysia’s unwavering and

continuing support for the United Nations and the
multilateral principles, based on international law, which it
embodies. Let me also reiterate Malaysia’s commitment to
doing our part in this collective endeavour. We do so in the
strong belief that all nations, no matter how large or small,
rich or poor, strong or weak, have a common responsibility
towards creating a better world for tomorrow. It is my firm
belief that in order to create a better world for our future
generations, we need to take into account today’s realities as
well as learn from the lessons of yesterday.
Mr. President,
3. Among the most important challenges confronting

the international community today that needs to be
addressed collectively, is the challenge of ensuring a just,
equitable and durable peace. Peace not just during our time,
but, peace for all times. It is imperative that we have to
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achieve peace premised upon a covenant of the willing and
not one enforced by way of hegemony through fear and
coercion. Such peace can only be achieved if we are willing
to constructively engage each other through dialogue. Such
discussions would help in creating a deeper understanding
as well as appreciation and respect of each other in our
conviction to create a better future for all citizens of the
world.
Mr President,
4. As a trade organization, WTO remains relevant to

today’s economic climate and Malaysia believes that the
Doha Round must return to its original objective of
ensuring free, fair and equitable trade. Let us put our joint
efforts and focus on moving the process forward and build
upon the progress and achievement to date. It is urgent that
we conclude this as soon as possible.
5. Since the adoption of the MDGs a decade ago,

which galvanized the world into collective action; there has
been lack of efforts on joint endeavours towards the
betterment of humanity. The missed opportunity at last
year’s climate change meeting in Copenhagen is a wake-up
call for all of us. We need to bridge the gaps towards
resolving and addressing the issues of climate change which
affects the lives and livelihoods of the peoples of the world
and our future generations.
Mr. President,
6. On 7 June 2010, the Malaysian Parliament

unanimously passed a Resolution condemning the brutal
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Israeli attack on the humanitarian convoy in international
waters. This resolution was premised on humanitarian
grounds and demanded that the Palestinians be given their
basic rights. This was why the Members of the Malaysian
Parliament, regardless of their political alignment, stood
together in full support of this Resolution. In this regard, we
reaffirm today our solidarity and sympathy with the people
of Turkey and to the families for their tragic loss.
7. Malaysia understood the necessity of letting the

multilateral system work. We were happy to see
establishment of the UN Investigation Panel and the
International Fact Finding Mission of the Human Rights
Council. We are pleased with the findings of the
International Fact Finding Mission of the UN Human
Rights Council. The report has found that the conduct of
the Israeli military and other personnel towards the flotilla
passengers was not only disproportionate but also
demonstrated levels of totally unnecessary and incredible
violence. This inhumane attack constituted grave violations
of human rights law and international humanitarian law. The
Malaysian Parliament feels vindicated by these findings.
8. We are now waiting for the UN Investigation Panel

to complete its work. We want to see the perpetrators
responsible for the attacks be brought to justice and
adequate compensation for the innocent victims of the
attacks. We want the UN to act justly and decisively, without
fear or favour, in a manner that would ensure transgressions
of blatant international laws are dealt with and that justice is
done.
Mr. President,
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9. On the Middle East Peace Process, Malaysia is
encouraged with the recent development especially the
active role by the Obama Administration and the Quartet in
seeking a comprehensive and lasting solution. A solution
not only to the problem between Palestine and Israel, but
also to the region. We welcome the recent initiative by the
United States in hosting the direct peace talks between
Palestine and Israel. We also call on all parties to support
these initiatives and not be detracted from these efforts to
achieve the aspiration of creating two sovereign States living
side by side in peace with secure and recognized borders.
10. For this to happen, the following pre-requisites

should be addressed:
• First, Israel must heed the high expectations of

the international community to end this long standing
conflict. We call on the US and other members of the
Quartet to persuade Israel to end the construction of
new settlements in the West Bank and Jerusalem.
• Second, reconciliation efforts must bear

fruits. The achievement of political unity among the
Palestinians is vital in moving the peace process
forward and the reconstruction of the Gaza Strip.
• Third, both parties must eschew violence and

ensure the protection of civilians and respect for
international humanitarian and human rights law.
Mr. President,
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11. While harnessing our efforts to promote international
peace and harmony we are concerned with the increasing
trend in some parts of the world to perpetuate or even fuel
Islamophobia. Attempts to demonize Islam offend the one
and a half billion adherents of the religion. It intensifies the
divide between the broad Muslim world and the West. The
real issue is not between Muslims and non-Muslims but
between the moderates and extremists of all religions, be it
Islam, Christianity or Judaism. Across all religions we have
inadvertently allowed the ugly voices of the periphery to
drown out the many voices of reason and common sense. I
therefore urge us to embark on building a “Global
Movement of the Moderates” from all faiths who are
committed to work together to combat and marginalize
extremists who have held the world hostage with their
bigotry and bias. We must, and I repeat, we must urgently
reclaim the centre and the moral high ground that has been
usurped from us. We must choose moderation over
extremism. We must choose negotiations over
confrontation. We must choose to work together and not
against each other. And we must give this effort utmost
priority for time is not on our side.
12. In this regard we are heartened to note that a group

of American Evangelical Christians had worked tirelessly to
prevent the threatened burning of the Quran with the
compelling argument that it is in fact un-Christian to burn
the Quran. This is a clear example of what can be achieved
when moderates in each faith stand up to the extremists that
are trying to hijack the universal values of our religions.
Mr President,
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13. We commend President Obama and Mayor
Bloomberg for rising to the challenge by affirming the rights
of supporters of the Cordoba House to be located near the
site of the World Trade Centre. This project will include a
mosque and aMulti-Faith Community Centre open to
all. We support the objectives of the Cordoba Initiative, an
organization that focuses on promoting peace,
understanding and moderation, both between Muslims and
non-Muslims and within the Muslim communities. All
countries should encourage and support initiatives that
promote mutual respect, peaceful coexistence and reject the
extremists who divide us all with issues that have in the past
brought misery and hatred.
Mr. President,
14. Allow me to share my country’s own experience in

managing issues of diversity. Malaysia is a multi-racial, multi-
religious, multi-cultural and democratic society that has
benefited from the positive interaction and synergy between
the various communities. Mosques, temples, churches and
other places of worship co-exist in harmony. Although
Islam is the official religion, we honour other religions –
Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism – by making their
religious and cultural celebrations as national holidays and
celebrate them as national events. It is this equilibrium that
leads to moderation or “wasatiyyah” in the Islamic tradition
of mutual justice.
15. Malaysia stands at the geographical cross roads of

major civilisations and religions of the world. We are
therefore well poised to play our part in promoting religious
understanding, harmony and tolerance. To further
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strengthen our process of national unity, I have introduced
a philosophy known as 1Malaysia. 1Malaysia is a vision that
seeks renewal and rejuvenation to bring all our people
together in a just and harmonious relationship. 1Malaysia
calls for the acceptance of diversity as a source of greater
unity. We seek to celebrate our multi-ethnic and multi-
religious society for strategic strength and harmony.
Mr President,
16. It is time for moderates of all countries, of all religions

to take back the centre, to reclaim the agenda for peace and
pragmatism, and to marginalise the extremists. This “Global
Movement of the Moderates” will save us from sinking into
the abyss of despair and depravation. This is an opportunity
for us to provide the much needed leadership to bring hope
and restore dignity for all. With greater will and collective
determination, we will build a more peaceful, secure and
equitable world.
Thank you.
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THE COALITION OF THE MODERATES AND
INTERCIVILISATIONAL UNDERSTANDING
OXFORD ISLAMIC CENTRE, UNITED KINGDOM
16/05/2011
Bismillahirrahmanirrahim
Assalamualaikum Warahmatullahi Wabarakatuh.
Distinguished guests, Ladies and Gentlemen,
Good evening.
1. Let me first thank the Rt. Hon. Jack Straw for his
kind words of introduction; Dr Farhan Nizami, a respected
scholar, whom I have known for many years; and all of the
representatives from the academia, business and diplomatic
communities who are present here today.
2. I am immensely pleased to join you as a guest of

Oxford University, where earlier this afternoon I had the
chance to meet some very talented young students and to
visit the future OCIS building, an inspirational environment,
which blends Islamic and Malay traditions with your own
rich Oxford heritage.
3. It is an enormous honour to be here in the

renowned Sheldonian Theatre, which has echoed with the
words of so many luminaries over the years. Every year
dozens of Malaysians travel to Oxford to study, finding a
home away from home in the Oxford University Malaysia
Club. The Khazanah-OCIS Merdeka Scholarship,
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established in 2006 to mark the 50th anniversary of
Malaysian independence, have boosted the numbers. And
with the Malaysian Securities Commission and OCIS now
collaborating on the study of emerging issues in Islamic
finance, the bonds between our two countries will be further
strengthened.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
4. Diversity, dialogue and peaceful co-existence are

important themes in Islam. In the holy Quran, Allah SWT
expounds that, the very reason He creates human beings
into distinct nations and tribes is as a blessing so that
humanity may embrace and celebrate their diversity. When
then, did Islam and extremism become synonymous? When
then, did perpetrators of hate and terror hijack the religion
of peace and compassion? How did acts of extremism by a
few minorities of Muslims come to be seen as a reflection
of Islam and its followers? Such vile misrepresentations are
a source of great anguish to me and to the vast majority of
Muslims.
5. When four young men headed south from

Yorkshire one morning in July, six years ago, maybe they
thought the home-made bombs they carried in their
backpacks made them “real Muslims”. Maybe they thought
that by blowing themselves up they were acting in
accordance with the will of Allah, that they were following
the teachings of the Quran. How wrong they were.
6. I would like to emphatically state that, those who

strap explosives on their bodies and blow themselves up are
not martyrs. They do not represent Islam. Unknowingly,
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they are misguided into committing a grievous sin. So do, all
those who preach hate and stoke the fire of intolerance in
leading to this most blasphemous act, they too are as guilty
as the perpetrators. Our heart goes out to their victims who
are innocent, defenceless civilians going about their daily life.
Islam never condones such a vile act. Neither is it part of
the teachings of Islam.
7. In fact, Islam abhors suicide; as stated clearly in the

Holy Quran, Chapter 2 verse 195 which reads: “do not throw
yourselves with your own hands into destruction”. Therefore, suicide
is impermissible under any circumstances. Life in Islam is a
sacred trust from the Almighty whose fate shall be
determined by His will alone. It is pertinent to note that
under the five higher objectives of Islamic law or “maqasid
syariah” the first and foremost concern is the protection and
preservation of life.
8. A world free from terrorism is possible. It is not

beyond our reach. It needs men and women of goodwill
among the faithful of all creeds; it requires a vanguard of the
moderates, it demands us to stop being a silent majority and
to start reflecting the courage of our conviction. We must
address the underlying causes of global violence. Merely
going after specific individuals, dismantling their
organizations, disrupting their finances and discrediting
their ideologies is far from enough. We must be able to
differentiate between the symptoms and the root causes.
Only then, can we achieve a lasting solution.
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9. It would be too easy to say that the solution to
Islamic extremism is simply for more Muslims to speak up
and to speak out. Yes, it is our responsibility, but it is not
ours alone. Just as Muslims need to make their voices heard,
so do the Christians, the Jews, the Buddhists, the Hindus
and the Atheists who are sickened by intolerance, violence
and terror and need to make their voices heard. We need to
hear the concerted voices from moderates in all countries
and from all walks of life. And when we do, the prize of
peace is there for all to see.
10. But while one man standing in the road is a nuisance,

a mere distraction, ten men standing together are far harder
to ignore. And if those ten become a hundred, a thousand,
a million, a billion even, they become a force so big, so
strong and so united in their common cause that those who
espouse hatred will face a very simple choice. They can join
us, or they can remain where they are and be crushed by the
force of our collective will.
11. So it is for people who cherish moderation, dignity

and justice everywhere to stand firm, and stand proud, to
dissipate the pull of terror and to deny those at the margins
a foothold in the middle ground – ensuring that frustrations,
wherever they are felt, are heeded and that voices, wherever
they speak out, are heard.
12. Quite simply, we cannot allow this moment to be

overtaken by extremists, with those who shout loudest
gaining the most.
13. That is why we are all here this evening to foster not
a clash of civilisations but to further an understanding, and
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perhaps even a celebration of our difference and, at the
same time, of everything we share. Modernisation and
moderation must go hand in hand. Our dialogue must
continue.
14. Allow me to relate the Malaysian

experience. Providence and history has endowed us with a
nation-state that epitomises the very essence of
diversity. Malaysia is blessed not only with ethnic diversity
but also of culture, language and religion. Since
independence in 1957, with the exception of the May 13
tragedy, Malaysians have lived in relative peace and stability.
15. In Malaysia, Islam is synonymous with moderation,

inclusiveness and good governance. Sixty percent of
Malaysians are Muslims, the other forty percent profess a
variety of faiths i.e. Buddhism, Taoism, Confucianism,
Christianity, Hinduism, Sikhism and others. Although, the
Malaysian Constitution provides for Islam as the religion of
the Federation, it protects the right of all Malaysians to
practise their religion in peace and harmony.
16. In light of this diversity, national unity continues to

be the overriding objective. Since assuming the office of
Prime Minister in April 2009, I have continued to make this
overarching goal the top priority of my administration
through the guiding philosophy of 1Malaysia, emphasising
People First, Performance Now.
17. In managing our plurality, we have decided on

integration as opposed to assimilation. Malaysians accept
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their diversity. We do not merely tolerate each other but we
also embrace and celebrate. By leveraging the robustness
and dynamism of our diversity, we have created a
foundation for our national resilience.
18. In the short span of fifty years, Malaysians have

managed to transform from a low-income agricultural
economy dependent on a few commodities into a diversified
modern industrial upper middle-income nation. The United
Nations Development Programme currently classifies
Malaysia as a high Human Development Index nation.
19. Islam is practised as a way of life in Malaysia. The

government advocates a path of Wasatiyah or justly
balanced moderation whether in formulating and executing
domestic policies or in conducting international relations.
Let me put this in perspective so that there will be no room
for confusion or misinterpretation.
20. I would like to stress that the principle of

moderation is not new in Islam. Wasatiyah, is a recurring
theme in the Quran. Verse 143 Chapter 2 states:
“We have made you into a community that is justly balanced”.
The Quran goes further that with moderation, there must

be justice and justice presupposes knowledge and freedom.
It is therefore important to remember that education,
coupled with democratic principles of freedom, allows us to
choose what is good and virtuous. It is only logical that
moderates choose a path that is true and right. Moderates
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must defend and promote these ideals. What is false or
misleading should be rejected and expunged.
21. Moderation is also advocated in Christianity. If I

may quote from the Bible, Philippians Chapter 4 verse 5
which says:
“Let your moderation be known unto all men…”
This essentially calls for all Christians to live their daily lives
in moderation and not do anything in excess. Judaism also
calls for the middle road. The Torah teaches that
moderation in life and etiquette, in character and traits, as
well as in one’s lifestyle is a ‘way of life’ in the truest sense
of Jewish customs. In Taoism, the principle of moderation
is considered a critical component of one’s personal
development and forms part of the three pillars of its
teaching.
22. There is no such thing as a liberal Islam or an

extremist Islam, a conservative Islam or an enlightened
Islam, a jihadist Islam or an appeasing Islam, a modern
Islam or a medieval Islam. There is only Islam, a complete
way of life. Being moderate cannot in any way be equated to
a wimp, unprincipled, weak or appeasing.
23. In following the best Islamic tradition, Malaysia shall

not waver from supporting what is right and just
notwithstanding whether the cause is championed by the
Islamic world or beyond. We shall not retreat in the defence
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of the weak and the oppressed whatever their creed or
colour. We will not be silenced from speaking the truth.
24. We are now all too aware of the dangers of terrorism

and violent extremism. From the 9/11 attacks, to the
Madrid and Bali bombings, to the destruction caused here
in London, many live in continuous fear of losing their lives
at any given moment.
25. As chapters of the history of terrorism and extreme

violence are still being written, its plot pivots around a single
question - Why do people take such extreme measures to
the extent of taking another’s life or even their own? I am
sure that many here are aware of some of the more common
factors that lead people to commit such atrocities. It has
often been cited that lack of economic development and
education has led some people to turn to extreme measures
like terrorism. In other cases, it is despair and a sense of
utter hopelessness. Humiliation is another wellspring. While
most have acknowledged these factors, if we observe more
carefully, we will find that some terrorists come from well-
off families and are very much educated.
26. In most cases, it is a combination of these factors

that terrorism continues to persist. For them, terrorism is
the pursuit of political goals through other means. They also
hide behind the mask of religion in pursuit of their goals.
Some really believe that other religions and civilisations
represent the enemy and that there is no place for peaceful
coexistence. For them, the world is a zero sum game where
one side can win only at the expense of the other. They
propagate this to get others to fight and die for their
cause. Thus, in a peculiar way, the role of religion has
20
ironically, increased the scale and lethality of the terrorist
threat considerably.
27. Terrorism and extremism are serious challenges.

Overcoming them requires clear thinking based on an
objective assessment of the situation. One real and symbolic
cause looming large as a rallying cry for global extremism is
the unresolved Middle East problem, the plight of the
Palestinian people. It has haunted the global conscience for
far too long. Every peace-loving nation which seeks a better
world must work towards an everlasting resolution based on
the principles of a viable two state solution and equitable
justice for all involved.
28. Malaysia unequivocally supports the struggle of the

Palestinian people for an independent, sovereign and viable
homeland of their own under the umbrella of the United
Nations Security Council Resolutions. The world owes the
Palestinian people a debt of honour; the people of Palestine
have suffered for far too long. The Palestinian people have
been expelled from their land, their homes destroyed before
their very eyes; they have been humiliated and subjugated
while the world watched. Oppressed and denied their most
fundamental right to life and liberty with dignity and hope
have led to tragic and heart wrenching consequences. It is
time to put real action in place of grandstanding and mere
rhetoric.
29. In supporting the Palestinian and other righteous

causes, Malaysia will not support violence against non-
combatants, civilians, women, children, the aged and infirm.
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In short, those who cannot defend themselves whatever the
justification. Some argue that desperation has led to
unorthodox methods of warfare. To them I would urge to
heed to principle of Islam that the end never justifies the
means.
30. That is why, at the United Nations in September last

year, I called for a Global Movement of the Moderates that
would see government, intellectuals, religious scholars and
business leaders across the world take a united stand. For it
is the spirit of Wasatiyah – ‘moderation’ or ‘balance’ – that
must now prevail all around the globe.
31. There is no doubt that the scale and speed of the

events unfolding across the Arab world in recent months
has at times felt almost overwhelming. But amidst the chaos
and the confusion we should not lose sight of the fact that
these countries and peoples now face a fateful choice – the
choice between extremism and intolerance that closes in to
fill the void and a peaceful, democratic moderation that will
grant them more freedom of expression, not less.
32. In the words of Samuel Johnson, society cannot

subsist “but by reciprocal concessions”, and that is how
modern, multi-racial, multi-religious and multi-cultural
Malaysia not only subsists but develops and grows. Far from
encouraging “different cultures to live separate lives, apart
from each other and apart from the mainstream” Malaysia’s
integration and inclusivity has always been the key formula
for success.
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33. But if my stance is idealistic, it is hard-headedly
realistic. Many great Islamic scholars have been concerned
with how Islam with its religious, cultural, political, ethical
and economic world view can help solve some of the biggest
challenges we face today. These are questions that interest
me – how moderation can solve the problem of extremism
but also, in more unexpected ways, how it can help us
through the global economic crisis.
34. It is no coincidence that institutions working to

Islamic principles survived the worst of the economic crisis.
Islamic finance puts the public good ahead of individual gain.
And it is perhaps worthy to note that Islamic bank would
not have been permitted to spend and lend so much more
money than it actually possessed.
35. The Islamic world is already showing that it can be

an economic force. Malaysia is the world leader in Islamic
finance. Malaysia is also the world leader in the issuance of
sukuk or Islamic bond with 60 per cent of it originating from
Malaysia.
36. The great potential of Islamic finance is not hard to

see. There are more than one and a half billion Muslims
living in countries around the world. There are more than
400 Islamic banks in over 50 countries, including right here
in the United Kingdom.
37. In this regard, I believe we should look closely at

how the structures of Islamic finance can support the new
global economic architecture that is emerging. Indeed, in
place of excess Islamic finance offers moderation and
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transparency. In place of greed, Islamic finance offers
fairness.
38. Moderation is not an alien concept to mankind.

Neither is it only theoretical in nature. It is a real living
principle that can be gleaned from the exemplary conduct
of Prophet Muhammad (SAW) that after years of being
persecuted, harassed and oppressed by the pagan
Quraishites, he started his reign of Mecca later, with dignity,
forgiveness and compassion.
39. Moderation can also be seen from the conduct of

Nelson Mandela who after being incarcerated for 27 years,
18 of those spent in an eight by eight foot cell, allowed only
one letter and one visitor every six months. After he was
released and when asked by journalist Sir David Frost “how
is it that you got through 28 years, you were wrongly
incarcerated, and you’re not bitter?” Mandela answered,
“David, I would like to be bitter, but there is no time to be
bitter. There is work to be done…”.
40. In his inaugural address as President in 1994, Nelson

Mandela eloquently put forth the ringing clarion call:
“Let there be justice for all.

Let there be peace for all.
Let there be work, bread, water and salt for all.
Let each know that for each body, the mind and the soul
have been freed to fulfil themselves.”
41. It is testimony to his sense of moderation and his

leadership that there was no bloody retribution in South
24
Africa for all the evils and injustices perpetrated against the
black majority during the apartheid regime.
42. Again, moderation was manifested in the works of

Mahatma Gandhi, the father of non-violent struggle, who
freed a nation through his faith in the inherent goodness of
man.
43. Moderation is also reflected in the struggle of the

Reverend Martin Luther King Jr. In his dream for a more
equal America, he appealed to its highest ideals of using non
violent means following in the footsteps of Gandhi rather
than debasing his struggle by stooping to the low of his
opponents.
44. In the case of the United Kingdom, cast your mind

back, if you will, to the darker days in Northern Ireland. In
the wake of the Good Friday Agreement, extremists on both
sides of the sectarian divide tried to plunge the country back
into violence. But the massed ranks of the moderates, from
both the nationalist and loyalist communities, stood up as
one and uttered with a single voice a firm, resounding “no”:
No, they did not want to be cast back into the shadow of
the bullet and the bomb.
No, they were not prepared to sacrifice the new prosperity
that came with peace.
No, they would not let the vicious actions of a few dictate
life for the many.
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45. Edmund Burke, the philosopher, was quoted to
have said, all that is necessary for the triumph of evil is that
good men do nothing.
46. Our choice is clear. Come together in action for a

future of justice, freedom, hope, compassion and goodwill
for our children or it will be replaced by a future of injustice,
tyranny, hopelessness, cruelty and hate. Because the real
divide is not between East and West or between the
developed and developing worlds or even between Muslims
and non-Muslims. It is between moderates and extremists
of all religions. Together, let us embrace moderation as the
best course of action and for the best way forward.
Thank you.
26
10TH ISIS ASIA SECURITY SUMMIT
SINGAPORE
03/06/2011
1. Let me first thank Dr John Chipman for his kind

words of introduction and for inviting me to speak with you
this evening. I’m delighted to be here in Singapore; to be
joined by so many distinguished Government
representatives, policy makers, business people and opinion
leaders; and of course to mark ten years of fruitful and
productive dialogue here at the Shangri-La Hotel.
2. The first time I was here, back in 2002, I was Defence

Minister. A lot has changed since then… for one thing I’m
now Prime Minister, which I’m afraid means I get to come
between you and your dinner!
3. In June 1963 President Kennedy, delivering the

commencement address at the American University in
Washington, spoke at length about peace in a thermonuclear
age. He said, and I quote: “What kind of peace do I mean?
What kind of peace do we seek? Not a Pax Americana
enforced on the world by American weapons of war. Not
the peace of the grave or the security of the slave. I am
talking about genuine peace—the kind of peace that makes
life on earth worth living—the kind that enables man and
nations to grow and to hope and to build a better life for
their children –not merely peace for Americans but peace
for all men and women—not merely peace in our time but
peace for all time.”
4. The thing that strikes me most about his words is that,

rather than succumbing to an expedient vision of world
27
peace, he chose not to compromise and to continue to strive
for a better world. Three decades later the end of the Cold
War, rather than producing the peace dividend we all
expected, has instead given rise to a new set of complex,
multi-dimensional security challenges. The elimination of
Osama bin Laden and now the capture of Ratko Mladic
serve as a reminder of the security threats we face, albeit
threats of a different kind to those faced by the world back
in the 1960s.
5. Today, we cannot and we must not return to the old

bipolarity of that Cold War era – an era of stalemate and
stand-off that crippled the world for far too long – and we
have no choice but to rise to these new challenges together.
6. In the 21st century our economies are so integrated

and interdependent, and production processes are so
dispersed across borders, that it no longer makes sense for
global powers to go to war: they simply have too much to
lose. National interest is becoming more and more about
collective interest, and our task now is to reflect this in a
multilateralism that is both hard-headedly realistic and
progressive.
7. Because the way ahead, I have no doubt, must be built

on co-operation and not on confrontation – and for that
every region, every country, every leader here today must
play their part.
8. The cynics thought that Asia and the West could

never truly come together as a cohesive whole, that we had
too little in common, that life in Surabaya was simply too far
28
removed from life in San Diego. The last ten years have
proved them wrong.
9. Yes, we come from many cultures and we speak

many languages. But, as US Defense Secretary Robert Gates
– and I wish him well in his retirement! – said in this room
last year, the Pacific Ocean is not a barrier that divides but
a bridge that unites us.
10. The United States has long been a modernising and

a moderating force within our region, supporting
democratic institutions, improving governance and
fostering respect for human rights. Barack Obama has
described himself as America’s first Pacific President, and
Secretary of State Hillary Clinton has spoken of the need to
find “strong partners” here.
11. Such warm words are welcome, but they are just the
latest in a long exchange of ideas and views between the
United States and Asia – and I am pleased that America, and
of course Russia, will be taking part in the East Asia Summit
for the first time later this year.
12. Next month will see the 40th anniversary of Henry

Kissinger’s secret mission to China ahead of President
Nixon’s historic visit in 1972. Coming in the midst of the
Cold War, Nixon’s visit shocked many in the United States
– how could the fervently anti-communist leader of the
Western world possibly sit down with his ideological
adversary? The answer, of course, is that US saw in China
the potential to become a counterweight to the Soviet bloc,
but this new alliance went much further than that.
29
13. Nixon’s visit wasn’t just about the US opening itself
up to China, it was about China opening itself up to the US.
It is a relationship that has benefited both countries ever
since, but such productive dialogue can only take place if
there is an openness to engagement on both sides.
14. It would of course be quite wrong to suggest that

China’s actions in the early 1970s were somehow
uncharacteristic; that they represented a change in stance
and attitude towards the wider world.
15. Since the time of the Ming dynasty China has been a
great and growing power. And today, as the focus of the
world’s economy has shifted from West to East, from the
nations of the Atlantic Ocean to those of the Pacific, China
has grown still more assertive, opening up and engaging
with its neighbours and competitors.
16. We should see this as a cause for optimism rather

than concern. China may be expanding – it has enjoyed
spectacular economic growth of 9.5 per cent a year for the
last twenty years – but it is not going to dominate the globe
in the way the biggest economic forces of the past once did.
In the late 1940s the US not only had the largest GDP of
any nation, it also accounted for more than half of the
world’s wealth. When, as predicted, China becomes the
world’s largest economy in around 30 years, it is likely to
account for less than a quarter of global GDP. Wealth will
be much more evenly spread, with the US, Europe and
Japan acting as a balance to Beijing’s rapid growth.
17. Nor should China’s growing military capacity cause

us undue alarm. Despite rapid increases in Chinese military
30
expenditure the United States will continue to be by far the
pre-eminent military power and by far the biggest spender.
And Minister Liang Guanglie may oversee the world’s
largest standing army, but in Malaysia we know well that
China’s first commitment is to peace.
18. Six hundred years ago the great Chinese admiral

Zheng He visited Malacca. He brought with him 300 ships
and 35,000 troops, an armada that could easily have
conquered the region if his heart had been set on violence.
But Zheng had come not to invade by force of arms but to
extend the hand of friendship. A hundred years later the
Portuguese came with 800 troops and only around a dozen
ships and conquered Malacca for the next 130 years, but we
don’t like to talk about that!
19. Today, China is our partner. The US is also our

partner. And this evening I say clearly to our friends from
America, from China, from Russia, India and beyond: we in
ASEAN share your values and your aspirations, and we urge
you: work with us. It is not about taking sides. We must
replace the old bilateralism of the Cold War not with a new
bilateralism but with a multilateralism that can rise to the
task ahead.
20. Because war between nations is no longer the

greatest threat scenario in the region or the world. Instead,
we face a new set of asymmetric and non-traditional security
challenges – and human trafficking, terrorism, drug
smuggling and nuclear proliferation cannot be resolved in
isolation or through the old security structures of the past.
31
21. We in ASEAN know this – which is why we have in
place a range of security structures and not just one. Intra-
Asian trade is now valued at around $1 trillion. Linking our
economies together in this way is in itself a means of actively
reducing conflict, and trade and investment are the building
blocks to peace. After all, why would you wage war on your
biggest market?
22. But as our economies come together, so too do our

people. New communications technologies and the advent
of low-cost airlines are breaking down borders, allowing
more people to integrate with their near and not-so-near
neighbours.
23. In my country, Malaysia, integrating many cultures,

many tongues, many religions is simply what we do. It is
what we have done for more than half a century since
independence – and out of that unity comes stability,
security and peace.
24. My heritage lies with an ethnic group called the

Bugis. Our family tree has many branches, wrapped around
the islands and peninsulas of Malaysia, Indonesia and
Singapore – a geographical spread that came about in part
because of our passion for seafaring and exploration, but
also because of the way we conducted ourselves once we
arrived in a new land.
25. Throughout history races and peoples have sought

out new territory through conquest and oppression, but the
Bugis have always taken a very different approach –
‘Falsafah 3 hujung’, or the philosophy of the ‘three tips’. It
is one that I believe still resonates today.
32
26. Physical conflict – invasion, violence, war – was
always the most desperate last resort. Long before taking up
arms, the Bugis would first use diplomacy. They would talk
to their new neighbours, get to know them, try to come to
a mutually acceptable conclusion.
27. The next step involved integration, strengthening

bonds between the Bugis and the other parties through
friendship and family. Sometimes this would literally involve
marriage. That’s not quite what I’m proposing today – for
one thing, I already have a lovely wife! – but in our
globalised economy the financial relationships between
countries bind us together almost as closely as wedding
vows.
28. Today, for example, the same waters that my

ancestors crossed a thousand years ago and that Zheng
sailed back in the 15th century are some of the most
important trade routes in the world. Every year almost
100,000 ships travel down the Strait of Malacca and more
than a quarter of the world’s traded goods pass through the
South China Sea.
29. So if transportation links are the lifeblood of

international trade, South East Asia has become its beating
heart and we have a collective responsibility to ensure
businesses can operate here in safety and security. That is
why Malaysia, Singapore and Indonesia are already working
trilaterally through the ‘Eye in the Sky’ initiative to combat
the menace of piracy in the Straits of Malacca – an effective
response in comparison with the escalating situation in the
Horn of Africa.
33
30. But the areas where we need to work together are
not confined to trade. Post 9/11 we are facing a new and
unchartered security landscape with multiple threat
scenarios. We must meet these challenges
comprehensively, with resolve and decisiveness and with no
option off the table. We need to start with every nation
playing their part in securing their own internal borders.
And this must be followed with a willingness to work
together on a bilateral and multilateral basis.
31. Malaysia has and will continue to play its role as a

responsible global citizen. And we have shown and will
continue to show that our commitment is not merely
rhetorical but is backed up by action. In working to secure
world peace Malaysian peacekeepers have served under the
umbrella of both the United Nations and NATO, and
from Somalia to the Balkans Malaysian security personnel
have made the ultimate sacrifice in the service of global
stability.
32. But ours is not simply a peacekeeping role. Malaysia

contributes in many, sometimes rather unexpected ways –
for example in Afghanistan, where we are playing our part
in the country’s rehabilitation by sending much-needed
female Muslim doctors.
33. In the fight against global terrorism we have also

been an active player, pro-active in ensuring Malaysia
becomes neither a hotbed nor a transit point for terrorist
operations. And either actively or through the sharing
of intelligence with regional security apparatus, we have
34
helped with the apprehension or elimination of terrorists
like Mas Slamat, Dr. Azhari and Nordin Mat Top.
34. In the Southern Philippines, Malaysia has put in an

international monitoring team and acted as an intermediary
by hosting peace talks between the Philippines government
and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front. This has at times
been a sensitive issue for us, but we are committed to taking
the lead in the interests of wider stability and peace.
35. And in southern Thailand we have signalled our

willingness to help with the socio-economic development of
the four provinces with substantial Muslim populations.
36. Bilaterally, we are working with the United States to

combat crimes like drug trafficking, terrorism and fraud, and
with Australia to tackle the issue of asylum seekers and to
foster stability right across our region.
37. Multilaterally, we are working to enforce the United

Nations Security Council resolution on the non-
proliferation of weapons of mass destruction through our
new Strategic Trade Act. I am determined that we will play
our part as a responsible member of the international and
regional community and that, in the spirit of the 1995
declaration, we will together make ASEAN a nuclear free
zone.
38. We simply cannot allow our important work

together to be derailed by tensions or destabilised by
disagreements and disputes – and with Thailand and
Cambodia currently at the Hague, our region knows only
too well how deadly such clashes can be. In this there is of
35
course good and bad news. The bad news is that 16 people
lost their lives. The good news is that both sides are now
talking – and I think we all have high hopes of an imminent
resolution.
39. Of course difficulties between neighbours will flare

up from time to time, but in our region significant progress
has in fact been made in settling some of these disputes over
the years. China and Russia were able to resolve their land
border – at 4300km the longest in the world – in 2008.
Vietnam and China completed their land border
demarcation in that same year.
40. In Malaysia we have long tried to negotiate our

border disputes in a spirit of consultation. With Thailand,
for example, we created a joint development area with both
countries agreeing to share mineral resources. With
Singapore, a peaceful and diplomatic appeal to the
International Court of Justice resulted in an amicable ruling
that was accepted by both sides. And with Brunei, a solution
was found on the basis of a mutually beneficial formula,
with a production-sharing agreement put into place.
41. I would hope that all border disputes can be resolved

in that same spirit of mutual respect and co-operation. I am
also optimistic that ASEAN and China will soon be able to
agree on a more binding Code of Conduct to replace the
2002 Declaration of Conduct in the South China Sea.
42. The overlapping claims in the South China Sea

involving six parties are particularly complex, but they have
generally been managed with remarkable restraint. We must
never allow our disagreement on this issue to escalate
36
beyond the diplomatic realm. All parties must remain
steadfast in their resolve to find a peaceful resolution of this
dispute. And yes, while I remain fully committed to a
common ASEAN position in terms of our engagement with
China on the South China Sea, I am equally determined to
ensure our bilateral relationship remains unaffected and in
fact continues to go from strength to strength.
43. This is the way forward. Dialogue. Engagement.

Consensus. Those are the values enshrined in the
declaration of the Zone of Peace, Freedom and Neutrality
signed by the founding ASEAN member states in 1971,
when my father was Prime Minister of Malaysia, and in the
Treaty of Amity and Co-operation since then.
44. Let me share with you my thoughts on six practical

principles that might underpin the notion of effective co-
operation in our region.
45. First, it is extremely important for such multi-state

engagement to fully recognise the role of each member state,
rich or poor, small or big.
46. Second, we must appreciate that every member

country is different in terms of history, culture and
economic position.
47. Third, confidence-building measures need to be put

in place to foster a deeper dialogue and understanding
between partners.
48. Fourth, we need a web of different forms of security

architecture, not only regional and with the co-operation of
37
extra-regional powers but also within the context of bilateral
arrangements.
49. Fifth, there need to be institutional relationships –

relationships not just at the highest levels but between
our institutions.
50. A significant degree of regional and global co-

operation already exists, and building upon this will draw the
major powers closer towards each other. Indeed, regional
processes such as the ASEAN Regional Forum and the
ASEAN Defence Ministers Meeting Plus 8 are already
actively exploring co-operation in disaster relief and
humanitarian assistance – and I would like to call today for
the establishment of a regional humanitarian body, a new
Rapid Response Team with the ability to respond to disaster
when it strikes.
51. These activities are especially relevant because they

foster direct interaction between the defence and security
agencies of different countries, going beyond formal
declarations and high level dialogues to coordinated
operations on the ground.
52. Establishing the ARF was one of the most far-

sighted and bold initiatives our regional community has
taken to strengthen peace and foster stability – inclusive in
nature and embracing countries of all political hues.
53. We have been a little slow, though, in making

progress on our agenda of building confidence and security
contacts and of preventive diplomacy. So it is clear that the
ARF, complemented by the AMM plus 8, has to make
38
greater haste and show stronger political resolve on all sides
– but in building new alliances and forging new security
contacts we should not forget the old ones like the Fire
Power Defence Arrangement.
54. As I said earlier, we should not be surprised when

we encounter problems – which brings me to my sixth and
final point: that far from letting these difficulties knock us
off course we must build on all we have achieved together
to not only manage such disputes but to resolve them. Now
more than ever we need to focus on the bigger picture and
not become blinkered by our own concerns.
55. In Islam we have a concept, “wasatiyaah”, which

means moderation or ‘justly balanced’. It is this spirit of
moderation that has made Malaysia the country it is today,
and that I believe will now be key to overcoming the
challenges we face together as a region.
56. That is why, at the United Nations last year, I called

for a new global Movement of the Moderates that would see
government, business and religious leaders around the
world face down extremism wherever it is found. Because
just as you cannot make the world a better place by passing
a law proclaiming that it will be better, you cannot rid the
world of extreme views simply by making them illegal – and
I have no doubt that we can best foster tolerance and
understanding not by silencing the voice of hatred but by
making the voice of reason louder.
57. Since our early discussions and deliberations ten

years ago, this forum has always been a lot more than a
talking shop. It has been about fostering clear-headed,
39
practical security and defence co-operation – and I believe
the Movement of the Moderates can be a similarly
constructive expression of our common values.
58. The great challenge before us as nations is how to

secure the blessings of liberty and prosperity for our people
in an uncertain world. How do we chart a better future for
our children? How do we advance the welfare of our people
and solve the great problems of our times? The answers lie
in coming together and in collectively bringing our will and
resources to bear.
59. As responsible leaders we cannot squander the

opportunity before us to help build a new world order where
a just and equitable peace predicated on the rule of law is
the norm rather than the exception – and we know that
governments who do not practice good governance are
existing on borrowed time.
60. We must ensure peace and stability at all levels:

national, regional and global. To achieve that goal, let us
continue to engage each other in a constant dialogue – for
in the words of Winston Churchill, “jaw-jaw is better than
war-war”.
Thank you.
40
OPENING CEREMONY OF THE 6TH GENERAL
ASSEMBLY OF THE INTERNATIONAL
CONFERENCE OF ASIAN POLITICAL PARTIES
PHNOM PENH, THE KINGDOM OF CAMBODIA
02/12/2010
1. First of all allow me to express my gratitude to the

International Conference of Asian Political Parties (ICAPP)
for inviting me to their 6th General Assembly. This is indeed
a significant event for me and I am delighted to be here and
to be able to visit the beautiful City of Phnom Penh and the
Kingdom of Cambodia for the second time this year. I
would also like to thank His Excellency Prime Minister Hun
Sen and the Government of Cambodia for their gracious
hospitality.
2. Let me also join the earlier speaker to express how

sad we are over the recent loss of so many innocent civilians
due to a stampede on the bridge of Phnom Penh during the
Water festival celebration. On behalf of the people and
government of Malaysia, I would like to convey my
condolences to the government and people of Cambodia
over the unfortunate incident.
3. My heartiest congratulations also, to the Hon. Jose de

Venecia, Founding Chairman and Co-Chairman of the
ICAPP Standing Committee, for establishing this very
successful forum which brings together political parties of
Asian countries, with the aim of promoting exchanges and
cooperation between them, in the interest of greater regional
understanding and cohesion. Today I am especially
honoured to be here at the 10th Anniversary of ICAPP, the
inaugural meeting of which was held a decade ago in
41
September 2000 in Manila. And I am delighted to be here
representing Malaysia, not only as Head of Government but
also as the President of the leading component party of the
ruling coalition in my country. It is heartening to note that
317 Asian political parties from 51 countries and one
territory are able to participate in ICAPP this year. Certainly,
the wealth of ideas and experiences coming from the widely
varying political parties here represented, will make for an
interesting meeting of minds.
Ladies and gentlemen,
4. The theme of this General Assembly of ICAPP is

“Asia’s Quest for a Better Tomorrow” which is timely, and
reflective of Asia’s ongoing transformation into the fastest
growing region in the world. The forces of globalization and
the emergence of China and India as Economic juggernauts
have changed the way the world views Asia, and indeed how
Asia views itself. Social attitudes and mindsets have been
altered along with shifting world views and political
perspectives, exacerbated by the feverish pace with which
technology has engulfed the world. Suddenly every man on
the street has an opportunity to broadcast their views and
assessment on matters which were previously the exclusive
realm of governments and authorities. Suddenly the space
for social commentary is wide open and is used and even
abused, beyond the limits of common decency and the
boundaries of the law. I often say that in politics today, it is
no longer as the saying goes business as usual, but in fact it
is business unusual.
5. That being the case, no political party worth its salt

can afford to ignore these changes, changes that are
42
affecting the very people whom they exist to serve. Whether
a political party stands for traditional views or for unfettered
modernism; whether they exist to fight for a specific
ideology or to struggle for a cause, the changes affecting
society are obviously too important to ignore, the political
landscape has altered so radically and whether we like it or
not, we have to take cognisance so that acts of political party
remains relevant.
6. A cursory glance at not-too-distant history will show

us that many political parties taking into the context of a
vibrant political democracy which at the height of their
dominance seemed unassailable, but had their fortunes
reversed leading to eventual demise, simply because they
failed to be attuned with the changing times. It has been
quite often said, that power is a heady drug. It can cause
among others three things, it can cause inertia, amnesia and
even induce delusions. A political party long in power often
suffers from these ailments: inertia in the sense that it does
not move forward, remaining static rather complacent and
resistant to change and has become too comfortable with its
own achievements; Amnesia in that it forgets the original
purpose for which it was formed, and the struggle or cause
it is supposed to embody; and it suffers delusions in thinking
that it’s political support base is permanent and unchanging,
and in doing so falsely believing that it will forever remain
in power. And just because a party that was responsible to
achieve freedom for the nation does not mean it will forever
in power unless the party itself changes with the time.
7. Many ‘Legacy’ political parties are plagued with these

illnesses which lead to additional complications of internal
bickering and power struggles within the party hierarchy,
43
which more often than not irrevocably damage the party.
The end result is the loss of faith of the electorates and party
grassroots which cause them to shift their support to
alternative political forces that better serve their needs. In
the end, the once seemingly unassailable political party
suddenly finds itself collapsing under the weight of its own
internal issues and maladies, and by then, nothing short of a
miracle can reverse its downward spiral.
8. I raise this point today because I feel it is absolutely

critical for any political party to understand the need to
change. Not change just for the sake of changing, but
change to better serve the need of the party’s stake holders;
Transformation in the name of greater effectiveness and
relevance; Re-invention to remain contemporary and
dynamic. Consonant with the theme of this conference
emphasizing Asia’s quest for a better tomorrow, political
parties must begin now to understand that a better
tomorrow is founded on an improved political environment
in the region.
9. A pre-requisite towards that end, must be the

strengthening of the political process. There has to be
greater engagement with the public, to understand their
needs and wants in order for political parties to best serve
their constituents. Ultimately, contemporary trends indicate
that there is an overwhelming demand from the masses for
inclusion and participation in the political process and in
nation building. A political party that understands these are
the new “rules of political engagement” is the party of the
future.
44
10. In Malaysia, the ruling political coalition understands
this need to change the way we engage our stakeholders,
primarily the public at large. We have good times we also
have some bumps along the way, not the least of which were
the electoral setbacks of the General Elections of March
2008. It was certainly a sobering wake-up call, but in two
years since then, in particular the last 18 months, the ruling
coalition as a whole has undergone significant
transformation and the 13 political parties that make up the
Coalition have made great strides in changing and winning
back the affections of the people.
11. Today the ruling coalition Barisan Nasional (National

Front) –of which I am Chairman –continues to re-invent
itself to suit the changing times. Most recently, we passed
amendments that allowed for direct admission into the
coalition, so as to broaden our support base and allow the
inclusion of any body or organization not necessarily
interested in formally joining any of the 13 political parties
in the Coalition. Instantly NGOs and non-profit
organizations expressed their keen interest to work with us
on the path towards greater progress and development for
the country
12. Within my own political party, UMNO, of which I

am the president, we passed historic amendments to the
party Constitution last year to allow for greater participation
of party members on all levels in voting the ruling party’s
leadership. Of course it exposes us to greater scrutiny in
terms of our work and it certainly puts party leaders
including myself at substantial political risk, but it is our
belief that our political support must be –and should be-
45
conditional on our ability to perform well, and our ability to
convince the people’s support now, and by this mechanism,
we will be judged by our own party members who can see
for themselves whether we have earned our place as their
leaders.
13. Aside from these internal adjustments to

accommodate the changing times, the most important thing
a political party must remember, as I said earlier, is the
constant and continuous engagement with the people. It is
this singular element which will be foremost in the minds of
the public when they decide whether or not a political party
is relevant to them. Real issues about their next pay-check
where is it coming from, how will they put food on the table
and how will they pay for their kids’ education? Such issues
are extremely important concerns of the Average Joe. They
care far less about the jockeying for positions in the political
circles than they do about the pothole on the street outside
their home that could damage their cars, or about the
broken bridge over a nearby river that would cause
problems for them to commute to school and work.
14. I have always maintained that political parties must

be attuned with the pulse of the people. They must be ready
to meet the expectations of a society far better informed and
able to make comparisons with other societies near and far.
It is for this reason that when I took office as Prime Minister
in April of 2009, my first order of business was to put in
place the People First, Performance Now commitment
under the overarching 1Malaysia banner. It became not only
our national tag line but it became our national philosophy.
46
We needed to ensure that we deliver, and are seen to deliver
what is important to our people. Since then, we have
launched many initiatives such as 1Malaysia clinics to
provide free medical assistance and services to rural areas,
1Malaysia scholarships for excellent students regardless of
race or religion and we aggressively launched various
schemes and programmes to improve living conditions of
the lower-income groups and eliminate poverty around the
country.
15. On the Economic front, the National Front

government is relentlessly working to transform Malaysia
into a high income economy. In January this year we
unveiled the Government Transformation Programme
(GTP) and identified six National Key Results Areas
(NKRAs) namely to reduce crime, fight corruption, raise
living standards of low-income households, improve rural
basic infrastructure and enhance urban public transport. All
of these were important areas that have immediate effect on
the lives of the public people. Soon after, the Economic
Transformation Programme was unveiled to establish a high
income, sustainable and inclusive nation, and 12 National
Key Economic Areas were identified to be given special
focus to further accelerate Malaysia’s move forward. The
important thing to note here is that at practically every stage
of preparing these economic initiatives which will have
impact on their daily lives, members of the public were
engaged in public labs and forums that we are able to gauge
their expectations and deliver on their aspirations.
16. Needless to say, the final judgement of whether or

not we have met the expectations of the people will only be
known from the results of the next General Elections, but
47
early indications are that people have responded positively,
and have begun to restore their faith in the National Front.
As we begin to deliver on electoral promises and on stated
commitments, our credibility is strengthened in the eyes of
the public. In addition the people of Malaysia see Malaysia’s
ruling political coalition as a time-tested, genuine
partnership of different political parties striving towards a
common goal, as opposed to a hastily cobbled tie-up of
ideologically irreconcilable entities solely for political
expediency.
17. I would be remiss not to touch on the external

political environment when speaking about a better
tomorrow for Asia. Asia, is a burgeoning economic zone
that is a lynchpin of global trade cannot afford any
disruptions or destruction caused by extremism or terror,
and in that context Asian political parties have an important
role to play.
18. When I spoke at the United Nations General

Assembly in September, I called for a global movement of
the moderates to re-claim the center and the moral high-
ground that had been usurped from us. I called for
moderates to marginalize the extremists and terrorists who
have held the world hostage with their bigotry and bias.
Nowhere is this more important than in Asia, where in some
places cells of extremist groups continue to exist to spread
their message of hate.
19. As members of the Asia family, all of us have a vested

interest in ensuring that this region remains free and safe
48
from ideologies espousing conflict, destruction, disunity and
hostility in the name of their unholy cause. The proponents
of extremism will always attempt to draw lines in the sand,
dividing one side against the other, creating the spectre of a
nemesis when in fact there is none. I have said repeatedly
that the real issue is not between Muslims and non Muslims,
but rather between extremists and moderates of all faiths be
it Islam, Christianity, Judaism, Hinduism or any other faith.
20. We cannot allow extremists and terrorists to hijack

societal discourse and determine the direction of our
respective national conversations. Reason and common
sense must prevail. The moderates must always be the only
dominant voice, whereas cooperation and negotiation must
always be the preferred path over that of enmity and
confrontation.
21. It is in this regard that political parties become pivotal.

Political parties, by their very nature represent specific ideals,
struggles or causes, for which their members would go to
great lengths to defend, propagate and uphold. It is
unfortunate that at times, for political expediency, political
parties or factions within them would take the path of
extremism to strengthen their position. In so doing they
would stoke hatred and ignite passionate anger in order to
gain short-term political dividends. This is when the center-
stage is hijacked and non-confrontational voices are
drowned out by angry and dangerous rhetoric. At the same
time extreme voices from the opposite end of the political
divide would appear, to counter the rhetoric of their
opponent, and from that point, in a very short time the
country will descent into complete and utter anarchy.
49
22. Whatever their causes may be, political parties must
refrain from taking the extreme path. There are always
peaceful means of conflict resolution, and no short-term
political gains are worth sacrificing national and indeed
regional peace and harmony. Ultimately what is important is
the well being of our people and the preservation of our
values, our culture and our way of life. I urge political parties
across Asia, to join our call for a global movement of the
moderates and reject the politics of hate and any form of
extremism.
23. Indeed, political parties need not resort to extremist

posturing to remain relevant and popular. On the contrary,
in this enlightened age of information and technology, the
most popular political parties would be the ones most visibly
responding to changing times and adapting to the wants and
needs of the people they serve, as I spoke of earlier.
Extremists prey on the fearful and the seemingly threatened.
If we make it clear that there is no cause for fear and no
looming threat, then extremists become irrelevant.
24. In calling for a global movement of the moderates, I

must emphasize the importance of linkages and networks in
furthering the ideals of moderation. Apart from bilateral and
multi-lateral government ties, informal networks such as the
ones established at fora such as this would be essential in
conveying the right message to specific audiences. I strongly
encourage all the Asian political parties here to build and
strengthen their relationship with each other, exchanging
knowledge and experiences, subsequently transmitting this
common message, the message of hope and better future
back for your people. All of you here are leaders in your
community, you are therefore uniquely positioned to spread
50
the word that the key message is one of moderation. If we
are able to drive this message home, this message to our
people and our communities and it becomes a creed by
which they live, then extremism will have truly been
debilitated, and a true global movement of the moderates
will have taken effect, not just at the leadership level, but
right down to the grassroots.
Ladies and gentlemen
25. I have shared with you some of my thoughts on what

I believe should be the way forward for Asian political
parties, domestically and in the context of the external
political environment. I have also shared with you some of
Malaysia’s experiences which by no means perfect, but I
hope that the examples that I have highlighted can serve as
food for thought.
26. Every time I visit Cambodia, I recall my first visit

here as Minister of Defence in the early 90’s during the day
of Junta. It was the time where the future of Cambodia was
so uncertain and we couldn’t imagine the Cambodia of
today as we see, this is another success story from where
Cambodia came 30 years ago. And that transformation is a
credit to the leadership of Prime Minister Hun Sen, who has
taken Cambodia from the dearth of desperation to a country
that is very stable and progressive. Many people have asked
me what is the difference? What makes a coutry successful
and others not so? What is the key difference? It all boils
down the one word—“leadership”. Leadership that is bold,
Leadership that is courages, Leadership that is visionary and
effective. That is the key and Hun Sen has this leadership.
51
27. If this is the case for every Asian country then the
21st century will be truly an Asian Century.
Thank you.
52
HONOLULU’S EAST-WEST CENTER
HONOLULU, HAWAII
12/11/2011
1. “E pluribus unum” - out of many, one. The creed that

appears on this nation’s Great Seal is a simple one but it
describes, beyond the gift of any philosopher or orator, the
common spirit that for almost 250 years has United your
States and inspired your people.
2. For half a century the East-West Centre has applied the

same principle to relations between Asia and the United
States, bringing us together to learn from each other, work
with each other and better understand our world.
3. It is vital work. There are now more than seven billion

men, women and children squeezed onto this crowded little
planet, and with so many different cultures in such close
proximity we can only survive if we learn to live alongside
each other in peace and harmony, focussing on what we
have in common, rather than what divides us.
4. Hawaii has long been a very real example of how this

can be achieved. It is a cultural melting pot where people
from wildly different backgrounds live, work and socialise
together. Go down to Aloha Stadium on Pro-Bowl Sunday
and you won’t see crowds of Europeans, Asians and native
people, but an arena filled with 50,000 Hawaiians.
5. The same is true of my country. Malaysia is home to

Muslims, Christians, Hindus, Buddhists and an almost
countless array of smaller religious groups and
denominations. We speak many languages and have many
53
religions, but for half a century since independence we have
been One Malaysia, striving together to make our home the
modern, progressive, successful nation it is today.
6. If Malaysia and Hawaii have shown that this can be

achieved, the challenges facing the international community
in the 21st century show why similar understanding and co-
operation must be achieved on a global scale. Now, more
than ever, different nations have to come together to plot
the way forward. The global financial crisis, international
terrorism, drug smuggling and people trafficking are all
problems that no one government can successfully tackle
alone.
7. But at the very moment when East and West can least
afford to be divided, small but vocal groups of extremists
are seeking to drive a wedge between us. On one side are
the handful of misguided Muslims acting under the false
assumption that their faith justifies conflict and violence.
On the other are those who allow themselves to believe that
all terrorists are Muslims, all Muslims are terrorists, and the
East cannot be a trusted partner of the West.
8. When Timothy McVeigh brought mass slaughter to the

streets of Oklahoma City, nobody suggested that all
Christians were somehow responsible. To do so would have
rightly been seen as absurd, yet that is the situation the
world’s 1.3 billion Muslims find themselves in today. When
a great evil visited Oslo earlier this year, so-called experts
filled the airwaves to assert that the attack bore all the all
hallmarks of Muslim extremists. We swiftly discovered that
the awful truth was very different, yet around the world
politicians, journalists and commentators remain committed
54
to the idea that terrorism and Islam are two sides of the same
coin.
9. I have said this many times, but it bears repeating again

and again and again: Islam is a religion of peace. Islam
abhors violence. And Islam has no place, no respect and no
love for those who sully its name to further their own,
extremist, ends. Islamic scholars have been very clear that
those who commit acts of violence are not true Muslims –
their twisted ideology is not grounded in any theology.
10. As a human being, as a Prime Minister and, above all,

as a Muslim I outright condemn any and all acts of terrorism,
regardless of the religious doctrine of perpetrator and victim.
There is never – never – any justification for taking innocent
lives.
11. But extremism is not about good religions and bad

religions, or good beliefs and bad beliefs – it’s about good
people and bad people. I am talking about groups and
individuals from every nation, every political school of
thought, people of every religion and no religion who use
whatever means are at their disposal to push forward their
own ideas while hiding their ulterior motives behind a
“righteous” façade.
12. Think of the Christian who says he is acting on God’s

behalf when he shoots dead an abortion provider. Think of
the militiaman who claims that plotting to overthrow the
federal government is his constitutional duty. Think of the
violent anarchists whose manifestos state they are justified
in firebombing labs where experiments are conducted on
animals.
55
13. These are the bigots. These are the extremists. They
take advantage of freedom of expression to mislead and
exploit the ignorant, the weak and the poor.
14. Whatever they may say, they do not represent us. Yet
for far too long a lack of collective action on the part of the
moderate majority has ceded the floor to the extremist
minority, allowing the discourse to be dominated not by
sense and reason but by those who shout the loudest.
15. Not anymore. It is time for us, the majority who are
peace-loving and moderate, to reclaim our rightful place in
the centre. We cannot afford to stand by and remain silent
in the face of extremism and violence. We must ensure that
our voices are heard – not just the voices of moderate
Muslims, but those of moderate Christians, moderate
Hindus, moderate Jews, moderate atheists.
16. If these voices are to become loud enough to drown

out the extremists, they need to be heard from every corner
of the world. That is why, last year, I called on the United
Nations General Assembly to join me in forming a global
“Movement of the Moderates”.
17. I’m not alone in recognising the importance of

tackling extremism in all its forms, and my call has received
widespread backing – just last month the Commonwealth
Heads of Government Meeting incorporated the concept in
its final communiqué, and Secretary of State Clinton has also
been vocal in her support.
56
18. With international support increasing we must make
the most of this momentum. So today I am delighted to
announce that the inaugural International Conference on
the Global Movement of the Moderates will take place in
Kuala Lumpur from 17 to 19 January next year. It is my
great honour to extend to all of you an invitation to the
event, which is being organised by the Malaysian
International Islamic University’s Alumni and will see the
formal launch of the Global Movement of the Moderates
Foundation.
19. However, this drive for moderation will fail if we - as

leaders of governments, businesses, most churches and
universities - simply see it as an academic exercise. We
cannot afford to sit in ivory towers, hold discussions, and
produce dusty documents which assert that “something
must be done”. We must take real action, deliver real change.
And we cannot do this if we ignore what the majority are
saying, because if you fail to understand what troubles
working men and women they become easy prey for
extremists who are adept at offering simple, yet dangerous,
solutions. Above all, governments must lead by example.
For how can we expect moderation from others, if our own
actions take us away from the middle of the road?
20. That is why, when I became Prime Minister a little

over two years ago, I immediately set about transforming
and reforming Malaysia, getting us into shape for the
economic, political and social challenges of the 21st century
and setting us on a path of economic growth that will benefit
all Malaysians.
57
21. We have liberalised industries, cut red tape, made it
easier for foreign companies to invest and made it easier for
Malaysian companies to grow. I call it the Economic
Transformation Programme, and it is already delivering real
results – according to the World Economic Forum Malaysia
is now Asia’s fifth most-competitive nation and the
21st most competitive worldwide. We are ranked ahead of
Germany, Japan and Switzerland in the World Bank’s
“Doing Business” index. Plans for a minimum wage are
making their way through Parliament, but per capita
incomes are already rising rapidly and are on track to reach
US$15,000 by 2020. Almost 400,000 jobs have been created,
with a further three million expected over the next decade.
Hard-core poverty has been virtually eliminated.
22. I have also started the process to deliver lasting

reforms to the way state institutions work through the
Government Transformation Programme. International
experts report that levels of corruption are falling rapidly.
Crime is down, employment is up. More and more people
are using public transport, reducing both congestion and
pollution.
23. Neither programme was a top-down exercise in

central planning. From the start we put the people of
Malaysia first, listening to them to find out what their
priorities were and linking them up with experts to
determine the best route forward.
24. Underpinning these changes is an unprecedented

programme of social and political reform that has got
underway in the past six months. Out-dated security laws
such as the colonial-era Internal Security Act are being
58
replaced with modern anti-terrorism legislation modelled on
international best practice. The requirement for newspapers
to renew publishing licences every year is being scrapped.
Censorship laws are being reviewed so we can protect our
traditional values without compromising freedom of speech
or stifling political debate. And I have launched a bipartisan
panel to examine calls for electoral reform and see what
steps need to be taken to ensure that every Malaysian’s vote
counts.
25. I am charting a moderate course for Malaysia,

steering us away from the dangerous extremes – social,
political and economic – that could cause the nation lasting
damage. Together these reforms are a blueprint for national
transformation, one that is already being followed by other
countries, and one that I would be delighted to share with
the leaders of the new democracies in Libya, Egypt, Tunisia
and beyond.
26. Such mutual learning and understanding is what the

East-West Centre has always been about, and it’s also what
APEC can really bring to the Asia-Pacific region in these
difficult times.
27. When people say “Asia-Pacific” they often fall into

the trap of thinking it only covers a handful of relatively
small nations in South-East Asia. In fact our region spans
four continents and encompasses more than two dozen
countries. Almost three billion people live in nations whose
shores are lapped by the waters of the Pacific and the South
China Sea. APEC itself has 21 members and this week it
brings together delegates from as far afield as Russia and
Chile, New Zealand and Canada.
59
28. Asia-Pacific is a region of extremes and contrasts.
The frozen wastes of Alaska experience some of the coldest
temperatures on earth, while the blazing deserts of Australia
are home to some of the hottest. The bustling streets of
Tokyo are among the most densely populated places on
earth, whilst the vast expanses of the Atacama are amongst
the most deserted.
29. What we have in common is the mighty Pacific, so it

is apt that APEC is meeting here in Hawaii, right in the
middle of that ocean. For centuries these islands were a vital
stopping-off point for sailors navigating between East and
West. Today, with the presence of the APEC leaders
meeting, they form a symbolic bridge between two sides of
the world that are very different, yet have so much to share.
30. When the leaders of APEC last gathered, it was

agreed that we could only meet the challenges of the
21stcentury if we “forge a partnership of common interests
to produce strong, balanced and sustainable growth.”
Looking at the perils facing the global economy today, that
partnership appears more important than ever.
31. With around 60 per cent of global GDP in the hands

of APEC nations, we have an enormous responsibility for
supporting the wider world, a responsibility that no one
nation could seek to carry alone – it can only be borne if we
stand shoulder to shoulder. We must use the APEC
platform to build meaningful co-operation and engagement
that will help not just our own people but also those of
Africa, Europe and the rest of Asia. We cannot, and must
not, let them down.
60
32. For more than two centuries this country has been
driven by ambition, hope and a belief that the lot of every
American, from the humblest farmer to the grandest leader,
can, and must, be improved. It is this yearning for self-
improvement, introduced by the founding fathers and
carried forward by successive generations, that has made
America a land where anything is possible, a place where a
Hawaiian boy born to a mother from Kansas and a father
from Kenya cannot merely harbour dreams of growing up
to be president, but can actually go out and make it happen.
33. But as we move into the second decade of the

st
21 century, this desire and ambition is no longer confined
to the United States. Our world seems in a state of
permanent flux, as if every new dawn brings with it a radical
change that challenges seemingly unshakable institutions.
The Arab Spring swept across North Africa and the Middle
East, bringing an end to decades-old dictatorships and
establishing a wave of new democracies. The Eurozone
economies are facing a dire threat to what was one of the
world’s strongest currencies. And the strategic focus of the
international community is shifting away from the North
Atlantic and towards the East.
34. Nearly half of the world’s population are below the

age of 25 and the majority of them live in Africa and Asia –
indeed, the world’s population breached seven billion on the
31st of October.
61
35. These young people represent the first truly global
generation and they will not be satisfied with the ways of the
past. Separated by oceans but connected by Twitter and
Facebook, young people from every corner of the earth
have seen what the world has to offer and are demanding
that we create a global society where, as in America, anyone
can not just dare to dream, but dare to make that dream a
reality.
36. If we are to leave behind a peaceful, moderate and

harmonious world in which these ambitions can be achieved,
it is not enough to reform just our politics and our
economies - we must reform the very way we think. I’m not
interested in the divisive old philosophy that pits East
against West in perpetual competition, bringing nothing but
conflict to the world.
37. Ultimately, east and west are mere concepts on a map,

created by man – there is no great dividing wall that runs
around the globe, keeping our societies as separate entities.
And if we can create that division, so we can remove it. Now
is the time to build a new, progressive vision of East and
West standing side by side, learning from each other and
facing the challenges of the modern world with a united
front. Because together we are stronger, and out of many,
we are one.
Thank you.
62
GLOBAL MOVEMENT OF MODERATES
CONFERENCE
KUALA LUMPUR CONVENTION CENTRE,
MALAYSIA
17/01/2012
Your Royal Highness, your excellencies, ladies and

gentlemen, distinguished guests.
1. I am delighted to join all of you today at the very first

conference of the Global Movement of the Moderates
– I know many of you have travelled thousands of miles
to be here, and I want to thank you for your dedication
and commitment to our common cause. We have a
saying in Malaysia, tak kenal maka tak cinta, which means
“we can’t love what we don’t know" – and it is my
sincere hope that over the next few days we will come
to both know and love each other better, and to put that
mutual empathy and understanding into the service of
facing down extremism in all its forms.
2. Here in Malaysia, moderation has always been our

chosen path. It is a testament to how we gained our
independence from the British back in 1957; how we
restored our relations with Indonesia in 1965; and how
we helped build ASEAN in 1967, recovered from the
tragic events of May 1969, engaged with China in 1972,
and forged the ground-breaking ASEAN security and
economic communities in 1993 and 2009. Each was a
significant moment for our country, and all were gained
through reasoned discussion and debate.
63
3. But over and above Malaysia’s own achievements,
moderation is the fitrah, or essence, of humanity’s
greatest heights; the solid bedrock on which all of the
world’s civilisations have been built – for without it, we
would long ago have succumbed to epicurean pleasures
and delights! Yet moderation stands not just in the
defence of willpower, discipline and restraint but of
acceptance, freedom, tolerance, compassion, justice and
peace.
4. Being moderate is not about being weak, about

appeasement or about institutionalising mediocrity. And
it is not about doing half-heartedly those things that are
worthy of our fullest measure of devotion. Far from
being an ideology of enfeeblement, as some would have
us believe, moderation empowers us to go forward and
to leave a mark for good – attending to the needs,
frustrations and anxieties of others at the same time as
attending to our own.
5. In the words of Robert F. Kennedy, “it is from

numberless diverse acts of courage and belief that
human history is shaped. Each time a man stands up for
an ideal, or acts to improve the lot of others, or strikes
out against injustice, he sends forth a tiny ripple of hope,
and crossing each other from a million different centres
of energy and daring, those ripples build a current which
can sweep down the mightiest walls of oppression and
resistance.”
6. That, ladies and gentlemen, is the current we are here to

build today – and let us make no mistake, we come
64
together at a particularly troubled juncture in our global
history. New faces of war, the global financial crisis and
natural disasters on a previously unseen scale present us
with challenges the like of which we have never had to
face before. But face them we must, and the way we
choose to deal with these changes will have a crucial
bearing on the future of our shared civilisation.
7. The scale and speed of the events that unfolded across

the Middle East and North Africa in 2011 at times felt
almost overwhelming, but as the chaos and confusion
gives way to calm the whole world is united in the hope
that – rather than falling victim to an extremism and
intolerance that closes in to fill the void – these
countries and peoples can forge a peaceful, democratic
moderation that will grant them more freedom of
expression, not less.
8. Elsewhere, Nigeria has recently borne witness to deadly

clashes between its Christian and Muslim communities.
But the Nigerian government has made it quite clear
that such behaviour will not stand and that there will be
consequences for those who seek to hijack faith for
violent ends. Because the real divide is not between
Muslims and non-Muslims, or between the developed
and developing worlds, it is between moderates and
extremists.
9. So we have, each one of us, a choice to make: the choice

between animosity and suspicion on the one hand and
a sustained attempt to apprehend each other’s world
views on the other. Certainly, we should never assume
that the oceans and gulfs that divide us grant us
65
immunity to the conflicts of others. Tensions in Africa
or harsh words uttered in the Americas can have
consequences not only for those who live there but for
us all. In today’s world of the information superhighway
such conflicts travel quickly – and no-one has a
monopoly on truth.
10. Of course – much as it would be nice to claim the credit!

– calls such as my own for a Global Movement of the
Moderates are nothing new. Moderation is an age-old
value, and one that runs right to the heart of the great
religions. In Islam, the Prophet Muhammad counsels
that “moderation is the best of actions”; in Christianity,
the Bible says “let your moderation be known unto all
men”; and in Judaism, the Torah teaches that
moderation in all things is a “way of life” in the truest
sense of Jewish custom.
11. But if moderation has long had a home within the world
religions, then the reverse is also true: extremism has
never been welcome inside our mosques, churches,
synagogues and temples. Perpetuating hatred is, by its
very nature, a lonely pursuit, flying in the face of widely
held morality – and it is this dangerously untethered
animus, coupled with a head-in-the-sand refusal to
acknowledge the views and the values of others, that
makes extremism such a potent threat.
12. And yet, time and again the side of righteousness has
triumphed. History has been made not by those who
espoused extremism but by those who, without
surrendering their beliefs, stayed true to the path of
moderation. We are all familiar with the extraordinary
66
strength of will and leadership of Mahatma Gandhi,
Nelson Mandela and Aung San Suu Kyi, but you don’t
have to be a world leader to be an inspiration.
Moderates can make a difference wherever they make a
stand – and it is time for the massed ranks of the
moderates everywhere to stand up and to say to the
extremists with a single breath a firm, resounding “no”.
13. Because one thing is clear: we cannot rid the world of

extreme views by force. Violence begets violence – so
we can best foster tolerance and understanding not by
silencing the voice of hatred but by making the voice of
reason louder. Persuasion, negotiation and co-
operation: these must be our weapons in the face of
enmity and malice.
14. The range of speakers and delegates here today is

diverse in every sense, embracing experts and thought
leaders from all continents and walks of life. This can, I
think, mean just one thing: that extremism has at some
point affected every country, every profession and
everyone. No-one is immune, nowhere is out of bounds
and nothing is off limits – for the simple reason that
extremists, with their totalising world views, are
reluctant to leave any institution, sacred or secular,
untouched.
15. Extremists, we know, are driven by orthodoxies – a set

of messianic ideals characterised by crass simplifications,
misrepresentations and outright lies. Rather than
celebrating the sanctity of life, as is required by all
67
religions, extremists emphasise the glory of the afterlife.
Rather than seeking out and embracing difference they
espouse ignorance, intolerance and introspection. And
rather than embracing change they fear it and all who
drive it, turning their backs on progress and seeking
refuge in an idealised world that always stays the same.
16. The essence, and perhaps the attraction, of extremism

is its apparent simplicity – so it falls to movements and
gatherings like this one to interrogate these easy truisms
with subtlety, intelligence and vigour.
17. Talk of extremism and extremist acts conjures up

terrible images of murder, mayhem and human
suffering, but extremism isn’t always violent – and I
believe we literalise it at our peril. Take, for example,
one of the most extreme yet ostensibly non-violent
events in recent history: the global financial crisis.
18. Compared to the shockingly violent images that were

beamed around the world in the wake of 9/11 – scenes
of devastation on an epic scale that scarred a generation
and seared the collective conscience of the world – the
pictures taken outside Lehman Brothers on another
September morning some years later were much more
ordinary, familiar even. A young woman, tense and
anxious, carries her belongings out of the firm’s
headquarters in a box. A disgraced executive, walking
quickly, climbs into his luxury car and speeds away.
68
19. Nothing too unusual or untoward – and yet, without a
single bullet fired, the extremes and excesses of Wall
Street would in a matter of days take the world as we
knew it to the brink.
20. Fast forward four years and it is clear there is no end in

sight. The eurozone is still in crisis. Countless millions
have lost their jobs, their homes and their security. And
in addition to the human cost, some US$14 trillion has
so far been spent on the rescue plan – ten times the cost
of the wars in Afghanistan and in Iraq combined.
21. So if my call for moderation is idealistic, it is hard-

headedly realistic too. Many great Islamic scholars have
been concerned with how Islam as a religious, cultural,
political, ethical and economic worldview can help solve
some of the biggest challenges we face today, and these
are also questions that interest me – how moderation
can solve not only the problem of violent extremism but
can guide us through this global economic crisis.
22. Thomas Jefferson once said that “the selfish spirit of

commerce knows no country, and feels no passion of
principle but that of gain.” It is a sentiment that has
been revisited many times in the years and months since
Lehman’s fell.
23. No less a figure than the Pope has blamed the global
financial crisis on “the lack of a solid ethical foundation
for economic activity.” Britain’s Chief Rabbi Jonathan
Sacks has written of the need for employers, bankers
and shareholders to be “guided, even if no-one is
watching, by a sense of what is responsible and right.”
69
And for Muslims like myself, the structures and
principles of Islamic finance have long put public good
ahead of individual gain.
24. So how do we create a truly moderate global economy

that works in the interests of the many not the few?
How can we devise a system that delivers fairness for
“the 99 per cent”, not just those at the top? Quite simply,
we can no longer allow the workings of the markets to
be value-free or value-neutral. Markets, we all know, are
the only route to rising global prosperity and sustained,
stable growth – but we must do away with the unjust,
unfair outcomes they can produce when left unchecked,
and with the kinds of reckless economic practices that
brought our global financial system to its knees.
25. Massive overleveraging. Mind-boggling credit default

swaps. Subprime lending. Like the monstrous creation
of some crazy scientist, these new and poorly
understood financial practices rampaged out of Wall
Street and left the devastated lives of millions in their
wake.
26. But what of the men and women, the bankers and the
traders, who went about their work with such abandon
and with so little thought for anything beyond their own
enrichment? A line of mug shots of the culprits would
look very different to the “rogues gallery” of extremists
we have grown accustomed to in recent years – sharp-
suited, desk bound and clean shaven rather than dark
skinned, bearded and combat-trained.
70
27. This flies in the face of everything we have been told
about extremism – but it also raises the important
question: what do extremists look like? How can we
come to know them? The answer, of course, is that
extremists, like extremism itself, take many forms – and
we can only know them by their acts.
28. It is something I believe the world would do well to

remember, for too often in recent times we have seen
extremism and Islam discussed in the same breath. In
the aftermath of 9/11, for example, Southeast Asia
came to be regarded as a 'second front' simply because
it had the highest number of Muslims in the world. And
yet terrorism has never gained the same grip here that it
has secured in other parts of the world.
29. And when a great evil visited Norway last year, so-called
experts filled the airwaves to assert that the attack bore
all the hallmarks of Muslim extremists. We swiftly
discovered that the awful truth was very different, yet
around the world politicians, journalists and
commentators remain committed to the idea that
terrorism and Islam are two sides of the same coin.
30. After Timothy McVeigh brought mass slaughter to the

streets of Oklahoma City, nobody suggested that all
Christians were somehow responsible. To do so would
rightly have been seen as absurd, yet that is the situation
the world’s 1.3 billion Muslims find themselves in today.
31. How did this happen? How did acts of extremism by a

tiny minority of Muslims come to be seen as a true
reflection of the whole of the Islamic faith – and to
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overshadow the extremism that is being perpetrated
right across the world, day in day out, by people of all
faiths and none? Such pernicious views cannot be left
unchallenged – and it is not enough to say, as many have
done, that the solution to extremism is simply for more
Muslims to speak up and speak out. We need to hear
from moderates of all religions in all countries and from
all walks of life – and when we do, the prize of peace is
there for all to see.
32. Malaysia has long been synonymous not with extremism

but with moderation, tolerance, inclusivity and even
acceptance.. In a predominantly Muslim country with
substantial communities of Hindus, Buddhists,
Christians, Taoists and Sikhs, we know well the “dignity
of difference”. We have many ethnic groups, many
religions, but we continually strive to be a harmonious
and truly united nation predicated on the values of
moderation and the spirit of 1Malaysia.
33. We know that we are best and we are strongest when

we actively embrace our differences rather than just
putting up with them – and it is in that spirit that we
come together at the first ever meeting of the Global
Movement of the Moderates. But a truly global
movement cannot be imposed from above – so we must
awaken in all our countries and communities the
triumph of truth over ignorance, falsehood and fear.
72
34. To advance our common cause, I am pleased to
announce today the formation here in Malaysia of an
Institute of Wasatiyyah, operating as part of the Prime
Minister’s Office, to further the pursuit of moderation
and balance in all its aspects – respect for democracy,
the rule of law, education, human dignity and social
justice. In the words of the great scholar Al-Imam Ibnul
Qayyim, wasatiyyah – moderation or ‘balance’ – “neither
being too lenient nor too extreme is like an oasis
between two mountains”, and to encourage many more
such scholars in the future we will also be creating an
academic Chair of Wasatiyyah, operating under
Universiti Malaya, with the postholder to be announced
in due course.
35. To spearhead this work at an international level, I am

delighted to announce the launch of a new Global
Movement of the Moderates Foundation as a centre of
first resort for the consolidation and dissemination of
information and campaign materials to all those who
want to join the fight against extremism, governmental
and non-governmental bodies alike. Certainly it is
essential that, rather than being an exclusive initiative by
Malaysia, the GMM complements other initiatives for
global dialogue and co-operation such as the United
Nations Alliance of Civilisations.
36. It will not be a campaign for the faint hearted, but we

cannot allow this moment to be overtaken by extremists,
with those who shout loudest gaining the most. In the
words of that great advocate for peace, Mahatma
Gandhi, “an eye for an eye makes the whole world blind”
– so it is for moderates everywhere to stand firm and
73
stand proud, to dissipate the pull of the extremes and to
deny those at the margins a foothold on the middle
ground, ensuring that frustrations, wherever they are
felt, are heeded and that voices, wherever they speak out,
are heard.
37. Certainly, I hope this inaugural conference will provide

an opportunity for us to brainstorm, debate and explore
some of the practical challenges ahead – questions like:
What does it take for a set of ideas and values to become
a truly global movement? How can we inject
moderation into our foreign policy decisions and
domestic economic measures? And what can we learn
from each other in the promotion of understanding,
tolerance and peace?
Ladies and gentlemen
38. Maybe I am naïve to hope for a world without terror,

intolerance and all of the hatreds and miseries that man
inflicts on man – but the price of failure if we dream too
small is simply too high to pay. So let us dare to dream
big, let us dare to imagine what was once thought
unimaginable, and yes, let us dare to answer the clarion
call to action. Oppression and tyranny can only win out
if good men and women stand idly by, unwilling to turn
rhetoric into action and opinions into deeds.
39. So let us here, today, together, commit ourselves to

change and begin the task of building a new coalition of
the moderates for our times – and may I thank you once
again for coming and wish you well in your discussions
over the next few days. There has never been a more
74
important conversation, and it is one that we must
undertake with temperance, fortitude and courage.
75
26TH ASIA-PACIFIC ROUNDTABLE-ISIS
INTERCONTINENTAL HOTEL, KUALA LUMPUR
28/05/2012
Bismillahirrahmanirrahim,
Assalamualaikum Warahmatullahi Wabarakatuh.
YBhg. Dato Paduka Awang Haji Mohd Roselan bin Haji

Mohd Daud
ASEAN Institutes of Strategic and International Studies
Chairperson and Permanent Secretary of the Prime
Minister’s Office, Brunei Darussalam
YBhg. Tan Sri Dato’ Sri Mohamed Jawhar Hassan

Chairman
Institute of Strategic and International Studies (ISIS)
Malaysia
YBhg. Dato’ Dr. Mahani Zainal Abidin

Chief Executive
Malaysia
Heads of the ASEAN Institutes of Strategic and

International Studies
Your Excellencies
Distinguished Role Players and Participants
Ladies and Gentlemen
76
1. Good evening. I am delighted to be back at the Asia-Pacific
Roundtable and I thank ISIS Malaysia and ASEAN-ISIS for
inviting me to deliver the Keynote Address.
Distinguished Participants,
2. We live in challenging times. There is a dark cloud

descending over us as Europe struggles to find its feet in
tackling the debt crisis. Greece’s possible withdrawal from
the Euro-zone may be the precipice looming over greater
economic stress. At the same time, the Chinese economic
juggernaut is losing steam albeit still competitive in terms of
its growth rate and the US economy shows little signs of
sustained recovery. Closer to home, the once calm and
tranquil waters of the South China Sea have become
increasingly more challenging to navigate in more than one
sense.
3. As we utilize our collective minds and resources to address

these challenges, we must not lose sight of the bigger
picture. The most important development of the
21st century is perhaps the rise of China and India as well as
the shifting of the economic pendulum to Asia. Malaysia is
a beneficiary of such development, and China is our largest
trade partner. I was informed that the Chinese Embassy in
Kuala Lumpur is the second highest issuer of Chinese visas
in the world. These are but two indicators of the vibrant
relations we have with China. But some will argue that
managing competing interests and visions is the most
important and critical issue of the twenty-first century. In
fact the future of Asia rests on our ability to do so.
77
4. Asia has come a long way in the last few decades. At the
turn of the century, Asia accounted for 10.7% of the world’s
GDP. Today, that figure is 19.2% and growing. Success,
however, can be fleeting. It would be a mistake to focus
myopically on the economic success story alone. Prosperity
cannot take root unless accompanied by stability and
peace. Herein lies the most important strategic challenge for
Asia: the management of intra-mural relations. How do we
moderate our differences, and ensure that conflicts, when
and if they do occur, are managed in a manner that is fair,
just and most of important of all, without the threat and
certainly the use of force? The theme of this year’s
conference, Asian Security Order and Governance, is highly
relevant and speaks to these questions. I am confident that
your deliberations will help to unpack this strategic puzzle
and provide the impetus for a peaceful and secure Asia.
5. This pivotal question is urgently in need of an answer to

ensure that the fruits of our toil and sweat are not wasted
away by our destructive quest for power and influence. To
begin with, we in Asia must take greater responsibility for
our own security. While we value the assistance from our
friends who have contributed immensely to regional stability,
Asia must transform itself from a consumer to a producer
of security. More specifically, we must assume greater
responsibility for our own security and establish frameworks
to ensure our safety and to uphold our interests.
6. It also follows that we need to change our mindsets that

have heretofore been programmed to focus on economic
development at the expense of security issues. If Asia is to
be a force in global politics, we cannot shy away from
speaking out and taking positions on seemingly sensitive
78
issues such as nuclear disarmament, arms build-up and
military alliances. Asia must stand up and be counted.
7. In charting our future, we should be mindful of two

important considerations. Firstly, relationships must be
founded on a broad spectrum of areas, and not be defined
by single issue. Just as we should not be fixated on economic
benefits alone, it would be harmful for regional stability if
we were to allow ourselves to be conditioned by military
concerns. Take ASEAN as an example. The three pillars –
political-security, economics and socio-cultural – need to be
equally strong; otherwise, the stability of the 10-member
organization will be in jeopardy. Asia cannot stand on one
leg; it needs to strengthen its foundation, and that will
include among other things, deepening its people-to-people
relations.
8. Secondly, there is no place for rivalry in Asia. We have lived

through the second half of the 20th century divided by
ideology. We should not allow conflict and the jostling for
power to divide us again. What we need is cooperation, and
thankfully there is an abundance of that in Asia. Since 1967,
ASEAN has recognized the value of stability and has
founded its relations based on the principles of mutual
respect and “prosper thy neighbour.” This spirit of
cooperation pioneered by ASEAN has since been extended
beyond Southeast Asia. When the five visionary statesmen
signed the Treaty of Bangkok to establish ASEAN, they
were guided by the idealism of a peaceful and prosperous
Southeast Asia. Never in their wildest imaginations would
they have envisioned that ASEAN would become the focal
79
point for region-wide cooperation. Without a doubt, the
“investment” in 1967 has paid off handsomely, and it is time
for us to make a similar investment in our future. I am
confident that as long as we continue to make “cooperation”
the centrepiece of our relations, Asia is poised for a golden
age.
9. You will recall that last September when I addressed the

United Nations General Assembly, I called upon all peace
loving peoples to join us in embracing, and striving toward,
a way of life based on tolerance, mutual respect and
moderation. The Global Movement of Moderates (GMM)
builds on the inspirational work and ideals of our
forefathers. Manifestations of GMM are found
everywhere. Take ASEAN’s Treaty of Amity and
Cooperation (TAC), for example. TAC, which is the
bedrock of intra-ASEAN relations, and engagement with
friends far and near, is the epitome of
moderation. Eschewing confrontational politics and
recognizing that might is not necessarily right, TAC
institutionalizes the norm of peaceful resolution of conflicts.
10. It is easy to advocate peace, and the peaceful resolution of

disputes. But, as members of the diplomatic corps will no
doubt agree, putting these ideals into practice is anything but
easy. Be that as it may, I would like to venture some
thoughts for consideration. I offer that the world will be a
better and certainly more peaceful place, if we take heed of
the Golden Rule, “do onto others, as you want others to do
unto you.” Mutual respect is the foundation of all
relationships.
80
11. We reject extremism in all forms, but recognize that when

differences and diverging interests manifest themselves, the
outlier voices must be heard. Marginalizing opposing
opinions is counterproductive and will only serve to harden
old grievances and fuel new ones. The great British
statesman, Winston Churchill, wisely noted, “jaw jaw is
better than war war.” Only through communication and
dialogue can we work out our differences.
12. On a positive note, I am heartened that GMM has found

traction, and has received encouraging support from the
international community. I am particularly grateful that my
ASEAN colleagues have endorsed GMM at the
18th ASEAN Summit in May 2011 and that a concept paper
to implement GMM was adopted at the recently concluded
ASEAN Summit in Phnom Penh. As gratifying as these
developments are, we need your support to mainstream
GMM around the world.
13. As proof of our commitment to advocate and sustain the

GMM concept and core principles regionally and globally,
Malaysia has initiated the Global Movement of Moderates
Foundation which is based in Kuala Lumpur in January of
this year. I am happy to announce that currently the GMMF
is fully operational.
14. Asia’s economic prosperity has been accompanied by

alarming concomitant effects. Throughout history, states
81
have been taking measures to bolster their defences and
military power as they became richer. History is repeating
itself in Asia. The top five country recipients of arms
transfer from 2007-2011 are Asian: they are India, South
Korea, Pakistan, China and Singapore, and they account for
30% of the volume of international arms imports. Granted
that the right to self-defence is permitted under the UN
Charter. However, it bears reminding that history is replete
with instances of wars fought under the guise of self-
defence. While, it is difficult to ascertain the underlying
reasons for the arms-build-up, it is critical that mechanisms
and structures are in place to ensure that this region will
never display the proclivity to the extreme action of taking
up arms.
15. Because the stakes are high, we cannot leave the protection
of the region’s peace and security to chance. We have to take
proactive steps towards the construction of a pluralistic
security community in which the use of force is not an
option. We cannot rely merely on pronouncements of
friendship and peaceful intent. We need to work through
our problems, and to accommodate diverging interests, if
these emerge. A good starting point would be to forge a
common vision for the region. What is the preferred
regional order? How do we institutionalize our strong
bilateral and multilateral bonds of partnership and
friendship into workable arrangements that are nimble
enough to accommodate diverging interests without
sacrificing organizational efficacy? In this regard, I look
forward to the East Asia Vision Group (EAVG) II’s final
report which will be submitted to the 15th ASEAN Plus
Three Summit in November this year.
82
16. I congratulate and commend ISIS Malaysia and ASEAN-
ISIS for proposing the timely and relevant theme of Asian
Order and Security Governance for the Roundtable. I am keen
to hear your thoughts and suggestions, generated over the
course of this conference. I wish you a productive round of
deliberations and I am honoured to declare open the
26th Asia-Pacific Roundtable.
Thank you.
83
FOURTH EXTRA-ORDINARY SESSION OF THE
ISLAMIC SUMMIT
MAKKAH AL-MUKARRAMAH
14/08/2012
His Majesty King Abdullah bin Abdulaziz Al-Saud

Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques
Their Royal Highnesses
Honourable Presidents and Prime Ministers
Mr Secretary General
Excellencies
Brothers and Sisters,
Assalamualaikum,
All praise be to Allah s.w.t, for with His grace and mercy we
are here today in the holy city of Makkah al-Mukarramah in
this blessed month of Ramadan.
2. We are very honoured and privileged to be Your

Majesty’s guests at this Islamic Summit. May I convey our
utmost gratitude and appreciation for the kind and generous
hospitality Your Majesty and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia
has bestowed upon us since our arrival. May Allah s.w.t
bless Your Majesty and the people of Saudi Arabia with
everlasting peace and prosperity. May I also join others in
84
extending our heartfelt condolence and deep sympathy to
the government and the people of the Islamic Republic of
Iran over the devastating earthquake that hit the country a
few days ago.
3. Our gathering here in the holy city of Mecca, at the

wise and far-sighted initiative of Your Majesty, affords us a
timely opportunity to reflect on the current state of affairs
affecting Muslim countries and the Muslim Ummah. Insya-
Allah, with strong determination, commitment and political
will, we will be able to redress the many problems currently
faced by the Ummah. We must find effective solutions and
resolutions that will alleviate the suffering faced by our
Muslim brothers and sisters. May Allah s.w.t guide us and
grant us wisdom in our deliberations and steadfastness to
implement our collective decisions.
Your Majesty,
Royal Highnesses,
Excellencies,
4. The escalating violence in Syria is sad, shocking and

shameful. We continue to witness the carnage, suffering and
unnecessary loss of innocent lives, including women and
children. Thousands of Syrians are being forced to flee their
homeland and seek shelter in neighbouring countries. It is
hard to imagine how a country like Syria – with such a rich,
proud and venerable history – could slide so far, and so fast,
into incivility. The Syrian government must be told, in no
uncertain terms, that its bombardment of its own people -
including the indiscriminate shelling of civilian areas by
heavy and aerial weaponry - must stop. It is also hard to
85
imagine after so much killings and inflicting horrendous
miseries and hardship to his own people, how could a leader
continue to hold on to power without any sense of guilt and
accountability.
5. There must be an immediate end to the senseless

killings and appalling human rights violations, especially
against civilians. We are deeply concerned over the
deteriorating humanitarian situation and the failure of the
Syrian regime to ensure the delivery of humanitarian
assistance to those in need. We urge the Syrian authorities
to cooperate with the United Nations and international
humanitarian aid agencies for speedy delivery of
humanitarian assistance to the Syrian people.
6. Malaysia, at this point of time, still believes that the

Six Point Peace Plan, as outlined by Kofi Annan, presents
the best option to resolve the crisis. We regret his decision
to resign as the Joint United Nations-Arab League Envoy to
Syria. Nevertheless, we must continue his efforts to find an
effective solution to this crisis. We believe that the Plan
could restore peace, security and stability in the country. We
appeal to all parties, especially the Syrian leadership, to give
its full support to efforts to find a peaceful and lasting
solution. In particular, we call on parties to adhere to the
UNGA Resolution adopted on 3 August 2012, which paves
the way for the Syrian people to decide the future of their
country in a truly democratic and inclusive manner.
7. Like other member states of the OIC, Malaysia

maintains the principle of non-interference in the internal
affairs of other countries. However, in view of the serious
deterioration of the conflict that could lead to a brutal civil
86
war and in the search for a peaceful and lasting resolution,
Malaysia supports the proposed decision of OIC to suspend
the membership of Syria. We consider the suspension as a
symbolic gesture to send a clear message to Syria on the
need to take measures to stop the bloodshed and to embark
on peaceful resolution of the crisis for the sake of the people
of Syria and to protect the sovereignty and territorial
integrity of the nation. In taking this decision Malaysia urges
member states particularly the regional players of Arab
states to continue their constructive engagement with all
concerned parties in Syria to deliver a peaceful and lasting
solution to the country.
Your Majesty,
8. This august Organisation, since its inception, has put

great emphasis on assisting the Palestinians in their struggle
to restore their inalienable rights. We must ensure that the
issue of Palestine remains on our active agenda, and on the
agenda of the United Nations, until the Palestinians regain
their homeland and their suffering and deprivations come
to an end. At this important meeting, let us reaffirm our
unequivocal support to our Palestinian brothers in their
efforts to gain membership of the United Nations during
the upcoming UN General Assembly.
Your Majesty,
Royal Highnesses,
Excellencies,
87
9. As we look to address the problems in the Middle
East we must not ignore the plight of the Rohingya Muslims
in Myanmar. As a Muslim country located close to Myanmar,
Malaysia is extremely concerned over reports of serious
human rights abuses perpetrated against the Rohingya
Muslims.
10. We are very pleased that the government of Myanmar
has extended an invitation to the OIC Secretary General to
visit Myanmar to verify the facts on the ground and to
objectively assess the appropriate steps that the OIC
could and must take to assist the Rohingya Muslims.
Malaysia believes that it is crucial to take a holistic approach
in addressing the Rohingya issue, including how to address
Rohingya Muslims who have been displaced across the
region. Malaysia alone hosts around 70,000 Rohingya
Muslims in our country. There are thousands more seeking
shelter in other countries, including in Saudi Arabia.
Your Majesty,
Royal Highnesses,
Excellencies,
11. Our quest for peace, security and development for the
Ummah is a daunting task. Yet it is achievable so long as we
remain focused and undertake the actions we have agreed.
This Organization has done well since its inception, and we
can do better for the sake of the Ummah. Our strength has
always been the principle of Wasatiyyah, in our discussions
and in our actions. The wisdom and prudence of Wasatiyyah
in addressing issues affecting the Ummah is the best and
most inclusive approach.
88
12. Malaysia’s initiative through the Global Movement of
the Moderates seeks to promote peaceful global coexistence
by universalizing the principle of Wasatiyyah. Recognizing
that untrammelled use of force and extremism when left
unchecked can lead to global instability, Malaysia has set up
the Global Movement of the Moderates Foundation as a
centre of advocacy for the universalization of moderation in
every aspect of humanity’s endeavour. Malaysia believes that
the Global Movement of the Moderates is a global
imperative that deserves the attention of all. As we come
here together in this holy month of Ramadan, let us pray
that our deliberations today will be constructive and
productive in finding solutions for the peace and
development of the Ummah.
13. I would like to commend and congratulate Your

Majesty for proposing the centre of dialogue for Islamic
Doctrines. It is a visionary initiative which will help to
strengthen the unity of the Ummah and to ingrain Islamic
values like moderation irrespective of our Islamic School of
Thought.
Your Majesty,
Royal Highnesses,
Excellencies,
14. Thank you once again for inviting us to this holy city
of Makkah al-Mukarramah during the venerable month of
Ramadan. You have my utmost appreciation for your
gracious hospitality during this Summit. May Your Majesty’s
89
guidance provide us with the wisdom to conclude our
discussions successfully. May Allah s.w.t continue to shower
His blessing upon us all. As Eid-ul-Fitr is approaching in a
few days, may I take this opportunity to wish Eid Mubarak
to all of you.
Thank you.
Wabillahi Taufik Walhidayah Wassalamualaikum
Warahmatullahi Wabarakatuh.
90
8TH WORLD ISLAMIC ECONOMIC FORUM:
“CHANGING TRENDS, NEW OPPORTUNITIES”
PERSADA JOHOR INTERNATIONAL
CONVENTION CENTRE, MALAYSIA
04/12/2012
1. It gives me great pleasure to welcome you all to the 8th

World Islamic Economic Forum. I must confess, the last
time I spoke here in Johor, the audience were – how shall I
put it – more dynamic. More energetic. More spirited. But
you should not feel too bad: it was the opening of Asia’s
first Legoland, so the average age was somewhat lower!
2. As we gather here today, the world faces numerous

challenges. The global macroeconomic outlook continues to
be weak and uncertain. Pockets of prosperity enjoyed by a
few countries provide little positive impact on the economic
growth of the rest.
3. The US economic recovery is still underway. With no

solution to the Eurozone crisis in sight, and poor growth,
EU member states are suffering extended austerity measures
and threats of separatism. China and India are both
experiencing an economic slowdown. Countries affected by
the ‘Arab Spring’ or, as some prefer to call it, ‘Arab
Awakening’, have yet to complete reform needed to meet
the growing expectations of their people. And few bright
economic sparks are visible in Africa and Latin America.
91
4. Amidst the global gloom, developing Muslim countries
continue to bear a heavy burden. Many are at the receiving
end of policy decisions, with little or no power to influence
the global economic agenda. Within such societies, often it
is young people who bear the brunt of this inequality. Even
in more prosperous countries, evidence suggests young
people feel they do not have control over their own
economic future.
5. So today, I want to talk about youth and opportunity in

Islamic economies. About the changes facing young
Muslims across the world, and the hidden wealth of young
nations. About the power of economic and political reform
to give young people the opportunity they aspire to. And
about the challenges we must confront to unlock the true
potential of the Ummah.
6. Throughout history, Islamic societies have managed

major trade routes and vital trade centres. During the
Golden Age, Muslim traders established the Islamic Empire
and the Arabic language as the predominant forces in world
trade. The Ottoman, Safavid, and Mughal empires were
economic powerhouses. And over the last century, research
shows Islam has been good for growth: witness Turkey’s
rapid development or Indonesia’s sustained expansion. If
Islam was corrosive to growth, Malaysia’s economy would
not have expanded on average (i.e. Compounded Annual
Growth Rate) by 5.8% since 1991.
92
7. Islamic states are capable not just of economic dynamism,
but financial innovation. From forward markets to
microfinance, Islamic societies have long been at the cutting
edge of capitalism. So, Islam is not a barrier to economic
development.
8. Nor is it a barrier to vibrant democracy. As scholars haven

noted, Islamic doctrine shows clear democratic thought –
recognition of the equality of all believers, development of
consultative rule, protection of private property,
establishment of justice, celebration of learning, and
tolerance of other faiths.
9. And yet, as we saw in the Arab Awakening, many young

people cannot see opportunities for themselves. They do
not feel they have control over their lives or a stake in their
nations. Such pessimism can lead to disengagement,
radicalism or emigration. While political freedom is
important, it is economic opportunity that young people
value most. We are losing some of our young people to
apathy and extremism.
10. Our challenge, then, is to grasp the nature of opportunity.

To understand what young people in Muslim societies aspire
to, so we can help them achieve. To do so, we must
understand the changes affecting their lives.
11. So what are these changes? The first is demographic.

The Muslim world is experiencing a significant ‘youth
bulge’: in 2010, 60% of Muslims were under 30. By 2030,
93
Muslims will make up 26% of the world’s population, but
30% of its youth.
12. What are the implications of this shift? In economic

terms, a younger population brings greater pressures to bear
on education, and creates a bigger labour force. That in turn
requires high investment and capital to utilise the spare
capacity. Young people who cannot find work erode family
spending power – and government finances.
13. Further down the line, a big demographic change can

warp fiscal policy for decades, as ‘baby boomer’ countries
are discovering. But in social terms, the short term impact
can be even greater. A youth bulge introduces latent energy
into a nation’s economy and society. If it is not tapped, it
can become a destabilising force.
14. Work brings fulfilment: the feeling of playing an active

part in society, and contributing to the community. It also
develops the personal skills, self-esteem and discipline that
are requisites for success in a competitive world. But with
time on their hands and no prospects for employment, a
generation of people is growing up without knowing that
fulfilment or those skills. In 2010, youth unemployment in
the Middle East was 25%; in North Africa, 24%.
Unemployment at such levels is toxic. When young people
lack opportunity, they grow restless and disenfranchised.
15. Often, sadly, it is more educated youth who miss out.

The longer they are unemployed, the harder it is to find
94
work. Careers are blunted as people take low-paid jobs:
young people are most likely to be part of the working poor.
Many put off starting a family; without a decent job, they
cannot marry. And so they remain frustrated – unable to
fully transition to adulthood, and denied their independence.
16. Dependency robs these young people of their dignity.

With no economic stake in society, they can lose their sense
of belonging. That can spill over into hostility to the state,
and the institutions that sustain it. From 1970 to 2000, eight
out of ten of countries experiencing new civil conflict had
populations where 60% were under 30 – just as the Muslim
world does today.
17. Muslim youth want economic opportunity. Our

response must be to commit to building open and
sustainable economies, with education and economic
reform that allows our young people to pursue their
ambitions. But to understand how those ambitions are
framed, we must also understand the second great change
in young people’s lives: technology.
18. 21 years ago, there were no websites. Today, there are

more than half a billion. In the space of one lifetime, the
internet has gone from a tiny scientific community into one
of the most potent development tools the world has ever
known. The internet revolution has changed the way we
think about knowledge, opening up opportunities that
previously seemed inconceivable.
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19. The age of information has its own generation: the
digital natives, those who have only ever known a connected
world. There are children leaving school now who do not
remember life before the internet. The expectations they
have – of access to information, and freedom to
communicate – are completely different. They do not
understand closed systems, or one-way Government. They
expect information to be free, democracy to be responsive
and communication to be global. They want to play an
active role in the digital economy. And if they are not
satisfied, they will tell the world in a heartbeat.
20. Great leaps in communication technology often

foreshadow democratic developments. So it has proved
with mobile internet and social media. Empowered by
technology and emboldened by example, young people are
able to compare the strengths and weaknesses of their
democracies, and articulate their political needs to a global
audience. Modern youth, and modern aspiration, is
borderless.
21. This technological shift has implications for the

economic sphere in which Muslim youth operate. But its
political implications are greater still. We must understand
and respond to the emergence of a new, cross-border
political consciousness.
96
22. These two forces – demography and technology –
determine the nature of opportunity for our youth. Socially
and economically, young people in Islamic societies want
freedom. But it is not the freedom my father’s generation
fought for – freedom from colonial oppression. In an age
of self-determination and development, they want freedom
of opportunity.
23. They want a world-class education, and the freedom to

pursue the options it brings. They want to be active
participants in new digital spaces. They want strong
democratic institutions, and open and accountable
government. And they want to play their part in civil society,
to build a better nation with their own hands.
24. Our challenge is to stretch ourselves to deliver those

freedoms without sacrificing tradition, stability or growth.
By responding to the changes they face, we can engage
Muslim youth with a clear vision of their future – and
harness their untapped potential, for the benefit of all. That
will require both leadership and reform.
25. First, we must focus on education. Although access is

improving, young people find that their qualifications do
not match the opportunities available in the job market. We
need a greater emphasis on vocational and technical training,
and on standards and outcomes, to ensure that learning
unlocks opportunity rather than closing it off.
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26. We must also continue to open up our economies. Each
country in the Muslim world faces its own strengths and
challenges; but as a general principle, we must build a more
dynamic private sector, and boost our share of world trade.
23% of the world’s population are Muslim, but OIC nations
conduct just 8.3% of global trade. We have the headroom;
we have the capacity; it is simply a matter of opening our
economies. In so doing, we can make our nations more
competitive, bringing higher value jobs, and stronger
growth.
27. We should pursue structural reforms, to ensure that our

economies can compete in the industries of the future. Here
the youth are our guide: surveys show that Muslim youth
identify the digital economy and green technology as
significant in-demand sectors where they ought to have a
natural advantage.
28. We must also respond to technological change:

recalibrating the way we think about government, and the
way we communicate with young people. Our starting point
must be recognition of the fundamental principle of the
internet: its autonomy. The internet thrives because it exists
outside of the control of any one state or authority. It should
remain that way. This does not mean unregulated behaviour,
but independence. We should preserve the online space as
one in which the free exchange of views is encouraged, in
the best traditions of discourse.
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29. We should open our minds to new opportunities in the
digital economy. As microfinance and mobile banking has
shown, the ability to manage money on the move helps
young people gain financial independence and start
businesses. We should do more of our business and banking
online, and support our digital entrepreneurs.
30. We must also encourage moderation and the practice of

tolerance. Polls show that young Muslims want a greater role
for religion in public and political life. We should show that
this trust is well deserved, by offering a vision of Islam that
is moderate and tolerant. And we should embrace the new
instruments of Islamic finance – although here I must
declare an interest, because Malaysia leads the world in the
issuing of sukuk bonds!
31. Finally, we must be prepared to invest in all of our young

people – including women, whose unemployment numbers
are consistently 10% higher than men. We must put our
confidence in Muslim youth as full economic participants:
as consumers, employees, and entrepreneurs. And we must
be unafraid to encourage change in institutions which stifle
young people’s opportunities: reforming public services,
supporting appointment by merit, and remaining ever
vigilant against corruption.
32. Together, these changes will help us capitalise on our

greatest resource: our youth. It is up to us to show
leadership, and build economies that are prepared for the
future. We must be willing to confront old assumptions and
99
embrace new technologies; to open up our economies and
reform our politics. This will not always be easy. There will
be challenges and uncertainties. But reform is necessary, and
history shows us it is right: the periods of greatest Islamic
influence were the most intellectually open.
33. As a developing country committed to economic reform,

Malaysia has faced some hard choices already. We know we
must improve public service delivery, and offer new
opportunities to meet the growing expectations of our
people. This World Islamic Economic Forum will explore
these issues. The focus on nurturing the potential of our
young entrepreneurs and business leaders is commendable,
and I am the sessions on the democratization of education
and the role of technology will be fascinating. So me leave
you with one thought.
34. I believe we should see our youth not as a liability, but

as an asset: an untapped resource that will allow us to
develop and modernise. Managed properly, this resource
can lay the foundations for great success. By focusing on
economic and political reform, we can present a compelling
vision of a future defined by opportunity, not dependency.
35. In so doing, I am sure that we can bring young people

into the fold; giving them a meaningful stake in society. That
is not only a powerful safeguard against disenfranchisement
100
and extremism. It is our responsibility to the greatest
Muslim generation that has ever lived.
Thank you.
101
68TH UNITED NATIONS GENERAL ASSEMBLY
NEW YORK, USA
28/09/2013
Mr President,
Excellencies,
1. Allow me to begin by congratulating you, Mr President,

on your election. I offer you Malaysia’s full cooperation
and support as you seek to further the cause of peace
and prosperity.
2. Three years ago, I stood before you and called for a

Global Movement of Moderates. It was a call to reject
extremism in all its forms.
3. Because the real divide is not between East and West or

between the developed and developing worlds or
between Muslims, Christians and Jews. It is between
moderates and extremists of all religions.
4. Much has changed since 2010. Then, a current of

protest and reform surged through the Middle East and
North Africa. Out of the heat of the Arab Spring, new
questions arose: about the pace of democratic change,
about the role of Islam in politics, and about the need
for more inclusive development. But the search for
answers to those questions has been put on hold.
102
5. As authoritarian regimes have fallen, and governments
have been swept away by political change, extremists
have tried to fill the space that remains. Motivated by
ideology, politics and religion, they have sought refuge
from the hard work of development in the unholy
practice of violence.
6. Conflicts have spilled across borders, inflaming old

tensions, and igniting new ones. Around the world,
extremism is taking lives and crushing opportunity. This
affects us all; but it is one people, of one faith, who
suffer most. I believe the greatest threat to Muslims
today comes not from the outside world, but from
within.
7. The conflict between Sunni and Shia threatens the lives

and livelihoods of millions of Muslims. Our religion –
founded on peace, and premised on tolerance – is being
twisted by extremists, who are deploying false
arguments to foster division and justify violence.
8. Across the Islamic world, extremists are wrapping their

perverse agenda in religious cloth; tearing families,
countries and the ummah apart. With each new atrocity,
tensions are wound tighter, and peace seems further
away.
9. The corrosive influence of extremism cannot be easily

countered. But we are not powerless to act. I believe
moderation in religion and the political process can
stem the loss of life and liberty in the Muslim world.
103
10. Behind the tragic violence, there is a battle being waged
for the future of Islam. By reaffirming our commitment
to moderation – and solving the political problems that
drive instability – we can seize back the centre ground.
We can marginalise the extremists. And we can advance
an agenda for peace, harmony and justice.
11. Around the world, Muslims have watched in despair as

conflict tears into some of our oldest communities.
Rarely in our history has the ummahfaced violence on
this scale.
12. Right now, the world’s attention is rightly focused on

Syria. United Nations investigators have concluded that
the focus of the war has shifted along ethnic and
religious lines, and become ‘overtly sectarian’. A conflict
which began with anti-government protests threatens to
descend into a war of ethnic cleansing.
13. With fighters from Hezbollah engaging on Syrian soil,

the conflict now threatens Lebanon too. Last month,
after car bombs killed dozens in Beirut, 42 people died
in explosions outside Sunni mosques. Communities are
dividing along religious lines, with hard-line preachers
urging violence between Sunni and Shia.
14. Meanwhile, the security situation in Iraq continues to

unravel, as Sunni extremist groups and Shia militia
struggle for control. In the last four months, nearly
3,000 people have been killed. In the last week alone,
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three funerals have been bombed in Baghdad. Women
and children have been blown apart whilst mourning.
15. Again, the violence is carried out between Sunni and

Shia. In one Iraqi town, four children from one Shia
family were slain with knives. In another, local people –
neighbours for generations – have built blast walls to
keep themselves apart. Forced displacements are
growing.
16. In Pakistan, bombings have wrecked the city of Quetta,

killing hundreds. Revenge attacks spread to Lahore;
bombs have been detonated in Karachi. In August,
militants ambushed buses, dividing the passengers
according to belief; those who answered incorrectly
were executed.
17. Each of these conflicts has a distinct cause, but they

follow a darkly familiar path. Emboldened by political
failures, radical preachers and militant groups turn civil
conflicts into wider religious wars. Yet the preaching of
such violence is completely counter to the Islamic faith.
18. The Quran not only condemns suicide, unjust war, and
retribution by force; it also makes clear the Prophet’s
desire for Muslims to live in peace with one another and
their neighbours.
19. Verse 8:61 says, ‘And if they incline to peace, then incline to it
[also] and rely upon Allah’. Verse 5:32, that ‘whoever kills a
soul unless for a soul or for corruption [done] in the land - it is as
if he had slain mankind entirely’. And verse 2:256 holds
that ‘there shall be no compulsion in religion’.
105
20. It should come as no surprise that there is no scriptural
basis for the atrocities being committed in the name of
Islam. Under the six higher objectives of Islamic law,
the first and foremost is the protection and preservation
of life. Yet even during Ramadan, our holy month -
when contemplation, devotion and compassion reign
uppermost in Muslim minds - the extremists would not
stop. More than 4,400 people died this Ramadan in
Syria; 371 in Iraq; 120 in Pakistan.
21. This is a burden we can no longer afford to bear. It is

time to end the killing, and concentrate instead on
building a common agenda for peace and prosperity.
There are two things we can do.
22. First of all, I believe that peace-loving Muslims – the

overwhelming majority of Muslims – should unite
against the extremists who use our religion as an excuse
to commit violence. And one of the most powerful tools
we have to do so is al-wasatiyyah: the practice of
moderation.
23. Verse 2:143 of the Quran says that ‘we have made you into
a community that is justly balanced’. This concept – of
balance and moderation, of social justice within our
faith – is a central tenet of Islam. It asks of us that we
hold to the principles displayed by the Prophet
Muhammad (PBUH) in the Medina Charter.
24. Our task is to reclaim our faith, by articulating clearly

the true nature of Islam: the religion of peace, of
moderation, of tolerance. We should speak this message
106
clearly, so that all may hear it; and stand firm against the
minority who use Islam to further violent and unjust
ends.
25. We should not mistake moderation for weakness. To

face those baying for violence and call instead for calm
is a sign not of frailty, but of strength. Muslim leaders
should speak up and condemn such violence, lest their
silence is mistaken for acceptance.
26. Moderation can be practiced at the national level, as is

the case in Malaysia, by choosing mutual respect and
inclusivity, and strengthening the bonds between
different communities and faiths. All countries should
reinforce their commitment to the principles of
moderation; not just in religion, but for sustainable
development and stable economic growth.
27. Moderation can also direct regional policy. It sits at the

heart of Malaysia’s efforts to bring peace to the southern
Philippines, and to Thailand’s restive south. And
ASEAN, which endorsed the Global Movement of
Moderates, has made a commitment to peaceful
settlement and the non use of force in territorial
disputes.
28. And at the international level, moderation can guide our

approach to the great global challenges of our age:
violent extremism, sustainable development, and
equitable growth.
29. Secondly, we should give our all to resolve the political
problems which raise tensions in the Muslim world –
starting with Syria.
107
30. We cannot underline strongly enough the need for a
Syrian-led inclusive political process. Malaysia is against
any unilateral action to resolve the conflict. All sides
must come together to work out a political settlement.
We welcome the recent US-Russia Framework
Agreement, condemn without reservation the use of
chemical weapons, and call on the international
community to intensify their efforts to explore all
possible diplomatic options for peace under the
auspices of the UN.
31. We must also find the vision and the political will to
commit to a just solution for Palestine. We fervently
hope that progress towards a viable Palestinian state –
based on pre-1967 borders, and with East Jerusalem as
its capital – will be made, and that the US and other
members of the Quartet continue to play their role as
honest brokers in the process. Only with peace can
there be development and dignity for the Palestinian
people.
32. Finally, we should continue to focus on building

stronger and more prosperous societies, predicated on
the rule of law and the practice of democracy. The Arab
Spring showed that the Muslim world is crying out for
change. Governments must answer that call. We must
provide good governance to fight corruption, create
jobs to tackle poverty, and deliver sustainable growth
that builds a world of opportunity for our citizens. We
must create economies in which people can fulfil their
own aspirations, not those of extremists.
108
33. By acting to solve our most difficult political problems,
we can bring an end to the immediate suffering - in Syria,
in Palestine, and in the wider world. By committing to
the cause of moderation, Muslims can secure something
even greater.
34. We can reclaim our religion, choosing harmony and

acceptance over division and conflict. And we can
broadcast a vision of Islam as it is understood by
Muslims around the world: as a religion of peace,
tolerance, and moderation.
35. Last month, when militants attacked those buses in

Pakistan, a 19 year-old Sunni student named Ghulam
Mustafa stood up for such a vision. Confronting the
Sunni gunmen, he said killing Shiites was wrong.
Ghulam was shot dead, but his life was not lost in vain.
With guns to their heads, the Sunnis on the bus refused
to identify the Shia passengers who the gunmen wanted
to kill.
36. In their defiance, we see the true measure of courage,

and the true test of faith. Under unimaginable pressure,
facing the greatest possible threat, they chose to stand
with their brothers and sisters. They chose unity over
division.
37. Faced with unimaginable pressure, and the greatest

possible threat, we must summon the will to do the
same.
Thank you.
109
PERSIDANGAN ANJURAN ASIAN PEACE AND
RECONCILIATION COUNCIL (APRC)/ISIS
MALAYSIA: DIALOGUE ON DIVERSITY,
DIPLOMACY AND PEACE
HOTEL MARRIOTT, PUTRAJAYA,
11/11/2013
1. I am delighted to join you at today’s Dialogue on

Diversity, Diplomacy and Peace. It is especially heart
warming to see many friends and familiar faces among
the distinguished members of the Asian Peace and
Reconciliation Council.
2. I thank Yang Amat Berbahagia Tun Abdullah Ahmad

Badawi and His Excellency Dr Surakiart Sathirathai for
their tireless efforts in convening the First Annual
Meeting of the APRC in Putrajaya. And I commend
ISIS Malaysia for co-organising today’s Dialogue.
3. Our topics today could not be more important. Valuing

diversity; privileging diplomacy; pursuing peace.
Together, they could form a recipe for national success
and international stability – not just in Asia, but in the
wider world. So let me say a few words on each, starting
with diversity.
4. Our planet is a kaleidoscope of peoples, cultures and

nations. We speak in many tongues, worship in distinct
110
ways, and live in different political and socio-economic
systems. This diversity is a blessing, but it can
sometimes be difficult to manage – as Asian and
Southeast Asian nations we know all too well.
5. Diversity is a big part of Malaysia’s DNA; in many ways,

it defines us. Ever since man began to set sail for distant
places, the monsoon winds ensured that traders from
near and far were brought to our shores. And they
enriched these lands in many ways than one.
6. The Malacca Sultanate, which was a major trading

centre in the 15th and early 16th centuries, would never
have thrived unless it embraced with open arms in
multitude of cultures.
7. Today, that tradition continues. Diversity is about much

more than food, music or language. It also means
inclusivity and our resolve to live side-by-side, living in
harmony, trusting each other, sharing a common vision
for our nation even during times of difficulty. For
although we are different, we must not be divided.
Malaysians of all ethnicities and religions should be
bound together by a respect and celebration of our
differences.
8. It was with this ambition in mind that, we embark on

the concept of 1Malaysia: an all-encompassing national
vision to ensure that Malaysia remains, now and forever,
a harmonious and peaceful nation. 1Malaysia is not
about winning the election, 1Malaysia is about nation
building.
111
9. The path is not always smooth; we must continually
reassert our commitment not just to co-existence, but
to shared prosperity. It is a positive sign that the
discourse is shifting from a question of mere “tolerance”
to one of “respect”, deep mutual respect. Malaysia is not
a perfect model of multiculturalism, but our
commitment and even our devotion to the principle is
clear.
10. In fact, our belief in multiculturalism is not merely the
result of a fascination with the unfamiliar. It also stems
from a pragmatic realisation: that a nation whose trade
is valued at about 180% of its GDP must make the most
of its connections to the world at large.
11. Malaysia is not the only country in Asia that stands to

gain from multiculturalism. Yet some see diversity as a
source not of strength, but of discord. The conflict
between Buddhist and Muslim communities in
Myanmar is one such example. Malaysia, like the
international community at large, is deeply concerned by
the ongoing violence. As it assumes an important and
high-profile responsibility as Chair of ASEAN, it is right
for Myanmar to resolve the issue in a comprehensive
manner.
12. Like other countries with plural societies, nation

building in Myanmar will not be easy. But it is
worthwhile: by embracing inclusion, a greater nation
shall emerge.
13. Diversity is critical to building strong nations. But the

underlying principles – i.e. of accepting our differences,
embracing dialogue and defending the right to coexist –
112
can also help us build a stronger region. It is here that I
wish to turn to our second topic today: diplomacy.
14. Asian diplomacy has particular characteristics. Our

experiences have been distinctive; shaped by our history,
our culture and the challenges of our past.
15. Throughout history – whether as little kingdoms or

great empires – Asian states have practiced different
types of diplomacy. Today, we conduct international
relations as modern states; observing universally
accepted principles, and still-evolving practices.
16. As we interact more closely with one another in a more

integrated region and a more globalised world, so
diplomacy has become more complex. In the past rulers
and authoritarian governments had more freedom to
conduct diplomacy as they thought best; without the
need to consult or to inform domestic stakeholders or
external parties. Quiet diplomacy was the natural order
of things.
17. That is no longer the case. As nations democratise,

private enterprise grows and civil society expands, the
pressure to engage more constituents in the making of
diplomacy mounts. Parliaments, chambers of
commerce and a wider public interest groups want their
views to be heard, and acted upon.
18. Governments remain the primary instruments of

diplomacy, but non-government institutions and
113
citizens are playing an increasing role. Words like “track
two diplomacy” and “citizens’ diplomacy” are not just
academic buzzwords, but a growing part of modern
diplomatic practice.
19. The changing media landscape is also changing

international relations; and challenging the concept of
quiet diplomacy. Journalists pursue leaders and
negotiators everywhere, searching for sound bites at the
expense of the discretion and confidentiality which are
critical to the success of quiet diplomacy.
20. The challenge is amplified by the growing influence of

blogs, which often operate without much restraint, even
questionable ethics; and by the unprecedented speech
and reach of platforms like Twitter, where diplomatic
practice is often brought before the public eye.
Conducting diplomacy away from the glare of publicity
is therefore becoming ever more challenging.
21. Yet there is still a role for quiet diplomacy; in the

prevention of conflict, the containment of hostilities
and peaceful resolution of disputes. And there is no
reason that it cannot coexist with a more open and
responsive foreign policy. Our task is to understand
when greater openness and engagement will yield the
best results, and when to focus on the quiet negotiation
that has proven so successful in the past. And as Asia’s
prominence leads to growing influence, this mission
assumes a greater importance.
114
22. The international media is filled with glowing headlines
about Asia’s rise. We are as many put it, at the beginning
of an Asian Century, one driven by unprecedented
economic development.
23. Over the last three decades, Asia has indeed seen a
remarkable modernisation. But we must not allow
ourselves to be seduced by hubris, or to fall into
complacency.
24. For each family that escapes the clutches of poverty, far
too many continue to be left behind. For all the wealth
that has been created, far too little has found its way into
the hands of the many.
25. According to the Asian Development Bank, 1.6 billion

people in Asia live on less than US$2 a day. That is three
times the population of South East Asia as a whole.
26. Poverty has hardly become history in Asia: in fact, our

societies have become more unequal. Since the 1990s,
the Gini coefficient for Asia has risen from 33.5 to 37.5.
If this is to be an Asian century, we must make sure that
economic growth brings opportunity for all – not just a
few.
27. This is not simply a matter of economic justice, it is also

of national stability. Poverty and inequality have a
destabilising and corrosive effect on societies. Why
should law and order mean anything to people who
hardly benefit from them? Why should the marginalised
support a political system if it only widens the gap
between the rich and the poor?
115
28. For peace to prevail in Asia, we must set our minds
towards levelling the field of competition, and creating
opportunities for people to realise their dreams,
irrespective of their economic backgrounds. That will
do much to check the forces of instability which have
wracked much of the Middle East and North Africa. But
we must also confront one of the greatest threats to
global peace and security: extremism.
29. We cannot afford to allow the voices of extremism to

dominate the political discourse. It is time for the silent
majority to drown out the calls to violence; to reject
extremism.
30. We should not be cowed or held to ransom by elements

that prefer to pursue their political goals and grievances
outside the accepted norms of civilised society. Just as
we abhor violence, we must also stay firmly within the
boundaries of international law in the persecution of
extremism and terrorism.
31. Violence is not always the best tool with which to

neutralise extremism. Although I wouldn't rule out
legitimate and lawful use of force is sometimes
necessary, too often violence simply begets violence. A
militarised response to extremism can feed a vicious
cycle of revenge, and further inflame existing
animosities. We believe that the main battlefield lies in
the political sphere.
116
32. Taking out the leadership of extremist groups, or
disrupting their supply of weaponry will not always
bring a lasting solution; often, it is a case of treating the
symptom and not the disease. A better approach would
be to undermine their very reason for being. We should
be unafraid to use the power of persuasion to counter
the misguided rallying calls of the extremists.
33. It was with this purpose in mind that we called for a

Global Movement of the Moderates: a plea for the silent
majority to stand up to extremism, and to support non-
violence in conflict resolution.
34. It was the latest of a series of initiatives through which

we have attempted to exercise a positive impact on the
world. Malaysia’s contribution to international peace
and security can be traced back to the formative years
of our nation. The first Malaysian peacekeepers served
with distinction in the United Nations Mission in the
Congo from 1960 to 1963. We have since served in 13
other UN peace missions. Our commitment to the
United Nations remains strong; our belief in its ideals
unrelenting.
35. We have had the honour of serving in the United

Nations Security Council three times previously, and,
with the support and trust of the international
community, stand ready to serve a fourth term. We
thank our friends who pledged their support for our bid
for the non-permanent seat on the Security Council for
the 2015-2016 term.
117
36. Closer to home, Malaysia played a key role in the
Mindanao Peace Process and has begun to collaborate
with our Thai counterparts to begin laying the
groundwork for peace in Southern Thailand.
37. If Mindanao is any indication, we expect that the road

to stability in Southern Thailand will be a long and
winding one. Nevertheless, we are committed to
working with the government of Thailand to bring
meaningful peace to an area that has known violence
and instability for far too long.
38. All states, including Malaysia, accord the highest priority

and importance to the preservation of peace and
security. I wish to register once more our gratitude to
the men and women in law enforcement and the
security forces, whose sacrifices enable us to go about
our daily lives in peace.
39. I also wish to pay tribute to another group of dedicated

people whose contributions are often overlooked. I
refer to the army of diplomats, politicians, bureaucrats,
scholars and civil society advocates whose work
contributes to the preservation of peace.
40. With this in mind, I warmly welcome the Asian Peace

and Reconciliation Council, as a new regional advocate
for conflict management and peace resolution.
118
41. Between the twenty-four distinguished members of the
Council, there is a wealth of practical experience and
expertise that can assist in moderating and managing
conflicts. Through quiet diplomacy, the Council can
supplement official and government efforts. With your
reservoirs of experience and wide networks, you can
play an important role in reaching out to all parties and
facilitating peaceful resolution.
42. So let me conclude by congratulating the APRC and

ISIS Malaysia for their efforts in organising this
dialogue. I am heartened to see the close cooperation
between these two institutions; and honoured by your
collective presence today. I look forward to your
support in keeping us on the path of moderation, peace
and stability.
Thank you.
119
FORUM ANTARABANGSA ‘GLOBAL
MODERATION’ BERSEMPENA DENGAN
PERHIMPUNAN AGUNG UMNO TAHUN 2013
DEWAN TUN HUSSEIN ONN, PWTC, KUALA
LUMPUR
02/12/2013
1. Thank you very much, and on behalf of all Malaysians let

me offer you the warmest of welcomes. For those of you
who have travelled to be here, I hope you have time to
venture out into the city and get a taste of life in Kuala
Lumpur.
2. 25 countries and more than 30 political parties are

represented here at the UMNO International Forum. We
come from every continent on earth; from different
histories and political systems. But we face many of the same
pressures at home.
3. Around the world, demographics, technology and

development are redrawing the political landscape. As our
populations change – becoming more urbanised, more
affluent, and more connected – their experience and
expectations of government also change.
4. We face complex, often global problems, which require

governments to work with people, businesses and each
other. Yet public trust in governments around the world is
collapsing. According to a global survey, fewer than one in
six people believe that government officials can solve social
problems, make ethical decisions – or even be completely
honest about difficult issues.
120
5. And so, despite the diversity of our political traditions,
many of us must confront a similar challenge: to keep our
politics relevant, and our people engaged in the democratic
process. To do so, we must change. This morning, I would
like to speak about how – and why.
6. There are three significant changes that are common to

our societies.
7. Firstly, people are more connected than ever before. In

1997, just 2% of the global population used the internet.
Next year, it will be closer to 40%. In the space of a single
childhood, we have gone from using reference books in
libraries to carrying Wikipedia in our pockets.
8. The decentralisation of knowledge – and the creation of

new modes of communication and new industries – is as
profound a revolution as the invention of writing itself.
More information is more accessible to more people than at
any time in history.
9. But the digital revolution is not just about the

dissemination of knowledge; it is also about discussion. Via
audio, video, image and text, people are freer to
communicate with one another than ever before. Borders
and barriers to interaction are melting away, as an
increasingly global community shares ideas, principles, and
experiences. And the implications for governments and
political parties are profound.
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10. Voters are better informed and more discerning; free to
compare and contrast their political systems like never
before. This places government under greater and more
nuanced scrutiny. But just as competition encourages
improvement and innovation in business, so it can improve
governance and politics.
11. Traditional relationships between media, government
and business elites are also evolving. In a media
environment which changes by the second, news spreads
further and faster than ever. As journalism is democratised,
ordinary citizens are finding they have a global voice.
12. With decentralisation of information, then, comes

decentralisation of power. More than ever before, people
have the power – and the knowledge – to hold governments
to account. Just as the printing press made Europe’s
Reformation possible, today’s technology brings a new
democratic accountability.
13. We should use our new-found voices responsibly, and

with moderation. Rumour and disinformation now has a
global reach; citizens should be mindful that provocative
words can have real consequences. Established media
outlets should refrain from inflammatory headlines, and
honour the trust the public places in them as the keepers of
truth.
14. As for governments, our response should be more

openness, not less. We should be unafraid to practice a more
open politics, with greater disclosure of policy and
performance, and more genuine interaction with the public.
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15. The digital revolution breaks the hierarchical power
structure whereby governments and media had a constant
voice and the citizens spoke only on Election Day. We
should turn this to our advantage. We now have technology
that supports a much wider and deeper range of public
involvement in policymaking, with ‘open source
government’ and open data breaking down traditional
divides. We should honour not just the traditions but also
the future direction of technology – towards greater
openness and information sharing – by preserving the
internet as a space for free discussion, and bringing more
government functions into clear view.
16. The concept of transparency itself has been redefined in

the digital age. But so too has our conception of privacy. As
we have seen over the past six months, the globalisation of
communications has opened up new risks to individual
privacy and state sovereignty. There has been an increased
level of spying conducted by some of our allies. As we work
to combat terrorism and organised crime, we must guard
against access that compromises individual liberties – and
poisons public trust.
17. The secondly challenge is demographic: the makeup of

our societies is changing, and countries with different
population profiles are experiencing different effects.
18. Those with ageing populations face particular pressures

on productivity and spending. They must manage the
tension between welfare provisions and the cost of
healthcare, and raising the revenue required to support an
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ever-older population. Theirs is a challenge of prosperity,
and it is one that we must tackle soon: according to the UN,
by 2050 there will be more pensioners in the world than
children.
19. Countries with youthful populations must find

opportunities for young people, to ensure they have a stake
in society. In the Middle East and North Africa, we have
seen what can happen when the economic and democratic
needs of young people are ignored. To maintain stability, we
must integrate young people into the economy and give
them confidence in the political process.
20. Yet demography is about much more than age. Many
countries are becoming more diverse, as people from
different races and faiths move and marry; in the US, for
example, the number of people who consider themselves
multiracial is growing faster than any other group. Societies
– including Malaysia – must find a settlement which is
inclusive and sustainable, where no one is left behind, as we
deal with growing diversity of race and faith. It is principally
a challenge of harmony.
21. Addressing demographic change will require responsive

politics; and a willingness to take on difficult questions – of
responsibility between generations, and entitlement
between people. We should muster the courage to take
decisions for the long-term, not just the next electoral cycle,
for demographic change demands policy foresight. It also
requires a commitment to the principles of moderation: of
tolerance, respect and understanding. We should seek
solutions which are inclusive, not divisive.
22. The third change concerns development.
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23. After the recent financial crisis, many nations are taking
stock of their role in the global economy, and their
prospects for future growth. Politicians must show that they
understand both the pressures on people’s lives – and those
that shape national economic destiny.
24. In much of the developed world, the financial crisis

shook public confidence in both markets and governments
alike. Political parties struggled to respond to the credit
crunch. In the worst affected countries, a generation of
leaders lost power. But disenchantment was not limited to
the ballot box: anti-austerity protests also grew to target
corporate excess.
25. This crisis of confidence was intensified by the

macroeconomic shift which is creating new centres of
gravity in the global economy. As services follow
production into no-longer-emerging markets, countries
which rode the wave of early industrialisation now look for
new sources of growth.
26. For the developing world, the challenge is different: to

unlock truly equitable growth, so that citizens benefit from
greater income and improved living standards, learning
from those who went before without repeating their
mistakes.
27. And for all nations, there is a pressing need to adapt to

a new era of sustainability – environmental, economic and
social. The development which brings the next wave of
countries to ‘first-world’ status must be cleaner, fairer and
more sustainable than the last.
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28. Sustainable environmental policy is a matter for
individual countries and for the world at large. At the micro
level, we should pursue the little wins which make a big
problem smaller: improving energy efficiency standards,
investing in new energy technology, protecting our forests
and incentivising sustainable development. And at the
macro level, we should commit to securing the best possible
global deal to address climate change.
29. But growth must be economically sustainable, too. In an

increasingly global economy, unbalanced growth can cause
cross-border contagion. As the global conversation about
the quality of growth shows, policymakers and the public
are keen to learn from crises past, and build a global financial
system that encourages innovation without recklessness.
30. That means reforming the financial sector where

necessary, strengthening frameworks and financial systems,
managing government and household debt, and using
monetary and fiscal policy to support sustainable growth. By
doing so, we can rebuild public confidence in the financial
sector’s ability to contribute to national development – and
government’s ability to properly manage it.
31. Finally, development must be socially sustainable.
32. Last month, we hosted a conference on social businesses

here in Kuala Lumpur. I was struck by the depth of the
commitment – amongst delegates from around the world –
to the cause of profit-making with a conscience. As our
economies mature, and governments recognise the limits of
their ability, there is a growing space in which non-profit
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and social businesses can contribute to better national
outcomes.
33. But social business is only one part of the puzzle. More
generally, people now place a much greater emphasis on
social value in development. They want to see housing
projects which bring affordable housing for the many, not
just luxury condominiums for the few. They want land
developers to bring community needs into their business
plans, and city planners to prioritise public space. And they
want an economic system which works for them, not just
the elite.
34. Breakneck economic development can sometimes cause

casualties, as inequality bubbles build up. And behind some
of the developing world’s headline growth statistics, things
are getting worse. In a recent World Economic Forum poll,
growing inequality was rated the number one concern in
Latin America, sub-Saharan Africa, and Asia. From the
wealthiest regions to the poorest, from captains of industry
to average citizens, inequality is consistently identified as a
severe and worsening problem.
35. For socially responsible development, we should affirm

our commitment to education and labour market reforms as
a means of undoing inequality. We should embrace greater
gender equality, as studies show the more equal a society is,
the more competitive it is. And we should put a policy
premium on socially responsible development, with
incentives to grow social businesses - and a business culture
that gives profit and social value equal weight.
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36. The changes I have talked about today – technological,
demographic and developmental – ask that we adjust our
politics.
37. We must show that government can address the needs

of the citizens and the challenges of the age. And we must
encourage participation in the democratic process, to
safeguard against apathy and extremism. To do so, we must
demonstrate our commitment to effective government, and
open politics.
38. Effective government means showing that we can

navigate complex problems and find equitable solutions. It
means delivering on people’s development expectations,
and cutting through the cynicism which says that
government is part of the problem, not part of the solution.
It means proving that we can respond to those three
changes I spoke about earlier: demographics, technology
and development. In short, we need to show what
government can do.
39. Open politics means increasing participation in the

political process, embracing greater transparency, and
improving the state of democracy within our parties;
reforming internal processes and distancing ourselves from
money politics.
40. I know that these things are easy to say, but hard to do.
And I know I have said plenty about what political parties
should do, and not so much about what we are doing. So by
way of conclusion, let me say a few words about my party,
country and Malaysian people.
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41. I am the President of UMNO: the United Malays

National Organisation. Our story cannot be separated from
Malaysia’s story. We have governed since independence;
guided this young nation through its darkest times and its
greatest hours.
42. Yes: we are a Malay political organisation. That is our

founding principle, our heritage. But we govern in a
coalition of many races, and we govern in the name of all.
43. Together, we took this nation from the brink – when

race riots threatened to unleash a storm of hatred and
violence – to what it is today. A modern, peaceful,
multiracial and prosperous society – one of the world’s most
dynamic, and most diverse. A nation unfinished in its
creation, but which shows all the potential for greatness.
44. It is not always easy to maintain peace, stability and

prosperity. To embrace moderation and our differences
rather than focus on what divides us. And sometimes, in the
heat of the moment, we go too far.
45. This year’s general election was hard fought, and hard
won. On both sides, hopes ran high, and emotions
sometimes ran higher. My party was returned to office with
a mandate, but the result betrayed increased polarisation in
the country.
46. I acknowledge that. I acknowledge it. But I want to heal

these wounds and achieve national unity. I am determined
129
to lead a government that governs for all Malaysians.
Because I believe our greatest achievement – UMNO’s
greatest achievement – is not the defence of just one race,
but the creation of one state, one nation. One Malaysia.
47. It is the work of a lifetime, and it is not yet complete.
48. It is a myth that one race can only prosper at the expense
of others. History shows us – in Malaysia and elsewhere –
that shared peace and collective prosperity are the true
guarantors of national success.
49. Collective prosperity means that no-one is left behind.

In a perfect world, when democratic rule prevails, all people
would be afforded the same opportunities. But in Malaysia,
as in many countries, that was not the case. In the aftermath
of colonialism, a majority of the population were largely
poor, and largely shut out of the economy.
50. So in the name of social justice, we introduced

affirmative action policies to level the playing field. To help
the original inhabitants of this land – not just the Malays,
but all the indigenous people, those in Sabah and Sarawak,
Muslim and non-Muslim alike – who found themselves
without an economic stake in Malaysia’s future.
51. Our situation is not unique. Many countries – from

Australia to South Africa – have struggled to find the right
formula to overcome inequality.
130
52. By putting in place policies to support historically
disadvantaged groups, we are not denying the rights of other
groups. In fact, an economy founded on growth with
inclusiveness will deliver better outcomes for all
communities. Under Barisan Nasional, Bumiputera policies
will continue as long as there is a need, but no longer. Our
history shows that affirmative action, national unity and
growth can coexist. I ask for the continued support of all
Malaysians, as we build on our economic successes, and
look towards a brighter future.
53. This shared ambition for Malaysia is critical. The Arab

Spring has shown us how uneven economic opportunities
cause alienation and instability. And we have seen what
happens when people succumb to the politics of hatred: in
the former Yugoslavia, in Rwanda, in Darfur. We have also
seen the riches which co-operation can bring: just fifty years
have passed since the Malaysian Federation was formed, yet
we are on the brink of high income status.
54. I believe history will judge UMNO by its ability to

uphold the dignity not just of the Malay race and Islam, but
of our country. Yes, we fought for and secured
independence. Yes, we took our economy from humble
beginnings to sterling success. But the past is not our future.
55. Now we must make our party and our values relevant to
new generations; to those who have only ever known an
independent and wealthy Malaysia, and who expect greater
liberty and more opportunity. This is the new politics. We
are not fighting the same fight as we were in the 1960s, the
1970s, or the 1980s. For our party – and our nation – to
succeed, we must understand the aspirations of younger,
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better educated, more urban voters. We must be mindful of
tradition, but look always towards the future.
56. We must strengthen the bonds between our people,

from the biggest cities to the smallest kampungs. We must
demonstrate that our vision of Malaysia’s future is
compatible with people’s interests; that UMNO has not just
a proud past, but UMNO a clear vision for the future. We
must put nation above self, and people above self-interest;
rejecting corruption, embracing open politics, and living the
values we espouse.
57. In this task, we are aided immeasurably by the Malaysian

people.
58. I believe that Malaysians share an instinct for unity and

moderation. Our nation is founded on tolerance, and guided
by the principles of peaceful co-existence and mutual
respect. Sometimes, those principles are tested. It takes the
utmost courage and conviction to stand firm. It is a standard
which few meet, but all of us should aspire to.
59. We can do it. We can do it. And as we prepare to join

the ranks of the developed nations, we look to learn from
those who have taken great strides before us, and share our
experience with those still to come.
60. That is what today’s conference is all about. So once

again, on behalf of all Malaysians, I welcome you to this, the
UMNO International Forum 2013.
Thank You.
132
THE OPENING SESSION OF THE NATIONAL
COLLOQUIUM ON MALAYSIA’S
CHAIRMANSHIP OF ASEAN 2015
DOUBLETREE HOTEL, KUALA LUMPUR
08/04/2014
Bismillahirahmanirahim
Assalamualaikum warahmatullahi wabarakatuh
Good morning and Salam 1Malaysia
Yang Berhormat Senator Tan Sri Abu Zahar Ujang

President of the Senate;
Yang Berhormat Dato’ Sri Anifah Haji Aman

Minister of Foreign Affairs;
Yang Berhormat Dato’ Sri Mustapa Mohamed

Minister of International Trade and Industry;
Yang Berhormat Dato’ Hamzah Zainudin

Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs;
YBhg. Datuk Othman Hashim

Ketua Setiausaha Kementerian Luar Negeri;
Your Excellencies;
Distinguished guests;
Ladies and gentlemen;
133
1. At the outset, I would like to congratulate all those
who worked to establish the National Colloquium on
Malaysia’s Chairmanship of ASEAN 2015. As Malaysia
prepares to shoulder a historic responsibility, I would like to
share with you my thoughts about what a ‘people-centred
ASEAN’ means.
2. Before I begin, I speak for all of us when I say that

the friendships forged by ASEAN and its institutions have
been illuminated in the search for flight MH370. I was
touched by the support shown by our international partners,
whom I would like to thank again today. Based on our
experiences, I believe that ASEAN-led institutions such as
the East Asia Summit could explore new ways of promoting
cooperation in Search and Rescue operations, so that we are
all better prepared when tragedy strikes.
3. The eyes of the region and the world will be on

Malaysia in 2015, a historic date which will see the
establishment of the ASEAN Community. It is the
culmination of a five-decade long effort of region-building.
4. The Foreign Ministers who signed the Bangkok

Declaration in 1967 – my father included – could scarcely
have imagined the heights to which ASEAN would rise.
5. Back then, our region was associated with

concepts such as `balkanisation’ and `domino theory’. Few
would have predicted that Southeast Asia would enjoy
decades of prosperity and growing influence; fewer still, that
we would be bound closer together with the passage of time.
134
6. Immediately after the signing of the Bangkok
Declaration, my father said – and I quote:
‘We the nations and peoples of Southeast Asia must get

together and form by ourselves a new perspective and a new
framework for our region. It is important that individually
and jointly we should create a deep awareness that we cannot
survive for long as independent but isolated peoples unless we
also think and act together and unless we prove by deeds that
we belong to a family of Southeast Asian nations bound
together by ties of friendship and goodwill and imbued with
our own ideals and aspirations and determined to shape our
own destiny. With the establishment of ASEAN, we have
taken a firm and a bold step on that road.’
7. 47 years later, that road has led us to the ASEAN

Community. It is our chance to look beyond national
borders to shared prosperity.
8. ASEAN remains both the cornerstone of our

foreign policy and the linchpin of our strategic interests, for
the following reasons:
8.1 Firstly, as I mentioned at the

8th Heads of Missions Conference last
February, Malaysia is situated at the heart of
a strategic, resource rich, diverse and
increasingly economically vibrant Southeast
Asian region. Malaysia’s trade dependency
ratio is the fourth highest in the world. To
135
continue to prosper, Malaysia needs a stable
regional environment - with open sea lanes,
and transparent and predictable behaviour
by major regional powers. ASEAN, and the
institutions that it leads – such as the
ASEAN Plus One Dialogue Process, the
ASEAN Regional Forum, the ASEAN
Defence Ministers Meeting Plus and the
East Asia Summit – are the best hope of
achieving these objectives.
8.2 These institutions and their

processes provide the necessary platform to
promote confidence, transparency and the
developments of rules and norms. In this
regard, I recognise that the South China Sea
issue continues to be of concern for the
international community. However, it is
sufficient for me to say that the discussions
between ASEAN and China on the Code of
Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea
(COC) are making good progress. The
COC will be the key instrument in ensuring
the proper management of these vital sea
lanes, upon which so much depends.
8.3 Secondly, because ASEAN plays a

strong role in promoting a culture of peace.
At present, the risk of military conflict
between ASEAN members seems so small
as to be negligible. However, conflict within
ASEAN members, be they due to ethnic
strife or political differences, continue to be
136
a cause of concern. I must reaffirm that
Malaysia will continue to play a facilitative
role in addressing these internal conflicts,
whenever such a request is made.
8.4 I believe that moderation has an

important role to play in promoting peace in
the region. So I am heartened that
moderation has been adopted as a key
ASEAN value. The challenge is how to turn
moderation as a conception into moderation
in action. Organisations such as the Global
Movement of Moderates should work
closely with existing ASEAN institutions
such as the ASEAN Institute for Peace and
Reconciliation. At the same time,
programmes related to moderation must be
included in the successor document to the
Roadmap to Establish the ASEAN
Community, which is to be adopted in
Malaysia in 2015.
8.5 Thirdly, in an ever more connected

and competitive global marketplace, ‘open
regionalism’ - which ASEAN promotes
through its network of FTAs – can help
members not only adapt to emerging
economic trends, but prosper from them.
8.6 Fourthly, ASEAN and its

institutions are playing an ever more
prominent role in responding to the
demands of our peoples for better
137
governance and increased democratic space.
Southeast Asian governments now face a
more sophisticated and demanding
electorate. ASEAN’s response is to
strengthen its involvement in these issues,
including by adopting the ASEAN
Declaration on Human Rights. For
ASEAN to progress further, it must ride this
wave; striving for better governance and
giving our people a greater say in the way
their societies are run.
9. For this reason, Malaysia has identified the

creation of a truly `People-Centred ASEAN’ as the central
element and overarching theme of our Chairmanship of
ASEAN in 2015. A `People-Centred ASEAN’ will be a
sharper instrument for the realisation of our peoples’
dreams – more effective and responsive governance, better
standards of living, strengthened environmental protection,
further empowerment of women and greater opportunity
for all. A `People-Centred ASEAN’ will see the more direct
involvement of all sectors of society in ASEAN’s activities.
No longer will ASEAN be the domain of the elites and
specialists alone. An ASEAN Community which is people-
centred will truly be Òne ASEAN For All’.
10. The demand for greater democratisation and more

effective governance is not the only impulse for the creation
of a `People-Centred ASEAN’. There are political and
economic interests as well. For forty years, governments of
the region have signed agreements, and treaties; issued
138
communiqués, statements and declarations. Progress has
been achieved and an infrastructure for regional integration
has been created.
11. But the instruments we have adopted will be of

little use if people do not take advantage of them: to
promote trade, to better protect human rights and to help
preserve the environment. Involving all sectors of society
in the formulation and implementation of these agreements
will make it more reflective of their needs.
12. I believe that only the more direct involvement of

the peoples of ASEAN will truly advance regional
integration. To use a plain metaphor – we have built an
impressive house. To become a home however, it needs be
lived in.
13. I am pleased that Malaysia’s vision for a `People-

Centred ASEAN’ has been adopted in the Bandar Seri
Begawan Declaration on the ASEAN Community’s Post-
2015 Vision.
14. I am also heartened that some ASEAN members

have responded by proposing specific measures to deliver
this vision. For example, Thailand has spoken of making
universal healthcare as one of the targets in the successor
document.
15. In this regard, I encourage all of you, over the next

three days, to deliberate on concrete targets, plans and
programmes that will realise this vision.
139
16. We want to build an ASEAN which reflects the
dreams of our peoples, is at ease with itself, and ready to
contribute positively to global affairs.
17. To do so, ASEAN institutions, including the

ASEAN Secretariat, must be properly funded and resourced.
At present, each Member State contributes US$1.7 million
for the running of the Secretariat; a total budget of US$17
million – or just 0.03 cents per person, a pittance for an
organisation with a mandate as broad as ASEAN’s. With
more than 1,000 related meetings a year, ASEAN is at the
heart of the evolving regional architecture; and the list of
countries wishing to engage with it grows ever longer.
Funding and resourcing ASEAN will be one of Malaysia’s
key focus areas.
18. I recognise that financial contributions are

particularly sensitive. I am aware that this was the subject
of prolonged discussions during the process of evolving the
ASEAN Charter in 2006 to 2007. My own view is that
instead of all members of ASEAN contributing equally, we
could all agree on a minimum level of common
contributions. However, those countries which want to
voluntarily contribute more could do so. For the sake of
funding predictability, these countries could be encouraged
to make these additional contributions on a three to five year
timeframe, rather than on an annual basis; and all members
will have equal power to decide how these additional funds
are to be utilised. Given the consensual nature of ASEAN’s
decision-making process, Malaysia will continue to work
with other Member States on this important issue.
140
19. The creation of strong, robust and efficient
ASEAN institutions will also be a priority for Malaysia. In
this regard, I am happy to note that the High Level Task
Force on Strengthening of ASEAN Institutions has already
begun its work.
20. I believe ASEAN faces four challenges in the post-

2015 period.
20.1 Firstly, we need to address the gap

between the ÀSEAN Way’ and the rules-
based approach that we are trying to
promote. Moving forward, the ÀSEAN
Way’, with its emphasis on personal
relations and behind-the-scenes agreements,
may be incompatible with a rules-based
approach, which relies on the objective
application of regulations, norms and
dispute settlement mechanisms. For
investors and members states alike, we must
resolve this tension.
20.2 Secondly, ASEAN’s goals must be

expressed in more concrete and operational
terms. They must be targets and goals,
rather than action lines. They must be
Specific; Measurable; Attainable; Relevant;
and Time-Bound. Further, these goals must
be organised in such a manner that reflects
their importance. ASEAN’s action lines are
grouped into three `pillars’: political-security,
141
economic and socio-cultural. Given that
there are a number of important cross
sectoral issues such as environment and
governance, perhaps it is time for ASEAN
to consider creating another pillar to deal
with the issues. Only then, in my view, can
we have a focused discussion on critical
issues such as climate change and the haze
problem.
20.3 Thirdly, ASEAN’s achievements

and significance must be made more widely
known. The lack of ASEAN awareness
amongst the public is a major obstacle
towards fulfilling the vision of a `People-
Centred ASEAN’. A 2012 study by the
ASEAN Secretariat showed that only 34
percent of Malaysians have heard of the
ASEAN Community, compared to 96
percent of Laotians. This situation must
change, and I am pleased that Wisma Putra,
MITI and other agencies are working on an
aggressive campaign to promote ASEAN in
Malaysia.
20.4 Fourthly, as ASEAN progresses and

matures, it is only natural that its scope of
coverage will widen. It is, therefore,
important to put into place measures to
strengthen coordination and coherence; to
promote efficiencies, while avoiding
duplication.
142
21. In the course of this speech, I have set out my

vision of Malaysia’s Chairmanship of ASEAN in 2015; of
our dreams and aspirations, our fears and our
challenges. Some of these ideas may have far-reaching
implications, and we would be wise to wait for final reports
from the High Level Task Force on Strengthening of
ASEAN Institutions, and the ASEAN Coordinating
Council Working Group, before committing to them. But
to build on the promise of ASEAN, and to repay trust
placed in us as 2015 Chair, we should not be afraid to
explore them.
22. This colloquium is an expression of our collective

ambition as Malaysia fulfils its historic responsibility. I
therefore wish you well in your deliberations. With these
words, I hereby declare open the National Colloquium on
Malaysia’s Chairmanship of ASEAN 2015.
Thank you.
Wabillahi taufiq walhidayah wassalamualaikum

warahmatullahi wabarakatuh.
143
GENERAL DEBATE OF THE 69TH UNITED
NATIONS GENERAL ASSEMBLY
NEW YORK, USA
26/09/2014
1. Mr President, I would like to begin by congratulating

you on your election. Your wisdom and experience will
stand you in good stead as you guide the General
Assembly.
2. I would like to pay tribute to the health workers who are

fighting Ebola in West Africa. Malaysia was able to
contribute more than 20 million rubber gloves to help
the doctors and nurses who are working to stop the
outbreak. Our prayers are with them.
3. I also wish to thank all those who came to Malaysia’s aid

in this difficult year.
4. MH370 and MH17 were tragedies that will stay with us

forever. As we mourn the loss of life, we take heart
from the compassion shown by our friends. Your
support will not be forgotten.
5. We thank our friends and allies who give their time and
their resources to help find MH370. Men and women
continue to risk their lives searching the deepest
oceans. We owe them our gratitude, and our
commitment: we will not give up the search.
6. We are also grateful to our international partners who

are working together to investigate the loss of
MH17. Malaysia will continue to seek justice for those
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who died. We urge all parties to continue co-operating
with the investigation. We hope also that these twin
tragedies change the global aviation system for the
better, and that nations unite behind new standards on
aircraft tracking and overflying conflict zones.
Mr President,
7. Four years ago, I stood before you and called for a

global movement of the moderates,
to counter extremism. Last year, I spoke of the conflict
between Sunni and Shia that is tearing the Muslim world
apart.
8. Now these two forces – violent extremism and religious

intolerance – have joined hands beneath a black
flag. Two countries fractured by war face a new threat:
a self-declared Islamic State. Its victims are Sunni and
Shia, Yazidi and Kurd; any who will not bow before the
sword.
9. This so-called state, torn from existing nations with

violence, rules by violence. Its authority is maintained
by forced conversions and public executions. Its
militants have destroyed lives and communities. They
have destabilised fragile nations,
and threatened regional security. Yet their dark
ambition stretches further still.
10. They challenge the very notion of the state. They call
our youth with the siren song of illegitimate jihad. And
they demand all Muslims swear allegiance to their so-
called caliph.
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Mr President,
11. That demand will never be met.
12. We reject this so-called Islamic State. We reject this

state defined by extremism. And we condemn the
violence being committed in the name of Islam.
13. Around the world, Muslims have watched in despair as

our religion – a religion of peace – has been used to
justify atrocities. We have turned away in horror at the
crucifixions and the beheadings. We have mourned the
sons who have been stolen, and the daughters sold.
14. We know that the threat to world peace and security is

not Islam, but extremism: intolerant, violent and
militant extremism. The actions of these militants
are beyond conscience and belief. They violate the
teachings of Islam, the example set by the Prophet
Mohammed, and the principles of Islamic law.
15. As we speak, some Syrians and Iraqis are being forced

to abandon their faith. Yet the Quran states that ‘there
shall be no compulsion in religion’ (2:256). They are
being forced from their homes, forced to convert to
Islam. Yet the Quran says ‘to you your religion, and to
me my religion’ (109:6). And if they do not comply,
they face death. Yet the protection of life is a
fundamental precept of Islamic law; and the killing of
civilians, even in war, is prohibited in Islam.
Mr President,
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16. The question is: how should we respond? In the past,
when the world has mobilised to fight extremists, we
have launched wars without planning for peace. We
have attacked one evil only to see a greater evil emerge.
17. This time must be different. This time, we must defeat

not just the extremists, but also their ideas. We must
confront the heresy of a state conceived by ungodly men
and enforced through violence. In its place, we must
advance the true Islam: the Islam founded on the
principles of peace, tolerance and respect, as set out in
the Quran, sunnah and hadith.
18. There are key things we must do.
19. First, security and statehood must be returned to the

people of Syria and Iraq.
20. Malaysia co-sponsored Resolution 2178 on foreign

terrorist fighters to strengthen our commitment to
galvanise international action to combat terrorism. We
call on the international community to stop the flow of
money and recruits to extremist groups. And we
continue to offer humanitarian assistance under the
ambit of the United Nations or internationally
recognised bodies to those who are displaced by
fighting. Attacks on militant targets should, at all cost,
avoid collateral damage.
21. Secondly, we must pursue a different kind of politics.
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22. The emergence of these militants is a symptom of
political failure; of poor governance in fragile states, and
the conflict that still rages between Sunni and Shia.
23. We must break the cycle where one group gains power
only to wield it against the other. Where marginalisation
leads to radicalisation, as people lose confidence in the
state’s ability to provide both security and co-existence.
24. Individuals and ethnic and religious groups need to feel
they have a stake in a nation’s success, not its failure. So
we should commit to more inclusive politics. This is
difficult work; it demands pragmatism and
compromise. And it must come from within.
25. Malaysia stands ready to share its experience; of

marginalising extremism; maintaining a multi-religious
country, where different faiths coexist and prosper; and
showing that Islam can not only succeed, but drive
progress and development in a pluralistic society.
26. Like all nations, we have had our growing

pains. Stability is never permanent; it must be actively
maintained. But in Malaysia there are streets in which
mosques, temples and churches stand side-by-side.
Ours is a society in which religions may differ, but do
so in peace; in the knowledge that we are all citizens of
one nation.
27. We believe this moderate approach can make a valuable

contribution to fragile states and international affairs
alike. It is a philosophy we have used when acting as an
honest broker in peace processes in the Southern
Philippines and elsewhere; and a principle we will
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pursue as we chair ASEAN next year, when it forms a
600-million strong ASEAN Community, with greater
political-security, economic and socio-cultural
integration.
28. In coming weeks, Malaysia will work with all interested

partners to move the moderation agenda forward at the
UN. This work informs our bid for a non-permanent
seat on the Security Council for the coming term.
Mr President,
29. The moderation agenda involves us all. The fight

against extremism is not about Christians versus
Muslims, or Muslims versus Jews, but moderates versus
extremists of all religions. We therefore need to rally a
coalition of moderates; those willing to reclaim their
religion, and pursue the path to peace.
30. And so I reiterate my call to the leading figures in all the

great religious traditions: let us join together to ensure
that religion is the source of healing and blessing, rather
than conflict and destruction. In this respect, I welcome
Pope Francis’ visit to Palestine and his efforts to bring
moderate Palestinians and Israelis together to pray for
peace.
31. By demonstrating moderation in the political process,

we can ensure no-one is left outside society. By
practicing moderation in religion, we can marginalise
the extremists. And by committing to moderation here
at the United Nations, we can show that the world is
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willing to fight extremism not just with short-term
military operations, but with long-term plans.
Mr President,
32. The security response by the international community,

and a commitment to more inclusive politics by affected
countries, will remove two of the conditions that allow
extremism to take hold. But to defeat the extremists,
we must also undermine their authority – and erode
their appeal.
33. We must confront their propaganda. We

must defeat the message that seduces the young into
acts of violence. And we must address any legitimate
grievances that drive people to extremism, be they
political or economic. In short, we must win the hearts
and minds of those who would serve the so-called caliph.
34. This is the work of a generation. To begin, we should
focus on the real world conditions that allow disillusion
to grow. That means building sustainable economies
that bring opportunity for our young people – and
addressing legitimate concerns that drive radicalisation.
35. Malaysia, like so many countries around the world, was

appalled by the brutal violence against Palestinian
civilians in Gaza. We strongly condemn Israel’s
disproportionate and indiscriminate attacks on Gaza,
and its continuing violations of international and human
rights laws. The use of heavy weapons in civilian areas
– the obliteration of houses, mosques and schools – was
an affront to common decency. We condemn it not just
for the innocent lives taken but for the message it sends:
150
that religions cannot coexist, and that the international
community cannotenforce international law and protect
the rights of Palestinians.
36. Their plight is one of the most effective rallying calls for
those who claim the international system is broken. So
let us unite to find a peaceful, just and lasting outcome
that brings dignity and security to the people of
Palestine. This should be predicated on a two state
solution based on 1967 borders with East Jerusalem as
its capital. This will bring dignity and security to the
people of Palestine, who have suffered so much, and
allow us to redouble our efforts to bring peace to other
parts of the world where conflict fuels extremism.
37. We must also understand why these militants succeed in

drawing people to their cause.
38. The extremists call upon Muslims to pledge allegiance

to their self-proclaimed caliphates in Syria and Iraq; in
Nigeria and Somalia; and in Kenya and Libya. They
reach out to a people in search of a state. That some
answer this call is testament to our failure. We have
failed to uphold a vision of moderate and inclusive
Islamic development, and to tackle isolation in our own
communities.
39. The fight against the extremists must be won not just in
Syria and Iraq, but in Britain, Belgium, the US – and
Malaysia. We have managed to prevent extremism from
gaining a foothold in our country. Yet even a few
Malaysians have been lured by foreign terrorist fighters
that led them to Iraq and Syria.
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40. Countries must educate, include and when necessary
confront those at risk of radicalisation. Our religious
leaders must continue to show that faith and society are
best aligned under a just rule of law. And we must
continue making the case that the moderate path is the
righteous path – the path Allah set out for us when he
said ‘we have made you into a community that is
moderate, justly balanced’ (2:143).
41. We must confront the myth that committing atrocities

in the name of an Islamic State is an act of faith; that
death in the service of that aim brings martyrdom. The
extremists use this distorted narrative as a recruitment
tool. To counter this deception, Muslims should work
together to promote a greater understanding of what a
true Islamic state means.
42. An international conference of scholars of Islamic law,

convened by my government to define the true meaning
of an Islamic state, agreed that for a state to be called
‘Islamic’, it must deliver economic, political and social
justice; and it must protect and further the six objectives
of Islamic law: the right to life, religion, family, property,
dignity, and intellect – the same universal rights
enshrined in the UN declaration of human rights.
43. The so-called Islamic state in Syria and Iraq – and the
methods used to declare it – has violated every single
one of these objectives. It is therefore neither Islamic,
nor a state. Individuals, religious leaders and nations
have said and must continue to say so, and to advocate
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for Islamic principles within a framework of tolerance,
understanding and peace.
44. This, after all, is the true nature of Islam; a religion of
peace, one that values coexistence, and mutual
comprehension, and learning – even in times of
struggle. When 70 prisoners of war were captured
during the battle of Badr, for example, the Prophet
Muhammad was urged to slay them. Not only did the
Prophet protect the lives of innocent civilians, he also
spared enemy combatants.
Mr President,
45. It is this spirit of understanding and compassion that we
should continue to embrace, and espouse.
46. Now is the time to advance a vision of peace and
moderation. Let us call for a global community of
understanding. Let us prove that we can honour the
words of the Prophet, and build balanced and just
societies, where different faiths live and prosper in
peace.
47. Let us show that Muslims, united in faith, can be a
powerful force for progress, knowledge, and justice – as
we were in the greatest periods of our history. As we can
be today. And as we will be tomorrow.
Thank you.
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OPENING CEREMONY OF THE 26TH ASEAN
SUMMIT
KUALA LUMPUR CONVENTION CENTRE
27/04/2015
Your Majesty,
ASEAN Heads of State and Government,
Excellencies,
1. It is an honour and a pleasure for me to welcome all of

you to Kuala Lumpur and the opening ceremony of
the 26th ASEAN Summit.
2. Ten years ago, Malaysia filled this hall for the same
purpose as today. We are privileged to serve ASEAN
once again in a decisive year for our organisation; a
year filled with important developments in the areas of
community-building, including through deeper
economic integration.
3. 2015 will be a milestone in the history of ASEAN. The

vision of creating a single community will be realised
by the end of December. And it is also our collective
duty this year to formulate a successor document to
the Roadmap to Establish the ASEAN Community.
This will provide the basis for how we further
strengthen our unity and deepen our integration over
the next ten years, taking us up to 2025. These are two
crucial undertakings for charting a bold, inclusive and
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forward-looking future for ASEAN and its peoples.
4. So it is appropriate that the theme of Malaysia’s

chairmanship is “Our People, Our Community, Our
Vision”. We want to make ASEAN “People
Centred”. This means good governance, higher
standards of living, sustainable development,
empowerment of women, and greater opportunity for
all people.
5. I would like to talk to you about ASEAN itself.

ASEAN is a political and economic organisation, and
one that is playing an increasingly important role both
regionally and globally.
6. But it is also an idea. It is an idea about who we are, as

a group of ten nations in South East Asia. And it is an
idea, and a vision, that has helped guide more and
more of us, as new members joined over time, for 47
years now.
7. It is particularly personal for me. My father, Tun

Razak, was one of the five statesmen who signed the
Bangkok Declaration in 1967. It was that document
that brought ASEAN into being, and although I was
only 15 at the time, I remember being well aware that
it represented a momentous change in the way the
countries in our region dealt with each other.
8. The language in that declaration more than stands the

test of time. It states, for instance, that: :
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“In an increasingly interdependent world, the cherished ideals of
peace, freedom, social justice and economic well-being are best
attained by fostering good understanding, good neighbourliness
and meaningful cooperation among the countries of the region”,
which it says are “already bound together by ties of history and
culture”.
9. Those inspiring words are as true today as they were

then.
10. We must make sure, however, that those ties that bind
– and the great idea that is ASEAN - are a tangible,
personal reality for all of our citizens too. There are
many, many instances when they already are.
11. In the on-going turmoil in Yemen, for example, many

Malaysians found themselves trapped on the ground.
We had to undertake a dramatic evacuation,
transporting our citizens from Aden to Djibouti, and
subsequently to Jeddah on a Malaysian army aircraft.
12. We evacuated our people alongside ASEAN nationals

from Singapore, Thailand, Vietnam, Cambodia and
Indonesia. I am happy to report that all are safe. But
more than that, I am gratified that similar exercises
were carried out by the other ASEAN Governments as
well, each rendering assistance to the other’s citizens,
as one. That is the spirit of ASEAN.
13. A People-Centred ASEAN is one in which our citizens

feel that they are not just part of ASEAN. But that
regardless of who they are – from rice farmers, to
156
Forex dealers, halal business owners, fishermen and
electronics engineers – our citizens actually feel that
they are ASEAN, and its future is their future.
14. In order to achieve that, we must engage with and

constantly listen to them. This is why the Leaders’
programme later today will include a series of four
interfaces with different segments of society - with
youth, with civil society organisations, with business
groups and with Parliamentarians.
15. Throughout the year, Malaysia has put in place more

people-centred programmes, including the ASEAN
Business and Investment Summit, the 1ASEAN
Entrepreneurship Summit, the ASEAN SME
Showcase and Conference and the ASEAN Young
Leaders’ Summit.
16. We are also thinking about our next generation of

leaders, and have created a new MTCP-ASEAN
Masters Scholarship programme to allow students
from ASEAN countries to study in well-established
Malaysian public universities and thereafter make
significant contributions in their own countries on
their return.
17. We believe that ASEAN should publicly recognise and

celebrate those outstanding organisations and
individuals who have contributed significantly to the
community-building process throughout the years.
18. With this in mind, I am pleased to announce that later

this year, at the 27th ASEAN Summit, we will host the
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inaugural “ASEAN Peoples’ Awards” at which we will
celebrate the exceptional achievements of those who
are honoured.
19. A People-Centred ASEAN must work for the benefit

of our citizens both at home and internationally. Here,
the concept of ASEAN Centrality is key. A strong and
united ASEAN - that is friendly and believes in
cooperative engagement with all countries - provides
the framework for the maintenance of regional peace
and stability.
20. There will always be differences – small differences, I

hope – between us. That is inevitable in a ten nation
group which rejoices in a multiplicity of ethnicities,
cultures and religions. But we are used to living with
diversity in Malaysia. And we believe the way to iron
out any differences of opinion is amicably, with
tolerance, mutual understanding and respect. That is
the ASEAN way.
21. An ASEAN characterised by internal conflicts could

never aspire to be a true community. To be a
community, we must address internal conflicts within
our region. This is why we are working with other
countries to build peace. For example, the recent
progress on the Bangsamoro peace process has been
so important, and we must not pause in our efforts to
bring a permanent resolution to a conflict which has
led to so much loss of life and displaced hundreds of
thousands over the years.
158
22. While we continue our engagement and cooperative
relationships with countries outside ASEAN, we need
to peacefully manage differences closer to home,
including overlapping maritime claims, without
increasing tensions. Recent developments have raised
concerns about the South China Sea – and given the
importance of its sea lanes to international trade, it is
natural that almost any occurrence there will attract
attention. ASEAN must address these developments in
a proactive, but also in a positive and constructive way.
23. Respect for international law, including the 1982

United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea,
must be the basis of the rules of engagement and
activities in the South China Sea. As Chairman,
Malaysia hopes that we will achieve progress in our
efforts towards the early conclusion of a Code of
Conduct.
24. One of the documents we will adopt at this summit is

the Langkawi Declaration on the Global Movement of
Moderates. It is imperative that we adopt this
declaration because even in our region we are not
spared the threat posed by extremism. For example,
from the advocates of the so-called “Islamic State”.
25. We know that, sadly, some of our citizens have joined

forces with those in Syria and Iraq to commit atrocities
in the name of Islam. They are, of course, tragically
misguided, and we wholeheartedly condemn their
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actions.
26. But it is not enough to state our rejection of

provocations and violence. We know from both our
histories and our present times that the spark of
extremism can too easily be fanned into flames.
Irresponsible, rabble-rousing talk can swiftly lead to
the persecution of minorities who have been part of
the tapestry of our region for centuries. This, too, we
utterly condemn.
27. We must put forward a positive narrative of

moderation, of hope and of peace.
28. And here in South East Asia, we are not short of such
narratives. In Malaysia, we number Muslims, Hindus,
Buddhists and Christians amongst our citizens. We
know that these differences need not cause enmity.
29. The Holy Quran enjoins Muslims, in Surah109:6, to

respect other faiths. “To you, your religion, to me
mine.” We are also enjoined to be “a community that
is moderate, justly balanced” (2:143).
30. We need to find ways for ASEAN to become – and to

be seen to become - more politically cohesive. Global
investors have long been drawn to India and China.
But ASEAN can and should position itself as the
“third force” in the region, and more visible unity will
help us to do so. One proposal would be if we adopted
a common time zone throughout ASEAN. This would
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be a good symbol of ASEAN unity, and good for
business.
31. Our potential, after all, is huge. We already have the

third largest workforce in the world. We have a largely
youthful, talented and increasingly skilled population
of over 600 million people. Our burgeoning middle
class makes us one of the most potent and dynamic of
regions – leading one publication to ask last week if
ASEAN was Asia’s “hottest investment”.
32. International trade has almost tripled in the last ten

years, and we are now the fourth largest exporting bloc
globally. Our current combined GDP is 2.5 trillion
dollars – and that figure is expected to rise to 4 trillion
in just five years. The OECD predicts overall annual
growth of 5.6 per cent over the next four years, and if
current trends continue, ASEAN is set to be the
world's fourth largest economy by 2050.
33. This is ASEAN’s time. And that is why it is essential

that we continue with the measures to establish the
ASEAN Economic Community. Removing barriers to
trade, which goes beyond reducing tariffs. It must also
include the elimination of non-tariff barriers, such as
overly burdensome regulation that hampers free and
fair trade. We must accelerate programmes to
harmonise standards, increasing capital market and
financial integration, and promoting the freer
movement of goods, services, investments and talents
between our countries.
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34. The results of such reforms would be transformative.
It has been estimated that if intra-ASEAN trade was
boosted from 24 percent to 40 percent, the
incremental impact on the ASEAN economy could be
2.5 trillion dollars annually. It would result in a further
7 trillion dollars spending on infrastructure.
35. This potential growth would mean astonishing

improvements both to our economies and to the
standards of living of our citizens. And those prizes are
within our grasp.
36. The founding fathers, through the Bangkok

Declaration, envisioned that ASEAN would be “the
collective will of the nations of South-East Asia to
bind themselves together in friendship and
cooperation and, through joint efforts and sacrifices,
secure for their peoples and for posterity the blessings
of peace, freedom and prosperity.”
37. Those blessings for all our peoples have never been
closer. And it is our belief that a truly People-Centred
ASEAN, dedicated to forging a Community in which
all recognise our commonality and in which the fruits
of success are shared by all, has the opportunity to
attain them.
38. Let me repeat: this is ASEAN’s time. Let us work

together to ensure that the Asian Century is also the
ASEAN Century.
162
39. With that, let me once again extend a warm welcome
to all of you, and I look forward to our discussions
throughout the next two days.
Thank you.
163
CLOSING CEREMONY OF THE 26TH ASEAN
SUMMIT
LANGKAWI, MALAYSIA
27/04/2015
Your Majesty,
Excellencies,
1. It has been my pleasure to host all of you in Kuala

Lumpur and Langkawi for the 26th ASEAN Summit. I
believe we have had some very useful and positive
discussions, and have made good headway in working
together in order to make a People-Centred ASEAN a
reality.
2. Coming to the close of our Summit Meetings, I would

now like to table the following reports, for our
notation:
i. Report of the Secretary-General of ASEAN on the

Work of ASEAN
ii. Report of the APSC Council to the 26th ASEAN
Summit
iii. Report of the AEC Council to the 26th ASEAN
Summit
iv. Report of the ASCC Council to the 26th ASEAN
Summit
v. Report of the Executive Director of the ASEAN
Foundation
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vi. ASEAN Business Advisory Council Report to
ASEAN Leaders
3. They are so noted.
4. Next, I table before you the following three

Declarations, for our adoption:
i. The Kuala Lumpur Declaration on a People-

Oriented, People-Centred ASEAN;
ii. The Langkawi Declaration on the Global Movement
of Moderates; and
iii. The Declaration on Institutionalising the Resilience
of ASEAN and its Communities and Peoples to
Disasters and Climate Change
5. They are so adopted. Thank you.
6. For your information, Malaysia will be issuing a

Chairman’s Statement on the 26th ASEAN Summit, as
a general reflection of our talks and exchanges
throughout the meetings.
Your Majesty,
Excellencies,
7. As a result of our extensive discussions today, it is

clear we are making strong progress towards the
establishment of the ASEAN Community by the end
of the year. This is a very significant milestone in the
165
history of our organisation, and we must ensure that
every effort is expended in pursuit of that goal. The
rewards for all our peoples, as we have discussed, are
too great for us not to seize this opportunity
wholeheartedly.
8. After hearing all that you have had to say, I feel certain
that you share my conviction and it is our conviction
that this is ASEAN’s time, and that we will all act to
make the most of our region’s tremendous potential.
9. Thank you all very much for your presence here in

Malaysia. I hope you have enjoyed your time here, and
I look forward to welcoming all of you once again for
the 27th ASEAN Summit in November.
10. I now conclude the 26th ASEAN Summit and wish

you all a comfortable and safe journey home.
Thank you.
166
29TH ASIA-PACIFIC ROUNDTABLE
HILTON KUALA LUMPUR
01/06/2015
Your Majesty HRH Sultan Nazrin Muizzuddin Shah,

Sultan of Perak Darul Ridzuan
Your Excellency Ambassador Yong Chanthalangsy,

Chairperson, ASEAN Institutes of Strategic and
International Studies (ASEAN-ISIS)
Yang Berbahagia Tan Sri Rastam Mohd Isa,

Chairman and Chief Executive,
Malaysia
Excellencies,
1. I am delighted to be here this evening. To those of

you who have just arrived from abroad, it gives me great
pleasure to welcome you to Kuala Lumpur and to the
29th Asia-Pacific Roundtable. I am aware that for many of
you, this is not the first time you have participated in this
Roundtable. To those of you: welcome back.
2. The history and reputation of the APR speak for

themselves. Over the years, this Roundtable has proved to
be a significant feature of Track Two policy discussions in
this region. I commend ISIS Malaysia, Tan Sri Rastam Isa
167
and the ASEAN-ISIS network for convening this annual
gathering. It has never been more important for thought-
leaders from Asia Pacific and beyond to deliberate on the
issues and developments affecting the region.
3. The insights and analyses coming from conferences

such as this will help governments make important
decisions and formulate long-term policies, initiatives and
programmes.
4. Over the next two days, I encourage you to engage in

frank and robust discussions about the key challenges
facing the Asia Pacific.
5. Many of these challenges need to be addressed at a

regional level. For example, I am deeply concerned by the
plight Rohingya migrants trying to reach our shores. I was
particularly shocked by the discovery of graves of alleged
victims of people smugglers along the Perlis-Thailand
border. We must find those responsible. The migrant issue
should be resolved at ASEAN level with assistance from
other countries and international bodies as needed – only if
countries work in coordination can we defeat this trade in
human misery.
6. Another pressing challenge, of course, is the need to

consolidate regional stability and to promote positive,
predictable and peaceful relations among and between
nations, especially the major powers.
7. We need to make common cause, maximise the

opportunities for collaboration, and carefully manage any
potential sources of tensions.
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8. Stability is one of those words that can mean different
things to different people. Standard definitions may convey
a sense of permanence. We are so used to mentioning
“stability” in conjunction with words like “preserve” and
“maintain.” A desire for stability could therefore be easily
confused with a demand that everything remains the same,
with familiarity prized and change treated with caution.
9. But the history of Asia Pacific shows that it has

always been a region characterised by profound change. In
recent decades the region has witnessed the most dramatic
improvements in living standards in modern human
history. And along with these improvements have come
shifts in mind-sets and expectations.
10. Thirty years ago, the average annual per capita

income of developing nations in East Asia and the Pacific
was US$440. Today, that number is closer to US$3,600.
Malaysia’s own per capita GDP has more than doubled
from about US$4,000 to US$10,500 over the last decade.
11. The most dramatic growth has taken place in China,

where real incomes have risen over twelve-fold in the past
three decades. As a result, over half a billion people have
been raised out of extreme poverty within a single
generation.
12. This phenomenon certainly represents a giant leap for

mankind. It has given rise to a genuine desire among the
peoples of this region to see that their nations are accorded
their rightful roles and status in the world – to be treated
with respect, and with dignity.
169
13. These on-going changes in regional expectations and
ambitions present some very interesting perspectives. Are
they inconsistent with stability? Or could they be positive
contributions to stability? Similarly, the on-going shifts in
the distribution of power and influence in the Asia Pacific
should not necessarily be seen as inherently threatening.
14. In facing these changes, we have to ask whether the

structures of regional and global governance designed for a
different era should remain static, or whether new
structures and institutions would be more appropriate to
ensure stability for the future.
15. Asia Pacific needs to come to terms with the rapid

shifts in its strategic environment. We need to realise that
regional stability does not hinge on wishing away or
seeking to prevent these changes. In fact, failure to
properly accommodate and respond to them could create
the conditions that could lead to instability.
16. The current trajectory towards global multipolarity is

set to continue in the coming decades. The United States
will remain a power of major consequence in Asia Pacific,
despite claims by some that we are witnessing the twilight
of America’s role and interest in the region.
17. At the same time, other major powers – China, India

and Japan – will increasingly want to shape outcomes in
ways that reflect their preferences and interests. Other key
regional players, including ASEAN, will also have ample
170
opportunity to shape the environment of the Asia Pacific.
We should recognise that all can make significant
contributions towards peace, security and stability.
18. I am confident that this transition towards an evolving

strategic landscape, where power and influence are more
evenly distributed, can be managed peacefully. Yes, we will
have to account for a greater multiplicity of interests. Some
of those interests will coincide, while others will not.
19. But, given the spirit of cooperation, dialogue and

community-building that exists in Asia Pacific, we should
be able to strike a healthy balance in the spirit of mutual
benefit and coexistence.
20. Deeper economic integration is key to this.
21. While governments play a major role in promoting

integration, let us not underestimate the transformative
effects of what businesses and people can achieve.
Nothing can produce a stronger and more enduring
foundation for good relations between nations than
understanding, empathy and mutual-identification at the
people-to-people level.
22. These are among the reasons why my government is a

strong proponent and supporter of initiatives such as
ASEAN’s Post-2015 Connectivity Agenda. This is also
why Malaysia, in principle, welcomes the plans for further
cooperation from ASEAN’s dialogue partners, including
China’s One Belt, One Road initiative and India’s Act East
policy.
171
23. In matters where our interests diverge, we need to
adopt a firm reliance on the basic and fundamental rules
and principles that govern inter-state relations. Whether we
are managing disputes over access to resources, over
territorial or jurisdictional rights, or any other issues that
impinge on the interests of any nation, the rule of law must
reign supreme.
24. This must be true in established domains such as land,

sea, air and outer space, and in the emergent one of
cyberspace, where many interesting debates are continuing
to unfold.
25. Supplementing this respect for international law

should be a strong commitment towards cooperation,
mutual respect, and the recognition that our destinies as
nations are ultimately linked, regionally and globally.
26. This year is a meaningful one for ASEAN, and

especially so for Malaysia as we are the Chair of ASEAN.
By the end of 2015, it is our duty to establish the ASEAN
Economic Community. We have come a long way since
1967.
27. ASEAN today is a community of 10 member states

united in diversity. We still have differing political systems
and different levels of development, and our peoples are
marked by a rich cultural, ethnic and linguistic mix. But
this diversity is also potentially our greatest strength.
172
28. It is in recognition of ASEAN’s combined growing
citizenry and market of more than 630 million that
Malaysia has chosen for our chairmanship the theme, “Our
People, Our Community, Our Vision.” A people-centred
ASEAN is one that will prosper with high standards of
governance, sustainable development, respect for human
rights, and women’s empowerment.
29. There is much work to be done, of course – even and

especially beyond 2015. But this is ASEAN’s time.
30. ASEAN is the fourth-largest exporting bloc in the
world with a combined GDP of US$2.5 trillion. By 2020,
that figure is projected to increase to US$4 trillion. We
comprise the third-largest workforce globally, and our
youthful demographic is another positive indicator of
continued growth.
31. Prospects look promising, too, for the wider Asia

Pacific. The United Nations Economic and Social
Commission for Asia and the Pacific estimates that 60% of
the world’s youth between the ages of 15 and 24 reside in
this region. Youth unemployment in the Asia Pacific is also
among the lowest in the world, at 11%.
32. The young are an incredibly spirited, vibrant, and

versatile part of our nations. They will form the future.
The technological innovations of recent decades are
second nature to them. These innovations have helped to
transform our region and bring prosperity to our peoples.
33. But we must be wary, too. Extremists are also adapting

and exploiting technology in sophisticated ways for
purposes of propaganda and recruiting terrorists. Let me
173
be clear. We reject their messages of violence and
extremism just as we reject terrorism, violence and
extremism in all forms.
34. This region has for centuries been enriched by the

assimilation and integration of different peoples, cultures,
and traditions. We must therefore proactively propagate a
narrative of moderation, tolerance, and peace. This is not
just a counter-narrative to the one spread by the
extremists. It is in fact our heritage.
35. This fight against extremism must be waged in the

mind, articulated in speech, and amplified in cyberspace so
that the battle zones of today do not become breeding
grounds for misguided ideologies to be exported abroad.
In this regard, technology can be our ally, and we must use
it skilfully to uphold our own peaceful, moderate
traditions.
36. Material achievements are but one measurement of

success. In our eagerness to connect, progress and prosper,
we must also be mindful of our responsibilities to the
environment and what we leave for future generations.
37. We have witnessed for ourselves how natural disasters

have increased in frequency and intensity across the world.
This certainly calls for greater international cooperation in
disaster management. Climate change has also amplified
the problem of resource depletion.
174
38. Water, energy and land – three crucial resources for
development and human well-being – are under increasing
strain not only due to climate change, but also because of
price volatility and population growth. At current rates,
demand for energy and water will have grown by 40% by
2030, and by 50% for food. This risks a new and
dangerous scramble for resources.
39. Our aim should be to prevent and pre-empt such an

escalation. This means that energy, land management, and
water-resource planning should be coordinated –
seamlessly rather than in isolation. And we in Asia Pacific
can certainly lead the way in managing our resources with
sustainability and stability foremost in our minds.
40. The challenges for Asia Pacific are many. But so are
the opportunities. In my interactions with other heads of
government, it is clear to me that there is a genuine desire
to harness the great potential of our region and address
any difficulties in a collaborative, accommodating and
constructive way.
41. But this determination should not be confined to

those at the leadership level. We all share a collective
responsibility to ensure our words, deeds and actions
contribute towards the region’s stability, security and
prosperity.
42. Whether as officials who make important decisions, or

as scholars and journalists who deliberate on and frame the
discourse on key issues, you have the ability and obligation
175
to make a profound and lasting contribution to a positive
future for the Asia-Pacific region.
43. I would therefore like to encourage you all, the

participants of this 29th Asia-Pacific Roundtable, to adopt
a balanced and constructive approach towards the issues to
be discussed over the next couple of days.
44. It is easy to highlight what and where the problems

are. It is a lot more difficult to arrive at practical and
realistic solutions. I urge you to take that difficult road,
and, in the process, make a real difference to the Asia
Pacific and to the world.
45. It is with great pleasure that I declare the 29th Asia-

Pacific Roundtable open. May you all have a very
successful conference.
Thank you.
176
GLOBAL MOVEMENT OF MODERATES FOUNDATION
177
15TH FLOOR, MENARA MANULIFE
6 JALAN GELENGGANG
DAMANSARA HEIGHTS, 50490
KUALA LUMPUR
MALAYSIA

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THE MOVEMENT OF

2. General Debate of the 65th Session of the Nations

3. The Coalition of the Moderates and

4. Opening Ceremony of the 6th General Assembly of

5. Honolulu’s East-West Center

6. Global Movement of Moderates: The Way

7. GMMF Special Address “GMM as a Driver for

8. 26th Asia-Pacific Roundtable

9. Fourth Extra-Ordinary Session of the Islamic

10. 8th World Islamic Economic Forum (WIEF):

12. Persidangan Anjuran Asian Peace and

13. UMNO International Forum on “Global

14. The Opening Session of the National Colloquium

15. General Debate of the 69th United Nations General

16. Opening Ceremony of the 26th ASEAN Summit

17. Closing Ceremony of the 26th ASEAN Summit

18. 29th Asia-Pacific Roundtable

This updated volume before us, represents the 2nd edition of

Throughout the book, the Prime Minister repeatedly and

In almost every platform of opportunity, the Prime Minister

Thus, it is with a fervent hope that in addition to this

Executive Chairman & CEO

Allow me at the onset to congratulate you, on your election

2. Let me reaffirm Malaysia’s unwavering and

3. Among the most important challenges confronting

4. As a trade organization, WTO remains relevant to

5. Since the adoption of the MDGs a decade ago,

6. On 7 June 2010, the Malaysian Parliament

7. Malaysia understood the necessity of letting the

8. We are now waiting for the UN Investigation Panel

10. For this to happen, the following pre-requisites

• First, Israel must heed the high expectations of

• Second, reconciliation efforts must bear

• Third, both parties must eschew violence and

12. In this regard we are heartened to note that a group

14. Allow me to share my country’s own experience in

15. Malaysia stands at the geographical cross roads of

16. It is time for moderates of all countries, of all religions

Assalamualaikum Warahmatullahi Wabarakatuh.

Distinguished guests, Ladies and Gentlemen,

2. I am immensely pleased to join you as a guest of

3. It is an enormous honour to be here in the

Ladies and Gentlemen,

4. Diversity, dialogue and peaceful co-existence are

5. When four young men headed south from

6. I would like to emphatically state that, those who

7. In fact, Islam abhors suicide; as stated clearly in the

Ladies and Gentlemen,

8. A world free from terrorism is possible. It is not

10. But while one man standing in the road is a nuisance,

11. So it is for people who cherish moderation, dignity

12. Quite simply, we cannot allow this moment to be

Ladies and Gentlemen,

14. Allow me to relate the Malaysian

15. In Malaysia, Islam is synonymous with moderation,

16. In light of this diversity, national unity continues to

17. In managing our plurality, we have decided on

18. In the short span of fifty years, Malaysians have

Ladies and Gentlemen,

19. Islam is practised as a way of life in Malaysia. The

20. I would like to stress that the principle of

“We have made you into a community that is justly balanced”.

The Quran goes further that with moderation, there must