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Africa Must Unite PDF
Africa Must Unite PDF
KWAME N K R U M A H
F R E D E R I C K A. P R A E G E R , Publisher
New York
BOOKS TH A T M ATTER
Published in the U nited States of America in 1963
by Frederick A. Praeger, Inc., Publisher
64 U niversity Place, New York 3, N.Y.
A ll rights reserved
(1900-1959)
an d to
the A frican N ation
th a t m ust be
C O N TE N TS
page
In tro d u ctio n ix
i T h e African Background 1
2 T h e Colonial Im p rin t 9
3 Colonial P a tte rn of Economics 20
4 Society U n d e r Colonialism 32
5 T h e Intellectual V an g u ard 43
6 Freedom First 50
7 Achieving our Sovereignty 57
8 Problem s o f G overnm ent 66
9 B ringing U n ity in G h an a 72
10 O u r G h an aian C onstitution 79
11 T h e A dm inistrative In stru m en t 87
12 R econstruction a n d D evelopm ent 97
13 T ow ards Econom ic Independence 107
14 Building Socialism in G h an a 118
15 T ow ards African U n ity 132
16 Some A ttem pts a t U nification 141
Econom ic a n d Political In te g ratio n : A frica’s N eed 150
18 Neo-colonialism in Africa 173
19 Africa in W orld Affairs 194
20 Exam ples o f M ajor U nions of States 205
21 C ontinental G overnm ent for A frica 216
In d ex 223
I N T R O D U C T I O N
TH E AFRICA N B A C K G R O U N D
TH E COLONIAL IM PR IN T
CO LO N IA L PA TTER N OF E C O N O M IC S
TH E I N T E L L E C T U A L VA NG UA RD
F R E E D O M FIRST
Azikiwe’s West African Pilot prep ared the ground for the in
dependence m ovem ent in N igeria.
These, an d other newspapers, have undoubtedly helped in
the spread of A frican nationalism . T hey have em phasized the
need for ‘freedom first5 an d then developm ent. I f we are to
banish colonialism utterly from our continent, every African
m ust be m ade aw are of his p a rt in the struggle. Freedom
involves the u n tiring efforts of every one engaged in the struggle
for it. T h e vast A frican m ajority m ust be accepted as the basis of
governm ent in Africa.
C H A P T E R S E VE N
A C H IE V IN G OU R S O V E R E IG N T Y
new state. This was a most dangerous situation and a lim itation
upon our pow er as a fully independent G overnm ent th a t we
could not accept. I t would have am ounted to the exclusion of
A shanti from the sphere of G h a n a ’s sovereignty. I t was u n
thinkable we should lay ourselves open to this possibility and so
endanger the future of the country.
O bserving the provisions of the constitution, w hich set out th at
R egional Assemblies ‘shall be established by act of Parliam ent in
a n d for each R egion’, I nam ed a commission of inquiry to
exam ine the m eans by which they should be set up and the most
efficient m ethods for their conduct. T h e commission took some
tim e m aking its considerations and reporting back, and m ean
tim e we proceeded in P arliam ent w ith other, m ore urgent
m atters. A m ong these, regional needs were well to the forefront,
an d I am certain th a t the developm ent schemes we have
introduced so far in each of the Regions go far beyond anything
th a t w ould have been accom plished if left solely to local
initiative.
O ld-established democracies are equipped for wide de
centralization. T hey possess skilled an d experienced local bodies
to carry out urgent developm ent tasks th a t would otherwise be
the concern of the central G overnm ent. A new country, where
there is strong national b u t lim ited local leadership and vigour,
cannot afford to gam ble on the ability or incom petence of a
regional body to develop its Region. A new country needs to
initiate central nation-w ide planning fitting the required
activities of each R egion into the over-all program m e. I t cannot
allow the program m e to be held up by a dilatory or backw ard or
obstructive R egional Assembly. Provision m ust natu rally be
m ade for local authorities w ith powers to carry out local develop
m ent projects in co-operation w ith or under the guidance of the
central G overnm ent. W e suggested this to the British during our
constitutional negotiations, b u t they insisted on the creation of
R egional Assemblies w ith powers wide enough to im pinge on
those o f the central G overnm ent, and w ith tight safeguards
m aking m odification virtually impossible. T he only thing they
failed to do was to include a date by w hich the Assemblies were
to be established, and this was the loophole th a t we used to allay
the tensions in the country and prepare the ground for the
A C H I E V I N G OUR S O V E R E I G N T Y 65
rem oval o f w hat we regarded as an obstructive m echanism in the
w ay of our developm ent.
By the tim e the commission of inquiry into the setting up of
R egional Assemblies h a d m ade its report an d the Assemblies
were established, the strides w hich the country was m aking in all
directions an d the m ood of the people h a d b rought most of the
chiefs to a recognition of the sincerity o f the G overnm ent and
its developm ent aims. Even the A santehene began to show
a startling change in a ttitu d e , an d I know th a t he is now
com pletely identified w ith our independence an d shares the
hopes an d aspirations of the new G hana. In this atm osphere of
n ational unity, the new ly-created R egional Assemblies m et and
voted themselves out of existence. T h ro u g h the constitutional
procedure, w hich we faithfully followed, the instrum ents were
elim inated w hich the British h a d devised to keep us divided and
backw ard. T h e establishm ent an d dissolution of the R egional
Assemblies opened the w ay to constitutional changes in other
directions.
CHAPT E R EIGHT
PROBLEMS OF G O V ER N M EN T
B R IN G IN G U N IT Y IN GHANA
O U R GHANAIAN C O N S T IT U T IO N
U .S .O .M ., U .N .T .A .B ., F .A .O ., W .H .O ., b u t since we are
having to com pete w ith so m any other bidders, we have h a d to
apply also to private quarters. Even there, the dem ands are too
heavy to leave an am ple supply of best quality people. In order
to secure even the m inim um of well-qualified technicians we are
having to offer term s of service w hich m ake developm ent for us
disproportionately costly. M oney w hich we could otherwise
spend on m ore basic requirem ents has to go, for exam ple, into
housing and other am enities for foreign personnel. These w ould
be m atters for private provision if we were able to recruit the
same people locally. T hey are, m oreover, requirem ents w hich
create precedents th a t our own people dem and w hen they come
to take over posts form erly held by expatriates. W e are trying to
establish m ore realistic standards of service for our local people
in governm ent em ploy, though we have m et a certain am ount of
resistance.
I do appreciate th a t in a m arket w here m any are com peting,
we have to m ake our term s of service to expatriates as inviting as
we can, even though they place an additional strain upon our
far from unlim ited resources. Y et I fe e la strong sense of injustice
in th a t we lately-colonial countries are forced to bear such addi
tional burdens through the fact of th a t very backwardness in
w hich we were kept by the countries w hich have m ade their
industrial progress to a large extent out of us. I t is these same
im perialist powers who are reaping another harvest today by
providing the m achinery, equipm ent, m anagem ent, consultants
an d personnel w hich are the requisites of our reconstruction.
C apital investm ent, too, we have to seek abroad. T here has
n ot been developed in Africa even th a t bourgeois accum ulation
of \vealth based upon landholding, trade, com m erce a n d in
dustry w hich has arisen to some extent in some unadvanced
countries in Asia, let alone the accum ulation out of which Europe
financed its industrial revolution. This I think can be attrib u ted
in a m easure to the fact th a t the British banking firms which
operated here were essentially banks of exchange and looked
unfavourably upon the dispensing of credit to A frican entre
preneurs. This attitu d e was upheld by the fact th a t our system of
lan d tenure does not encompass individual ownership offreehold.
W hen it came to the question of the provision of collateral against
R EC ON ST RU C TI ON AND D E V E L O P M E N T 99
m ake a profit, has nothing to do w ith aid. This does not m ean th at
a developing country m ay not find it advantageous to m ake a
contract w ith a foreign com pany for the setting up of, say, a
factory or an industry.
R eal aid is som ething quite different. I t consists of direct gifts
or loans th a t are given on favourable term s and w ithout strings
attached.
In other words, the problem is how to obtain capital-invest-
m ent an d still keep it under sufficient control to prevent undue
exploitation; and how to preserve integrity and sovereignty
w ithout crippling economic or political ties to any country,
bloc or system.
W e have h ad enough of E uropean m onopoly dom ination of
our economy. W e have em ancipated ourselves politically, and
we have now to shake off the economic m onopoly th a t was the
objective of foreign political control. This is the crux of our
econom ic policy, an d the essential h e a rt of our endeavours. For
unless we atta in econom ic freedom , our struggle for independ
ence will have been in vain, and our plans for social an d cultural
advancem ent frustrated. H ence we are extrem ely vigilant in
scenting out the subtle and insidious infiltrations of neo
colonialism an d the sabotage of foreigners enjoying our hospi
tality and the privilege of building economic enterprises in our
m idst. In furtherance of our goal o f unshackling ourselves
from foreign economic dom ination, we are creating agencies
which will assist in breaking through this alien m onopoly and
stim ulate capital accum ulation for re-em ploym ent in w ider
developm ent.
A country’s capital is, of course, also to be found in its body of
technical, scientific an d m anagerial knowledge, as well as in its
productive capacity. In these fields we have to acknowledge
deficiencies w hich we know it will take tim e to wipe out. M ore
over, the low rate of productivity makes our labour, in spite of
the relatively small wages it receives, quite expensive. A t the
present tim e, low nutrition, a deficient sense of responsibility, the
fear of being out of work, govern the rate at w hich work is p er
form ed. These factors are the environm ental effects of historical
circum stances. T rib al controls an d taboos followed by the au to
cratic paternalism of colonialism have held in leash the sense of
R EC ON ST RU C TI ON AND D E V EL O P M E NT IO3
W h e n I s a t d o w n w i t h m y p a r t y c o ll e a g u e s a fte r i n d e p e n d e n c e
t o e x a m i n e o u r u r g e n t p r io r it ie s , w e f r a m e d a s h o r t lis t. W e m u s t
a b o li s h p o v e r t y , ig n o r a n c e , i l li t e r a c y a n d im p r o v e o u r h e a lt h
s e r v ic e s . T h e s e w e r e d ir e c t a n d s im p le o b j e c t iv e s n o t e x a c t l y
a m e n a b l e to le g i s l a t io n . I n o u r s i t u a t io n t h e y w e r e f o r m id a b le
lo n g - t e r m o b j e c t iv e s i n v o l v i n g t h e e l i m i n a t io n o f s o c ia l ills w h ic h
h a v e t r o u b le d t h e w o r ld s in c e t h e b e g in n i n g o f h is t o r y a n d s t ill,
i n v a r y in g d e g r e e s , p la g u e a ll t h e c o u n t r ie s o f t h e g lo b e .
Delegations, official and semi-official, travel abroad from tim e
to tim e, exam ining w hat other countries have to offer us in the
w ay of experience and knowledge th a t can be applied to our
circum stances. I m aintain th a t there is no universal p a tte rn for
industrialization th a t can serve as an absolute m odel for new
nations em erging out o f colonialism. Looking around, we find no
exam ples th a t are identical. E uropean countries stretched their
industrialization over a m uch longer period and in a different
economic, scientific and social epoch. T he U nited States cleared
virgin land and used slave labour to amass its prim ary wealth.
I t has a geographic span th a t gave it special opportunities for a
rap id industrial expansion and large-scale m anufacture. T he
Soviet U nion, starting from practically nothing, covering a vast
lan d mass w ith m anifold resources, swept aw ay the form er
bureaucracy, and em ployed an au th o ritarian dictatorship to
achieve its purpose.
Frequently, the nearest models are those countries, like J a p a n ,
or C hina, or In d ia, th a t have m ade or are m aking their industrial
revolution against conditions m ore nearly approxim ating to
our own an d in a tim e cycle closer to ours. In d ia and C hina
cover huge stretches of land and have excessive populations.
J a p a n , though m uch sm aller, has also created a population th at
B U I L D I N G SOCIALISM IN G H A N A Iig
gives her one of the highest densities in the w orld. These are
factors w hich bear directly upon the planning for industrial
developm ent and econom ic independence. T hey provide both
causes and solutions in the draw ing up o f program m es, and the
degree of adjustm ent th a t is m ade to the problem s w hich they
also raise will depend upon the econom ic course th a t is taken.
In G hana, we have em barked on the socialist p a th to progress.
W e w ant to see full em ploym ent, good housing an d equal
opportunity for education and cultural advancem ent for all the
people up to the highest level possible. This m eans t h a t :
- prices of goods m ust not exceed w ages;
- house rentals m ust be w ithin the m eans o f all g ro u p s;
- social welfare services m ust be open to a ll;
- educational and cultural am enities m ust be available to
everyone.
I t m eans, in short, th a t the real incom e and stan d ard of life of all
farm ers and workers m ust rise appreciably.
I have already m ade it clear th a t colonial rule precluded th a t
accum ulation of capital am ong our citizens w hich would have
assisted thorough-going private investm ent in industrial con
struction. I t has, therefore, been left to governm ent, as the holder
o f the m eans, to play the role o f m ain entrepreneur in laying the
basis of the national econom ic and social advancem ent. I f we
tu rn ed over to private interests the going concerns capitalized
out of n ational funds and national effort, as some of our critics
w ould like to see us do, we should be betraying the trust of the
g reat masses of our people for the greedy interests of a small
coterie of individuals, probably in alliance w ith foreign
capitalists. P roduction for private profit deprives a large section
of the people of the goods and services produced. If, therefore, we
are to fulfil our pledge to the people and achieve the program m e
set out above, socialism is our only alternative. For socialism
assumes the public ownership of the m eans of production, the
land and its resources, and the use of those m eans in fulfilm ent
of the people’s needs.
Socialism, above all, is predicated upon the ability to satisfy
those needs. I t is obvious, therefore, th a t G hana at this tim e is
not possessed of the socialist m eans. Indeed, we have still to lay
the actual foundations on w hich they can be built, the m odern-
120 A FRI CA MUST UNITE
1
122 A F RI CA MUST U NI TE
others from all walks of life m eet at W inneba, where they have
the opportunity to broaden their political knowledge and
ideological understanding. T hey strengthen their qualities of
loyalty and discipline, thereby increasing the total discipline of
the p arty and the loyalty of the general m em bership.
T he Institute does not cater for G hana alone. Its doors are
open to all from Africa and the w orld who seek knowledge to fit
themselves for the great freedom fight against im perialism , old or
new.
P arty study groups exist all over the country, in factories,
workshops, governm ent departm ents an d offices, in fact, in
every nook and cranny of G hana, for the study of A frican life and
culture, p arty ideology, decisions and program m es, and for
explaining governm ent policies and actions. For we have a
trem endous, herculean task before us. It calls for all our attention,
all our brains. O u r party, through all its m em bers, m ust show
its m erits in this our greatest mission yet, the building of a
socialist G hana, and the laying of the foundations for the
political and economic unification of Africa.
C H A P T E R F I F TE EN
W e , th e H e a d s o f A fric a n S ta te s, c o n v e n e d in C a s a b la n c a
fro m th e 3 rd J a n u a r y to th e 7 th J a n u a r y , 1961, re a ffirm o u r
fa ith in th e C o n fe re n c e o f I n d e p e n d e n t A fric a n S tate s, h e ld in
A c c ra in 1958, a n d in A d d is A b a b a in i9 6 0 , a n d a p p e a l to a ll
I n d e p e n d e n t A fric a n S ta te s to asso ciate th em selv es w ith o u r
c o m m o n a c tio n for th e c o n s o lid a tio n o f lib e rty in A fric a a n d th e
b u ild in g u p o f its u n ity a n d se c u rity . W e so le m n ly re a ffirm o u r
u n s h a k e a b le a d h e re n c e to th e U n ite d N a tio n s C h a r te r a n d to th e
SOME ATTEMPTS AT U NI F I CA T I ON 145
Declaration of the Afro-Asian Conference held in Bandung,
with the aim of promoting co-operation among all the people of
the world, and of consolidating international peace.
E C O N O M IC AND PO LIT IC A L
I N T E G R A T I O N : A F R I C A ’S N E E D
has coal reserves estim ated at 4,500 m illion tons. Coal of coking
q uality is m ined at W ankie in Southern R hodesia and low grade
coal is m ined in N igeria, the Congo and M ozam bique. In
addition, coal is know n to exist in T anganyika, N orthern
Rhodesia, M adagascar and N yasaland. Iro n ore is m ined in
Southern R hodesia, Liberia, G uinea and Sierra Leone. W hen
a full geological survey is carried out, further deposits m ay be
found. New oil deposits are also suspected. M eanw hile, oil has
been discovered in the S ahara, N igeria, the G abon basin and
near L u an d a in Angola. T h e French G overnm ent certainly
seem ed to be im pressed w ith the S ahara potentialities, to judge
from the im portance attached to them in negotiating the A lgerian
peace settlem ent. O il prospecting has been going on in G hana,
Som alia, E thiopia, Z anzibar, T anganyika, M ozam bique, and
M adagascar. In recent years a m ethane gas deposit w ith a heat-
producing potential equal to 50 m illion m etric tons of coal was
reported b eneath Lake K ivu.
All these are know n resources, an d they are by no m eans in
considerable. W h at econom ic possibilities will be opened up as
our whole continent is surveyed and its economic exploitation
tackled on a total basis, there is no telling. From our experience
in G hana, w here we have already discovered m any new re
sources, wre can anticipate th a t the economic potentialities of
A frica m ust be imm ense.
O n the agricultural plane, too, Africa is estim ated to have a
vast unused potential. Crop, anim al-breeding and pest-control
experim ents are being carried out w hich will undoubtedly result
in higher and m ore varied output. In the tim ber industry, trials
are being m ade w hich should lead to a big expansion. Africa
contains about 27% of the total world forest area, and not enough
profitable use has so far been m ade of it. Some thirty species of
trees are now being regularly accepted in the world m arkets and
successful tests have been carried out in the pulping of m ixed
tropical woods. A pilot pulp and pap er mill has been established
n ear A bidjan, and there are expectations of the increased use of
tropical woods for plywood an d press wood.
So m uch was neglected u nder colonialism th a t w ould even
have benefited the im perialist interests, if their concern had not
been lim ited to developing the best land, the most lucrative
ECONOMIC AND P OL I T I C A L I N T E G R A T I O N I53
link m ining areas or to carry cash crops and raw m aterials from
collection points to the ports for export. Farm ers h ad to find their
own m eans of getting crops to the collecting centres. G hana and
N igeria are better served w ith railways th a n m ost parts of Africa,
each having m ain eastern and w estern lines w hich are linked
together. G h an aian railways handle some two m illion tons a
year, m ore th a n the com bined lines of form er F rench W est
Africa, b u t less th a n i per cent of the tonnage carried in the
U nited K ingdom . R oads, too, are quite inadequate to m eet the
growing needs of em ergent Africa. T he cost of m aking them is
high, and the building of a continent-w ide system w ould have to
be centrally planned and financed.
T h e clim ate and geography of Africa present special problem s
for the construction and m aintenance of both roads and railways.
But these difficulties could be surm ounted w ithin the fram e
work of a plan for over-all A frican developm ent, w hich w ould set
aside reserves of funds an d m aterials for the purpose. Such a vast
scheme would, naturally, take tim e to com plete an d priorities
w ould certainly be necessary to secure speedier fulfilm ent at
points of developm ent vital to the corporate progress of the
continent. But w ith the will to attack and overcom e the m any
problem s and their involvem ents, the real ‘opening u p ’ of Africa
will begin. A nd this tim e it will be by the Africans for the
Africans.
This contention is supported by the exam ple of the U nited
States. A m erica’s real expansion began w ith her union, w hich
assisted the building up of a vast netw ork of railways and roads,
so th a t D. W . Brogan, a n accepted authority on A m erican
political history, after rem arking th a t in A m erica, ‘regions as
unlike as N orw ay and A ndalusia are united under one govern
m ent, speak a com m on language, regard themselves as p a rt of
one n atio n ’, is able to assert: ‘This unity is reinforced by the
most elaborate tran sportation system in the w orld, a system the
elaboration of w hich has been m ade possible by the political
un ity .’1
Ports an d w aterw ays are no less im p o rtan t th a n good roads
and railways. Africa has the shortest coastline in relation to its
1 D. W . Brogan: U .S.A .: An Outline o f the Country, its People and Institutions,
Oxford U niversity Press, p. 9.
156 AF RI CA MUST UNITE
for in tern al air services has been lim ited, b u t this is som ething
w hich is changing w ith the grow ing need for inter-continental
com m unication and trade.
T h e necessary capital for all these developm ents can only be
accum ulated by the em ploym ent of our resources on a conti
n ental extension. This calls for a central organization to form u
late a com prehensive econom ic policy for Africa w hich will
em brace the scientific, m ethodical and economic planning of
our ascent from present poverty into industrial greatness.
In te rn a l customs barriers can be elim inated; differences in
dom estic structures accom m odated. C urrency difficulties m ust
disappear before a com m on currency. N one o f our problem s is
insuperable unless we are set against their solution. In J u ly
1961 customs, barriers betw een G h an a an d U p p er V olta were
rem oved. A n A frican D evelopm ent In stitute is to be set up at
D akar to tra in economists, to provide experts who can be sent
on request to African States, to carry out research, an d to co
ordinate policies. This In stitute, w hen it is operating, will, it is
hoped, go some w ay tow ards counteracting the excessive d u pli
cation of experim ental work th a t now goes on in Africa because
we have no central economic planning organization for directing
research and pooling knowledge a n d experience.
T h ere are some w ho refute the requirem ent of continental
unity as the essential prerequisite to full industrialization. O thers
refer to economic confederations like the Zollverein of nine
teenth-century G erm any as likely p atterns upon which we m ight
m odel our African co-operation for industrial fulfilm ent. This
ignores the historical fact th a t the Zollverein proved unequal to
the task of creating the capital form ations G erm any needed to
carry forw ard her industrialism , w hich only got fully u n d er way
w hen the states surrendered their sovereignty to the G erm an
E m pire. I t was the unification of G erm any w hich provided the
stim ulus to expanding capitalism an d gave a suitable po p u la
tion basis for the absorption of m anufactured goods, p articularly
as population grow th in G erm any was high and quickly reached
forty-one millions. A t th a t period of scientific invention, this was
a large enough consum ption group to enable G erm any to p ro
gress from a m ainly agricultural country in 18 7 1 to the industrial
achievem ents th a t led her into the scram ble for colonies before
158 A F R I C A MUST U NI TE
NEO-COLONIALISM IN AFRICA
and distrust in order to keep a wedge betw een us. Besides the
open m ethods of division, the im pact of rising nationalism
and independence has encouraged the m ore subtle velvet-glove
w eapon of flattery of our national egos. Play is m ade upon our
vanities, the im portance of each of us is m agnified at the expense
of others. W e are subjected to the insidious suggestion th a t a
certain A frican state is anxious to exalt itself to the place of the
retired colonial pow er; th a t some African states have a large
m outh, open and ready to swallow their neighbours. A ppeal is
directed to our personal am bitions and we are rem inded th a t in
a union of African states there will be room for only one Prim e
M inister, a single cabinet and a sole representation at the U nited
N ations. H ints are spread around th a t some states, on account
of their size and m agnitude of population, are m ore qualified
th an others to play the role of leadership in Africa and to be its
m outhpiece. T here is a tendency to divide Africa into fictitious
zones no rth and south of the S ahara w hich emphasizes racial,
religious and cultural differences.
T h e basic fallacy of these persuasions, dangerous to the in
dependence of Africa in their shrew d exploitation of our pride
and vanities, is the deliberate distortion of our vision of African
U nion. W e do not intend a relationship of unequal partners. W e
envisage the A frican U nion as a free m erging together of peoples
w ith a com m on history and a com m on destiny. As w ith other
existing unions, the size and resources of countries joining the
A frican U nion will be irrelevant to the choice of union leader
ship. In A m erica, the President is not chosen from the largest
of the states. Both President Eisenhower and President T ru m a n
cam e from am ong the sm aller states.
In the early nineteenth century Simon Bolivar, the great
liberator of the South A m erican colonies from Spain, had a
vision of a U nion of South A m erican States as the precursor to
the economic developm ent of the South A m erican continent.
U nfortunately for the subsequent history of these lands, he was
not able to bring his farsighted idea to triu m p h over the personal
am bitions and jealousies of contending individuals and forces.
W e have seen the u n h ap p y results of this failure in the dissidence
an d sloth in w hich the South A m erican countries were sunk for
so m any decades. I t is only today, against the pressures of popular
NEO- COLONI AL I SM IN AF RI CA 189
In s u r g e n t le a d e r s s h o u ld e n d e a v o u r to e n s u r e t h a t p u b lic
o p i n i o n i s i n f l a m e d a g a i n s t t h e g o v e r n m e n t p r i o r t o t h e coup.
C a r e f u lly se le c te d a c t s s h o u ld b e p e r f o r m e d w h ic h w ill p r o v o k e
o f f ic ia l r e a c t io n , a n d t h is r e a c t io n s h o u l d b e p r e s e n t e d t o t h e
p u b l i c i n t h e w o r s t p o s s ib le lig h t . T h e r e is p r o b a b l y n o b e t t e r
w a y o f a c h ie v in g t h is t h a n b y a j u d ic io u s a s s a s s in a t io n o r tw o .
T h e g e n e r a l p u b l i c , f r o m t h e v e r y i n c e p t i o n o f t h e coup , s h o u l d
b e k e p t in f o r m e d , n o t n e c e s s a r ily o f w h a t is a c t u a ll y g o in g o n ,
b u t a t le a s t o f w h a t t h e r e b e ls w is h t h e m t o b e lie v e .
T h e o b j e c t o f t h is is t o in f lu e n c e t h e p u b l ic i n t h o s e c o u r s e s o f
a c t io n d e s ir e d b y t h e in s u r g e n t s , a n d it is n o t n e c e s s a r y t h e r e fo r e
t h a t th e b r o a d c a s t s c o r r e s p o n d to th e r e a l s it u a tio n .
AFRICA IN W O R L D AFFAIRS
w ith an issue arising from the conflict betw een the two great
pow er blocs of East and W est, w ith w hich the peace of the world
is dangerously tied up. These two blocs are each com m itted to its
own political an d economic ideology. Both are m ilitarily pow er
ful, and each is suspicious of the thoughts an d actions of the
other. T he failure to reach any agreem ent over such fundam ental
issues as disarm am ent and the testing of nuclear weapons seems
to hold out little hope for the future.
A new and vigorous approach to the problem of peace and w ar
is needed. T h e tim e has come wrhen the destiny of m ankind
should cease to hang so dangerously on the aims and am bitions
o f the great powers. In recent years I have travelled extensively
in A m erica, in the Soviet U nion, in Europe, In d ia and C hina,
w here I have spoken to m en an d w om en in all walks of life.
Everyw here, I have noticed a deep longing for peace. This
universal, b u t often inarticulate, desire for peace m ust find
expression an d exert its proper influence on the conduct of
w orld affairs. For peace is indivisible. D isagreem ent betw een
East and W est, for exam ple over Laos or Berlin, can th reaten the
security of the whole of the rest of the world.
These were the kind of considerations behind the Belgrade
Conference o f the N on-A ligned C ountries, held in Septem ber
1961, w hich 25 countries1 attended. A t Belgrade, we did not
in ten d to form a th ird pow er bloc, b u t we did hope by our
solidarity to constitute ourselves into a distinct m oral force
w hich m ight hold the balance of pow er betw een East an d W est
in the cause of peace.
A t th a t tim e the U nited States was spending an estim ated
$47,966 m illion a year on defence and arm am ents alone, more
th an h a lf the entire national budget. In i960 the Soviet U nion
spent some 96,100 m illion roubles on defence, out of a national
budget of 745,800 m illion roubles. In a declaration issued at the
end of the Belgrade Conference, the U nited N ations was asked
to convene either a special session of the G eneral Assembly
prevent the extension of the colonial revolt to its own and its
neighbours’ borders.
T h e freedom fighters of Africa m ust prepare themselves for
this danger, w hich also threatens the independent states, who can
m eet it effectively by unifying their m ilitary com m and and
foreign policy, and uniting w ith the liberation m ovements
through a concerted strategy. T he dangerous potentials herein
envisaged are a graphic illustration of the direct bearing of im
perialism on intern atio n al affairs through its instrum ents,
colonialism and neo-colonialism . I t can be readily seen th a t
im perialism is a fundam ental cause of w ar. A n iniquitous system
w hich has generated intense rivalries and conflicts betw een
nations th a t erupted into open w arfare on a m ajor scale in the
scram ble to secure £a place in the sun’ of colonial suprem acy, it
has today spaw ned the neo-colonialism w hich is as busy as ever in
creating clashes am ong the nations. In their eagerness to exploit
the resources of the overseas territories, they engage in wicked
policies th a t bring a serious th re a t to the peace of the world.
T h eir grabbing involves them in a constant scram ble, like crabs
in a pot, clim bing over each o th er’s backs in order to get the
biggest helping. M ore often th a n not this scram ble ends in
physical fighting, w ith the loss of countless innocent lives.
W hen we in Africa denounce im perialism and the recent off
shoot, neo-colonialism , we do it not only because we believe th at
Africa belongs to the Africans and should be governed by them ,
b u t also in the interest of w orld peace w hich is so essential to our
developm ent and freedom . By abolishing im perialism in all its
forms, the w orld will be rid of m any of the present areas of
conflict.
I t is in the same interest of w orld peace th a t we also advocate
unity. A united Africa would be able to m ake a greater con
trib u tio n tow ards the peace and progress of m ankind. For one
thing, it w ould resolve the problem s of those arb itrary frontiers
erected by the colonial powers, and so elim inate irredentist
dissensions. T here w ould be no foreign m ilitary bases on African
soil. W ith a united foreign policy and a com m on defence plan,
there would be no need for them . In the concourse of African
union, no African country would be left in a position of solitary
weakness in w hich it could be bullied into allowing them . Any
A F R I C A IN W O R L D A F F A I R S 203
T here are in the w orld several unions of states w hich can offer
examples or case studies for the political unification of A frica:
the U nited States of A m erica, the U nion of Soviet Socialist
Republics, A ustralia, C anada, Sw itzerland an d V enezuela.
E ach of them cam e into being at different historical periods, b u t
all aim ed at giving greater protection to the uniting states
against in tern al and external disintegrating pressures; and at
providing w ithin the union the conditions of viability and
security w hich would lead to faster economic evolution.
T h e first o f them was the U n ited States of A m erica, whose
constitution has, w ith m odifications and adaptations, provided
a p a tte rn for m ost of those w hich followed. Jam es Bryce, a
fam ous English ju rist who died in 1922, in his Studies in History
and Jurisprudence, defined the most perfect form o f a federation
of states as th a t w hich delegates to a suprem e federal govern
m ent certain powers or functions inherent in themselves or in
their sovereign or separate capacity. In its tu rn , the federal or
union governm ent, in the exercise of those specific powers, acts
directly on the individual citizen no less th an upon the com
m unities m aking up the federation. T he separate states retain
unim paired their individual sovereignty in respect of the residual
powers unallotted to the central or federal authority. T he
citizens of the federated states owe a double allegiance, one to
the individual state, the other to the federal governm ent.
By the constitution adopted in 1787 and p u t into effect in
1789, the original thirteen m em bers of the U nited States of
A m erica, each wholly independent of the other, form ed a
federal republic by a voluntary com bination. This form ation
strengthened and centralized the confederation and perp etu al
206 AF RI CA MUST UNITE
T h e C o n g r e s s s h a ll h a v e p o w e r t o la y a n d c o lle c t t a x e s, d u t ie s ,
im p o r t s a n d e x c is e , t o p a y t h e d e b t s a n d p r o v i d e f o r t h e c o m m o n
d e fe n c e a n d g e n e r a l w e lf a r e o f t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s ; b u t a ll d u t ie s ,
im p o r t s a n d e x c ise s h a ll b e u n if o r m t h r o u g h o u t t h e U n it e d
State s;
T o b o r r o w m o n e y o n t h e c r e d it o f t h e U n it e d S t a t e s ; to r e g u
la t e c o m m e r c e w it h f o r e ig n n a t io n s , a n d a m o n g t h e s e v e r a l
sta te s, a n d w it h t h e In d i a n t r ib e s ; to e s t a b lis h a u n if o r m r u le o f
n a t u r a liz a t io n , a n d u n if o r m la w s o n t h e su b je c t o f b a n k r u p t c ie s
th ro u g h o u t th e U n it e d S ta te s;
T o c o in m o n e y , r e g u la t e t h e v a lu e th e re o f, a n d o f f o r e ig n c o in ,
a n d f ix t h e s t a n d a r d s o f w e ig h t s a n d m e a s u r e s ;
T o p r o v id e f o r t h e p u n is h m e n t o f c o u n t e r f e it in g t h e s e c u r itie s
a n d c u r r e n t c o in o f th e U n it e d S ta te s ;
T o e s t a b lis h p o s t -o f f ic e s a n d p o s t - r o a d s ;
T o p r o m o t e t h e p r o g r e s s o f s c ie n c e a n d u s e fu l a rts, b y s e c u r in g
f o r lim it e d t im e s t o a u t h o r s a n d in v e n t o r s t h e e x c lu s iv e r ig h t to
t h e ir r e s p e c t iv e w r it in g s a n d d is c o v e r ie s ;
T o c o n s t it u t e t r ib u n a ls in f e r io r to t h e S u p r e m e C o u r t ;
T o d e f in e a n d p u n i s h p ir a c ie s a n d f e lo n ie s c o m m it t e d o n t h e
h ig h se a s, a n d o ffe n c e s a g a in s t t h e la w o f n a t io n s ;
T o d e c la r e w a r , g r a n t le t te rs o f m a r q u e a n d r e p r is a l, a n d
m a k e r u le s c o n c e r n in g c a p t u r e s o n la n d a n d w a t e r ;
T o r a is e a n d s u p p o r t a rm ie s , b u t n o a p p r o p r ia t io n o f m o n e y
to t h a t u se s h a ll b e fo r a lo n g e r te rm t h a n tw o y e a rs ;
T o p r o v id e a n d m a in t a in a n a v y ;
T o m a k e r u le s fo r t h e g o v e r n m e n t a n d r e g u la t io n o f th e la n d
a n d n a v a l fo rc e s;
T o p r o v id e f o r c a llin g f o r t h t h e m ilit ia to e x e c u t e t h e la w s o f
th e U n io n , s u p p r e s s in s u r r e c t io n s a n d r e p e l in v a s io n s ;
T o p r o v id e fo r o r g a n iz in g , a r m in g a n d d is c ip lin in g th e
m ilit ia , a n d fo r g o v e r n in g s u c h p a r t o f t h e m a s m a y b e e m p lo y e d
i n t h e s e r v ic e o f t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s , r e s e r v in g t o t h e st a te s r e s p e c
t i v e l y , t h e a p p o i n t m e n t o f t h e o f f ic e r s , a n d t h e a u t h o r i t y o f
EXAMPLES OF MAJOR UNIONS OF STATES 207
t r a in in g t h e m ilit ia a c c o r d in g to t h e d is c ip lin e p r e s c r ib e d b y
C o n gre ss;
T o e x e r c is e e x c lu s iv e le g is la t io n i n a ll c a s e s w h a t s o e v e r , o v e r
s u c h d is t r ic t ( n o t e x c e e d in g t e n m ile s s q u a r e ) a s m a y , b y c e s s io n
o f p a r t ic u la r sta te s, a n d th e a c c e p ta n c e o f C o n g r e s s , b e c o m e th e
s e a t o f t h e g o v e r n m e n t o f t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s , 1 a n d t o e x e r c is e lik e
a u t h o r it y o v e r a ll p la c e s p u r c h a s e d b y t h e c o n s e n t o f t h e le g is
la t u r e o f t h e sta te in w h ic h t h e s a m e s h a ll b e , f o r t h e e re c t io n o f
fo rts, m a g a z in e s , a rs e n a ls , d o c k y a r d s a n d o t h e r n e e d f u l b u i ld
in g s ; a n d
T o m a k e a ll la w s w h ic h s h a ll b e n e c e s s a r y a n d p r o p e r fo r
c a r r y in g in t o e x e c u t io n t h e f o r e g o in g p o w e r s v e st e d b y t h is C o n
s t it u t io n i n t h e g o v e r n m e n t o f t h e U n it e d S t a t e s , o r in a n y
d e p a r t m e n t o r o f f ic e t h e r e o f .
(1 ) to h a v e its o w n n a t io n a l a r m y f o r m a t io n ;
(2 ) to e n t e r in t o d ir e c t n e g o t ia t io n s w it h f o r e ig n g o v e r n m e n t s ,
to c o n c lu d e a g re e m e n t s w it h t h e m a n d to h a v e d ip lo m a t ic
a n d c o n s u la r re p r e s e n t a t io n a b r o a d ; a n d
( 3 ) t o s e v e r r e l a t i o n s w i t h t h e U n i o n a n d s e c e d e f r o m it . ( T h i s
r ig h t w a s a c a r d in a l r ig h t g r a n t e d i n t h e f ir s t c o n s t it u t io n ,
b u t is n o w m o r e c le a r ly d e fin e d .)
T h e r ic h s e c tio n , w h ic h h a d b e e n k e p t b a c k in t h e g e n e r a l
d e v e lo p m e n t b y a s in g le in s t it u t io n , a n d h a d b e e n a c lo g o n t h e
a d v a n c e o f t h e w h o le , h a d b e e n d r a g g e d u p to t h e le v e l o f t h e
re st o f th e c o u n t r y . F r e e la b o u r w a s s o o n to s h o w its e lf fa r
s u p e r io r to sla v e la b o u r in th e S o u t h . . . . T h e p o w e r o f th e
n a t io n , n e v e r b e f o r e a s s e r t e d o p e n ly , h a d m a d e a p la c e f o r it s e lf ;
a n d y e t th e c o n t in u in g p o w e r o f th e sta te s s a v e d th e n a t io n a l
p o w e r f r o m a d e v e lo p m e n t in t o c e n t r a liz e d t y r a n n y . A n d th e
n e w p o w e r o f t h e n a t io n , b y g u a r a n t e e in g t h e r e s t r ic t io n o f
g o v e r n m e n t to a s in g le n a t io n in c e n t r a l N o r t h A m e r ic a , g a v e
s e c u r it y a g a in s t a n y in t r o d u c t io n o f in t e r n a t io n a l r e la t io n s ,
in t e r n a t io n a l w a r s a n d c o n t in u e d w a r t a x a t io n in t o t h e t e r r it o r y
o c c u p ie d b y th e U n it e d S ta te s.1
J u s t a s m a n k in d c a n a c h ie v e t h e a b o lit io n o f c la s s e s o n l y b y
p a s s in g t h r o u g h th e t r a n s itio n p e r io d o f th e d ic t a t o r s h ip o f th e
o p p r e s s e d c la s s , s o m a n k i n d c a n o n l y a c h ic v e t h e i n e v it a b l e
m e r g in g o f n a t io n s b y p a s s in g t h r o u g h t h e t r a n s it io n p e r io d o f
c o m p l e t e l i b e r a t i o n o f a l l t h e o p p r e s s e d n a t i o n s , i. e . t h e i r
fre e d o m to se c e d e .2
W e have seen, in the exam ple of the U nited States, how the
dynam ic elements w ithin society understood the need for unity
an d fought their b itter civil w ar to m aintain the political union
th a t was threatened by the reactionary forces. W e have also
seen, in the exam ple of the Soviet U nion, how the forging of
continental unity along w ith the retention of national sovereignty
by the federal states, has achieved a dynam ism th a t has lifted a
most backw ard society into a most powerful u nit w ithin a re
m arkably short space of tim e. From the examples before us, in
Europe and the U n ited States of A m erica, it is therefore p aten t
th a t we in Africa have the resources, present and potential, for
creating the kind of society th a t we are anxious to build. I t is
calculated th a t by the end of this century the population of Africa
will probably exceed five h u n d red millions.
O u r continent gives us the second largest land stretch in the
w orld. T he n a tu ra l w ealth of Africa is estim ated to be greater
th an th a t of alm ost any other continent in the world. T o draw
the most from our existing and potential m eans for the achieve
m ent of abundance and a fine social order, we need to unify our
efforts, our resources, our skills and intentions.
E urope, by way of contrast, m ust be a lesson to us all. Too
busy hugging its exclusive nationalism s, it has descended, after
centuries of wars interspersed w ith intervals of uneasy peace,
into a state of confusion, simply because it failed to build a sound
basis of political association and understanding. O nly now, under
the necessities of economic stringency and the th re a t of the new
G erm an industrial and m ilitary rehabilitation, is Europe trying
- unsuccessfully - to find a modus operandi for containing the
th reat. I t is deceptively hoped th a t the E uropean C om m unity
C O N T I N EN TA L GOV E RN MEN T FOR AF RI CA 217
will perform this m iracle. I t has taken two w orld wars an d the
break-up o f empires to press hom e the lesson, still only partly
digested, th a t strength lies in unity.
W hile we in Africa, for w hom the goal of unity is param o u n t,
are striving to concert our efforts in this direction, the neo
colonialists are straining every nerve to upset them by encourag
ing the form ation of com m unities based on the languages of their
form er colonizers. W e cannot allow ourselves to be so dis
organized an d divided. T h e fact th a t I speak English does not
m ake me an Englishm an. Sim ilarly, the fact th a t some of us
speak French or Portuguese does not m ake us F renchm en or
Portuguese. W e are Africans first and last, an d as Africans our
best interests can only be served by uniting w ithin an African
C om m unity. N either the C om m onw ealth nor a Franco-A frican
C om m unity can be a substitute.
T o us, Africa w ith its islands is ju st one Africa. W e reject the
idea of any kind of partition. From T angier or C airo in the
N o rth to C apetow n in the South, from C ape G uardafui in the
E ast to C ape V erde Islands in the W est, Africa is one and
indivisible.
I know th a t w hen we speak of political union, our critics are
quick to observe an atte m p t to impose leadership and to ab ro
gate sovereignty. B ut we have seen from the m any examples of
union p u t forw ard, th a t equality of the states is jealously guarded
in every single constitution and th a t sovereignty is m aintained.
T here are differences in the powers allotted to the central
governm ent and those retained by the states, as well as in the
functions of the executive, legislature and judiciary. All of them
have a com m on trad e an d econom ic policy. All of them are
secular, in order th a t religion m ight not be dragged across the
m any problem s involved in m aintaining unity and securing the
greatest possible developm ent.
W e in Africa who are pressing now for unity are deeply con
scious of the validity of our purpose. W e need the strength of our
com bined num bers and resources to protect ourselves from the
very positive dangers of retu rn in g colonialism in disguised
forms. W e need it to com bat the entrenched forces dividing our
continent an d still holding back millions of our brothers. W e
need it to secure total A frican liberation. W e need it to carry
2 l8 A FRI CA MUST UNITE
1
228 I N DE X
(Pan-Africanism, cont.) Somalia, 145,147
and see All African Peoples’ Confer Songhai Empire, 3
ence; United States of Africa South Africa, Republic of,
Parliamentary democracy, adaptation menace of, xvii, 191
to local conditions, 66-8, 76-8 apartheid, 13-15
role of opposition, 68-9 Progressive Party, 14
and nationalist parties, 69-71 ripe for revolt, 15
Pedler, F. J., 27-8 boycott of, 15, 144
Planning and laissez-faire, 165 dependence on Portuguese African
Political parties, 50-5 labour, 40-1
People’s Parties, 52-5 and Accra Conference (i960), 138
need to co-operate, 52-3 South American States, Union of, 188-9
and see Parliamentary democracy South West Africa, 15
Portugal, 174 Spain, 201
dictatorship in, 201-2 Sudan, Republic of the, 136
Portuguese colonies, not at Casablanca, 145, or Lagos
assimilation policy, n -1 2 Conferences, 148
forced labour, 12, 37-41 and see Mali, Republic of
and see Angola; Galvao; Mozambique Suffrage, universal,
Press, as test of right to rule, 11
role of, 55-6 refusal to grant, 17
freedom of, 76-7 Switzerland, federal government in, 214
Primary products, see Raw materials Sylvester-Williams, Henry, 132
Racialism, Tanganyika,
bom of slavery, 1 T.A .N .U ., 18, 51
African governments eschew, 32-3 Tanganyika Concessions Ltd., 41-2
in industry, 36-7 at Lagos Conference, 148
Raw materials, Technicians,
colonialism and, 22-3, 112 shortage of, 97-8
fissionable, 151 technical education, 46-7, 124-5
Africa as provider of low-priced, Tema harbour, i n , 116-17
160-1 Togo, Republic of, 145
and see Agricultural resources; Togoland, 71
Mineral resources; World market Tour£, S£kou, President of Guinea,
price fluctuation 141, 178
Regionalism, see Federation; Nigeria Trade unions, 37
Rhodesias, the, 138 in Ghana, 126-8
education in, 43 All-African Federation, 128,137
parties in, 51 Transport, see Communications
and see Central African Federation Trevelyan, G. M., 104
Rostow W. W., 183 Tsetse fly, 153
Tshombe, Moise, 191
Tunisia, 86n, 136
Sanniquellie Conference (1959), 141 not at Casablanca, 145
Sarraut, Albert, 21
Segal, Ronald, 63 and surrender of sovereignty, 149
Self-government before economic via
bility, 50-1 Uganda National Congress, 51
Senegal and Mali Federation, 179 Union of African States (U.A.S.), 141-3
Senghor, Leopold, President of Senegal, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
159-60, 179 (U.S.S.R.),
Sierra Leone, 135-6 industrialization of, 37, 165-7
Slavery, constitution of, 208-12
slave trade, 5-6 United Arab Republic, 86n, 136
in U.S.A., 211 at Casablanca, 143
Socialist economies, surrender of sovereignty, 149
Ghana adopts, n 9-21, 129-30 United Gold Coast Convention (U.G.
and regionalism, 164-5 C.C.), 51, 54-5, 135
I N DE X 229
United Nations Organization, United States of America,
resolutions on Angola, 42, and Congo, economic evolution of, 165
138, 191-2 unification of, 189, 190
Technical Assistance Board (U.N. Constitution of, 205-8
T.A.B.), 98 Upper Volta, customs agreement with
African representation in, 194-5 Ghana, 157
Ghana as member of Security Uranium deposits, 151
Council, 195
influence of small states on, 196 Venezuelan Constitution, 213-14
need to reorganize, 197 Veterinary research, 29-30
‘Declaration on the granting of Volta River Project, 111, 114-16, 169
Independence to Colonial Coun
tries’, 200-1 Water-supply, rural, 34-5
United States of Africa, 85-6, 142 Welfare development, 31
African leaders’ views on, 147-8 West African National Conference,
surrender of sovereignty, 149, 220 135-6
pooled investment capital, 163 West African National Secretariat, 135
best basis for rapid industrialization, The New African, 135
163-4, 167-72 ‘The Circle', 135
political strength of, 193 West Indies, British, 189-90
regional federations dangerous, Williams, Dr Eric, 1
214-15 . . Woddis, Jack, 36-7
problems of political unity, 217-18 Women, Conference of African (Accra,
unified economic planning, 218-19 i960), 138
unified defence strategy, 219-20 Workers Brigade, 126
unified foreign policy, 220 World Health Organization (W .H .O .),
programme for formation of, 220-1 98
and see Common Market, African; World market price fluctuation, 2 5-6,
Pan-Africanism 109-10, 160, 161, 163
\
K W A M E N K R U M A H ’s first book was his
autobiography, Ghana, published on
Independence D ay, 1957. In 1960, his
speeches were collected, edited, and issued
as a book o f his political and social beliefs,
I Speak o f Freedom. Africa M ust Unite is a
n atural sequel to the story o f his fight for
G h a n a ’s independence.