Social Work: Profession and

Theory
Assignment for continuous evaluation
“FEMINIST PERSPECTIVE”
By- Prakhar Gautam

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 INDEX

 INTRODUCTION…………………………………………..3
 FEMINISM………………………………………………...4
 FEMINIST SOCIOLOGY……………………………………7
 FEMINIST SCRUTINIZES AND MULTICULTURALISM………7
 FEMINIST SOCIAL WORK ………………………………...8
 REDEFINING PROFESSIONAL SOCIAL WORK FROM
FEMINIST PERSPECTIVE…………………………………..10
 FALSE EQUALITY TRAP…………………………………...11
 CONCLUSION……………………………………………..12

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 INTRODUCTION

Feminist Perspective comes under Feminist Theory which then is a part of Feminism Albeit any
broad meaning of feminist rights would undoubtedly be dubious, it appears to be evident that much
work in feminist activist hypothesis is dedicated to the assignments of studying ladies’ subordination,
breaking down the crossing points amongst sexism and different types of subordination, for example,
bigotry, heterosexism, and class abuse, and imagining the potential outcomes for both individual and
aggregate imperviousness to such subordination. Seeing that the idea of force is vital to each of these
hypothetical errands, force is unmistakably a focal idea for women’s activist hypothesis too. But
then, inquisitively, it is one that is not frequently expressly talked about in women’s activist work
(special cases incorporate Allen 1998, 1999, Caputi 2013, Hartsock 1983 and 1996, Yeatmann 1997,
and Young 1992)1. This represents a test for evaluating women’s activist points of view on force, as
those viewpoints should first be reproduced from examinations of different themes. All things
considered, it is conceivable to distinguish three primary courses in which women’s activists have
conceptualized power: as an asset to be (re) distributed, as mastery, and as strengthening. After a
brief dialog of hypothetical open deliberations amongst social and political scholars over how to
characterize the idea of force, this section will review each of these women’s activist originations.

Then what is Feminist Theory? It can be better described as Women’s activist hypothesis is one of
the significant contemporary sociological speculations, which breaks down the status of ladies and
men in the public eye with the reason for utilizing that learning to better ladies’ lives. Women’s
activist scholars additionally address the contrasts between ladies, including how race, class,
ethnicity, sexuality, nationality, and age meet with gender.

Contemporary humanist Patricia Hill Collins is known all through the field for creating, conveying,
and promoting the idea of intersectionality in her hypothesis and exploration. Women’s activist
hypothesis is most worried with giving a voice to ladies and highlighting the different ways ladies
have added to society also, Feminist activist hypothesis is the expansion of Feminism into
hypothetical, anecdotal, or philosophical talk2.

It expects to comprehend the way of sexual orientation imbalance. It analyzes ladies’ social parts,
experience, interests, tasks, and women’s activist governmental issues in an assortment of fields, for
example, human sciences and social science, correspondence, therapy, home financial aspects,
writing, training, and reasoning.
Women’s activist hypothesis concentrates on examining sexual orientation disparity. Topics
investigated in woman’s rights incorporate separation, generalization (particularly sexual
typification), abuse, patriarchy, stereotyping, workmanship history and contemporary craftsmanship,
and style.

FEMINISM
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FEMINIST SOCIAL WORK THEORY AND PRACTICE- LENA DOMINELLI (BOOK)
2
TONG, R. P. (1998). FEMINIST THOUGHT (2ND ED.). BOULDER: WESTVIEW. (BOOK)

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And Feminism can be described as, Feminism is a scope of political developments, philosophies, and
social developments that share a shared objective: to characterize, build up, and accomplish political,
monetary, individual, and social rights for ladies that are equivalent to those of men. This
incorporates looking to set up equivalent open doors for ladies in training and livelihood3.

Feminist activist developments have crusaded and keep on campaigning for ladies' rights, including
the privilege to vote, to hold open office, to work, to win reasonable wages or equivalent pay, to
claim property, to get instruction, to enter contracts, to have measure up to rights inside marriage,
and to have maternity take off. Women's activists have additionally attempted to advance substantial
self-governance and trustworthiness, and to shield ladies and young ladies from assault,
inappropriate behavior, and aggressive behavior at home.
Various aspects of Feminism:

Cultural Feminism:
This hypothesis trusts that there is a particular 'male culture' and a 'female culture,' which are
distinctive to a great extent because of the varying science of men and ladies, and they show in
contrasting social practices. So for e.g. cultural women's activists see supporting and minding to be a
greater amount of 'female culture,' than 'male culture,' and this they perceive as being characteristic
for the way toward being female. Cultural women's activists additionally trust that the commitments
of 'female culture, for example, youngster care, residential work and so on have been dismissed and
incredibly debased in the public arena, to a great extent since they are unpaid.

They likewise trust that social frameworks have developed along lines of 'male culture,' and
incorporate characteristics like rivalry and hostility, thus they have a tendency to detach ladies. The
center of social women's activists is to have 'women's work' – especially in the household
consideration and youngster care field perceived as financially and socially beneficial. What's more,
to change the workplace environment outside the household domain to join more 'female culture' and
make it open to women.

Liberal Feminism:
Liberal Feminism has a point of view that is oppositely inverse to that of social woman's rights. They
trust that the distinctions in male and female social conduct are not such a great amount of in view of
science but rather in view of how their surroundings conditions them to be.

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BAUMGARDNER, J. AND A. RICHARDS. (2000). MANIFESTA: YOUNG WOMEN, FEMINISM, AND THE
FUTURE. NEW YORK: FARRAR, STRAUS, AND GIROUX. (BOOK)

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They trust that sexual orientation personality and conduct are social builds, results of the errors in the
lawful and social open doors accessible to men and ladies, and of the distinctions in how sex
standards for conduct, decisions, desires, and so on are set by society for young ladies and young
men, and men and women.

The center of liberal women's activists in this way is on making a totally level playing field for the
sexual orientations as far as lawful and social frameworks, and gender standards and gender
socializations for that is the thing that they accept is the way to the gender balance.

Socialist (Marxist) Feminism:

This hypothesis perceives that notwithstanding gender separation, there are numerous other social
venues for segregation, for example, race, class, instruction, sexual introduction and financial
aspects.

Furthermore, they trust that every classification of segregation aggravates a lady's experience of
gender separation. So for instance a poor, uneducated dark American lady would be three times more
burdened than a rich, instructed white American lady. So the Socialist Feminist point of view is that
for there to be all out gender value all types of segregation in the public eye will must be all the
while tended to.

Radical Feminism:
It trusts that a ruling patriarchy is the essential type of female persecution in the public eye, paying
little mind to class, shading and financial matters. The control that men have had over ladies is
generally through savage, physical power. The center of Radical Feminists is to a great extent on the
brutality that ladies endure, and their social oppression through savage conduct exacted by men.
What's more, they trust this is the thing that keeps ladies abused whether they are rich or poor, dark
or white, instructed or ignorant. The center of Radical women's liberation is in this manner on
battling sexual orientation related brutality.

Womanism (Woman of Color Feminism)

This is the feminist movement of the women of color. It started in the U.S. and includes black,
Hispanic and Asian American women. Womanists believe that is it not men who are their primary
oppressors but a white, racist society. And that men of color suffer from this racial and related class
discrimination, just as much as they do as women. They do recognize the oppression of colored
women by colored men, but they believe that this is a result of the indignity the colored man suffers.
So the focus of the Womanist movement has been on joining hands with their colored brothers to
fight for racial equality.4

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Anarcha-Feminism (Anarchist Feminism)
This theory believes that the domination of the patriarchy is the inadvertent result of a larger societal
thinking that fosters a hierarchical set-up of society. So the focus of Anarcha-feminists is the fight
against the state and the dismantling of hierarchical governance, for that they believe is the only road
to equality of genders and all other social stratas.5

EcoFeminism :
Ecofeminists trust that it is the patriarchal framework that causes the persecution of both ladies and
the earth. This includes "possession," savage obliteration and abuse for men's own particular benefit
and delight. Ecofeminists contend that men in force can exploit both ladies and the earth since they
see them uninvolved and powerless.

Some ecofeminists likewise contend that other than a typical history of misuse by men, ladies and
the earth additionally share a profound network due to their normal ability to create, support and
manage. So ecofeminists trust that to end sexual orientation unfairness, it is critical to secure and
respect the earth and its surroundings.

Post-Colonial Feminism (Third World Feminism):

This type of woman's rights rose in underdeveloped nations that had before been colonized by
European nations. These women's activists are of the supposition that the racial and monetary
persecution their nations were subjected to as states is the thing that underestimated ladies in the
postcolonial social orders. They for the most part reject Radical and Liberal Feminism, and don't
acknowledge the thought that the customary patriarchies in their particular nations are the primary
driver for ladies' persecution. Postcolonial women's activists have questioned western norms of
modernization and strengthening of ladies in their nations and trust that they need to work for sexual
orientation fairness inside the rationale of their own social models.

Post-Modern Feminism (French Feminism):

The fundamental argument of this branch of feminism is that there is not one unique, absolute
definition for gender – neither biologically nor socially but that gender is a variant constructed
through language. They believe that a dualistic vision of gender creates a constrictive dichotomy,
which in itself becomes restrictive of women. Post-modern feminist Judith Butler argues “woman” is
a questionable category, because it involves much more – class, race, sexuality, and other aspects of
individualism – all of which in some ways define each woman independently. She states that
therefore “gender” is a “performative” word. Thus the contention of postmodern feminists is that
there is no single basis for women’s subordination and no single method of dealing with the issues.

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 Cannot talk about what is said in the literature on gender without reference to feminism. Feminism
addresses the issues of gender inequality, patriarchy and sexism.
The definition of patriarchy provided by Renzetti and Curran (1998) is:
"A sex/gender system in which men dominate women, and what is considered masculine is more
highly valued than what is considered feminine".6

Broadly speaking, it advocates a change towards greater equality between men and women, the
expansion of opportunities and choices for women, the elimination of gender stratification, more
control for women over their sexuality and reproduction, and the end of sexual violence in and
outside the home.
Even though most feminists agree on the points mentioned above, they do not always agree on the
means to achieve the goal of gender equality. This difference of opinion on the strategies to be used
has given rise to different types of feminism. We shall consider these in turn.

FEMINIST SOCIOLOGY
Feminist sociology is a conflict theory and theoretical perspective, which observes gender in its
relation to power, both at the level of face-to-face interaction, and reflexivity within a social structure
at large. Focuses include sexual orientation, race, economic status, and nationality.
At the core of feminist sociology is the idea of the systematic oppression of women and the historical
dominance of men within most societies: 'patriarchy'. Feminist thought has a rich history, however,
which may be categorized into three 'waves'. The current, 'third wave', emphasizes the concepts of
globalization, post colonialism, post-structuralism and postmodernism. Contemporary feminist
thought has frequently tended to do-away with all generalizations regarding sex and gender, closely
linked with ant humanism, post humanism, queer theory and the work of Michel Foucault7.

FEMINIST SCRUTINIZES OF MULTICULTURALISM

Banters inside ethnic relations, especially in regards to the restricting points of view of
assimilationist and multiculturalism, have prompted the allegation that women's liberation is
inconsistent with multiculturalist approach. The dispatch of multiculturalism is to permit particular
societies to dwell in Western social orders, or separate social orders when all is said in done, and one
conceivable outcome is that sure religious or customary practices may nullify Western women's
activist goals. Focal open deliberations incorporate the points of orchestrated marriage and female
genital mutilation. Others have contended that these level headed discussions stem from Western
orientalism and general political hesitance to acknowledge outside vagrants.

FEMINIST SOCIAL WORK

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B. HOOKS. (2000). FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY: PASSIONATE POLITICS. CAMBRIDGE: SOUTH
END PRESS. (BOOK)
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TONG, R. P. (1998). FEMINIST THOUGHT (2ND ED.). BOULDER: WESTVIEW. (BOOK)

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Feminist social work arose out of feminist social action being carried out by women working with
women in their communities (Dominelli and McLeod, 1989)8. Their aim has been to improve
women’s well being by linking their personal predicaments and often-untold private sorrows with
their social position and status in society. This has meant that private troubles have been redefined as
matters of public concern. Although other social workers have insisted that society creates personal
ills, e.g., Attlee (1920), feminist social workers have been first to root women’s troubles in their
social positions and roles as women. In creating feminist social work, women activists have drawn
on feminist insights more generally and woven these into their own unique patterns of theory and
practice, thereby setting up an interactive relationship by which feminist social work also contributes
to feminist scholarship, research and practice.
I define feminist social work as a form of social work practice that takes women’s experience of the
world as the starting point of its analysis and by focusing on the links between a woman’s position in
society and her individual predicament, responds to her specific needs, creates egalitarian relations in
‘client’–worker interactions and addresses structural inequalities. Meeting women’s particular needs
in a holistic manner and dealing with the complexities of their lives – including the numerous
tensions and diverse forms of oppression impacting upon them, is an integral part of feminist social
work. Its focus on the interdependent nature of social relations ensures that it also addresses the
needs of those that women interact with – men, children and other women.
In giving women pride of place in their analyses, feminist social workers have challenged gender-
blind theories and practices that have treated women as offshoots of men (Harding, 1990) under the
guise of the universal human being that although ungendered resounds to men’s ways of thinking,
living and working. In social work, these have been replaced with woman-centered approaches
(Hanmer and Statham, 1988) that advocate sensitive gendered responses to the needs of women
‘clients’ and women workers. More recently, feminist social work has incorporated men more fully
into its theory and practice (Dominelli, 1991; Cavanagh and Cree, 1996; Orme et al., 2000)9.

However, these conceptualizations of women’s position have not been unchallenged. Ramazanoglu
(1989) has questioned the validity of approaches that treat women as a singular, uniform category.
She terms these ‘essentialist’ for ignoring the impact of ‘race’, disability, age, sexual orientations and
other social divisions upon gender relations, despite their commitment to examining women in their
social situations. Additionally, postmodern feminism has critiqued feminist practice and placed
greater emphasis on language and power in the interactive processes between individuals, including
those in the ‘client’–worker relationship (Lloyd, 1998).

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Charges of essentialism have been leveled against ‘classical’ texts on feminist social work (Brook
and Davis, 1985; Marchant and Wearing, 1986; Burden and Gottlieb 1987; Hanmer and Statham,
1988; Dominelli and McLeod, 1989; Langan and Day, 1992). It is difficult to construct a case that
applies equally to all of them. Some have highlighted the wide range of social divisions that are
apparent in the lives of women in any given locality to a greater extent than others: Dominelli and
McLeod (1989: 3–4, 27–30)10 have argued for the adaption of their analysis to this diversity. Langan
and Day’s (1992) solution has been to examine each social division separately in its own chapter.

Women do have differentiated experiences of their oppression. So, while I accept the postmodern
caution of not confusing the part for the whole, the charge of essentialism is wide of the mark.
Ordinary discourses are replete with ‘essentialist’ constructions of reality, as people in different
situations seek to identify commonalities and tactical bases on which to build unity for particular
purposes and signify common understandings about systemic problems that they wish to address – an
everyday version of Hartsock’s (1987) and Harding’s (1990) ‘strategic essentialism’. These are
partial and temporary creations. In making blanket assertions, post- modern analyses also fail to
acknowledge the diversity that exists in both feminism and feminist social work. Alongside this
diversity, I argue that feminists must not lose the continuities in or specificities that distinguish
between patterns of discrimination that emerge from women’s experiences. Thus, it is difficult to
sustain the view that ‘essentialism’ is a major failing in critical feminist social work.

As a profession, social work is committed to the uniqueness of every individual within his or her
social situation. The opportunity to respond without essentialising the person or treating them as a
member of a homogeneous category is unparalleled. In linking this to feminism’s commitment to
social change through individual and collective action that enhances the lives of children, women
and men, feminist social work has strengths that transcend postmodern theorists’ support for
fragmented, individual identities. Feminist social workers can affirm collective solidarities that have
been unhelpfully dismissed and sacrificed to individualism (Dominelli and Jonsdottir, 1988). One’s
individual identity can be retained within the remit of a broader collective (Haber, 1994)11.
A further strength of feminism that is indispensable to social workers is its commitment to social
change to better the lives of men, women and children. This arises from feminists’ concern to
understand and eradicate pat- terns of inequality that impact on some groups more than others and
make some sense of the continuities and discontinuities encompassed within the history of any
particular group. Yet, postmodernists have consigned these features to the dustbin of history as an
obsolete modernist project.

REDEFINING PROFESSIONAL SOCIAL WORK

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 FROM A FEMINIST PERSPECTIVE

Feminist social work intends to convey the most ideal administrations to ladies in the without further
ado by tending to oppress in both paid and unpaid work. This objective subjects each part of human
social relations to examination and changes inside a libertarian structure. Women's activists' requests
for far reaching social change have brought about its absence of claim as a noteworthy technique for
intercession in statutory social work. However, a significant number of it evaluates of business as
usual have been powerful in its hypothesis improvement, practice and preparing (Dominelli, 1992)12.
Rethinking social work from a Feminist point of view has on occasion set it in struggle with its state
order. This happens on the grounds that women's activists have attempted to subvert both open and
private patriarchy when supporting ladies "customers" who have tested their abuse and considered
extra methods for enabling ladies "customers" and specialists. Women's activist social laborers have
contended for a lady-focused practice (Hanmer and Statham, 1988),

in spite of the fact that their reactions to ladies additionally convey repercussions for kids and men
(Dominelli and McLeod, 1989)13. Women's activist social work is more than lady focused in light of
the fact that it is a piece of the more extensive feminist development and this shapes its definitive
objective of completion the mistreatment of all ladies whether this happens through open patriarchy,
private patriarchy or other harsh organizing of social relations.

In reclassifying demonstrable skill from a Feminist Perspective, each part of expert belief system and
practice is inspected as a component of feminist' dedication to an all encompassing change of social
relations whether in relationships with 'customers', partners, managers or the state. Feminist
practitioners look for change at the 'client'– specialist interface inside the working environment to
secure libertarian connections in both individual and expert life. Feminist social workers react to a
lady's requirements for administrations to improve her prosperity in general individual by seeing
socially structured gender abuse and its interconnections with different types of mistreatment.
Women's activist social laborers consider the effect of gender oppression upon a lady's particular
circumstance while recognizing her capacities as a dynamic operator who can settle on her own
choices. They likewise try to end women's subordination to men without abusing others, ladies, men
and kids.

There is no doubt of a feminist social worker forcing her ideological views upon either "customers"
or partners, in spite of the fact that they may take part in basic discourse about specific issues.

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Women's activist social laborers' dedication to an individual lady choosing for herself the particular
commitment she makes to women's liberation's motivation for social change (Cook and Kirk, 1983) 14
implies that the 'customer', not the social specialist chooses the degree, assuming any, of her
contribution in its more extensive objectives.

Women's liberation's more extensive political goal is accomplished through cooperation’s with
others and inclusion in their exercises, large portions of which lie outside the extent of social work
hone itself. Huge in their associations with ladies "customers" is the effect of feminist values in
molding the procedures through which specialists interface with "customers" and bring bits of
knowledge of ladies' perplexing, multi-layered personalities and diverse social circumstances into
their discoursed with each other.

FALSE EQUALITY TRAP

Women make 'false equality traps' (Barker, 1986) when they accept that other women have
comparative encounters of patriarchal mistreatment and access to the same open doors, methods for
knowing and conditions of being. They happen inside social work and without, and can be executed
by any lady accidentally. False correspondence traps reflect seldomly recognized force differentials
amongst ladies and an assumed balance. Postmodern women's activists reframe this as regarding
ladies as an essentialist classification (Rojek et al., 1988)15.

Monitoring different conditions that make false balance traps is key to women's activist social
laborers. False fairness traps are especially imperative in social work since they can be made through
a scope of connections. This incorporate character based connections, amongst laborers and their
'customers', associates and managers. Some are shaped through interpersonal communications or
individual connections between women. Others are systemic. Various flow uncover their nearness.
Two key ones are: minimizing ladies' encounters of abuse; and precluding ladies' encounters from
securing mistreatment.

Social workers who deny women’s experience of oppression argue that women now have equality.
This stance rejects structural bases to oppression. But as is illustrated below, the boundary between
structural and personal forms of oppression is blurred. Moreover, structural dynamics that create
false equality traps can easily become personal ones because these intersect and interact with each
other.

In social work, practitioners also deny women’s experience of oppression by presuming that what a
woman says about her specific experience of it is of little consequence if she is coping. Denial
dynamics are similar to minimizing ones in disparaging the particularity of women’s experiences of
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TONG, R. P. (1998). FEMINIST THOUGHT (2ND ED.). BOULDER: WESTVIEW. (BOOK)
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oppression at the interpersonal level. But it is different in that denial ignores the systemic nature of
the specificities of women’s oppression. The following case of domestic violence exemplifies this
process. In it, a white middle-class social worker hears a white working-class woman claim that she
is unable to leave her violent partner because he is all she has. Instead of hearing this as a reason for
further probing, checking out its meaning in practical as well as emotional terms and doing so in a
manner that makes the woman feel that she is being listened to, the social worker dismisses her by
saying, ‘Oh, OK. Here’s the refuge number if you need it in future’.

CONCLUSION

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Professional social work from a feminist perspective has women as its starting point, but carries
implications for social work with children and men. Feminists have played a central role in placing
gender relations on the social work map, challenging existing definitions of professional social work,
and redefining it in more egalitarian, power-sharing directions. Given the gendered nature of the
profession, it is surprising that feminist social work has not been adopted more broadly in practice.
False equality traps present a key danger besetting practicing feminist social workers. Feminist
practitioners are aware of hurdles in forming egalitarian relations, understanding power as a complex
and multi-faceted phenomenon and engaging with other women as active agents. Despite the
problematic of practicing feminist social work, working with service users in more egalitarian ways
is a promising avenue to walk down because it offers the opportunity to: explore power-sharing;
learn how to dismantle the barriers to egalitarian social relations; build the bridges necessary for
surmounting these obstacles; transcend the false-equality traps that fail to resolve a myriad of
problems; value difference; and create alternative ways of working and being. Changing workplace
relations to accommodate men’s full involvement in domestic activities is also important in
redefining professionalism in egalitarian dimensions.

And in overall feminist perspective is a theoretical perspective, which observes it’s relation to power,
both at the level of face-to-face interaction and reflexivity within a social structure at large. Focuses
including gender orientation, race, economic status, and nationality, this philosophy provides one of
the major contemporary approaches towards the greater view at the society including a major role of
women’s, so understanding their perspective is one of the most required learning for going to an
equal and developing future.

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 BIBLIOGRAPHY

1. FEMINIST SOCIAL WORK THEORY AND PRACTICE- LENA DOMINELLI (BOOK)

2. HTTP://PLATO.STANFORD.EDU/ENTRIES/FEMINIST-POWER/

3. TONG, R. P. (1998). FEMINIST THOUGHT (2ND ED.). BOULDER: WESTVIEW. (BOOK)

4. BAUMGARDNER, J. AND A. RICHARDS. (2000). MANIFESTA: YOUNG WOMEN, FEMINISM, AND
THE FUTURE. NEW YORK: FARRAR, STRAUS, AND GIROUX. (BOOK)
5. B. HOOKS. (2000). FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY: PASSIONATE POLITICS. CAMBRIDGE:
SOUTH END PRESS. (BOOK)
MAJOR SOURCE

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