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Demonstrations: sites and sights of direct action
Andrew Barry

To cite this Article Barry, Andrew(1999) 'Demonstrations: sites and sights of direct action', Economy and Society, 28: 1, 75

— 94

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Economy and Soriety Yolume 28 Number I February 1999: 75-94

Demonstrations: sites and sights of direct action
Andrew Barry

Abstract
The term demonstration refers both to political and to scientific and technical activity. On the one hand, a demonstration is a public political protest. On the other hand, the conduct of a demonstration is, in a scientific or technical context, a matter of witnessing a natural phenomenon or a technological possibility. The subject of this paper is the conduct of direct action against the construction of the Newbury bypass and the development of the A30 trunk road in Devon. The paper argues that such actions can be understood as demonstrations in the technical as much as in the political sense. In doing so, the paper draws attention to the technical and ethical practices involved in the conduct of a demonstration. Keywords: demonstration; witnessing; environment; politics; science; ethics.

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Along with about 50 protestors and 300 security, contractors and police, there were maybe 20-30 people observing the protest and taking some record. A crew from the local independent T V company Meridian who turned u p early along with a photographer working for the magazine of the New York Times; one or two freelance photographers hoping something might happen; an observer from Friends of the Earth as well as several independent legal observers working o n behalf of the protestors; police photographers and a video cameraman and various cameramen belonging to the private security firm (with yellow hard hats) who were working o n behalf of the contractors; a BBC crew with a reporter (Margaret Gilmore) who arrived rather late in the day and approached m e for an interview after one protestor fell off a tree and had to be taken to hospital. T h e video crew from Oxford who had given m e a lift out to the site from the station. I had my notebook and my camera. I n addition the police were in radio contact with each other and others o n all
Andrew Barry, Goldsmiths College, University of London, New Cross, London SE14 6NW El: +I223 328615.

Copyright O Routledge 1999 0308-5 147

his failure to interrogate the historical constitution of the distinction between the public and the private. or have colonized the life-world. but a different question. Foucault 1991). but it is a real tendency for which there is evidence' (Habermas l97 l : 62). This paper. (From my diary. and his assumption that it was both desirable and necessary. But the question I want to address is not whether science and technology have stifled the development of a critical public sphere. a threat (or the absence) of violence or an intolerable situation. it is commonplace to think of a demonstrator as a political actor: a protestor against an injustice.namely. For Habermas. On the site of the Newbury bypass. Berkshire. and between technology and the public sphere . technology and bureaucracy. following Habermas. has not been directly engaged with. But the notion of demonstration also has an earlier historical sense. It is. how and where is it possible to tell the truth in public today? In exploring these questions this paper focuses on the idea of a demonstration. Habermas's concern with technology has not figured centrally in recent debates on the public sphere in social theory. increasingly difficult to articulate matters which are of real significance to the public in public. although it has been taken up and re-worked in the social theories of Beck and Giddens (Goldblatt 1996). They claim to display that subjects have a stake in government. and possible in principle. in these circumstances. Jurgen Habermas presents us with a picture of decline. and the conduct of demonstrators. the commercialization of the media and the growing importance of both scientific and technological research and technocratic argument in the deliberations of the state have led to a corrosion of the public sphere's critical potential. At a more abstract level. Today. In the Downloaded By: [Goldsmiths College] At: 12:56 5 August 2010 . are markers of the unacceptability of another's actions. This political sense of the term emerged the nineteenth century in connection with the Chartists and the revolutions of 1848. Despite its importance to his analysis. or intensified. 23 January 1996 ) In his account of 'the structural transformation of the public sphere'. Habermas's distinction between science and technology. however. on the one hand. Paralleling the movement of Habermas's own work in the 1970s and 1980s critics have focused primarily on the unitary nature of his model of the public sphere. the life-world of the citizen has been colonized by the systemworld of science. the breaking of a promise. to overcome difference through consensus. a manifestation of the emergence of the masses as a political subject (cf. in this sense. expressions of whether the exercise of power should be limited. As he wrote elsewhere during the same period: 'The scientization of politics is not yet a reality. which cuts across the distinction between expert science and non-expert experience. is also concerned with the relation between technology and public sphere. Demonstrators. Many of the protestors' camps were linked together by radio. and the public sphere.76 Economy and Society sides carried mobile telephones. on the other.

or can be made to be. and the absence of a well-defined political constituency on which they are based.1 To be in the presence of a demonstration was a matter of witnessing a technical practice.5 In her account Green explores the complex and shifting ways in which the suffragettes conducted a feminist politics and engaged in what she terms a form of visibility (spectacular) politics. is the absence . It concerns the conduct of direct action against the construction of roads in Britain in the mid1 9 9 0 ~What is remarkable about the anti-road protests. whether it is understood in a technical or a political sense. The truths of laboratory science are proved to the novice. the analysis of the suffragette movement by Barbara Green is suggestive. It is a way of showing what can or might be done.it is always intended to have effects on. Demonstration. and who should be allowed and trusted to witness a demonstration . can inform our understanding of the contemporary art of politics.3 On the other hand. the idea of the demo implies provisionality. If the older scientific or mathematical notion of demonstration implies proof. or challenge the minds. A demo model is a display of the possibility of a real object. In the twentieth century the technical meaning of the demonstrator and the demonstration acquired a further sense. For to conduct a political demonstration can be a matter of making visible a phenomenon to be witnessed by others. In this way: Downloaded By: [Goldsmiths College] At: 12:56 5 August 2010 .~ of any well-developed ideological project. the development of 'science' in the seventeenth century involved an effort to regulate who could and who could not be properly called upon as witnesses to matters of fact about the natural world. I argue. T h e history of science. In thinking about demonstration as an technical and ethical practice. a political matter. a demonstrator is one (usually a graduate student) who assists undergraduates in their practical classes. the intended effect of the protests is as much a technical as a political one: to demonstrate a truth which it has been otherwise impossible to demonstrate in public by other means. He pointed out the feature of the body which was being shown and about which the lecturer was speaking. in part. and thereby made a significant contribution to the production and dissemination of anatomical knowledge in public. because there is a politics of who can. it developed more militant forms of demonstration which involved smashing storefront windows. following imprisonment. My account focuses on a particular story of demonstration. Being a witness is to adopt an . burning messages on golf courses and setting fire to empty buildings and.~ ethical ~ t a n c eAs Stephen Shapin has argued. Indeed. today. as the suffragette movement evolved. On the one hand. The truth of the lecturer's knowledge was established through observing a demonstration.Andrew Barry: Demonstrations 77 Middle Ages the demonstrator had a particular function in the anatomy lecture theatre. pointing out the objects they are expected to discover and understand. public demonstration is political. I argue. because the telling of a truth in public can never be described as disinterested . This sense of term still exists. But. In part this involved street marches and parades. through demonstration. rather than its actualization.under what conditions and in what ways. is. hunger strikes and other forms of passive resistance. The demonstrator made visible to the audience the object of which the lecturer spoke. in some form. or affect the conduct of others. In the university science laboratory.

it sought to subject person or issue to rational-critical debate and to render public decisions subject to review at the court of public opinion. (Habermas 1989: 201) Without doubt publicity can have this function. artefacts of certain. . opened up a discursive space within which a more or less novel set of questions about political rights could be raised: a re-siting of the political (Bell 1995)' Downloaded By: [Goldsmiths College] At: 12:56 5 August 2010 T h e action against the construction of the Newbury bypass in Southern England was only one of a number of anti-road protests occurring in the UK and . the suffragettes cultivated an alternative form of spectacular politics that assaulted the public eye. Nor are they to be valued for their own sake. or exhibited . the ceaseless circulation and updating of news and the overproduction of official information. . a distinction might be made between those forms of publicity which direct. Rather than counterpose the authenticity of a woman's experience with the inauthenticity of advertising. T h e spectacular actions of the suffragette established a set of sites within which feminist political action could be both conducted and witnessed and. sophisticated forms of news management. and those which open up and destabilize the space of politics. Through the use of commercial advertising. They are. on the contrary. the notion of advertising is not accorded the negative connotations given to it. Today. as Habermas's work suggests. At one time publicity had to be gained in opposition to the secret politics of the monarchs. in Habermas's work on the public sphere. In this view. re-invented and dis-invented. it earns public prestige for a person or issue and thereby renders it ready for acclamatory assent in a climate of nonpublic opinion. Thus the fluid definitions and techniques of feminist spectacular activism constantly evolved to meet the difficult task of advertising feminism. Advertising and publicity are of critical importance to the conduct of contemporary oppositional politics and of contemporary forms of political identification. at the same time.78 Economy and Society Through a rejection of pageantry. Green's analysis points to the potential creativity of publicity and advertising for feminism in establishing both an identity for the feminist activist and a place for feminist argument in public space. restrict and close. tortured bodies for public delectation. the terms of political discourse can become extraordinarily restricted. (Green 1994-5: 68) T h e use of the term advertising in this context is apposite. Yet. whether in a creative or in a destructive way. An excess of publicity can be used to reduce the discursive space of political debate. no doubt historically specific forms of practical activity6 They can be invented. for example. Public spheres are not just spaces within which opinions and argument can be expressed concerning matters of public importance. publicity is achieved with the help of the secret politics of interest groups. For part of the burden of Green's argument is to contest the view that the suffragettes simply articulated an authentic and suppressed version of women's experience.

as Eric Hirsch reminds us. the development of link roads to the M1 1 motorway in North East London and the development of the .1° T h e bypass itself was moreover of considerable importance to the Conservative administration. 15. It established what the government perceived to be a strategic transport connection between the industrial area of the West Midlands and the port at Southampton on the Channel. But anthropology and sociology have.000 kilometres of new road would be needed to realize this ambition (Guardian 5 April 1995). re-conceived landscape as meaningful. No doubt the extent of this media interest in Newbury was overdetermined. as new in scale'. along with the Old Kent Road. a critical part of a proposed L23-billion roads programme. in effect. 'just as the development of efficient national transport networks was vital in the last century in what became national "Single Markets". Landscape is sometimes regarded as little more than a backdrop to events and. And.14 At a 'reunion rally' to mark the beginning of 'destruction work' at Newbury the name of Greenham was explicitly Downloaded By: [Goldsmiths College] At: 12:56 5 August 2010 . so in the next century the same will have to occur internationally. Other protests were directed against the extension of the M 3 motorway at Twyford Down.13Newbury was only ten miles from Aldermaston which had been a key object of anti-nuclear protest in the early 1960s.Andrew Barry: Demonstrations 79 elsewhere in Europe from 1992 onwards. T h e significance of this link was made clear with the publication of plans for Trans-European Networks (TENS)which emerged following the Maastricht Treaty for European Union in 1992.12 In total. the action could enlist the support of conservative opinion which would otherwise have little relation to direct action. In these plans Southampton was one of only five ports in South-East England which would be connected to the rest of the UK by a Trans-European Network. more importantly.~ was in what was considered to be a beautiful part of the countryside and. and for some women at least there was clear genealogy of political activism running from the suffragettes to Greenham and to Newbury. T h e Newbury bypass was.11Such links were of historic importance to Britain's relations to the rest of Europe for. one of the main routes along which the authorities expected the traffic with the rest of Europe to go.~ A30 trunk road near Honiton in D e v ~ nBut in Britain Newbury came to be by far the most prominent action. one of the largest single road-building projects at the time. accounts of landscape have often figured in anthropological writing as something of a convention 'which informs the way the anthropologist brings his or her study into "view" ' (Hirsch 1995: 1). forms of spectacular protest remembered from and developed at Greenham figured in the Newbury action. in Lefebvre's terms. after all. Indeed. as a result. gaining extensive coverage in the national broadsheet newspapers and broadcasting media. in parallel with the emergence of environmental politics. The challenge is not so much new in nature. the bypass route occupied an important place in the representational space of (English) politics. Neil Kinnock. Newbury was only an hour's drive It from London and therefore easily reached by journali~ts. it was near to the site of the Greenham Common airbase which had featured so centrally in feminist opposition to nuclear arms in the early 1980s. Yet the attention accorded to Newbury derived equally from a rather more local consideration of politics of landscape and location. according to European Commissioner. It was. Certainly.

it also became a suitable object against which an opposition could materialize. the conduct of the protest and the clearance of the land by the contractors summoned up more contemporary conflicts. a b ~ t t l e ~ r o u n d . They occurred in particular places: not at the centre of public .l8 But. a reference to f earlier conflicts which occurred near the town during the civil war of the seventeenth century. popular heroes. tunnels and trees. at the conduct of an earlier conflict.80 Economy and Society Downloaded By: [Goldsmiths College] At: 12:56 5 August 2010 invoked. one protestor. T h e actions at Newbury.The struggle between protestors and the contractors and the police was a struggle in which images and machines played a key part. when it was getting dark and the security men and contractors had departed.after the world war. however. but an exposure. travellers and ravers. If the Criminal Justice Act was intended to give the police more formal powers. moving only slowly from day to day as the contractors cleared the bypass route and the bailiffs gradually evicted the protestors from their occupation of the trees and tunnels. an event which. T h e rural landscape became. spending winter in the mud. No wonder it was difficult for the authorities to contest the legitimacy of the protestors' action. One day at Newbury. in the radical English nationalist imagination. But as demonstrations they took a certain form. noise and interference which disturbed the tranquillity of the domesticated rural idyll of Southern England. of equal importance to some activists was the experience of opposition to the Criminal Justice Act which gave the police unprecedented powers to arrest antihunt saboteurs. however obscurely. the protestors' actions hinted. along with those at the A30 and other sites. for the protestors. if Greenham was reckoned to be one historical antecedent to Newbury.'16 But. the mobility and activity of those without property was to be severely restricted. not merely of symbolic importance. The protestors were just ordinary soldiers: squaddies. Not just a demonstration. expanded on the metaphor of the battle. At the same time as government sought to foster greater agency and self-reliance on the part of the responsible citizen. were political demonstrations: attempts to say no to the actions of the public authorities and private enterprises.19 The physical lines of conflict were relatively static. There are no Cruise Missiles at Greenham Common now. if the historical associations of Newbury itself were to the wars of the seventeenth century. Alan. frozen from a day spent at the top of a tree. ~ ~ T h e bypass protest itself was termed The Third Battle o Newbury. 'It's like a graveyard .15 '"They" thought the women were mad.20 T h e location of the anti-road protests was. The objects of the CJA were represented as human pollution: dirt. despite its illegality. has sometimes figured as part of a historical narrative of popular conflict against an authoritarian state. Police and security routinely used video and still photography in order to track the movements of protestors as well as to secure convictions for trespass and other offences. leaving behind them hundreds of tree stumps.' Poorly armed.

if not necessarily widely known) nor by a display of force or numbers (the number of protestors was generally only a few dozen at any one time or place) but by attracting and directing others to take notice of a particular action on the part of the others. They hoped not to be didactic nor to instruct people how to think. and the consequences of their actions. protests against the construction of specific roads. nor because FOE remained ambivalent Downloaded By: [Goldsmiths College] At: 12:56 5 August 2010 . but at the dispersed actions of the authorities. although many protestors continued to live in camps adjacent to it. Friends of the Earth and many other environmental organizations have tended to deploy primarily scientific forms of demonstration. T h e demonstrations worked not by representing the views of a group or a constituency but by showing damage and destruction. they sought to demonstrate through their action a different truth: that the existence of humans. all of which were intended to 'bear creative witness' to 'our relationship with the car and the cultural myths that cement it'.21T h e actions were directed not at a potential risk. but to open up a space for reflection at a time when the main period of media interest in Newbury had passed.~~ Here. as a number of observers have pointed out. involved the construction of more than twenty artworks on the site of the bypass and occurred several months after the route of the bypass had been cleared by the contractors. In deploying works of art in this way the organizers of the event paid tribute to 'Joseph Beuys. animals and the land were. Witness their excessive faith in the importance of monitoring the quality of urban air despite the enormous degree of uncertainty in the significance of air-quality measurements. mutually impli~ated. the road protest could be viewed as something like a demonstration in the technical sense: an act of pointing out to others the likelihood that environmental destruction would occur. They were. the inventor of the avant-garde art action as a vehicle for ethical protest' (FOE 1996). As political actions they were directed not so much at the icons of 'the state' (parliament. The truth of the protestors' point of view was to be shown not just by argument (the arguments were well rehearsed. Artbypass also revealed the gap between the tactics of the environmental organization and the activities of the protestors. In being conducted at such places. performances by the Cholmondeleys and a film of a stage production of a Midsummer Night's Dream by the German film director Werner Herzog. and in providing a way for Friends of the Earth to articulate opposition to road-building in other than scientific or administrative terms. By pointing directly to what they perceived as the indifference of the road-builders to the land and the lives of its human and animal inhabitants.Andrew Barry: Demonstrations 81 administration but at the place where others were seeking to act or which others owned or controlled. the offices of the prime minister). in whatever way. Artbypass. It included pieces by well-known artists such Christo. This was not just because the art of the protestors was not included in the official event. after all. T h e event. But whatever the success of the event in gaining continuing national publicity for the action at Newbury. Simon English and Peter Mountain. the conduct of a public site-specific 'art' event at Newbury organized by Friends of the Earth is instructive.23 Artbypass was unusual for. but at an emerging reality.

' It could draw on the authority of Celtic religion. it was by reference to a complex mix of doctrines coming from a variety of sources.29 It was associated with a demand for public access and control over rural and urban land in opposition to the pursuit of private profit.82 Economy and Society about the legitimacy and dangers of direct action. It involved references to the technical failures of government environmental impact assessment33 or the costs of private roadbuilding for future generations. 'There is no ideology'.but also the carnivalesque .26 Being there over a long period of time was critical to the politics. sealed with a lip-stick laden kiss.'Bishops.27For in so far as their action was legitimized for individual protestors at an intellectual level. A festival of r e ~ i s t a n c e ! 'It ~ ~ could involve an internationalist defence of the 'global environment'. . at the same time. anarchist. and for the same person. the Street Party . the truth of protestors' actions was both self-evident to them.far from being just anti-car . It could be associated with displays of ethical seriousness . senior police officers. It involved a few who had been involved in far-right organizations such as the BNP. the opposite was the case. noted one veteran of Greenham common.the evidence of the self. ecological or otherwise . and of England. government ministers. But for many protestors.24For it was by living on and off the land that the protestors had sought to demonstrate the complex connections between people and land. in a sense.is an explosion of our suppressed potential. on chaos theory. In this view.'[At Newbury] if you said you wanted to stop the bypass because of the Kennett [the local river] then you would be asked why you wanted to save [that] river'34 . 'an island race. 'the issues simply speak for themselves . and was to be made evident to others through self-evidence .was not site-specific enough. T h e object of protesting was not to construct a common identity around a single ideological project.25 For one commentator involved with the protest movement. the commissioned art .30 'To "reclaim the streets" is to act in defence of and for "common ground" . It would be tempting to think that the anti-road protest movement was marked by a clear ideological programme . are being sent invitations.28 'In one respect at least the [environmental direct action] movement is more like a religion than a political campaign: its origins are discrete'.35 Downloaded By: [Goldsmiths College] At: 12:56 5 August 2010 .merely in pointing things out you are being political'.'32 'We are'. but connections could also to be made to the work of the situationists or Michel Foucault. if anything. a celebration of our diversity and a chorus of voices of solidarity. but also. 'Some of the pagans are really right-wing. . implying perhaps a defence of the purity of nature. T h e idea that there should be a common political ideology was denied or resisted. construction company directors and of course anti-road activists. to attend the Flim-flam festival'. feminist. It was because. but also a nationalist rejection of European or global integration.which might be supported or opposed at this level.although intended to be site specific .nationalist.

after all. For. although there were many romantic anti-industrial elements in the protestors' discourse. in certain respects. According to one member of the Fairmile camp. If the subtle approach doesn't work then the blatant will. the road protest movement could accommodate a surprising range of views and practices. On the one hand. The result is a camp that works and looks good. the protests were not marked by displays of what might be termed political romanticism. of how to build a tree platform.which is not to say that everyone accepted or lived up to this norm. to display humour. than the practice and the ethos of non-violent civil disobedience. But.37 Indeed. different elements of the same person (cf. in the case of the road protest. to know how to look after oneself and others and to stay calm: to develop. What was required of the protestor according to the authors of T h e Battle's own guide to activism was less an adherence to highly theorized political programme. an intensely active form of passive behaviour . myself included. the everyday behaviour of protestors. their work within the camp. 'the consequences of [their] aestheticizing posture are always avoidable because the romantic is careful not to act. the road protests were thoroughly unromantic events. They were considered to be important for the protest. in particular.36It could draw in many different persons and.Andrew Barry: Demonstrations 83 Downloaded By: [Goldsmiths College] At: 12:56 5 August 2010 T h e diversity of expression involved here seems to have been important to its effectiveness. which was part of the A30 protest: Up-and-together camps usually carry a number of slackers and shirkers.41None the less. the movements and likely behaviour of police.39 Literature produced by the Third Battle of Newbury also placed emphasis on the practical and psychological demands made on the road protestor.they rarely last a week. and of what to do if one is arrested.38Themovement was united. the fantasy of a utopia-to-be did not generally divert attention from the practicalities and hazards of action in the present. Crucially this implied the acquisition of knowledge and skill: of the Criminal Justice Act. As Paul Hirst has argued. Exclusions of individuals from the road protests. no doubt. if anything. but also for the protestors. their dress and the particular character of exchanges with the police and other authorities were not incidental. sometimes . a tunnel or a bender. perhaps.40 But it also depended on the capacity to set one's own limits. but not so with the Fairmile . Singleton and Michael 1993). seem to have involved less questions of political ideology (although these did occur) than an adherence to the more mundane ethical codes which governed communal life. in not being dominated by a particular 'analysis' or line. for political romantics. and they are told where to go. emphasis added). less by an adherence to a body of doctrine than by a common belief in the necessity of direct action. Moreover. T h e romantic strikes political poses in a politically safe world of stabilized bourgeois norms' (Hirst 1990: 132. to open up communication with one's opponents. excessive displays of anger could mark the failure and the end of protest. Humour and parody were. T h e approach is subtle at first with camp-members working feverishly around the miscreant and offering them things to do until their inactivity becomes painful.

The sociological distinction between 'state' media and civil society which Negt and Kluge rely on does not do justice to the complexity of the position occupied and created by Downloaded By: [Goldsmiths College] At: 12:56 5 August 2010 . a critical role in the continual regeneration of a proletarian public sphere and the exploitation of the complex political opportunities and problems that develop from it. had become personal. through the activities of public institutions. Demonstrating in public today may involve some attention to ethics and the art of demonstration. in Hansen's terms.43A diffraction of an earlier feminist slogan. drawing them into the game of clowning. a demanding attention to an art of existence. in a certain sense. however. In an analysis of broadcast media. for example. living and working for long periods of camp was. that. or both. while Negt and Kluge's notion of a proletarian public sphere may be suggestive.84 Economy and Society the best weapons to contest the authority of the authorities. A woman protestor helps the security men to write the lyrics to their own protest song. or simply historically specific to the German 1970s. experimental and independent media occupy. a distinction which broadly corresponds to one in which political and cultural life is governed either from 'above'. a way of transforming themselves . Being a protestor required. through their everyday life.42A pantomime cow breaches the line of security men at Newbury in order to get arrested.* Perhaps. As Miriam Hansen observes. T h e example of the road protests suggests. 'in the fissures. How do electronic and photographic media figure in the conduct of a political demonstration? Does the development of electronic media necessarily lead to an overproduction of information in which any sense of the point of the action is lost? What place do new media technologies have in appositional forms of demonstration? In considering the importance of electronic media to political movements. at least for some. and yet emerge.whether 'practically' or 'spiritually'. through the experience of subjects themselves. or from below. In their book Public Sphere and Experience (1972) they draw a distinction between a bourgeois and a proletarian public sphere. It is that complex set of spaces which are both suppressed in the interests of government. in principle at least. overlaps and interstices of a nonlinear historical process' (Hansen 1993: xxxi). In this context. many critical accounts have tended to posit a distinction between official or corporate mass media and radical media. the 'proletarian' public is not so much an empirical category in Negt and Kluge's work as a category of negation. one model is suggested by Oskar Negt and Alexander Kluge. the political. Another tickles climbers trying to drag her from a tree: 'does this tickle your conscience?' On the other hand. But it also requires an attention to the electronic media which may be used to witness and to monitor a demonstration taking place. their bimodal model of experimental and independent media and state media is too crude. according to Negt and Kluge.

however imperfectly developed (Barry 1995). but in the capacity of news reporters continually to update their account on the basis of 'live' coverage. and the presence of technology. In these circumstances events are likely to occur offcamera: '[where the press were kept out] various incidents took place including two women being sexually assaulted and one man being stretched by his waist on a steel cable and left for over 30 minutes'. 1995: 487). To be sure. 'The frightening extent of the media's monopoly on the public's consciousness has been demonstrated in their ability to put public opinion on our side!'45 But for others the presence of corporate media is to be welcomed: 'If I wrote a letter to my MP would you lot be here. Then transmitting them using a modem and a mobile phone to the Evening Standard in London although he hasn't spoken to them yet. by the capacity to transmit it rapidly at a distance. the market value of which is determined. be gathered from all sides. but an achievement of a certain form of institutionalized subjectivity. fairly well-defined. 1. have necessarily recognized (cf. Reporting in the manner of public service news media may be too time consuming and costly. and immediately. T h e presence of the news media places a premium on news management. A30 protest. Evidence must. nor was it a distinction which protestors themselves would. T h e reporter is expected to maintain a position in the middle of the action. yet report the action as if she were not there .Andrew Barry: Demonstrations 85 media institutions.30pm 24 January 1997).49 Yet if this method of telling the truth about a public event is well-developed and its strengths and weaknesses have been extensively interrogated. but to direct observation as Consider the following: Downloaded By: [Goldsmiths College] At: 12:56 5 August 2010 A freelance photographer (Peter MacDiarmid) with a Power Mac and a digital camera is editing and selecting photos directly on the screen in the middle of a field.they don't want bad publicity' ( I T N reporter. did not influence the course of events$8 even when she is aware of her influence. for all sides. from the eviction of Fairmile camp. for many protestors the relation to the mass media was an ambivalent one. in principle. well would T h e form in which public broadcast news media are able to witness a demonstration is. and the ethical commitment of the reporter to impartiality and truth. One or . 'The action is going to be slow because the police have learnt the lessons of Newbury .as if her presence. T h e truth of news is not underpinned by the development of a complex multi-layered account of events.47T h e capacity of broadcast news media to report the truth is based not just on technical achievement. commercial media may be able to deploy technological resources unavailable to the protestors and publish reports or images of events without ever witnessing events in person. in this instance. T h e image of a demonstration is a commodity. In so doing. Barry et al. Distant from the events. commercial media can abandon the ethical commitment of public service broadcast media not just to impartiality. For many independent media the act of witnessing a demonstration is a commercial activity. the existence of independent commercial media does not guarantee the production of any other form of representation. of course. in part.

86 Economy and Society two freelancers with less sophisticated equipment cluster round to have a look. working for corporate media organizations such as the BBC was not. Jay. however limited. in which a premium is not put on the values of impartiality and immediacy. 'If you are using your camcorder at actions and community events. A30 protest) O n the other hand. or make it on to mainstream TV' (from statement by Undercurrents 'alternative news service'). compromised. at some financial cost to himself. Political demonstration was an exercise in publicity. Andrew. nor often desirable. as well as representing events which might otherwise be unreported. they had a role in providing a vehicle for communication between different actions. But what of the role of small-scale non-professional media? Certainly.40am 24 January 1997 from my diary the morning after police and security came to evict protestors from Fairmile camp. makes a low-budget film for BBC2 for an independent production company. Liz. (8. . 'independent' radical political media may be predictable and financially exploitative. within which it is possible for a larger audience to witness a demonstration. T h e resources available from either public and private corporations can. For such organizations could provide a space. understanding events only in the terms of their own predetermined 'analysis' and failing to pay a proper wage for the work of reporting: 'There shouldn't be a magazine which represents the road protestors. a road protestor herself and an employee of BBC local radio. in itself. in principle. to return constantly to the protest camps over a period of a year. impressed. media professionals working for national private or public media may be able to produce more complex accounts of the events.^' O n the other hand. perhaps. a freelance photographer working for the Observer and the Guardian. . On the contrary. At the bottom of the hill a protester (Pixie Pete) is sitting in a van with a CB radio which he can communicate with another CB in the tunnel system two hundred yards away in which five protestors had managed to escape into when the police and security came to evict them the previous night. Red Pepper [a socialist magazine associated with the new left] still babbles on about a red-green coalition which has no touch with real it^'. 'Absolute independence' may be neither necessary. 'It has been the Downloaded By: [Goldsmiths College] At: 12:56 5 August 2010 . another freelance reporter hoping to write a feature for the Observer. in a different way. please contact us because your footage could make it onto Undercurrents as complete film or part of a film. is able. and the restrictions that these place on what can and cannot be said and witnessed. In considering the position of such professionals the distinction between 'independent' and 'state' media is a problematic one. be used to defend people in court. On the one hand. spends some days living in a tunnel at a camp but is sure to sell her story only when the eviction at the camp occurs which makes it possible to turn her experience into the background feature for a news item. provide the conditions within which other kinds of technical practice and ethical commitment are possible. . thus gaining much closer access to the everyday work of the protestors.

it seems. available on the internet and in hard copy and edited by different groups in rotation. It involves the development of instruments with which the truth can be made visible. with all the costs and benefits. T h e public presentation of political demonstration through the (impartial) gaze of television may. strengths and weaknesses. as a clash of parties. observation and presentation second to none' (emphasis added)'. It is difficult even when the technical and financial resources are readily to hand. propaganda was less obviously so. On the other hand. At Newbury.52But if accurate reporting and information was important. the role of institutionalized environmental organizations such as Friends of the Earth was a problematic one. O n the one hand. the FOE networks were intended to be ordered and centred. televisual news and current affairs may simply avoid engaging with the complexity of what . the accuracy of its research should combine with a quality of writing. displacing the position of the less wellresourced direct action organization T h e Third Battle of Newbury. The claims articulated through (political) demonstration might simply be seen as a manifestation of certain limited social interests or narrow political ideologies. In thinking about the role of political demonstrations in telling the truth it is tempting to engage in a form of sociological reduction. Its position was clear. In this way they can operate to effect changes in policy in a manner unavailable to those engaged in direct action.Andrew Barry: Demonstrations 87 Downloaded By: [Goldsmiths College] At: 12:56 5 August 2010 primary concern to Squall that. Telling the truth is always going to be a difficult matter. despite being a voluntary "underground" magazine with very limited resources. T h e gradual emergence of the statistical and ethnographic methods of the social sciences in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries is another. T h e direct action movement. the FOEoffices in London could operate as an effective instrument of news management and publicity. For. It requires work to set up a site where the truth can be demonstrated.'53 In comparison. 'There are no leaders (although there are many individuals who are ready to stamp on emerging ones) and no single philosophy other than that in the slogan itself. Schnews operated as an information sheet. encourage such a reductive exercise. T h e history of scientific laboratories can be viewed as a history of ways in which such problems have been addressed. that this particular set of solutions to the production of truth has involved. such organizations have highly developed networks of contacts with the mass media and the institutions of political administration. Nor was there an attempt to use alternative media to direct the movement from the centre. in so far as they treat political disputes impartially. And the Earth First! Action Update acted primarily as an information resource for the direct action movement. It requires the appropriate witnesses to be present. it was FOEwho produced regular press releases on the course of the action. perhaps. By contrast to those formed through the practices of direction. ideologies or interests. was marked by a remarkable effort to prevent organization or hierarchy emerging.

comes simply to see different claims as instruments of the interests of different political actors or the manifestation of a certain kind of subculture. Witnesses were always gentlemen. This need not be the case. Tom Osborne's work (1998) on the importance of ethics to science. however limited. along with some other recent forms of direct action. in the sense that the protests could not so easily be reduced to a certain political logic or social interest. However. See McKay (1996) for one survey. the anti-road protests. Bourdieu's work ends up being both ahistorical and sociologically reductive in its approach (cf. 'In the medieval schools anatomy was taught by the physician's reading aloud from the text while the barber surgeon performed the dissection. and to the ethics of protest. . I draw here extensively on her unpublished discussion of the public sphere (Bell 1995). An ethical rather than a moral stance is implied here because the fact of what is witnessed should not be pre-judged on moral grounds. no doubt for bad as well as good reasons. as an indicator of the decline in the possibility of telling the truth. Their success. O n the other hand. however imperfectly and momentarily. along with the broadcaster.88 Economy and Society Downloaded By: [Goldsmiths College] At: 12:56 5 August 2010 is being demonstrated about: in this case. to reveal something which would have been otherwise unknown to otherss4 Notes 1 See Hawkins and Silverman who explore the complex history of the term in mathematics. perhaps what was striking about the demonstrations against roadbuilding was the extent to which such reductive accounts were always not so easy to make. For by developing an inventive form of demonstration. 3 It both produced and reproduced distinctions of class and gender. 2 See. nor was it the case here. Osborne 1997). medicine and experimental science. T h e viewer. A dispersion of political and intellectual activity is sometimes labelled as postmodern. T h e objects of the road protest came to be taken seriously. Directing attention to the object involved an extraordinary attention to the technical practice of demonstration. and along with a certain kind of sociologist. but there was also present a "demonstrator" or "ostensor" whose task it was to point out the organs as the physician read about them' (Hawkins and Silverman 1995: 39). Technicians and assistants were invisible (Shapin 1994: 355-407). 4 Road building was one of a number of different objects of direct action in the mid1990s. In a double sense. involved a dispersion of politics. Action took place not so much at certain centres of political authority. it was possible. in telling the truth about what was happening to the land was itself a product and a manifestation of this dispersion. T h e pessimistic Habermasian view that a concern with style and news management has come to triumph over a concern with substance may often be borne out. but in a diverse set of sites. the road protests were dispersed. sites which themselves have to be made into places of political activity. the relations of people and land. On the one hand. in particular. Notwithstanding the importance of this analysis. political activity was spatially dispersed. Pierre Bourdieu makes the question of the relation between class and the disinterested ethical stance the primary focus of his sociology of the intellectual field. 5 On Green and Habermas many thanks to Vikki Bell.

13 'Representational spaces. of private finance for public infrastructure projects.org/newbury/. . embodying complex symbolism. what right they had to disrupt the building of a road. 'And without the right to protest we [women] would not have the vote' (BBC2 Newsnight 30 January 1997). 14 For example. in the wielding of the decision making process. shifting the emphasis from issues of actual costs and benefits towards removing barriers to implementation' (Richardson 1995: 107). Compare this with the Oskar Negt and Alexander Kluge observation of the tendency of Marxist parties to talk of the need to 'learn from defeats'. 10 The correspondent for the conservative broadsheet the Daily Telegraph wrote extremely positively about the Newbury protest. 12 In a keynote address to the conference on 'creating successful public/private partnerships in trans-European Transport Networks'. except during the final moments when protestors were evicted from the Fairmile camp. Habermas ~rovidesan account of origins of the environmental " movement in the context of an account of the distinction between the system and the lifeworld (Habermas 1987). important road protest sites. Many of the limitations of this account are examined by Goldblatt (1996: 112-53). 'At the EC level. We have put forward the inclusion in the UK section of theTrans-European Road Network those routes which we consider of strategic importance to international road traffic' (speech. The result is an overwhelming case for the ubiquity of TENs. sometimes coded. IETT conference 30April1996). fuelled by the political and economic and political objectives of integration and the single market. see Roseneil(1995). see Tonkiss (1996). sometimes not. they note.apc. she replied that there was a right to protest.gn. assisting the free movement of goods and people. Clara Zetkin. 9 By contrast the parallel action at the A30 bypass which I discuss later was not covered extensively in the press. The remaining national dailies relied on reports from the Press Association reporter. Even then only one journalist from a national daily paper (the Guardian's South-West England correspondent) covered the A30 action directly. such as the A30 protest near Honiton in Devon. . 'The adoption of the TENs Guidelines will help bring about a good quality European road network which will be of substantial benefit to commerce and industry. see CEC (1994). Jeremy Paxman. For maps of the European road network that developed out of the TENS proposal. Integration interests have dominated throughout: in the argumentation. in some specific locations trees were decorated with ribbons and banners (Interviews. the TEN decision making process is biased heavily towards building infrastructure. yet had been uninterested in an earlier Drotest along the route of M1 1 which took lace in a Door outer suburb of London. in the setting of boundaries. Whether the development of such networks will be of benefit to the citizens of the Community is unclear. The Commission's position in relation to the Newbury bypass was complex since it supported the protestors' claims that there had not been a proper environmental impact assessment. . linked to the clandestine or underground side of social life' (Lefebvre 1991: 33). 15 An association to the suffragettes was also explicitly made by one protestor in a T V interview following the end of the A30 road protest discussed earlier. 11 The Transport minister Mr Watts made this clear. were less visible at a national level for much of their duration until the moment at which the protestors were evicted. When asked by the interviewer. ended her Downloaded By: [Goldsmiths College] At: 12:56 5 August 2010 . Other . . 16 Quotation from the protest web site http://www. Earlier in his speech to the conference Mr Kinnock had extolled the virtues.Andrew Barry: Demonstrations 89 6 In his later work. see Butler (1996). 8 On the M1 l action. On the policy of funding public projects through private finance. On the Greenham Common action. and the necessity. 7 'To re-site the political is to recognize the multiple terrains and spaces producing and produced by politics' (Dean 1997: 2). Brussels 27 February 1996. Newbury bypass 20 August 1996). According to one commentator.

5 September 1996. Daily Telegraph. 'Landscape is a process in so far as men and women attempt to realize in the foreground what can only be a potentiality and for the most part in the background. 22 Bruno Latour draws a contrast between what he calls ecologization and modernization. Ecologization does not mean the taking into account of everything. Nick and I arrive exhausted at the Fairmile at 3am to be met by two protestors on patrol. The eviction is expected at any time over the next few days. 18 In contemporary politics this often involves references to the Diggers or the Levellers. with the words: 'And if I demand of the congress that it undertake a thorough and conscientious examination of both theory and tactics in the March action. 26 Interview with George Monbiot. London. 17 On the use of the metaphor of war in radical extra-parliamentary politics. Modernization involves a process of splitting off scientific questions about 'nature' from social and political questions. Compare this with David Owen's argument: 'we should note that such substantive communities [of judgement] are Downloaded By: [Goldsmiths College] At: 12:56 5 August 2010 . 25 January 1997). for defeats too can be fruitful if they are defeats of the proletarian masses in the face of a superior enemy' (quoted in Negt and Kluge 1972: 244). 27 February 1997. . where we meet four of the protestors. I am demanding this out of conviction that our analysis must be: an arming for new and severe struggles. But at 9pm in need of a change we go to a pub in Ottery St Mary. 23 Interview with Clare Patey. 24 We might compare this with the case of the Richard Serra's site-specific sculpture Tilted Arc which was finally removed from its site in New York precisely because of the way that its site specificity implied a political challenge to the New York city government (Weyergraf-Serra and Buskirk 1991). 19 'Andrew. Richard Hering and others. much contemporary environmental protest is directed at what is perceived as the reality of environmental damage rather than any notion of potential risk (Goldblatt 1996: 183). London. irrespective of either defeat or victory. 21 As Steven Goldblatt observes. a village a couple of miles away. Foreground actuality and background potentiality exist in a process of mutual implication' (Hirsch 1995: 22). 27 For discussions of this point. Later I learned that the police began eviction at that time because their surveillance cameras had picked up a significant number of 'protestors' leaving the camp for the village. after the failure of the March initiative.90 Economy and Society speech at the congress of the Third International in 1921. The next day we sit round the fire talking. George Monbiot. . Julia. Rather it is a matter of taking care of the complexity of assemblages of humans. London. Andrew Testa. see Blain (1994). . note. which is the name of a rock band which has been closely associated with opposition to the Criminal Justice Bill and with the anti-road protest movement. We rush back to find the camp surrounded by fifty police and illuminated by searchlights and torches' (from my field diary 24 January 1997). The tactical surprise that the police had achieved was one of the main themes of the Sheriff of Devon's press conference at the camp site. 25 Eric Hirsch has argued for the need to challenge the view (derived from the idea of the landscape painting) that landscape should be thought of as a fixed backdrop. machines and nature (Latour 1995). my thanks to Julia Guest. criticizing Beck's and Giddens's fixation with the specific issue of risk. 20 My thanks to George Myerson for suggesting the connection between the anti-road protests and the Great War. An hour later the word comes that the police and baliffs have moved in. Andrew's been working as a freelance covering the protests for the Observer and the Guardian for many months and we're let in to the camp and offered tea. and one of the main stories told about the events in the national press and radio coverage the day after the eviction ('Police raid camp as bypass protestors spend dole at pub'. 28 Interview with George Monbiot.

40 One commentator drew an ironic comparison between proposed official policies to Downloaded By: [Goldsmiths College] At: 12:56 5 August 2010 . and had been a teenager when she was involved in the Greenham Common action.hrc. an emphasis on action rather than ideology has been a feature of contemporary gay activism in New York. Patrick Wright traces a link between right-wing ecological politics of pre-war Britain and the 'postmodern' politics of the 1960s.wmin. 39 From the A30 protest web site http://jay. T h e romantic strikes the political poses in the politically safe world of stabilized bourgeois norms. 'The consequences of the political romantic's aestheticizing posture are always avoidable because the romantic is careful not to act. commented that this was a significant difference between Greenham and the road protests. written doctrine had little importance in informing protestors of how they should act or what thev should do. to varying degrees.FAIRMILE. but the existence of some traditional forms of sexual division of labour persisted and was perhaps.ac. The relative marginality of feminism to the environmental direct action movement in comparison to the protests of an earlier generation was noted and regretted by some women. 24 January 1997. chair of the Dorset Campaign for the Preservation of Rural England. 30 In the case of the Land is Ours campaign. Although it may be argued that 'teds' or 'punks' formed something like a subculture. 36 Although there were a number of writers who supported and wrote sympathetically about the movement (such as George Monbiot and JohnVidal of the Guardian). George McKay's (1996) analysis of the road-protest movement as part of a broader 'subculture' of resistance which can be traced back to the hippies and to punk glosses over the diversity of the movements involved. no doubt. For all political ideologies contain. 37 As Hirst notes. Unlike the protest at Greenham Common in the early 1980s there seems to have been little interest in developing singlesex action. I am doubtful about whether one can talk of the extraordinary range of individuals and institutions involved in these terms.Andrew Barry: Demonstrations 91 contingent contextual constructs which form to address specific issues and dissolve into other communities and coalitions as struggles transform the terrain of struggle . the question of "who are we?" [thus] remains an open arena of contestation' (Owen 1995: 503). draw their strength from more or less well-articulated political ideologies. Devon. Autumn 1996.uk/J's Joint/texts. Flim-flam Events was a series of performances and 'art' events organized by the protestors which took place during the same period as the Artbypass event organized by Friends of the Earth discussed above. nd. 31 Quoted in Squall 14. . mimeo. My concern in this essay is with the question of the tactics and ethics of demonstration. in part. Squall was one of number of magazines and newspapers written by those involved in or sympathetic to environmental direct action. Oxford. Outside that world one pays the price for one's actions' (Hirst 1990: 132).html. 33 The failures of government Environmental Impact Assessment procedures were identified by Friends of the Earth. Whatever its occasional insights. an ethical element and ethical judgements may. tolerated. 34 Interview. One documentary film-maker who was contributing to a documentary of the A30 protest. 14 Aueust 1996. According to Aronowitz (1995). their own complex relations to history. 1996. 29 George Monbiot. Rolf Gardiner. . 38 T h e distinction is certainly a difficult one to make. 'had metamorphosed the "new order" he had once imagined with the pre-Nazi German youth movement into the "postmodern" New Age he would announce [in 19681 in a harvest-thanks-giving sermon' (Wright 1995: 266). who also noted that a few road protestors had been members of the far-right British National Party (BNP). Excessively disruptive behaviour or sexual harrassment were reasons why people were excluded from the road protest camps. 35 Press release from Flim-Ram Events. and their diverse relations to authority. 32 According to one veteran of the M1 1 protest.

'Is it tickling your conscience' she remarked. In principle. trying to counter the pessimism of Adorno and the early Habermas. Hall's account tended to stress the importance of the politics of reception at the expense of the politics U " 2 Downloaded By: [Goldsmiths College] At: 12:56 5 August 2010 2 > . On the site of the A30 bypass one protestor (Laura) remarked to me that they were there 'not for a fight [but] to make a stand. 36: 1. 42 This did not mean that all the protests were non-violent or that all the protestors were calm all of the time. For Hall the literal meaning of the sign acted primarily to provide an alibi for other ideological connotations. to make a statement'.: 134). Perhaps it was all too easy. the frustation of protestors led to violence causing. despite Hall's intentions. it must be said. the connotation of the televisual sign is underdetermined and open to a multiplicity of possible readings. Here is a genuine cadet force run without leaders. arts of existence are 'those intentional or voluntary actions by which men not only set themselves rules of conduct. for example. but not determined or closed. 41 See Third Battle of Newbury (1996). Shortly before we spoke another woman had been tickling a sheriff's officer who had being trying to remove her from a tree. As distinct from the passive forms of activity which have often been seen as a feature of contemporary consumer culture (see Slater 1996). Negt and Huge were.a cross between Community Service Volunteers. but also seek to transform themselves in their singular being. however. According to Foucault. On the one hand. among other things. 1995: 486). 'Besides. to lose sight of the practicality and immediacy of politics:~what~issues are important at this time?what problems should be addressed now? where should the attention of government be directed:) (cf. see Osborne (1998). leadership and wit. VS0 and Operation Raleigh. But such an emphasis on the ideological connotations had two limitations. Guardian 15 January 1997). for example. according to the contractors. In practice. In this respect. Not all. pass with honours' UohnVidal 'The scum also rises'. on a shoestring budget. initiative training. although acting as a corrective to the economism of some forms of critical media analvsis. Even on this occasion. 47 Work in media studies has tended to follow the work of Stuart Hall and others and to view the 'objectivity' and 'impartiality' of television news media as alibi for other ideological messages. Daily Telegraph 25 January 1997). 45 Earth Ftrst! actron update. E100. by the classifications of 'the dominant cultural order' (ibid. Foucault's contrast between the moralism (associated with many forms of political doctrine) and the ethical practices and 'arts of existence' seems appropriate here. In the year after the main confrontations between security and protestors took place at Newbury. anger was intermixed with a sense of carnival: 'we had a great time' (Robin). Hall's Barthesian interest in the denotation and connotation of the sign was accompanied by a failure to interrogate the capacity of the media to inform. hard work. 44 In arguing thus. his analysis reproduced the more general neglect of the production of truth within the Saussurean tradition of semiotics. it would become fixed. Barry et al. In order to interrogate the ideological character of television. self-discipline. the road protests could hardly be bettered . where the coin is self-respect.92 Economy and Society develop a sense of discipline in the young with the 'training' provided in the road protest camps. It was in the struggle over the associative meanings of the sign that the real political struggle occurred. in a way which was structured. 46 Swampy talking to T V cameras on his emergence from the tunnels of Fairmile road protest camp (BBC2 Newsnzght). February 1997. Stuart Hall drew on Barthes' distinction between the 'literal' meaning of the sign (denotation) and the 'the more associative meaning of the sign which it is possible to generate (connotation)' (Hall 1980: 133). On Foucault's distinction between morality and ethics.OOO-worth of damage (Observer 12 January. The tickling incident was reported in the national press and broadcast media (see. 43 See Third Battle of Newbury (1996). Guardian 29 January 1997). as youth training. and to make their life into an oeuvre that carries certain aesthetic values and meets certain stylistic criteria' (Foucault 1985: 1611). Second.

Cambridge: Polity. Green. no doubt as a marker of distinction from the mass media some higher-brow and high-class forms of news reporting deliberately show the presence of ranks of reporters. Goldsmiths College. Habermas. London'. Economy and Society 24(4): 485-8. Vol. multiply the possibilities for errors of fact. in C. Discourse 17(2): 67-98. (1971) Toward a Rational Society. Dean.Journal of Material Culture l(3): 337-64. -(1996) The artbypass. London: Heinemann. of course. Brussels: CEC. Mobility on the Trans-European Road Network. 51 Interview with Andrew Testa. Downloaded By: [Goldsmiths College] At: 12:56 5 August 2010 References Aronowitz. B. London: FOE. May 1997. . Directorate General for Transport'. final report.org. (1994) 'Power. Motorway Working Group. (1994-5) 'From visible flaneuse to spectacular suffragette? The prison. trans. Barry. V. The ethical commitment of the reporter to the truth may of course be very imperfect. (1995) 'Against the liberal state: ACT-UP and the emergence of postmodern politics'.uk/campaigns/ef/ef/html. Seidman (eds) Social Postmodernism: Beyond Identity Politics. London: Routledge. the street and the site of suffrage'. Theory and Society 23: 805-37.wmin. 53 From the Earth First! web site http://www. M. London: FOE. (1995) 'Reporting and visualising'. T McCarthy. Juglio Etchard and Andrew Testa. the tower and the shaman: the material culture of resistance of the No M1 1 Links roads protests of Wanstead and Leytonstone. B. however. Butler. if the demonstration is going to have any effect.(1987) Theory of Communicative Action. Harmondsworth: Penguin. (1998) 'Real time'.) Visual Culture. (1995) 'The public sphere'. CEC (1994) 'Transport Infrastructure Committee. Squall 14. reporting on the court cases following the Fairmile eviction (actionupdate@gn. CUCR working paper. 50 Distant observation does. The presence of reliable witnesses is essential. The police reckoned the camp was relatively deserted after we had been spotted leaving the camp by police surveillance cameras an hour before. (1995) . Autumn 1996. (1996) 'The tree. N. and Rose. S. Blain. 49 From Earth First! action update email edition. M. Cambridge: Polity. J. In part. For the conduct of a demonstration. 52 'The state we're in: a notice to readers'. . V. 54 For their practical support thanks to Richard Hering. Friends of the Earth (1995) End of the Road: Managing Newbury's TrafJic to Reduce Congestion and Pollution without a Western Bypass.). Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press. My thanks to Georgie Born for this observation. Jenks (ed. J. in L. London. Bell. 2: Llfeworld and System: A Critique of Functionalist Reason.Andrew Barry: Demonstrations 93 of production. the politics of production are of critical importance. (1985) The History of Sexuality Vol. April 1997.ac. Goldblatt. A. unpublished lecture. 2: The Use of Pleasure. (1996) Soczal Theory and the Environment.apc. Goldsmiths College. VII/691/94. Foucault. half a dozen protestors and myself missed the precise moment when the police came in to evict the Fairmile camp. London: Sage. 'Introduction: alternative political imaginations'.Bell. ---. Nicholson and S. microphones and cameramen in their reports. war and melodrama in the discourses of political movements'. D.) (1997) Feminism and the New Democracy. Three freelance photographers. 48 Not always. and to Sam Ashenden and the reviewers for Economy and Society for their comments on the paper. (ed.

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