LANKA GUARDIAN Vol. 18 No.13 November 15, 1995, Price Ris.10.00 Registered at GPO, Sri Lanka QD/S3/NEWS/94 WHEN JAFFNA FALLS What next? — Mervyn de Silva Tony Clifton CAPTAIN COOK AND PROF. GANANATH — revisited — Ron Brunton BLACK JULY — K. M.de Silva THE SCHOLAR SHAKEA — 4, Karunatilake S. W. R. D. — after Oxford —Ananda Welihena DRUGS AND QUALITY CONTROL —K Palasanthiran AJITH AS EDITOR — Jayantha Somasundaram KARACHI: Can Benazir do a Rajiv? —Mani Shankar Aiyar Re-reading Sri Lankan history —Jonathan SpencerWITH THE BEST COMPLIMENTS OF ELEPHANT HOUSE SUPERMARKET QUALITY AT AFFORDABLE PRICES NO. 1 JUSTICE AKBAR MAWATHA COLOMBO 2.NEWS BACKGROUND WHEN JAFFNA IS TAKEN .... Mervyn de Silva miliary vicory end a soap ‘lection. Is that President Chan- dika Kumataiunge's grand game-plan? With the mood ofthe Sinhalese, an over Wwhelming majority (74%), the F.A. could ba certain of @ ninaway polls victory, say ost PA, dtivists. Even the less opini- Sic aro quia sure that the ogrtpady aliance, no Grand aliance realy, would do fer botlar fan th quite modest 503% Vote in August lastyear. twas Candidate Chandika thet made the P.A’s postion far mora stzbie with her unprecedented 62.63%, UNP.ersdo altep! to maketthis record less improssive by emphasising ihe effect of tie Dissanayake assasira tion, Truo, Gamini Dissanayako was a formidatle challenger and tis. widow Srima had rately addressed a party rally butthat fact alonecouicnotexpiain Gendi- dato Chandila’s massappeal in Novo bet. Chiet Minister of the Wastern pro- vince fh 1990, Prime Minister n August 1994 and President in Noverrber 1994 is a phenomenon ivhich can be fuly ex: panad orly in lems of personaly Of course a roltician’s extraordinary ‘appeal cannct be explained in the same terms as a Marilyn Monroe or 2 Moha- mmed Ali (Cassius Giay). Between ‘mid-August General election and the November face-to4ace, two new factors nesdtobeadmitedto the discussion;first, apercertage shi ofthe not-so comvnitied volar who now decides to join the winning side, a reaction best explained in terms of folk wisdom (vaas/paththeta hoiya ..). But more crucialy in my view, the sclid backing ofthe minoxiies—the Tamils and the Christian, the north-westam Catholic belt in paricuiar. This was a spirited ‘confidence-vote n ‘the peace cancicaie’, already the favourte daughter of the USslad coalition put together by ths local representatves of the western alience; after the former Marxist, Comrade Chan- ira had bean perstaded of course to recognise the proven virtues of private enterprise. The mein plank of this strategy colle- peed when the LITE took the P.A. by complete surprise to launch another EELAM War. Numbers, aimour, tacties and strategy — a now approach, adopted by Army Commander Gerry Silva and his senior ‘commanders, in this instanco Major-Go- neral Rohan Daluwatte, Erigacier Janaka Perera etc, trom OPERATION LEAP FORWARD, through HANDSHAKE! and 2, THUNDERSTRIKE to the current RIVIRESA (SUNRAYS), ‘There's a big diference. General Dalu- watte is deciding the tineable, He is in no hurry. Ho has reduced eacualtios to a minimum by not allowing the LITE to choose time and place. And quite evi- dnlly, he enjoys the fullest confdance of Deputy Defence Minister,Lt.Col Anurud- dha Ratwatte who had made a pit to Visit the front frequent. Morale, we all realiso, i vita ‘And this time, the “Tigers’ have taken a beating at the hands of the Si Lenkan army, Thal wasnatthe casein Oct. 1987 when the IPKF kunched ils fist major olfensive OPERATION PAWAN (Wind). *ihwasamonumentalblunder wrote M.A. Narayan Swamy in the bestcelalledstudy of the IPKF's warageinst a few thousand guerillas, THE TIGERS OF LANKA (Konark Publishers). In the fitst few weeks, the LTTE did ry to clow down or halt Genoral Daluwatto ‘and his troops. But advening on his own modest fimeteble, and careiul not to risk lives, General Daluwatte reached the ‘outskirts ofthe northern captal to find that the LTTE andits senior commandershad fled the city.Lt. General Denis Perera, the former Army Commander, summod up the significance of the Army's suecass in a brief comment: “They (LTTE) tried to take on the army head-on. They should have stuck 'o queria wasfare. They ere firct-rato at that” The battlefield victories not merely strengihen President Kumaratunga’s case — the case she placed before the intemationel community on her ripioNew York forthe U.N's 50th anniversary cele- bralions — bul keeps the aimed forces happy, despite the casualties. The Army thas been able to pursue iis own strategy. onitsownterms. Andichas madeitspoint. ‘The army's sucoass compelled the LTTE: to open a now front — Golorbo, The sabotagea! the Kolonnawa oil depots and last week's terrorist ettacks in Colombo are a definte sign thet things have NOT gone the LTTEway—notatall. Te LTTE ‘sooms tohave underostmatediheamy’s esources or over-estimated iis own capa city toadopt the methods of conventional warlare. Just as it adminstered Jafina successfully enough to believe thet had estabished a govamment, the LTTE felt it could teke on an army frontally. GUARDIAN Vol 18 No.13. November 15, 1805 Price ‘As. 10.00 Published fortnightly oy Lanka Guardian Publishing Co. Ltd, No 248, Urien Piace Coloribo- 2. Editor Mervyn de silva Telophona: 447584 Printed by Ananda Press 80/5, Sir Ratnejothi Saravanamutia Wawatit, Colombo 13, Telephone: 436975 CONTENTS ‘An Uncertain Frumeh 2 Confit and Foreign Pofcy (6) 4 ‘A Soluton to Kerech 6 SWIR.D:Meking of Schoar 8 TheReumoftheMilisavs 10 “The Pastintte. resent SiLanka a Correspondence 7 Gananath Obayesckere end Captain Cook 2An Uncertain Triumph By Tony Clifton, with Mervyn de Silva in Colombo @ Sri Larkan Government's 21,000 troops began advancingmae cattiously as thay reached the out skits of vaifna. There was nothing to gain from rushing in. The Tarnil secesslonisis'capi- tal had bocome a ghos! town. Most of the roughly 10,000 fighters belonging to the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eslam (LTTE) had melted eway into the jungle. As many as 400,000 civilian inhabitants hacfled for theirves, according to international relict workers inside thecily, With nowhere else to nun, many of the refugees hunkered dow cn roadsides outside the city, we ting for word they could safely go home, That wouldr't happon until the gavern- ment troops managed to find a way through the maze ofiandminesandbooby traps the LTTE had planted around the City before abandoning it. No one expects the fall of vatina to end the war in Sri Lanke. The Tigers have fought motciiosely for the last 12 years io create 4 separate homeland for he Tamil ethnic minority, Since the army launched ite latoct offensive on Get, 17, more then 1,000 LTTE fighters have been killed ard possibly three times that nurver woun- ded. But miltary experts in Si Lanka pradict those lossos will make the rabol .groupevenmore cangercus. The govern- ‘ment is bracing for a new Tiger terror campaign, including mass murdore.of civ- lians, suicide bombings. political assassi- nllons and missile attacks against milta- ryaircreft. Securty has been tightened at government buildings in the capital, Co- lombo, and the nation’s schools have been orderedshutuntiltheendofthe year. Guerrila bands in the esiem jungles aro saidto have killed more than 100 vilagers inthe pes! morth— including vectildren whoworahacked todeathinaTigarattack last week, The most frustrating part of the slau- ‘hier is its apparent senselessness. Late last year Chancrika Kumaratunga teok office as president, vowing tomakepeace 2 The fall of the Tamil ‘capital’ won't end war ‘wilh the Tigers. She ordered a ceasefire and unvelled a plen to divide the country into self-governing racions, effectively re- cognizing the Tamiss right to a stale of their own. The president's plan would have given the Tigers practically ovo- ryihing they calmed to be fighting for. Instead, tho LTTE abruptly and unilatera- ly broke the truce in April by sinking two naval patrol Loats. The war resumed, Yet Kumaratunga insists she remains com- mited to talking peace with the Tigers. “We sill beieve the only possblesolution to the problem sa poltical solution," cha deciared ina recent speech, The army's success et Jaina could enhance herleve- rageat thenegotialing ‘abla —ifthe Tigers decide they wani to lak. That's far from certain, Like the Khmer Rouge of Cambodia, the Tigers thrive on harcship. The Tamil fighters have eamed ‘ reputation for unquestioning obedierce to theirleader, Velupilai Prabhekaran, no ‘matter how blcodtnitsty — or sucdal — his orders may be. Experienced obser versin Srilanka expect himto concentra. te more on regrouping his forces than on seeking a peacoful way of reclaiming his comiortable Jafina headquarters, “Ha'l make sure the Tigers fighttothe last man, woman and child," says one veteran ‘Shamindra Ferdinando source said, a a ole oe ea eee India won’t interfere in Sri Lankan problem ‘The Indian government has rejected repeated calls forts intervention to bring an end to Sri Lankan military offensive in Jaffna, informed sources said this Week. The Indian government has indicated inno uncertain terms that it has No desire to get involved in the riorhem problem, sources seid, PPoftical analysts and diplomatic sources seid that India likes to see an eno 'o the Sn Lankan confict. “india does not want to see a separate homeland created for Tamils in North-east Sti Lanka just across the Pak Strais," one ambassador in Colombo. “Eepacially the Woman and chic.” Hit and run; The capiure of Jafina punctured tho myth of the Tigers’ invineboily ang gave the army's morale a badly needed boost. But the government's forces can't count ‘on continuing thek roll, The Tigers set themselves up for defeat by ther own ‘verconiidence. Flushed with battlefield Victories against smaller government ‘0 rays, the rebols abandoned thor usual hitanc-run guerra tactics. Instead they massed their forces, trying to stop the army's advanco using the methods of conventional Warfare, "The LTTE tried to take on the army head-on," seys Li. Gen, Denis Perera, a former Sri Lankan Army "Thay should have stuck to uerillawarfare. Thoy'refiet-ratealthat” Now Kumaratungaand her ross must quard acanstasimilariansecf judgment Ine survey laken before the Tigers broke the truce last Apri, only 16 percent of Sr Lankans said they beleved in a military solution othe country's civi war. Recenily a follow-up poll taken by the same group, Nitofsky International, found that 67 per- cent favor a miltary solution. The Tigers War against the government has already taken the lives of 80,000 SriLankans. The president wil need both Lick and wisdom tokeep that tol romcimbing evenhigher. (euzwoek)Prabhakaran’s extradition report ready by next week Ravi Ladduwahetty the Attorney General's De- Tesmecater nan ep pertaining to the extradition of LTTE leader Velupilial Prabhakaran within thenext week, an AGA’s Depariment spokesman seis. He further said: “We have almost finalised the examination of al the documents which will lead to the extradition. We have already exami- ned the material in connection with the application mace by the covern- ment of India. However, in the event (of requirement of further detcile, we will inform the Government of India". “One we suomit our documents to the ministry of deienee, they will file papers in the High Court of Colo- bo for the oxtiatition of the LTTE leader. The defence ministy in co- ‘sultation with the High Gouricl Colo- bo wil be given “authority to pro- ceed” he sald However, once the recommen ations of the depariment are sub: miltedto the secretary tothe ministry of defence, it will be handed over to Presicent Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga whoisalsotheminister cf defence. Then t will be a poitical ecision, the spokesman explained. —Ielere Scholars Tale — 24 Hisiory having exhausted all is options Was repeating seifin tnbectle explosions On the laws of chance, Madras was about enough But cyanide and old bras called the blufy In fact our Scholar was entirely shaken That his trust in Probability was mistaken ‘The Fantasy of Barber Street, Babu and the Blast Reduced reality to adream slate and a Farce The time had come prucience told hin To take stock of situations wracked and reeling So he marshalled alt his borrowed disciplines Yet found his intellect uae fecbly peeling With this acute cerebral psoriasis He shed all responsibility by amnesis For each carefully laboured thesis (Of consultancy on a Royaliy basis) ‘Though intelectual pinion to ttvo Monovirates He was Justa minion to the Global Dictates Towhom his Scholarship was as mich garbage As Market Democracy’s two longued verbiage So he siaggered out ofthe dump of Hisiory Where recent scrap was aleady rusty And gave himselfup to nuefil meditation On the foul fall-out of hts decade of mischief He had manipulated a complex Asian culture Tit mulalton crealed such mist creatures (As the old Imperial Order hal never begol) For the New Global Order to be rapidliy wrought His rerendering of Social Norns ‘That had weathered flesh pots and brain-storms Sold the pass (o the Microchip teams Pouring in and aroundl to the Pacific Rim its brain beeped out and ceased to tick While moctule and cassette became cerebral brick, 4nd the prograruned growth on the New Frontiers Opened tive flood gates of Bleod and Tears As tn the New Prussics there was AntiMatier ‘There was Terror and Anti Terror Arms car‘els arranging talks for Peace And engineered genes baitling Ari-genes. ‘There were suffielent groggy guys all round Tatking Peace and selling guns Propounding the Philosophy of Safe Sox ‘With the Virus clearing the population decks Numbness and dumbness set in steady ancl sure ‘So that even keptScholarship was no more a lure And when the Apocalypse came to the last Frontier ‘The Horsemen trampled down Scholar and Peer. U. KarunatilakeCONFLICT AND FOREIGN POLICY (5) Black July: The Indian Response K.M. de Silva he vblenoe may perhaps be called a pogram perpetrated by the majority Sinhala on tha mnofty Srilanka Tamils. Since 197, there were sporadic instances of violoncs and counter-violon- ce perpetrated by beth the ethnic com- munities as well as the Sri Lankan siate itsolf. But the actual spark thatignitedthe ethnic passions was an aitack by Tamil riliants on a patrol of goverment so- Idlers (who were all Sinhala) on 23 July, resuling in the death of 13 of them. The Sinhala reaction was thal the whole of Colombo was up in flamas in a frenzy of kiling and arson directed at Tamis living there, including the infarrous Welkade prison massacre on 25 July of 37 inmates that included TELO (Tamil Eelam Libera tion Orgarization) leaders Kutimani and ‘Divan’. The government putthe death tol ai 87, butothor estimates ofdoaths wore reported to be in the recicn of ‘wo thou- sand. About 120,000 Tamils were rende- red homeless and were housedin hastily sset Up refugae camps. Many Tami hou- ‘606, business establishments and 70 fac. tories owned by Tamils were destroyed The violence also spread to all those provincial towne where Tamil business- men lived, as well as to some plantation areas." ‘There was sporade ethnic violence in ‘SriLanka in every decade ever since the 1950s. But the July 1989 rots were cife- rent not orlyin is magnitude and impica- fions but also in what appeared to be omnousy new. This ‘novelty’ was rellec- ted in the organised manner of the vior Jence,"in he partisanrole ofha security forces," in the colusion of some promi- rent party and government polticians,""® and in the partisan atttuce and manner of handing the ciisis situation by the goverment. Al sposches by Sinhalese Ministers were adoressed fist and fore- ‘most to the Sinhalese public and not to the victims of the violence. Curfew was declared several days atter the passing 4 ofthe helght ofthe ull tury ofthe violence. ‘One U.N, Report said that the riots had ‘been made worse by goverment indife- rence to the fale of the Tamils. Fresident Jayewarcono himself was parly blamed by a crc for leting the rioting get out of hand by not intervening untl it was too late. The President's first address to tha nition was only on 23 July when he urged restain{ but added that the violence was fa spontaneous reaction of the Sinhaless who would never agree to the divsion of the country as advocated and fought for by the Tami miltants.""” Ifthe phenomenon af the autonomist demands of the Sri Lanka Tamils in the 1850s tutning secessionist in the 19703 was symptomatic of a gradual erosion of national consensus between the two ‘ethnic communities, the 1983 violonco was the final blow ‘othectisiso’ credibility of the Tami minoriy in he central autho- ‘ty. This was, in fact, the culmination of she conflict between the two ethno-natlo- nalisms in tho island. Sri Lanka wanted {0 solve the ensuing elhne problem by mnitary means and it locked up to non- Indian sources {or help, in keeping with its non-conformist inda policy. New Delni reactedsharply andtook advantage ofthe situation n Sti Lanka by making the small ‘sland state conform to India’s forelon policy and scourity concems and agree ‘oan Indian role in its ethnic issue. India’s rosponse to davolopments in Sri Lanka, The hortiie camage in Sri Lanka evoked sharp responses nol only in Tamil Nadu but also in the rational cept, New Delhi. The reaction in Tarnll Nadu was literally wild. The mood there was aptly grasped by one Sri Lankan author who wrote that "a wave of sponta neous indignation ewep! through Tamil Naduand ife in the state cameto a virual standstil with large numbers joining in public processions and meetings against the kilings in Sn Lanka’.'"" India has notonly consistently cpposed the extension of extemal presence in Sr Lanka, but has also been desirous of expanding its own influence intheisiand’s domestic matters. India's interest in Sri Lanka's ethnic issue was manifest in the former's concem for the cause of the Sri Lanka Tamils. The general impression in Incia about the ethric stuation was that the ise of Tamil rilkancy was the resuk of @ systematic, orchestrated and delibe- rate discrimination against the minority oy the mejor. Secondly, the steady flow of the Tamil refugees into Tamil Nadu from Srilanka was 2 concemforlndia, Thirdly, Sri Lanka's cortinuing non-conformist 'o- reign policy was a major concer of India which considered the oblaining security environmert hostile to tts security ine rosts.112 The potey suggestiors that had e coed from Incas parliamensary debates, Urging tie Government of Incie 10 act, were as follows: () to raise it in internato. nal fora including the UN, Human Rights Commission, (i) omobiise worlé opinion for an amicable solution, (ji) to prevent athers, regonal or from beyond, from meddling (v) extend humantenan zi, (0) to uige Si Lanka to solve the crisis paltealy,(v)to snap ciploratic relations, (ui), to suppor Eelam, (il 10 Interven politically/diplomatically, offering good offees either unlaterally or mulaterally in association wit intermational rcanisa- tion(s), and (x) fo intervene militarily, including the navalbiockade of Tincoma- Jee. Although most ofthe partiamenta- Fans urged fora retrained end firm res- ponse, several of them were fai vocal in imploring the Government of india to invade Sti Lenke.%*" In fact, the over ‘mont had a contingency plan forinvasion in 1983, raving puta brigade on alert for the purpose.” Indeed, invasion had always continued to be one of India's ‘options as Incianpolcy-makersatvarioustimos had contemplated military interven. tions and even plans had been drawn up to thatend."** Sti Lanka appeals for foreign support. ‘Sri Lanka felt threatened by India’s con- cems and he reportsolispossbiemilia- ry inlevention. Sri Lankan Foreign Mini: ‘ler, who accused india of interfaring in hiscounin’s intemalaffars, gravelynoted the secunly dilemma of a small power by ‘saying thet “when India exproscoe con: cceins, to us itis 2 threat".'** President Jayewardene warned his Cabinet of pos- sible Incian invasion. He said, "f india, by some chance, decded fo invade us, we ‘wil fightandmay be lose, but with dignity”. MH. Mohammed, a prominent UNP NP, slated in Parliament that “if there is an Invasion, 13 milion people will be destro- ‘ye and the invaders will hava nobody to. tule... Let us die not as cowards nor as traitors". Unger the obtaining circumstances, ha vayewardene goveriment soucht on 4 August 1983 military assistance from the United States, the United Kingdom, Paki= slan and Bangladesh. While this sense- tional news was widely reporlad the folo- wing day in most of the Indian national dailies, Colombo denied the report end ‘expelled the reportar, Siawart Slavin, the New Deli-besea West Asianmanagerfor UPI (United Prose Intemational). *® Wa- shington chose iis words cautiously while denying the repor,, and the UK was re- ported to have had received such “soundings” irom SriLanka: Pakistan and Bangladesh denied haying received a Sri Lenken request for miltary assisiance 7 Colombo's call for this external halp was apparently fraucht with dangers for both Sri Lanka and India, but of course for diferent raasons, ForSri Lanka, because the “SOS" call outraged India beyond tepair and for the response of those four ecuntrieswas lukewarmtonegative which was again due to ‘india factor. For india, itvasso because the helo was askednot from India but from two Western powers and from two pro-Westem South Asian nations, Notes: 113, Di, Simappah Arasaiatiem, Si Lenka ‘Ate Independerce: Nationalism, Corrmu- 414 16. 116 417. 418 410. 129, 121, alam and Nation Buidng, Univers of acres, Madras, 1985, p. 81-85;Eic! ver, “Soaking the oots ofthe Tregedy"in dames Manor (ed)...p. $28; Edgar 0 Ballance, The Cyanide Wer. Taal insur rection Si Lanka 1973-88, Brasseys, Londen, 1969, p.23;Tho Daly Telograrh, Londen, August 1263, Tires, London, 13 ‘gust 1935, Dy. Sianappah Arasareinar ibd. ‘Some esholare hold the view thatthe by ots were provoced by the Amy mer and that It was the Amy which Tneulged in ‘reon, lotng ard auturl vancalsm. S20 for dials, James Manor, “Sn. Lanka ExplanhotbeDisastor, The Ward Tex, Londen, Neveribor 1983, pp. 450-450; TOSA. Ossarayata The Agony of St Lanka, Colombo, 1984, pp.74,31,84:The ‘Gusrcien, Londen, 13 Avgus! 1983, ‘A. Amirolingam, the TULE (Tamil United LLberation Front) leader, statodin an intr view given to enindian newspaper thatthe “July (ols hea been panned by somebody in authori who coud have combined the ‘tion of ho srmod ‘rene along wilt thal © groups ct cians who were acing In aa very otganised way. See Tho Hi Madras, 25 August 1969; Cyl Mathew, govemment Mister, was aleged to nave ‘igarised the mayhom. See V.P. Vaidk Ethnic Oris in Si Larka: india's Options, atonal Publsning House, New Dehi 1986, p17 ‘Nowewmek magasing, 18 August 1683, pp. ‘4-18; Dally News, Cobnbo, 29 Jul 1883 ‘Sunday Observer, Colombo,31 July 1963: the UN Report o 19 Auguet 1963 wae ‘uted in Egat O'Balance, The Cyan Wer, op. cit p24 Dr. Ambalavanar Svarajah, “Inco-Si Lanka Relaicns in the Conte f San: a's Etwnic Crisis (1976-1983) in PV. layarokera (ed), Secuity Dilemma of 2 ‘Smal State: Sr Larks inthe South Asian Gontex, Part One. South Asian Publshors Puitid| Now Oalh, 1692, ». 516 “Tne i evidort rom the Lok Gabhs Dabo les, 27 July 1988, Gols, 362-446, 4 August 4983... Cols, 325-368; 5 August 1983, Ibe, Cal, 458.520: end 10 August 1095, ihc, Cols 91-474, See alo The Hin, Medias, 30. 1963 a Forexample Subramariam Swamy, 0027 “ily 1983, bid, Col. 973 and on 1@August 4883, bid Col. 474, ra Ansharas.on 27 Juy 10883, id, Col 366; C7. Dhandepan, fon $ August 1983, Did, Col, 4€0; KT. Kesar, on Augus!1963,5d, Col 480 ‘A. Anithalngam, who met India Garchi land some other Indan laaders, also urged {he Indian govemmentoinvace Srila Ine wl eve lo send its India wil have © guavan- 123 124, 15, 426. 127. tee our safety. We have let fain Jaye: wardove goverment we have felt caly ininda”. Spe Sunday, Calcutta, 4 October 3983, For doiate on tie 200 Dilip Bobb, “Sphora of Suspicion’, India Today, Now Debi, 15 (October 1983, 9.36. AJ. ison, his 1988 book, p.208 Subra- mmeniam Swany repeated cal fer incon vasienin 1964, See Lok Saba Debaies, Severth Saves, 25 August 1964, Vo. Ll No. 24, Col 148, Dr A, Kelis, bid, oh Series, © Apil 1985, Vo. I, No. 18, Col 4319, The Nadrasbassd PROTEG (an ‘organisation called the Protecton of the TemilE¢am irom genocide ander visl- Gon of hurtan righe) also made a atong plea 1964 or ina’ mltryinirverion. Seo The Hindu, Matias, 17 September HGRA, Ae the 1064 avents Uniokied thom- salves the pressures on Mis Gans 10 mitalyinlevane were néeed mourting and ohe appaered fo bo prepatedfer ena ther phase on intervention in the tast months of 1984. Sas Dr Sinnappan Arasa= rainam, Se Lanka After independence. op cit, p89, Indian Express, New Deh, 24 uy 1986, The Hindu, Macras, 26 July 1934 Dip ‘Bobb, "Spiers! Suspicions Isia Today, New Dati, 15 Cctoter,p. 30; Telegapn, Caleta, 2 August 1983 Patlemertay Dobatsa, Sanka, Vol 20 No.1, 24 May 1884, Col 124; The Sun, Colombo, 1 August 1983, Forihe repot sae Teloteph, Caleta. and TheHindustan Taes, Hew Deli, 2AugLSt 1983, For Si Lanka Governments dena se0 Timae of india, New Deh, 3 August 4903. \Whie denying that SiiLanka government hhad approached the United Stats for mil lay aU, 2 Slate Department spokesinan seid in Washington on 2 Aunist that is ‘county understood that he eitvaton in Sh Lanka was improving and tet he govern ent was fncreasingly tung is atlen tion tothe protien} let Sce Ircian Express, Now Dol, 3 August 1963. A FForsign Offisa spokesman sic ia London (on Agus he lanhed eceved "Sour ‘dings fom Si Lanka about possibe ass ‘tance, and thatthe informal request wae being considered. He decinedo say whe ther the assistance would be miliary or hhumaniiaian, and stascod that no feral requesthedtbeen mace. The New Nation, [Bhaka, 3 August 1988. Qn tha dani by Falisian and Bangladesh ee Patict, New Debi, 9 August 1888. Athousn it was ried atthatiime,ilatorbocame arrater f commen knowledge tat the Sit Lark ‘cpvemmient dd soak sich assistance rom ‘tho four counties. NEXT: INDIAN DOCTRINEREGION A Solution to Karachi Mani Shankar Alyar in facing down an attempted coup by the ermy. Benazir Bhutto has em- erged as the first head of government in Pakistan's history to have thwarted Pakl- Stan's armed forces; she has also emar- {ged as the one leader capable of taking ‘on Pakistan's biggeet politealpariy — the Pakistan Amy. True, ii was nol the army {as such but a smal cabal that was plan- ring her overthrow, and truetoothatitwas probably another cabal in the came army that tipped her off, and, moreover, true furthor that this coup was not in the tradit- lons of Pakistan —where chief's of army Siaff bottay thoir ttular masters — but more In the traditions of the Middle-East where colonels on white chargers bring Off the revolution; nevertheless, all said ‘and done, shabash Benazir! Yet, | cannot help the uncharitable thought that Benazir has triumphed over her false enemies. Hor real enemy ic within. is Karachi bumiing, Although Pakistan is but naxt door to Us, and weighs dsoroponionately in our foreign and dofonce poiicios (and even ‘mote dlsproportionately in our internal ‘socurity and secularism concerns), few are the Indians who have an instinctive ‘empathy for domestic developments in Pakistan — so cistenced have we.be- come, a hall-century alter Partition, from our disiant neighbour. ‘Yel, ask yourself how we would feel If, say, the Bombay rio's of January 1993 had lasted not a few days but for all of the last threa years, and you will gat an inkling of the trauma Pakistan hes been going through and is stil caught in, with ‘ot the least Its light shining at the end ‘of even the fongost funnel. \Whatis he problem? Andis thera away out? ‘THE PROBLEM oi Kerachi is a para- digm oftheproblemofPakistan, However, fissiparous the Indian state has soomed since 1847, the nationhood ot india has Tho atthor 3 formar diploma, was fret secretary inthe Indian Hah Commission i Colembc, 8 seldom been under serious challonge. The Indiannation exists asa greatbigfact 0f life because it predated by several rnillannia the poltical convenience of a slate called tho Union of India. Palésian, fon the other hand, achieved statehood long before it attained nationhood, Pekis- tans are united over one propostion — that the essence of being a Pakistani is ‘not being an Indian, Bayond that, the problem of what does it mean to be a Pakistani — end the related question of why must one ke a Pakistani — rears is unenswerable head, A readymade opportuni, one woud have imagined, foranindian witha reajpo- fitkiineand hook to fish ntroubed waters. Unfortunately for ourhwks, their hestiliy to Pakistan, as a siale and as a nation, has rendered India hors de coméat—that is pushed usctfthebatteieidintheBatte for Karachi ‘The Mohajir of Kerachi are the only segment of the Indian despora for whom, we can neither give concrata content to our sympathy nor from whom we can expect any call for succour. When it comes’ to Indians under siege in Fi, or apartheid in erstwhile South Afica, ortho problems faced by the Indian comunity 'n East Alrica or the West Indies, or tho ‘Geo! Indians in Mauritius, orofthe Indian Americans in the US, or of their counior- pers in the Uniteo Kingdom, or, in recent Yyeare, most dramatically of the Temils in Sti Lenka, the Union of india springs to the forefront of their dofonce — and = generaly conceded by the n‘emational ‘community as having a legitimate say in the matter. ‘The one place in the world where we dono! appear io havein eny way legitiny sed our concens — even in the eyes of the victims — is in the province of Sind Which is now home to milions of Pakista- nis of Indian origin, IT FOLLOWS thal there is no purchasa for India in stirring the witches* brew in Karachi. Anyincian hand perceived in ho disturbances would be the best way of discrediting those causing the disturban- ces; hence, to demonstrate an Indian hand would be the cuickest route to quel- ngthe disturbances, That is why Benazir closed the Consulate-Genaral o! India in Karachi Itwasa desperateploy touiscre- dit the MQM (Mchajir Qaurmi Maverent), It backfired: Karachi has virtually not known even 24 hours of peace end quiet since our Post was shut down many moons ago. What koope the MGM at the barricades, with the suppor of the over whalming majority of Karachiwallahs of Indian origin, is the widespread know- ledge and baliet that this is an intemal problem of Pakistan, brought upon their heads not by some foreign agency but by Pakistan's continuing failure to. dafine itself es anation, The Indian nation exists — and has survived as a nation for thousands of years — because itis based on the quin- tessontial Indian prince of untyin aver sity. We can cach of us be ourselves and yel besomethinglarger—called “indan': 1de8d, we can bo Indian only because that does not siand in the way of our asserting, cherishing and celebrating our artculer identty as Hindus or Musims, Tamils or Bengalis, dhotwallahs or lunge wallahs, In contradistinction, Pakistan's cain to nationhood is based uricusly — and esserlively — on an excluslvist relcicus basis. Ironically, was croaiod not by the Musiims in the Muslin-majoriy provinces Cf Biitish india where Pakisian cama into being, but by the Brish-patronised *lea- ership" (mostly zamindarsand suchlike) f the Muslims of the Musim-rinorty Provinces — the breed from whom tie beleaguered Nohajir of today's Karachi gorminated. They haemonhaged from Inciato Pakistan in theirmilionsas*Hajs” (from which comes the Arabic plural *Mohaiir’) in what they perceived to be a replaying of the Prophets journey trom ‘Mecca of the Danil-Harb to Madina ofthe Dar-ul-Ulcom, AND FOR tho first 11 years or so of Pakistan, their widest dreams and hopes Were satiated. They gained power andwealth from Pakistan on a scale and in aiime-frame they couldneverhave etain- ‘od by slaying beck in India. Being educa- tionalyanc cthewisestreetsahead atthe Sindhis. Baluch andPathans, they quickly. established their dominance over Pakis- tan, the only challenge coming from en increasingly restive West Punjab that hac bbeen under the illusion that it was they Who hed absorbed the Gujarati Jnnal’s movement, not the other way round Goneral (later, Field Marshal) Ayub Khan's coup of 1958 put the quietus to tho Mohair dream of capturing Pakisten in the name of Islam, The decline of the Mohajirfrom dominant slomont to hunted minonty between Ayud Khan and Zia~ ukHag is one of tho eaddest and most piquant storias of the post-Partiton era Pakistan was most emphaticaly notthe Creation of the Muslims of the areas in Which Pakistan was created. Bengalelur- ed FazhulsHaque of the Krishak Proja Party as chief minister in the eleciions of 4945-48; Punjab retumed Khizr Hayat Khan of the Unionists: ihe Frontier plum ped fer Bacshah Khan's Congress; Baluchistan was denied a vate. ‘Only Sind — which had backed tho (Congress-supporied Allan 3uxSoomroin 1997 (assassinated in 1943 for his pains) = voted for the Musim League in 1945.48:tho viclor, Ayub Khuhro, olde: quite frankiy in 1980 that he Nad rigged the result in collaboration with the British ICS officers of Karachi: and G.M. Syed, the mostarticulate proponent of Pakistan was fo emerge within two years as the mast articulate opponent of Pakisian, spending nearly 40 of the next 50 years in incarceration for publicly regretting having moved the fist “Pakistan Resolu- tion’ in any provincial legslatuce. He died inhis nineties a few weaks ago. NO, PAKISTAN was ently the ani- cial invention of the Muslim “leadors" of that part of Inca inet was not perttioned: i,, the Mohali of Karachi, who had no compunctions about leeving behind othe tendor moreios of "Hindu india the poor, the iterate, the deprived milions oftheir Muslimbrethren, Abouttwornilicn Muslin Carpetbaggers (describing themselves — falvously — es *Mohaji’) artved up in Sind between 1947 and 1843 anc, witin those wo years, completely obbed every city of Sind — Karachi, Hyderabad, Suc kur, Shikarpur, even decobabad — of is Sindhi charactor. They errogently refused to leain any Singh, claiming that Urdu wasthe langua- ge of Islam, a claim thal infuriatas the Sindhi since the Sinchilanguega iswritien in the Arebie soript (the script of the Holy Koran) whila Urdu isbasedonthe Poreian script, which was as foreign to the Holy Prophet (Paco Be Upon Him!) as Tamil ‘or Telugu, What wasworse. theimmigrant Mohajir used his superior eocnomic clout andpoliical powerte completely margins tise the indigenous Sindhi intisown Sing. It was Ip the twe decades from the ‘advent of Ayub (1958) to tha advent of Ziacubtag (1977) that the Mohajr was delivered his comeuppance —not by tha ‘Sinchi (wo, despite the Sindhi Bautio's fiso to eminanco, continued to remain tolally marginalised in his own home) but by West Punjab in collaboration with Paki- star's virtually Punjab-Pathan amy. The Parition of Pakistan in 1874 was the last twist of the knife in the Mohaiir's soul: it robbed himot his always bogus) ralionale {or uprcoiing himself irom India lo move asa “Hal” (hal hal) to Sind. By the mel reached KarachiinDecem- ber 1978, the pight of the Mohair was patheiic: rootless, alienated, blatantly dis- riminated against, and virtually under siege in Fortess Kerachl, ne posi-Pert- ‘ton gonevation of Mehaiir wore paying for the sins of ther fathers: and each of the original “Hajis" as were sill alive were bealing their breasts in vice and talking — bizarrely — of the glories of Bans Bereilly and Amrohal IN MY period in Karachi (1978-82), the palpable Mohajir anger was an impotent anger — for thrse reascns. One, there ‘was for the Mohajr no going back on the "Hal" which he and his immediate fore- fathers had undertaken in 1947-48. Two, the Mohaiir angor was subsumed in tho general anger of the people at Zie- tbHag’s usupaton of democracy. And, third — above all — was the absence of any poltical platiocm for the ariculation of Mohair anger, despte Ke- rach having dofeated Bhutto's candidates in seven out of rine constituencies in the 1977 elections and having then brought down the Bhutto government byreleniiess MohajrdemonstietionsinKarachl's Lelu- hat Chowk, the “Stalngrad’, as they proudly proclained, of the Mohair move- ment. ‘Thal politcal platform was supplied few years alter | left Karachi by an NAP (non-resident Pakistani) Altat Hussain and his MQM, Kerachi today is an imore- nable MOM oasisin the desert sands of Pakistan's PPP/PML polity. Neither can the MOM spread beyond Karachi and Sind's other urban agglomerations, nor ‘can the PPP/PML ever breach the MGM. bastions in urban Sind Facec wth a similar situation in the Dayjeeiing Hills, Prime Mirister Reliv Gandhi rejected both Subash GHisingh's Violence:prone extremism forthe parlto- ring of West Bengal for tho creation of new state of Gorkhaland (he exact parallel of the MOMs Karachi demand) as well as the blinkered chauvinistic crackdown of Jyoti Basu's West Bengal ‘which termed Ghisingh’s demand fore ce as “anti-national” (the exact paral io the PPPIPMLIPak Army's responsetothe NON), Raiiv Gandhi found, instead, the “middle way" of an Autonomous District Council forthe Darjecting ils forestaling the breakup of either West Bengal or Incia, whilo giving the Gorkhas a real ‘share in the determination oftheirdesiiry. ITIs the obvious example for Benazir to follow in Karachi. But she cannct — because the nationhood of Pakistan is founded on the denial of the primordial principleof unityin diversity. Sincereligion Is held tobe the ralsona ‘etre of Pakisten, and since virtually all Pakistanis profess the same religion, consoidating the unita- fy nature of the Pakistani stale hes beco- me the raligious duty ofall sections of the Pakistani leadership, whatever thelr ather differences. li Karachiisbuming, and the fre cannot be put out, thet is because Pakistan is paying the price for the atavisic equation Of eligion with natianioad which lay.attne root of the Two:Nation Theory. ‘Thete is honed for our Hindu commu nalsis (‘ead the sangh parivar and ite polticel organs, the BJP and ineir sisters in-sin, the Shiv Sena) to gloat over the Plight of the Mchaji. For, the real lesson which Karachi has to teach India is that Pakistan's fate will overtake Bharat Mata if dharat Mata is ever overtaken by “Hindutva.SW RD: Making of a scholar Ananda Welihena ne question for the second debate oon India was "that the incefirite eont- nuance of British sovereignty in India wes, a violation of British Poliical Ideals", He argued that Briish poltical ideals were inspired byfreedom wthoutwhicn civiliza- tion was not possible and such a nation would become paralysed and nervous, Ha concluded with this appeal to Erich India."® Mr. Bandaranaike was now known 2s {a prodndaan advocete. His siandpoint on “India and criticism drecied against the British policy towed India pusad Fim 1o ‘an embarrassing situation. As he writes: “Inow found myselfin rathoran embar- rassing postion at Oxford. | was looked upon, both at the Union andi outside as the foremost spokesman of India.” However, he explained that ne hed never been to India and that his know- ledge of India had been geined from secondary sources. Nevertheless, he interpreted the probiems of that country Interms of those of his own: ", howover, intarproted the problems of thatcountiy interms of hoseolmyown, and the general similarity between them, combined with the racial and cultural Kinship between Gaylon and her neighbour, enabled me to present the Incian point of viewr wath sympathy and faimess” (bid). He recounts his experiences with the Majis, the club of the Indians modoled fon the form and structure of the Union The Melis provided a forum for distingui- shed Indian personaitios among whom T.C. Goswami and K.P.S. Meron have been romombered. Mr. Bandarancike was Ils President which accorded to him opportuniies to knowindian personeliies such as Sir Ali Imam, Lala Laipat Rei, Sakiatvala, Srinivasa’ Sasi Of the wornen, he recalled Leilamani Naidu and Sarojini Naidu and Annie Besant, He made a spociel reference io the last na- med. nthe weekly debatesthat the Malis organised, the issues ware more relevant to Incle’s Struggles and aspiratons. He has discussed the issue of Federation 2s @ conflict tesolution strategy to ensure India's unity in diversity “recollect thet | euggosted Federation 3 the solution of india's dificulties at this debate, Tho idea of fadoration for India was new at he ime. and! cannot ‘ofrain rom taking pleasure at the sub- sequent irend of everts” (Ibid, p48). His wrlings included his enpressions ‘bout Indans: “My memory of my Indian friends at Oxford, with ail their weakness andi all thelt Impulsive fnendliness and kind- ness, isalernderone. For tey werevery ‘near to ma” (Iid..9.49) OFFICES HELD AT OXFORD Inthe summer of 1923, he was elected Secteiary of the Union by 174 voles. aver his nearest rival gaining 145, The roma ning four candidates received fewer than 90; Some of them sutsequantly bocame leaders of the Conservative, the Liberal and the Labour political panies; two of thembecameMembers of Parliament. For ‘twomonthshe suffered fram paratyphoid, ‘which deprivedim of ime end opportuni- ties for work. He then, represented the Union in a debate against Cambridga. In 4828, the centenary of the Oxford Union was celebrated. A debate was orgarised ‘al which several expresifents spoke; it ‘was followed by a sumptuous dinner at which he met several very important Persons of diferent sccial status: “i was an occasion that brought to me an acule realization of the true impor lanceotthe Union. The Church, the bar, police, laters, in almost every impor- ‘antwalk of He, so many distinguished men had boon oxofficers of tho Union's" He had by then spent jour years at Oxford as an undergraduate, In the Mi- chaelmas tei of 1923, he served as Secretary. Inthe following Trinity term, ho wes elected Junior Treasurer ofthe Union in 1924. The duties ofthis post were not ‘arduous. He also contested the post of President but vias defeated by ‘Scrymgscur Wedderburn, tho first conservative President (Holls, 1965, 169). The reasons wore many. First, that Wecderbum was contesiing for’ the second time. Sacend, he was a defiantly imperialistic conservative. Third, he was @ junior librerian and fourthly, the old life members of the Urion formed a block tovote fora wnke Present. Mr. Bandara nnaike was marked as an advocate of tho Indien cause, despite the fect Wat in Fe- bruary, 1923 he spoke against tie motion “that development of the Eastem races ‘of the empire Ties in development on ‘aston and not en westem lines. HIS LIFE OF SILENT REFLECTION AND ACTIVE LISTENING Mr. Bandaranaike was yearning to practisa deep sient rellecion and active listening, which are indispensable for a busy sialesman and polfician is omotional oxporiences of his suc ‘cess aller Success in tne debates revea- led that he was “in the widening citcl of 4 ripple on the sutface of a pool’. How- ever, he did not lose his balance but leamed to retain his equanimity. He longed for “ior ease and quiet’, He expressed this yearning for silent reflec tion: “Sometimes. |yeamwihaiece yeam- ing for tho caim content of a priest, shelieredinhisciosierediemole, ortne care-fiee happiness of some jungio weller with the singing of the birds about him and the blue sky above him, ‘oreven the hum-crum life of the avera: ‘geman with is smalloeighis anésmal troubles. But alas! itcarnotbe’."* (On wonders whether Mr-Bandarenaike had specific techniques of mental cukure (or meditation to gratify such a deep-felt eed for fest ard relaxation. Perhaps, he didnot His deste was notulfiled, Nover- theless, he was not crtical or hostile 10- wards those who practised this an of relaxation. Asa poltically minded perscn, he Was appreciating the power of an alternative oratory (itdHferes from his ert) which can emerge from the intense culti- vation af a specif technique or practice i transcendental meditative culture, ‘This becomes clear fromhsdescription of the “remarkable woman” calied Anrio Besant born on Ociover G1, The lady whose e-husbend was an Anglican clergyman, was formeily @ Fabian socia- list in the company ot George Bernard ‘Shay. She subsequently becamea Theo- sSophist and an indian independence jea- dor who founded the Indian Home Rule League in 1916, Siie was the President Of the Theosophical Society unt! her death. Theerrineatihinker J. Krishna tticf india owes to Annie Besant what he was able to achieve. Mr Banderanake wrote aboutthis lady, who visited Oxford in the course of a lecturing tour on Indian affairs. In eppre- lation of tier abiliies he wrote:“She was very old and frail, and one sarfetimes had ihe shocking feeling of listening fo a voice from a sepulchre. But there was yet an echo oi the old ‘power, and much of he old consumma- le skil. She stood cold and alco’, no single gesture emphasized point, and the words came deliberate and passiorless. | understood for the frst lime the ive meaning of Homer's phrase regarding Odysseus, “words fel from him liko thick flakes of snow" It Was quiel and unabinusive, but rac ually and relentlessly coveradiandovor- whelmed everything. it was what might be called 2 subjective, as opposed to an objective, form of oratory: the spea- ‘kercommuning aloud withherown soul, taihor then consciously speaking to an audience that she wisied to con- vines" HIS NATIONAL POLITICAL OPTION FOR THE COMMON MAN. Asanundergraduate at Oxford, hewas preparing Icr his future poitical career by involving himesif in tho sciivitiss of the University. The last moments prior to his departura from Oxiord revealed his love for is native county: "The typically Englich scono, subdued and meltow iy the evening light, feded from my eyes, and the glare and dust ‘ofmy country tockits place: blue skies, and dancng sunigh, with a while road Winging amidst coconut groves and green paddy jleids; dak. cool nights. wit star be-iowolod skies, alive with the cries of innunerable crickets; te athalic, huddled vilage huts, the dint the poverty, the disease. My county, my people. Aye, ii was there that my Werk lay , and Oxlord had revealed fo ‘me my ffe's mission’?! He was critical ofthose who denigrated the Oxiord University as a cenire forsiudy ‘only anda refuge from the world and its claims” (Hollis, 1965, 105). But his view Of Onford was different. It was a nursery for aspiring stateemen: “There is a View held by some people that politics at Oxford means nothing more than a ite relaxaiion fora set of boys in their icle moments, it may be realised from what has boon stated -ebovethat erels farmore seriousness and purpose in Oxford poltics than these critics would ike to concede” His speeches and wntings on Oxiord life substaniiste the argument that hie ‘academic career had contibuied enor- ‘mausly to his political role in his native ccouniry. He says: “it may also perhaps be understood how Oxtora, and paricularly te Union, ‘influenced profoundly my entire career and outlook’ (Ibi). On his retum home, the residents of Udugahia Petluin Syanelorale, received him respectfully. In his speech ho ox- pressed his commiment to serving the people’ “There is ono thing I would have you remember, hat! consider mysefentire- ly as one of yourselves, and if fate has decreed for me a prominent place among you, iis not that I may be your masier bul that 1 may be your ser- vant’? He placed before them an alternative vision. and mission which the: exsting United National Party (UNP) had hitherto, failed to do, As Prof A. Wilson has emphasized jandlaranaike was the Olympfan arie- tocret who sought io ideniily hinselt with the poor in his county. This was quite unilke the UNP who perceived of themselves as the natural rulers"** According to certain witers Me. Banda- renaike’s national poilteal option for the ‘commen man couldbe atiriutedtoinsu- Jar prejucices” othe Union which preven- ted him trom winning the post of Prosi deney in 1924. Hallis recorded it ae ‘a manceuvre of complete legality but of douibful propriety” (Hols, 1965, 189).He refers to the role played by a gioup of life-members, who “iormed themsalves into a block to vole against a candidate” and certainly"... Bandaranaike balieved that there was euch a block against him..." (Ibid, 170)..As He wrote: “and this belef was at any rate one of the influences which caused him in ‘his closing months at Oxford to reject hs father’s ‘loyalist’ poltical principles to renounce Christianity for Buddhism and to become a verystreng nationalist His politcal career in Coylon was, of ‘course, bulton the nationalist principles Of which he remained the champion ‘rightup toe ime of his nalassassina- tions” (bid). Evelyn Waugh endorsed this view when he wecle of Mr. Bandaranaike: “Certain, the ony oriental whom met, the Cingalese (sic) Bandaranaike, rolumed to Colombo fiercely ani-Bri- lish, (This sentiment fd not save him from assassinalion by his fellow coun- trymen when fie lost tie protection of the British Crown). At the Union these ‘emergent polticians made themselves at home and inirodisced a vehemence that was normally lacking in our deba- tes" (Waugh, E. 1964, 184), Chiistopher Halls who was a fermer prasicent of the Union introduced Mr Bandaranaiko as ‘theson of avery distin- guished Ceylonese Christian of stroraiy imperialist sympathies” (Holic, 1935, 169). He makes two Important remarks about him: first, “From his frst arval he threw himself wuith onthusiasm into the Union deba~ (es. He was a pniiant speaker and popular among the members of the Union. He spoke at the beairning of is. career, as was but natural, as his fa- thers son, generally on conservaive side” (Ibid), ‘Secondly, that he was far ahead of his Indians undergraduates at Oxiord who atiended the debates on molions con- corning India and voted. Taey did not *altempl lo play a prominent pan n its debates", because of difficulties of lan- ‘guage. "Bul Bandarancike" he sliessed "was by his upbringing less inhibited” (bic). Relerences 1. Hols, Chrscpher, 1955. The Gio Union ondan Evans Bahars 2. Banca, SIRE, 1963 “My Fr speech at A UnlonSc Dota" in Spoechas and Wiig: Golomb: Inerraton Denson, Deparment ol Brendeseing ane llormaton £27 3. 4, "Lien Debates’ 62 4. ei, My Fist poet ata Union Sony Debate, par. 5, a, 1 Pogess raphy ate Urey” pot 8. Weuch. Evoyr 1954 4 Lite Leaning, Landon Chapman ara 7. Op ot, "My Fistspsechatalinion Sort Debe- 8. id, “Union Aches ard Poi’ 23 8. Corken Daiy News, “en Anniversary of C, Suiraingam Aig 1, 1865, p10 10. Wien, Ad. (1009) "SW ond Te se’ a Guarda, v.15, 908, Jy 1, 19985 9.15, 11, Op et, *ly Fitepossh ation Sosy Dobe 12, id. "Progress Rapity athe Ulm p23 13, bl, Urn Debs, p02 “eh nt Onto 5p 74-0, “Lien Debates’ 68. My san Fler a8 *lemFlactoe enor TvserorcU “1 Progessrapidy athe Union, 921 “ADebale cn cap. ‘ie, Leave tne Pace Ly Namen p53 ‘ic, “Unen Actes ad Pots 2.3. ia, “our 83 Wikon, A, "SWRD" io Laks Cuan, ol36, fo duy 15, 1988,p19 RREEEREE RENRBESThe Return of the Multisaws K, Palasanthiran lerories shor. It may have been foragotten by many, ‘even perhaps those direcily involved, thal the Bibile-Wiekremasinche Report ‘on the correct use of drugs was stub- bomly opposed by the Healih Ministry officials atthat time, and much valuable lime was wasled ai the outset in the implementation of these reforms. Inthis situation Dr. S.A, Wickremasinghe and Professor Senala Bibilo ware compel ledtotaketheirrecommendatiors tothe Ministry of Industrios. Tho major thrust 0} the Bitile-Wickremasinghe reforms was aimed at making a poor Third Wold Country selt-sufficientin essential drugs by implementing a well thought out plan for their local manufacture the Ministry Industries ected swiftly on allthemain proposals, are ‘The State Pharmaceutical's Corpora: ion, sot up under the Ministry of In- dustfies and the Formulary Commit: tee, composed of the Country's foro: most Pharmacologists timmed down an Old Mather Goose mediay of Medi nes under a myriad brand names to a rational Formularyand a list of Essential Drugs. The WHO which was following Sri Lanka's adoption of ts Health policy with great interest hailed this as the World's First ist of Essential Drugs, The Essential Drugs list is now an official document of WHO and tems are ackied to or deleied from it as scientific know- ledge and practice edvances. The SPCrnow movedintomonitorthe import of drugs and the inconsistentand irational waste of valuable foreign exchange cauised by pseudo-scientiic promotion of brands and unethical pre~ senbing. 10 The Bibile-Wickremasinghe report had very pnidenily highichted the countrys already existing potental and knowhow in drug manufacture brought Inby fourintemationally connected drug fitms which were already in production with locally subscrbed capital. One of them, Dumex had commenced as early as 1956, with 25% DFCC equity, Dumex was a Danish Co-operative Pharmaceu- tical venture with a wealth of knowhow in the formulation of antibiotics, homo nosand other biologicalsfororal,opthal mic, and parenteral use. They had a stefile products facility and fully equip- ed laboratory including animal testing ‘and microbiology. With his usual charm and pragmatism Professor Bible drew all these Companies into a scheme of manufacture under the new Drug rationalization policies. This was. scheme of ContractManu- facturo of Essential Drugs whore each firm's epecial knowhow was utilised to make part of the Escontial Drugs list co that together about forty essential items. ware being producad locally within two years of the establishment of the SPC. ‘The SPC purchased on Worldwide tender all the raw material neaded for this scheme, supplied them to cantract fins free oj charge and purchased ali the finished drugs backata very reeson- able manufacturing fee. Itoms that wore locally produced in sufficent quantitios to mect the country’s entire requirement could not be imported undar disquised brand names ‘The importers who were agents of foreign brands sided by interested Mei cal Practitioners manipulated a chonis 6f protest during this time exploiting the ignorance of consumers who were told tet absence of parvoular brands meant a shortage of drugs. Actuelly the new scheme apart from solving the problem of periodic shorta- ‘9¢8 of drugs dueto erratic private inven- tory control of Brands provided a cont- ‘uous supply of al needed crugs under thelr genericnames. This sclttion how- ever was not popular with those who promotedbrends, Fortunately herewas € sclid phalanx of enlightened medical men who backed Professor Bibile and tumed the tide in favour of the reforms, By 1976, though Senaka Fitile had passed away in Guyana inactive follow- pot his policies ona WHO assignment Inthe Thitd World, Drugs Rationalization in Lanka had proved to be a greet suc cess, Apart from its Health aspect its impact on a Third Worid economy was significant. All the local manufacturers were ulising their excess capacity in producing Essential Drugs saving the Country asubstantial Drug billandprovi ‘lng employment for many times the work force they had original, One ofthe comer sicries of the Bibile- Wickremasinghe plan wes the prevision ‘of 2 Contra feclty for Quality Con- trol of the Drugs that were produced locally, This was a july equipped Phar- maceutical Gontrol Laboratory functio~ ning under the direct supervision of the Ceylon Hospital Formulary Committee and the Medical Laboratory Services. This laboratory had been donated by Japan to serve Lanka’s swift march to solf-suficiencyin ossontial Drugs Itwasafullyequipped Pharmaceutical Analyt cal Leboralory, Al up-to-date instrume~ tation had been provided. This labora- toryhad been placed under the direction ‘ofa Public Analyst seconded for service {rom the Goverment Analysts! Depa- ‘Amant where all analyses of Pharma- cetticals sampled under the Drug Act had been performed til then. Both Prof, Bbbile as well as the heed ofthe Laboratory recommenced thatthe Assistant Analysts be also recnited from the Government Analyste’ Depat- ment. This rule was followadfortheshort timo that Prof. Bibile was able to keep fiseyeson the working outot his propo- sals. As soon as he had lett on his new assignment, this laboratory which was very vulnerably situated within the Health Ministry domain of the Colombo General Hospital was crammed full of the overfow of Hospital Pharmacists from tho Heslth Department. These were certificated pharmacists trainedfor Hospital Pharmacy workwith absolutely no analytical experience, of theoretical grounding in Chemical Analyses. They were a total liability in a laboratory with delicate instruments. The Head of tho Leboralory resigned as tho staff provi- ded was deliberately unsuited for the work. However the Medical Laboratory Services continued to supervise the functioning of the laboratory. When the local Drug Companies participating in Government Tenders or manufacturing directly under the con- tract scheme completed a production batch tho Company would pay in the ‘Analysis fee to Medical Laboratory Ser- vices. And Officers from the Quality Contra) Laboratary would come to the feciory concerned, draw samples and take them back to their leboratory for analysis. Batches for the Public Sector ‘othe Private Sector had to await the repott from tho Drug Quality Control Laboratory. This laboratory was able to craw samples end effect speedy ana. Iysis of all drugs mado by the local drug firms supplying drugs on contract to the SPC. There were no delays and the entire scheme operated smoothly. There were no drug shortages and Government tender supply of these drugs was dependable. Thus the operation of State Quality Control enabled all local firms to supply almost all tho bulk requirements of essential crugs In fact the scheme was working (00 smocthiy for Health Ministry liking. The entire scheme collapsed under three blows of Fale — Prof. Bible's tage death in Guyana, the fall ofthe Govern- ment thet had ushered in the new Drug Reforms end the taking over ofthe SPC by the Health Ministry, ‘These events signalled the beginning of the endas far as Drug Rationalization In Lanka was concemed. Import Control and Price Control of Drugs was stretched into moaring- lessness. The Contract Manufacturing Scheme was abolished, and local com- panies manufacturing to full capacity suddenly found themselves idle, To ‘save themselves manufacturers beca- me importers overright, said their ma- chines were idle and retrenched their workforce. With roimpott of Essential Drugs, brand names flooded the market and drug rationalization was cast fo the winds. However, some companies stuck firmly to ocal maniulacture on tender, by importing their own raw material. This was nex! thwared by the State Control LLaboratcry stating they wore unable to cope with trelaige quantities of samples from tender taiches, though they had boon actually analysing al becily made batches on Tender end Contract ust previously. Ina classic case of the rant handnot knowing what the iethandwas doing, the Government sill insisted on State Qualty Control release for all Tende batches. Thus local Tendor supplies were seriously delayed orcs. trupted, On top of all this the staff atthe Japan Gited State Contol Laboratory succeeded within a short time in rence- ring unfurctional neatly all the valuable instruments inthis laboratory. Chaos prevailed, and a Wester Aid Agency ited a newLaboratory compie- te with 2 foreign expert who said straight ‘away thataState Laboratoryshouldonly ook into Quality Assurance by onlyran- domly checking samples, Since Ten- ders could not be serviced on random batch reporting, local Tender supplies collapsed, and nearly all Tenders were awardedto importers. So much forlocal manufacture Thus wheress Rational Drug Policy generated as a by-produst an entire Pharmaceutical Industry much employ- ment, and a reseaich backed industrial sector the aflermath of its collapse in Lanka has seen the retum of all the evils that rationalization was meant to combat. Identifying the vileinsin this dramaas the crug MNCS! and Free Market Eco- nomics does not shift the bleme from those who are most culpable — even though they may prepare papers for conferences on Health for All by 2000 AD. With MNC monopoly, devaluation of local currency imposediy the Free Mar- kot, and the proliferation of agarassivoly promoted drug brands the recipients cf Health for allin our part of the world will be in the eye of raging epidemics by 2000 A.D. tfGeneric Drugs ? The World Health Organization recommends that people should be kept informed about the facts on medication and provided with the knowledge and skills to protect themselves from the inappropriate use of drugs. Public education in drug use will increasingly become a part of mass education via the mass media. The knowledge and skills thus acquired will still not provide adequate protection to the public if the items in doctor's preseriptions are effectively disguised by various Brand namos and promoted for indications which have not been fully validated, Generic Drugs are those known by their pharmacopocial names and can be preseribed only for their established clinical indications. Most Pharmavopoeias now carry a section on Patient information giving a brief account of the indications, benefits and risks in use ofa particular drug. Thus Generic naming and identification of use is a vital part of this public education programme advocated by WHO which aims to prevent brand name promotion making medication revert to being one of the Black Arts. Generic Drugs from MSJT FOR RATIONAL USE OF DRUGS MSJ Industries (Ceylon) Limited Factory and Laboratories, P.O.Box 430, Colombo.The Past in the Present in Sri Lanka Jonathan Spencer Steven Kemper, The Presence of the Past: Chronicles, Polit History, and Culture). Tuhace: Cornell University Press, 1991. Stanloy JeyarajaTambiah, Buddhiom Betrayed? Religion, Politics, and Violence in Sri Lanka. Forewordby Lal Jayawardena. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992. and Culture in Stihala Life (Wilder House Series in Polities, | happy netions are alke, but jan unhappy nation is unhappy after iis own fashion. Sri Lanka's own style of unhappiness captured the ierld's atien- tion briefly in the early 1990s but has now slipped quietly out of the Imelight. Even the assassinations of the country’s prosi- dent and its leading opposition poltician, within weeks of each otherin 1993, felled tocaich the headine writers attention for long. For many people, though, Sri Lanke has become loosely but indeibly associa: ted with intense sthnic conlict and very high levels of poitical violence. Although the history siretches further back, this ‘association was primarily established by the antiTamil riotng of 1983, further sirengthened by the subsequent civil war between the majorty Sinhala dominatod government and the miliants of the Libe ration Tigers of Tamil Ealam (LTTE, or simply "te Tigers”), andthen fixed by the ‘iltary intervention fromindiain1987and the appaliing death toll within the Sinhala commurity dufing the anti-government rising ofthe eftist Janata Vimukt Peremu- na (JVP} in tho late 1980s. ‘These two important books both offer the promise of new interpretations of tie confict, as well as suggesting comparati- ve lessons that mey be drawn out of tie atticuleriies of the S7 Lanican tragedy. They both dscuss the allegeddeep histo- ‘eal roots of ethnic identiy in Sri Lanka ‘nd the place of Theravada Buddhism in madam poitics. The important general ‘question behind these conceins —which is of relevance forthastudy ofall pasteclo- nel polties — is the extent to which poitical choices and poitical practces in the present are constrained by collective Understandings derived insome way rom the past Put most simply and most gene- raly!he questionisthis: Wnat da wemean by a politcal culure? Just hhow unique, ‘cuturally,isSril-anka’s unhappiness; and how much of this unhapoiness can we explain in cultural terms? As tho Sri Lankan conflict has intonsi- fied, s0 the centre of interpretive activity hhas shifted greduclly rem political scion ‘ce, which has had less and less of value to ay in tho pact decade, fo history, and thence to anthropology. The authors of these two books are both cultural anthro- pologisis, and their work also allows an ‘opportunity to ascoss the strongths and Weaknesses of anthropological epproa- ‘hos to postcolonial politics. Tambiah is a StiLanken Tamiiby bith, wih anAmen- cen PRD and a cictinguiched rocord as etnnographer and interpreter of Therava- da Buddhism, especially in Thailand (Tambiah 1970, 1976, 1984). One of the most important themes in his work on Thelland has been the Identification of a distinctive worldly project in Theravada ‘Buddhism, based on the symbiolc rela- tionship between tha order of monks, the sangha ard the figuie of the king. The 41983 violoncoin SriLanka drow his atten- lion back to his homeland, and this is the second of two useful books in which he has provided a judicious end accessibie syrthasis of recant scholaily work on the Conflict. The fiisi concentrated on the poltics ofethnicty, whereas the newvolu- Me looks at the tole of Buddhism in the conflic.' Komparis an American anthro- pologist whose earlier publications focu- ‘sed particularly on the institutional history of the order of Buddhist monks in Sri Lanka, the sangha. His monograph is more obviously addressed to specialists, (and some of its most important themes are summarized by Tamblah in his book). It races the history of a history — the version of the past recorded by Budchist ‘monks in the chronicles of tha Mahava- msa — through the twists and tuins of ‘pre-colonial,colonial,nationalist, and arti- hraiionalist inleipretation. It stands out from other recent anthropological workin tie qually ois empiiical evidence, much fi Cerived from Sinhala books andpam- phlets unearthed and translated by the author The two books together provide ‘fascinating example ofthe accommoda: tions and changes Buddhisin has tied to make, 35 a poltical force, in order to sulvive in. an fa of mass polilics and populer sovareignty ‘Scholarship and conflict The Mahavamsa exerts a particular faccination in Sri Lanka. tt forms a conti uous chrontcle of the island from the coming of the Sinhala peorle, Viava, up {oiha present day. The frstsection of the hronisla was writen in the fifth contury GE, although i purnor's to descrba ‘evants up to 1,000 years eatlier Subse ‘quent sections were axided at intervals in the years hat followed. always composed by members ofthe sangha, usvally atthe behest of a unifying and reforming king ‘The colonial government commissioned an update in the late nineteenth century, and a monk ackled @ funher section in the 4880s on his own initiatva. In the late 1870s the govemment of President UR. Jayawarcene, in self-conscious emula~ tion ofthe precotonial kings, comission eda furhermajor updating. The chrcnicle itself {uifis two explicit functions: It dis- plays an exemplary model ofthe relation- ship between religion, as embodied in the ‘sangha. and poity, 25 emmbocied in the king; anditprovides.a structureot cuthor- tyforpresentpractcesby inking themand thoir agents through a line of descent to the practicesand teachingsot the Buddha himself. Many scholars have gone somewhat further than this. The German ofienialst, Heinz Bechert, for example, nas argued: ‘A ‘orm of nationalism criginated in ancien! Ceylon which was rather close ‘to modem nationalism with ts concep- tiors of a united nation with common linguistic, cultural and religious traci- tiors. The chronicles served as educa- tional works to cultivate this conscious- ‘ness of nalicnal identry (Bechert 10788). 13While no one would deny that the chro= ides, or certain episodes from them, have been used for this purposo in the rineteonth and twentieth centuries, this ‘ort of interpretation (widely accepted in Sri Lanka itself, which identifies con- ‘ScioUS processes of nation-buildingin the cistant past, hes recenily been chal- lenged by liberal histonans and social sciontists in Sri Lanka, ‘The problem for Kemper isto allow for cultural diference witout succumbing to uitural determinism. Despite the misiea- ding claims of his publishers’ jacket des- Gription,* he swifly and deftly sidestens the unacceptable choice between the ra- ical primordialst claim for a 2,000-year- did Sinhala naticnalism and the equally facical constructionist version in which Nafionalism is a pure praduct of the colo. Tal peiiod, He is concermedic rescue ine culural pecularites of Sinhala naliona- lism without felling inio the trap of cescri- bing the presents an inevitable cutcome of the past He chides writers Ike Geller, Anderson, and Kedoure for falling to take seriously the rolo of “culture and consti ‘ousniess” in natonalist movements while distancing himsolf from the controversial detemminisn of Bruce Kapterer, who claims to have located a common pre-t0- flective “ontology” behind the surfacs ma- festaiions of nationalist myth, political violence, and selisious ritual (Kapferer 1988). Insiead, nationalism is presented as “a conversation thal the present holds with ine past” (Kemper 1991-7); this equl- Fes the appearance in nationalist arqu- ment of both continuity with the past (for theauthorityit provides) and disparity fom that same past (inorderto motwate aciors to restore what once was there) (Kemper 1991.17), This felicitous perspective opons up a remarkably broed and interesting area for investigation, Kemper moves from a dis- cussion of the coniext end purposes of the original chroricies to an interpretive teasing out of key themes, particularly the Central place accorded to herces andthe concern wih unity. He then eiscussesthe colonial discovery of the island's history, a thome recontly explored by other authors (Nissan 1985; Rogers 1980), and tho fatal effect of ideas of raco forsutea- quent readings of the chronice. His clo- sing chapters weave together the issues already explored wilh more material fom the speeches and writings of ceniemipora- 1y politicians and monks. These are the Most in‘eresting and challenging sactions of the book, not least because he uses many Sinhala sources for the first time, i4 a sad novelty in an area of academic argument sill dominated by English-ian- ‘quage scholarship, Moreover, Kemper's Command of modem literary Sinhala allows him groator interpretive freedom with this material; his argument in the sections on procolonial historiography is inevitably constiainad byhsdependence ‘Onsacondary sources (ikatheworkafthe sScholar-monk, Rahula) often writen from apointo! viewhe isattempiingto criciza. Novertheless, this book represents a major advance in our understanding, not just of Sif Lanke but also of the historical Constraints cn all postcolonial politics, Asinhis previous book, Tamban takes ‘a more direct line on the primordialist claims for an ancient Sinhialanationalism, reflected and promoted in the chronicles, Alter the 1883 violence, these daimswere ‘opened up to public cnticism oy a small group of Colombo-based liberal intellec- tals. The most imooriantrevisionistinter- pretation of tho history of Sinhala identity was proviced by the distinguished histo- rian of medieval Budchism, RAH, Gu. nawardana, Gunawerdana’s Woik Was the centrepiece of 2 group of assaye Published by the Colombo Soslal Scien- tists! Association (SSA 1984) in the wake of the 1988 violence. This velume aitrac- ‘ed a great deal of entiesmin the Sinhala press (Tennekoon 1990), although a de- jalled Scholarly response to Gunawarda- ‘na's argumanthas only rocenily appeared in Sti Lanka (Dharmadasa 1992).° Tem- biah ands his bock with an epileguo, reviewing the controversybetweenGuna- wardena and Dharmadasa before, polte- ly but firmly, questioning the historical assumplionsin Kaplerer’s werk. Sadly, at the time of wring, Tambich’s book has itself become the subject of controversy in Sri Lanka, with como Sinhala zealots ‘apparently calling for it to be banned, and a east cf distnguichad academics defen- ding Tamibiah’s right to speak on these matters Tambieh’s review of the arguments abouittha historicaldopth of Sinhalaidont- ly is possibly the most interesting section of his book for specialists, for wnom (as ‘Tembial himself acknowledges) much of the rest of the volume will be slready familiar. Nevertholess, Tambiah has per formed a valuable service in assembling 4 lucid account of the role of Buddhism in twentieth-century poitics. bringing to- gether matotial from 9 wide range of ‘Secondary Sources, many of them inac- cessible to readers outside SriLanka. Tho bbook wil provide a useful complement to Gombrich and Obeyasekere's magrif= cent Buaghism Transformed (Gembiich and Obeyceokere 1986), which forall is empirical richness largely eschewed the cussion of religion, poitics, and ethni- city.“ Togetier, Tamblah's tivo booksform ‘Our best intractuction to the complexities of the Sri Lankan siuaicn and to the growing academic litersture it has atirecied. Modernity, buddhism, and democracy Both Tambiah, discussing ‘policar” Buddhism, and Kemper, more narrowly focusing on the interpretation of the chro- ticles, bow tothenesdto recegnize some sortof rupture inthe passage frompreco- {onial opostcoionial in animportantargu= met, Tambiah detecis @ change in the development of Buddhism on the island, He descrises modem political Budshisrn, ‘with ils allendant outbreaks of collective viclenee, as a transformation of an oarier ‘doctrinal Buddhism in which the “ati mation of collectivity” replaces ‘the rel- gious core and inspiration” (Tembiah 1992:58), Tambiah is nat alone here: Another distinguished Sri Larkan anthro pologist, Ganenath Obeyesekere, has advanced the similar argument that mo- demisi Buddhism, over-abstract and inde Vidualistc, has lost its "Buddhist eon: cicnoe” of compassion and loving kind ess, a conscience which used to be ‘ransmittedin now forgotten felk talesand ebandoned vilage riva's (Obeyssekere 1984: 158).° This may betrucend certainly would repay closer empiiicalaitertion, but itfposes two problems. For Tambiah, any talk of an escentia| “doctrinal Budchism” Wouldseemto puthimin the campoithase hedesciibos ac"Palitextpuritans’ whose version of Buddhism he has so long and eloquenily contested. For ObeyesoKere, the argument implcily gives causal pri mecy to religionin assessingtheaeticiogy {f violence. Yet we know from abundant evidence, in the chronicles ard else- where, that hora was violencein Buddhist societies beiore Buddhist modernism ‘ever appeared anditha! there wouldsocm to be no necessary ceason to explain its modem menifesiation as a product of religious change. Kemper also recognizes immoriantds- continuities inthe modern reaponsetothe past. The most important of these Is the Victorian notion of raco, which recurs through the middie section of his book as ‘a kind of deus ex machina to explain ‘changes in Sinhala understendiagsoi the ppast. His examples of race talk” from Si Lanka are striking and alarming butdeno} in themselves explain wity Viciorian racial theorywas enthusiastically adoptediay Sr Lankans (and otner South Asans) andcontinues tothrve, ong after ts scemtitc domise in Europe, At ono point he sug gests that Westem ideas of race cave added iogiimacy iothatracitonal practice of deriving descent fom some ancestral {group in order to claim status (Kemper 1991.28). Even so, itis hard to accept the impli force in Fis statement that “a ‘modern language of rece has eppropria- ted end changed a verialy of genuinely ancient practices in Si Lanka” (Cemper 4991: 135). Again we are confronted with aconitrastbetweenatcundational past — “genuinely ancient praciices’, “coctina Budchism! —anda recent ceviaton rom it, Both cases demonstraie how dffcul itis to tel story of nationalism outside the reassuring femework of the traditon — modernity dichotomy. Nevertheless, Tambiah is careful to avoid the tap of nostalgia for ¢ lost, Budchis! tolerance. Alonaside iis empha: sis on collective idenity, peloal Bud hism has also a more “postive” side, as ideologists have drawn on historical and textual models in order to consiruct ideas of Buddhist democracy or Buddhist socielisin (Tamblah 1992:60). Both Tam- biah anc Kemper oxplors those attempts 30 build a distinctively Buddhist poltical culture within the insiitutional frame- Work of the postcolonial state, and thelr discussions converge on a few important themes: the need{fer unity, theimportance of sovereignty, and dismay atthe divisive ‘consequences of parly polites. Kemper devotes an early chapter cf his book to the analysis of ideals of unity and commurity in premodern Buddhism, From the chronicies he identifies a stiong emphasis on unity as embodied in the figure of he conquering hero who establi ‘shesa unitary sovereionty over the whole island. But he also discovers a second, ‘somewhatcifferent, modelof unty, based on consensus and the power ofcollactive aston. This is described in one of the popular Jataka stories of the Buddha's past lives and is concieiely embodied in the instituional order of the sangha with its emphasis on regular coleciive mee- igs. Tambiah, using material from the Giisis years of the 1360s, describes the insistenceon unity andsovereigntyinone recent Buddhist politcal movement. The problemishow ioassas the causal pawer ‘of such apoarent continuities, Modern Budchis| activists certainly refer back to the same texiual models as Kemper — thehero-kings DutthagaminiandParakea- ‘mabahu are raraly fa from the frontpage ofthe Sinhalanevspapers—butare thay ‘eferting to tho same thing as the chroni clers when they talk of unity? And how are modom Sinhala discussions of unity diferent fromthose, say, UlsterProtestant or Hindu nationalists in india? Whatever else, a nationalism that brates the warrior Kings who brought the island under the “umbrella of a singe soveraignty”, wil have difficulties accom- madating calls for devolution or seces- sion, such as those made hy the Tamil population of the North and the East. But oth Tambiah and Kemper draw out fur damental differences between the poli cal context cf the chroniclers and that of modern Buddhist activists. In his erique of Kapferer, Tambiah queries the promi Scuous use of the term, site, to describe alke the precolonialand postcolonial pol- 8 in Sri Lanke, Precolonial kingship followed ihe pattem ofthe" galacic polity” ho has decositod olsowhoro in Southeast Asia: Fooused on the king al the ritual centre but with fuzzy boundaries, i is based on the hlerarchical replication of ower at lower-level, paripharal centres, with only spasmodic capacity for mobli- zing the population (Tambiah 1992:173, compare Nissan and Stirat 1980), Notthe least of the features of this sor f palitcal organization was ils abllly to incoporaie new, often culturally diverse, groups within is framework, ‘The cnicial diference with the colonial ‘and postcolonial state can be ilustrated by the changes in historical writing which Kompor discusses. When the chronicio was Updated bya monkin the mid-1930s, the “common pcoala” cmorge for tho first lime as a caiegory worthy of attention (Kemper 1991:100). In tho version com- ‘missioned by tie Jayawardene govern- ‘ment, the “heroes” of ho past have cleap- peared 10 be replaced by “ordinary people": Sri Lanka has become a democracy, and the ara ofthe ordinary person has arrived. That ordinary person is assu- med tobe male, Sinhala, Buddhist, and middle-class, but the chronicle begins from the assumption oj the derrinance cf such people in the national culture. Participatory politcs creates a cultural shiit as well as a poliical one, and with its emphasis on equality. nationalism itself assumes the same cultural tans- formaton (Kemper 1991:190) It thore is a decisive momont in the history of Sinhala natonalism, itis 1931, the yearin which the Colonial Ofice intro: duced elections based on universal adult suffrage, to the dismay of the ccaition of ambitous elite figures thal passed for a focal nationalist movement. But ideas of popular representation had been built into the framevicrk of the late-nineteenth- Contry colonial etete, andthe enthusiasm for tne idea of race Was in large part a pproduet of colonial divisionsof the popula- tion into “natural” communities to be addressod through tho medium of thoir equally natural leaders, So those contemporary manks, whose visions of a properly Buddhist polticel ‘order are described andanelysed by both Kemper and Tambiah, are not so much eproducing a political cuture as altemp- ting to create one to fit changing cireurn- stances. in this process, tne chroncies Jostlo alongside other lose obvious eour- ‘ces of inspiration, such as Soviet exoer- ments in planning or popular discalic- faction with modem elected pollicans. Party politics areseenas a crippling sour ce of disunity, while the sangha attempts to represent itself as a source of cisinte- rested unity, rising above the interested squabbling othe poliicaans. The themes may soundiamiliar enough, buttheirimpl- cations In Sri Lanka have been quite distinctive. Both the JVP, whose sirugglo against the government cast the Ives of thousands of young Sinhala people in tha late 1960s, and the LTTE, whoseguerilla \Wwar continues infoits second decade, ara movements based on a strong cult of leadership, the expressive use of exem- plary violonc, end the moral force of a Yyoungconstituency wnofeeisbetravedby the polis of ts elders. In como sense, both movements ectiothe monks’ visions ofa radical egalitarian democracy, based ina strong sense of collective identity but somehow purged of the moral falings of “normal” politics ® Itis too early to expect thase authors todeal with thepolties of he JVP uprising (See Moore 1993), while Tamil politics ara obviously outside theirrernit. Butte con ‘nuing lack of attention to the pathelogical poles of the LTTE is the greatest weake Ness in the literature on the Sri Lankan conilct. Our eceacicnal euphemistic allu- sion to Tamil miltants fais to do justce tothe extraordinary palticalferce that has ‘been buil in nortiem Sn Lanka since ihe mid-1970s. Perhaps because of tho valu me and accessibily of iis various state- merts, Sinhalanationalismhasnow recol. veda relatively large amount ofacademic attention, Comparison with the differing styles and fortunes of Tamil nationalism, in Si Lanka and India is long overdue, ‘sis renewed attoniion to the simiarites ‘and differences belween the Buddhist poltics of Si Lanka, Burma, Thailand, Cambodia, and Laos, 19‘And to understand these phenomena Wa need rather more than the anclysis of *natlonalst discourse” (he tite of Kem- pers concluding chapter). Wa alco nood more, and beter, analyses of nationalist: polis. In parieular, since the demise of tmodemization theory, anthropolociss have beenvery slow toassessthecultural implications of democecy, whelher as poiiical theory or institutional compe. It isteling that Tambiah ends his book wih some brief comments on the polical structures of the Si Lankan state, while in his foreword, ine dsinquished econo mist, Lal Jayawardena, draws attentonto the Stagnation of lis economy. Kemper poriomeavaluablosoriceinpciningout ihe close connection between democracy and nationalism, butifthereis sweakness inhisexcelentsiudy,lisarelave inatien- 3 to the social and pcliical contaxt of the arguments he is analysing. in this he isfollowing amore generalirendin racent ‘American anthropology in which naiiona~ lism has been analysed as an ideational structure, or "decureive formation’ and Post-Foucaviciens have enthusiastically dissected tho polities and postios of afrost everina, except mass poles themselves. ‘rat anthropologists lie Tembiah and Kemper bring to the understancing of Sr Lanka's unique unhappiness, parado: cally, a remarkably sophisticated and subtle sense of the historical. This now needs to be complemented by a return to the old anthropological strengih of an Understanding basedon deteilec familari- fy with the everyday lives of the ordinary people who are at once heroes and vic- timsin thisstory” Nevertheless, arevived ethnography of the political wil have to escape from the dead hand of 1960s poltical scienceandpolical anthropoiogy to build, instead, upon the historically ‘sophisticated work of anthropologistslike Kemper and Tambiah, Notes 4. The atleybocewae Sanka: Etne Ferien and the Blemerting of Darcerag/ Tamoih 103), Fo! De elorantarcis nth specal Saul Cannas ‘ons onsen Soclogy desea othe Woot St Lankan anropoedss Madan 1957) 2. The fiche! caine "By thing up te cntnson tat ‘Sthsa natoraism aredseseriso otnetents moverats in Europe by over a Rosa oars, Kernpa'sarales dersctalerohairoleaiensio tut trata a amcor Erepoun prone: now Unloruratay, he argument ints tom dros olevensunvekempe=prlaceinmbicitvecatr 8 cea nt Kerpor oces notoeive rat Seals *atonalsmarlelaie” Euepeannatonaism by a thousand years (Kemper 19913). 3. Gnawardanas essay oigatyapovacadin a St ani acai ural ene vas reprited in he 16 Sosal Seema’ Astciten colton: raveed ‘arson wae susishe Seta ft is ota Si Link 1003 |Gunawardane 1000), The pubes” Ys ole SGA, a5 wel asthe excolont pura raraga, canbe eearestrem fa Sosa seers fAssocaton, 12304 Navala Feed, Claro 5 Sh Lanka, Oharmades's rey 0 Gunowarcara has ben ercultha or sme yearsie Npesert buts row apposed In ta oural of fe intraoral Gert for Ete Studs (Dhurmacase 1990) Bs ‘sgerort alias on tsoominering, pol ‘ay nane, econ nog (amadasa 120). Chr retsart natal can be feundin vo cet, fied cclecens (Senavrane EBC, Spencer ‘soa 4. Fary breause th research for he volume was nosy carta eatbelaihe cxcalein althe cies Ite ay 180s: seathe athe’ arent ont (Gombich ara Oboyctotors 100209). ‘5. Aas al comments rromnize portant chan- isin Si Lasian Budism a5 a reat clonal ‘Smee! and missonan) tek a he rneearh tury The oauling arise rlermed Busan a fist au recat pos-rraosins (Gombech ara (Cheyeskere 1908 1 Spencer 18%) 15 Thocunnostonis, oleate, en dretin tho cate 7. Thar have ben sere roert tarot prod rors eal seurced stage ol ratociam ie Lana though ose ave mst concontes ted on porperal reo, ete nator Godoxy sconnpanes govig Sate penetator we Know noch les ato a aoc at of rata ong Inrreno cota areas. Soe. Brow (1383 19802 {Be Wace! (188, 1860) enneeon (125) Spenene (060), Reterences Bechet, H. 1876, “Ihe Beginnings o! Buchs Historiograoty: Maftevamsa and Patel Thin. Ing’ In B. L Smith, od, Fligion and Lociina. an of Power hi Si Lanka, Ghenbersbut, PA: anima. io¥, J, 1980, In Pusu of Hegemony: Rep sentalions of Authoy and.lusiceina SriLankan Vilage”. Amorsan Ehrrolgie, 152, 311.27 1990a. "The Incorporation cf a Marginal ‘arimurity within the Sinhalese Nation". Antiro- ological Guarior, 63:1, 7-17 19000. ‘Nationalst Ahotris and Local Pradige: The Fate of fe Vilage Community in ‘ulalowa," in J. Sponcer, of. Sd Lanta: History Aardie Reots of Cort. Landen: Fouledse. Dharmacasa, KN.O, 19528, “The People ofthe Lon’ Eth dort, Weology ard HistoialPaw- Sonsni i Gonenporay Si Lanka Elnne Stu- cies Repor, 10:1, 3758, 19920, Language, Reliion_ and Etinic Asserivensss: The Grow! of Snfabse Netiona- lieminSh Lanka, Am Aroor UrivariyofMiehgen Press, Gombyich, Fi and G Obeyesekere 1088. Bud dhisn Trensforted: Relgous Change in Sri Lanka, Princeton: Peincston Universty Press. Gurawardana, RALH. 1990."Tho People ol the Lore The Sinhala ently and ideology in History ardHisteiography" in. Spencer ed, SLanka: Hatary end the Roots of Conct. Londen: Fout- ledge. Keplerer, Bruce. 1008, Logends ol Pooplo, Mya ofSiate Violence, inalerance.ardPolitcalGutire in 87 Lanka and Austria. Wastingtor, D.C. Smitrecnian. Natan.T, ed 1987 “Special sue en tho Work of Sri Larken Anthropologists." Contbutos fo Incian Socioeay (.8) 21 Noore, MP. 1003. "Thoroughly Medam evalu tionaiés: The JVP 1 Si Lanka.” Modem Asan Studies 273, 583.642, ‘Nissan, 1985, ‘The Sacreacityoi Anuedhapl Te Aspetis of Sirhalese Buschism and Nation- hood." Londen: Ph.D Theses, Unie of London, _ ang PLL Steat, 1900, “The Ganeration ‘SF Cemmanal identtes In J. Spencer, ec, Si Lanka: History and tne Foots of Conict London outed. ‘Obeyesohere, G. 1984. “The Origins and nsttur tioralsationolPotial Velence."n. Manat, et ii Lanka in Charge and Crais. Londen: Croom Hon gers 0.1990, "iisteriallmagesintheOritsh Foie id. Spercer,e8, Si Lanka: Hsteryand the Roots of Covfic. London: Rutlesce. Sonovirang, H.L, ed, 1968. “Toenuty, Cansciou- ness And the Paslin South Asia” Social Ane- ‘hi, Sportal sus, 25 Socal Sols: Association (SSA), 1884. thn {ty nd Soria Change in Sr Lark. Colac: Sodal Sciontat! Acsecation. Spence, J, 19808. SiiLanta: Hstovardthe Poole of Conic. London: Rosledga, .- 19800. A Sinhala Vilage in 2 Time of TrevBle Police Changin Rura/SrLarka, Dah: Cxiord Universy Press. 10902. "Traction and Trarstomatior: Fscent Writng on the Anthrepology of Buchs In'SfLenka’ Joumalor me Aninrepologeal Soce- tof Orford 21:2, 128-40 “Taian, SJ. 1979, Bucstismardihe sprtCurs in Nerin-East Thalland. Cambridge: Camtniéae Unversty Prese 1978, Word GongueroranaWiondFlenou- ‘ear Cambridge: Cambro Unversity Press, _ 1364. The Bucchst Saints cf he Forest Bri fie Cub of the Amulet, Cambridge: Camon- {ge Unvery Prece. 1986. Si Lanka: Ethnic Fate arte Dizmarting of Democracy. Chicago: Urivaciy of Chicego Press. Tennalocn, N.S, 1988, “Rake of Devalopment: ‘The Accelerates Neheveli Development Program at SiiLanca.” Ameren Etinobeist, 15234310. 1690, *Newepapet Nationalism: Siala iden as Historcal Discourse,” n J. Spencer, i, SiLanka: History and tie Roots ef Conte London: Reutedgo ‘Weoost, M1986. “Rural AWakenincs: Grassroots Development and tha Culivaion of # Nsicnal Past in Fural Si Lanka” in J. Spencer, ed, Lanka: History and the Roots of Gann: Loncoe: Routecce. 1965, “Netionaling tha Local Pastin Si Takai Hetores of Nation and Davebpment na Sinhalese Vilaga”" Amorcan Ehnclesie 20:3, 50221 = Compare States ty. Society ant History April 55CORRESPONDENCE Prabhakaran s a Prabhakaran-wateher, | thank H.LD. Mahindapala for bringng to myaitention, the New York Times feature (Way 28, 1995) of John Burrs on Prabha- karan (LG, Oct. 15). Ini, Prabhokaran's bblood-thirtiness in dealing with oppo- rents has been stated es comparable to that of "some of the crustest figures in rocent Asian history, inclucing Po} Pot” Even if one takes this opinion on its face value, one wonders who ara the other cruelest figures in racant Asian history. ‘whom Jofin Bums had ir mind. If ene ‘takes a body eountofinnocentvictims (not military opponents), Mao Ze Dona, Incira Gandhi, Suhaito, and Rlanasinghe Pre~ madasa should enter this crus} leaders Hall of Fame without any dif cuty. Ist Prabhiakeran, then in good company? Unlike Mahindapala, | do not consider the Naw York Times.as the oracle of the ‘wenteth century. | provide a few exam- pleewhorethic vonerablenawspaperhad to eat crow. These are culled from the book, The Experts Speak; The Definitive Compendium of Auihoritative Misirfor- ‘maton, by Cris Cerf and Victor Navasky (1984) Compared A New York Times editorial iiculed in 1921 the attempts on rocket propelling by space science ploneer Robert Goddard ‘as one who “seemsto lack the knowledge ladied out daly in high schools’ in Nov. 5, 1932, the same ‘unimpeachable sour- cool Mahindapala, predicted the te-elec- tion of the ihn President Herbert Hoover ‘over Franklin Dalano Roosevelt. On July 14, 1972, the same New York Times commented that Senator Thomas Eagls- ton as a “casting directors ideal for & turning male", Few weeks later it was revealed that he had undergone psychia- tilc shock therapy and was dropped by the Democratic Presidential candidate George McGovern. the New York Times could nat prodict developments correctly about the events within the USA, nov rolable ils assessment on events in Sti Lanka? {As to verbal abuse from opponents, Prabhakaran is net the first rebel leader to be snaored at by his contemporaries. ‘Almost 200 yeers ego, thefethie: of Amer ca George Washington was roasied by Philade\phla Aurora as follows: “if ever a nation was debauched by a man, the ‘American nation has bean debauched by Washington. Ifever2 nalionwasdoceived byaman, the Amercan nation has been deceived by Washington. Let t serve to boawaming thatroman may be an idol” Does Mahindapala know thatquitea laige segment of American citizens who wore loyal to the British Crown ware chased by Washington's patriotic gang to Canada ‘andWestIndies? Onewno cites New York Times for support should also bether to eam the revolutionary history of America. | applaud you for providing a proper balance by publishingMahindapala’s erii~ que to Bramagnani and the Galle ethric violence committee report in the seme igsue. Makindapala's legitimate question, “Who 2re the oppressors of Tamils?" has been eloquently answered in the report you have published on the Galle ethnic Violence. Those who suffered at Gallehad fo links to Prabhakarar's dictum. They suffered becausethey had themisfortune to have an ethnic identity as Tamils. Sechi Sri Kantha Sapar lsitute for Contra of Agr, Fula Cty, Sh2uoka, Japan. Ajith: The Enlightened Pen Ties tis Ah Sararnavae's father gave him a cip on the er, I was over Lake House, Ajth had defied ‘Samaranayake Senior and bought the Daily Nows ata timo when J.R. Jayawar- ‘dene was leacinga boyoottot Lake House newspapers. This wasin the heady days of 1973 when issues Ike press freedom were on everyones lips. Itwes fortunate that Ajth began his writing career in this period when the inielleciual space for dissent was sil available He was sila schoolboy when his mind ‘and his pen began to roam the whole ‘gamutof contemporary issues. Ajth’swri- ting hes been proliic; covering literature, generational ‘ssues, poltical events and eoncepts of cuiture. His writings always Teflect his wide reading and his serious reflection on issues of profound social significance. His access to the bes! mate- fial in English and Sinhala make him one ofan increasingly rare breed —abilingual ditttante. He Inherited the best of Anglicised middle class values, Not only did he like his fether attend Tinity College Kandy, but he iterally grew up inits shadow. His Doynood home was adjacen! to the colle {g0, overlocking he playing elds of Trinity Consequently he acquired a sensitivity io liberal valuss, tothe best inEnglsh Litera {ure and the more enduring aspects of Westem cullure end valuss. It bostowod on him the modesty, rectude end belief infeieplay thateots himapartfrom others. Nevertheless in his writings he strives to recapture all that is rich and beautiful in our oriental cuture; he searches for deppor moaning in tho works of contem- porary Sinhala Literal. And he wenis to be part of the reaching prospacts for change thal fe dorment in the womb of ‘our sociaty. Alth survived the traumatic Eighties when the freadom to think, fo speak, to write were fraught with danger. when violence consumed the tolerant, the gif- ed, the different, And now he is back at Lake House, at the helm of the oldest English newspapers east of Suez — the Ceylon Observer. Ath has bean a cor mentetor on the major issues thal his socialy has confronted in the last two decades, Now may be he will be more than an observer — perhaps a player himself Jayantha Somasundaram, 7A Selection of the Finest International Brands. CHEESE Besitd BREAKFAST CEREALS sui Huccies maxes INSWEET. House oe — PRUNES ‘Colgate pars DENTAL CARE Ardmona Palmolive (CANNED FRUITS (SNICKERS) PERSONAL CARE LURPAK BUTTER BOUNTY eg JOBLERONE DAIRY PRODUCTS MAMEE CHOCOLATES = INSTANT NOODLES ELLA e HAIR CARE BERRI Q ry Sole Agents CANNED MEATS STASSEN 833, Slave Bandaranaike Mawatha, P.©. 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Even when acknowied- ged, thoy aro usually explained in terms f Venerable cultural imperatives, or as dopaitures fiom traditonal practices ‘occasioned by the horrors of contact with white men, Certainly, this selective outrage might be parily justified by arguing that Euro- peans’ ostensible commitment to a uni- versalist moral code mado their barbarity more reprehensible than similar — or worse — behaviour from members of cultures whose moral horizons wore far moreimited. But such anargument would depend on the idea that in a significant way the cultures of tho West are superior tothese other cultures. is hereforeruled outfrom the tart. ‘SowhenGananathOoeyesekara pubi- shed The Apotheosis Of Captain Cookin 4992, which asserted that European myths about indigenous people and their propensity to nor-ratonal thought were being parpatuated in tho writings of Mar- shail Sablins, a cistinguished American anthropologist with lofist views, the (ground was prepared for a nasty battle, The revieworiea senioraccociate hanthopoogy atthe Universit of Mabou Obeyesekere, a Princeton-based SriLan- kan anthopologs, claimed that his own, “native” background gave him a better insight into Pacific cultures, The stuation jas made worse —and moral confusion ‘mado manifest — by a bizarre insinuation thatSahlins was somehow compictiniha “culture of ter” European explorers such as Captain Cock unleashed upon the world, and which had claimed one of Obeyesekere's friends in Sii Lenka, kiled becauss he would not reveal the where- abouts ofhis son, anateged terrorist. How "Natives" Think is Sablins's crashing response. The central empirical question between ‘Sahlins and Obeyesekere is whether Ha- wallans saw Captain Gook as 2 god. in a corios of books and articles dating from. the late 19703, Sahlnshas developed ihe thesis that Cook's death el Kealakekua Bay on February 14, 1779, was a conse- quence ol ne Hawaiian bolt that he was a manifestation of Lono, a major god associated with human and agricultural feniity, ‘Accoiding 60 Sablins, Cook arived off the mainisiand of Hawaii aroundthe time of the annual Makehiki rival cycle, The Makahiki tock place over a fourmmonty perlod and invoved 2 cosmclogical strugglein whichtheking eporopriated the powersofLonoforihe benefitofhumarity, thus renewing his ownsovereigntyas vel asrevialsing nature and tho secal order. ‘Atone phase of the cycle, a wood, tapa- cloth and bird-skin image embodying Llono was carried on a 23-day circuit of the isand, This phase was a tme of Popular celebration marked by tebocs on fighting and certain othar activites. The climax ofthe Makehikiwas a ritual bate, the kal; bdtweon Leno andthe king. Ater the king defeated tha god, he reinstalled the worship of the miltary god Ku, with whom he was personally idenified, and the Image embodying Lono was dismer- bered ond hidden, fo reepear the folo- wing year Schine argues that Cooke arival began a remarkable saries of coinciden- 28 which led the Hawalans 10 beleve that he was @ manifestation of Lono. ‘Though thase coincidences did not always involve an exact comespondence o the events and expectations of the Makaili,they were clase enough to llow the Hewalians to assimilate Cook creatl- oly to the Malcaniki tradition. The sails of fis ships, Resolution and Discovery, re- sembled the image of Leno. Cook carrisd ‘ut a right-ircumnavigation of the isiand forseven waeks before lancing folowing the same direction thatLono's mage took Cn ils Mekahiki circuit, when he finelly anchored — to the tumultuous vielcome of at least 10,000 Hawalians — he inno- cently chose a place opposite the major temple of Lano, from where the image usually left on ts joumey around the island, and to where'itretumed. And when Cook oft loss than three wocks later, on February 3,he'made anear-perfect tual exit”, as the Makahiki rituals would have ended a day or 0 carlior. Out al sea, however, 2 severe sioim disabled Resolution’sforemast, and Cook limped back to Kealakekua Bay on Feb- Tuary 11 for repai's. in retuming, Cook Upset the ritual eyclo, The time of Lono was over; it was the time of Ku's ascen- dancy. The Hawaiians’ atiludes had changed, and on thonightof February 72, the cutter irom Discovery wassiolen. The next morning, Cook itfed to take the king hostage against the retum ofthe boat. As Sahlins telsit,this was tke kalflin reverse, with Lono “wading ashore with his war- Fiors to confront the king”. Cook's death was a ritual murder enacted ky a large umber of Hawaians, who snatched the iron dagger from each other so thet they could all play @ part. But even after his body had been dismembered, he was ‘expected to come back: priests and other Hawaiians asxed the British when Lono ‘would retum, and what he would do to thom when he dig.In The Apotheosis of Captain Cook, ‘Obeyesexere eccepied that the Ha- waiians called Cook “ono, although he said that this was meraly a name. He also acknowledged that they prostrated them- selves before Cook, but claimed thet this was because they made him a chief 10 incorporate him and his officers into the Havaiian political siuciure, and thus bring orderinto the relatonships between Hawaiian commoners and the British, Obeyesekere argued that Sahlins was Lunwitingly continuing the long-standing Western myth — going back to the time: of Cortes, and perhaps even Columbus = of "the redoubtable European who is a god to savage peoples’. In opposition {o this supposed slander, Obeyesekere presented a literals criiqua in which the practical rallonally” of the Hawellans Would have quick mado thom recogrics that someone who cid not speak their language orlookiikethemwas no manife- station of Lono. He further accused Sa- hilins of scholariysins, including anuncrit- cal atitude towards eoutcse, tho celective Use of information according to iis agree- ‘ment with his overall argument, and the maripulationof evidence. (Sinsthese cer- tainly are; nevertheless, they are wide- spread among anthropologist and thoir ‘colleagues in related ciscpiines.] Obeye- ssekere also made clear his disiaste for Cook. Far from being the humane ombo- iment of the Entightenment, by his third voyage the great man had supposedly ‘become Ike Kurtz in Conrad's Heart of Darkness. Sablins’s rejoinder is a relentess and compeling work, presented with wit and panache. Obeyesekere’s view thal the Hawaiians were “consistentlypreciisinga bourgosie rationality” whilo Europeans have been reproducing “ihe myth that ‘natives takethemfor gods’ formmorethan 200 years is an inversion of comrron understandings that has a certain poitical appeal tha contemporary academy, But it can be susianad only by failures of ‘scholarship thet are far worse and more ‘extensivethan thosahe supposedly found in Sahlins's work. Sahiins demonstates the contradictions, the misrepresenta- tions, the selective use of avidence, the unwarranted speculations and the cons dorabie ethnographic ignorance thatcha- racterise Obeyesekere's took. Andin any case, he showsthat Obeyesekere's whole 20 project is futlo. For in claiming that Cook was installed as a chief, Obeyascxere slated that Hewalian chiels possessed “divine quaities", and he argued that tho Hawaiians deified Cook affer nis death, ‘So whai has happoned to “the certainty that making gods out of European explo- ‘ersis a European myth"? Sahiinswillnotlet his edversaryimpugn his progressive credentials anc jeopardi- sehis moralsiandinginanthropology. The tables of virtie are tumed arourd, The Sri Lankan proiector cf Hawaiian dignity, ne ‘championo’the' nor inorate poopleswio ‘cannot strike back’, has himself silanced the Hawaiian by dismissing the indige- Nous testimonies about the perception of book because they were callected uncer the auspices of a Christian Missionary. ‘And by basing his defence of the Ha- weiians on their supposed experise in practising the Wasternintellectual viruas cf a cilical ratfonalily, Obeyesekere has actually dalvored thom “intellectually to the imperialism that has been afflicting them economically ané polilcally". So there However, though Obeyesekere's work is beset by moral paradox, hore is some Intellectual irony in Sahlinss book. The original intertion behind Sablin's 10 search on early Hawailan — and other Polynesian — encounters with Euro- pears was to develop a theory which ‘Would introduce human action ard cult ral change into structural anthropology, which hadhtherto assumedautonomous, formal end relatively stably sysiems of ‘cultural classification, Recognising that uilural systems ate the products of human actions over te —actionswihich are themselves. informed by cultural ‘values and undersiancings — he wanted to reconcie etructuralism with history by ‘Showing how peoples’ attempts to repro- ‘duce theircultures could bring aboutcultu- raltransformation. Sut Sablins scores his knockout biow against Obeyesekere be- ‘calico of his fino-grained historical and fehinographe analysis of the Hawaiian tmeteral, ard this analysis is essentially independent of he thoory thatitis possible to oblain accurate knowledge about the past and about other cultures throughout scholarship, a postion that is not easily Feconciled wity his espousalotthecultural ‘construction of experience and his rele cance to priviege Wastern forme of kno wledge. Sahins jusiifably citcised Obeyess- kere for intellectual ad hoary, and for his inabiity to provide consistent theoreiical explanations of the croumstances. in which “common sense” or “mystical” dis- Positions might predominate in any pati- Cularpeopie Sbelieis. Yet Sahinshmseli isnot immune from this kind of attack. To show that Hawaifans were not unique in placing a supemnatural Interpretation on the advent of Europeans, he presents many simler cases from other Paciic isiands, ospocialy ‘rom New Guinea. However, as is also the case for Hawsi he hes icacknowledgethal theres evide- Nee thatindividualsinseveralNowGuinea societies were sceptical aboul the divinity of Europeans, averin tho early stages of Contact. Nevertheless, ins sceplicismdd notreadily become paito' these sccieties! collective understancings, and when Sa- hins attempis to explain this, he fals inio ahole. InNew Guinea, scepticism suppo- sedy falled because of the lack of a "centralised orhiorarchical order’, Butthis {stheexactopposte othe reasonhegave ‘earier inthe bookforwhy sceplicism was margnalsed in Hawaii, where ‘the poviers-that-be had unique possbiliies of Dbjectifying their own interpretations", This inconsistency points io a wider problem. Althe heart of Sahlins's theorell- ‘ral endeavours lie difficult and interesting anthropological questions about the rala- tion between Indvidual cocitations and collective cultural categories, These questions have important implications for the concept of culture, particularly the Matter of whether cultures aro as echo- feni, encompassing and perssient 2s Sahline wants to belleve, and on which Fs theoretcal position depends, Gut the bockpasses overthese issues, anddoes not really enhance cur comparative un- derstanding of cultural influenices on how “natives” — including ourselvee — thin, despite what the ite might be thought io promise.Inthese terms, the bookis disap- Pointing. But as an account of what Ha- waiian thought about Captain Cook, and how these thoughts led to his death, as well as @ putdown of solf-ighieous advoreary, How “Natives!” Thinks a tour deforce,BB exrcHING RURAL LFESTYLE Why there’s sound of laughter in this rustic tobacco barn... 84 Ceylon Tobacco Co. Lid. 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