3

International
Politics

Editors

Prof.Dr. Murat ÇEMREK

Asst.Prof.Dr. Segâh TEKİN

Authors

Prof.Dr. Murat ÇEMREK

CHAPTER 1 Research Assistant Ahmet Göksel ULUER

CHAPTER 2
Asst.Prof.Dr. Taylan Özgür KAYA

CHAPTER 3 Asst.Prof.Dr. Yusuf SAYIN

Asst.Prof.Dr. Mustafa Cüneyt ÖZŞAHİN

CHAPTER 4 Research Assistant Zehra KORKMAZ KÖKDERE
CHAPTER 5 Assoc.Prof.Dr. Güner ÖZKAN

CHAPTER 6 Asst.Prof.Dr. Göktuğ SÖNMEZ

CHAPTER 7 Asst.Prof.Dr. Segâh TEKİN

 T.C. ANADOLU UNIVERSITY PUBLICATION NO: 3698
OPEN EDUCATION FACULTY PUBLICATION NO: 2520

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INTERNATIONAL POLITICS

E-ISBN
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Eskişehir, Republic of Turkey, February 2019
3198-0-0-0-1902-V01
 Contents
From
Conceptualization
CHAPTER 1 to Transformation
into Global Politics
Introduction ................................................... 3
Primary Phases of Globalization: Trade
Routes, Empires, Religions ........................... 4
Western Run Globalization: New
Trade Routes, New Empires and
New Values ............................................ 4
Expansion of Europe: European Problems
and Solutions Becoming Global ................... 7
United Nations System ........................ 11
Globalization in the Cold War Period and
Thereafter ...................................................... 12
Global Problems Need Global
Solutions  ............................................... 13
International
Politics and
CHAPTER 2
International
Organizations
Introduction ................................................... 23
Definitions, Roles, Functions and Classification
of International Organizations .................... 23
Definition ............................................... 23
Roles of International Organizations
in International Politics ........................ 24
Functions of International
Organizations ........................................ 26
Classification of International
Organizations ........................................ 28
Historical Roots of International
Organizations ................................................ 29
Theoretical Approaches to International
Organizations ................................................ 35
International
CHAPTER 3 Politics and
Regionalism
Introduction ................................................... 49
Conceptual Framework: What is “Region”? ..... 50
Regionalism and Regionalization ................. 51
Regional Organizations and
Categorization of Regional Organizations ...... 57
Regional Political Organizations ......... 60
Regional Economic (Development)
Organizations ........................................ 61
Regional Security Organizations ......... 63
Human Rights
CHAPTER 4 in International
Politics
Introduction ................................................... 75
Human Rights: A Philosophical and
Conceptual Framework ................................. 75
Historical Background of Human Rights .... 76
Internationalization Process of
Human Rights ................................................ 78
Post-Cold War Developments in the
Process of the Internationalization of
Human Rights ....................................... 78
Globalization and Discussion of the
Loss of Sovereignty in the
Development of Human Rights ........... 79
Non-State Actors and Human Rights ..... 80
Human Rights in the Agenda of
International Organizations  ............... 80
Human Rights in the Shadow of
Non-Governmental Organizations ...... 83
Human Rights and Humanitarian
Intervention .......................................... 85
Theory of International Relations and
Human Rights ................................................ 85
Normative Theory and Human Rights ..... 86
Liberalism, International Regimes, and
Democracy ............................................. 86
English School and Humanitarian
Intervention .......................................... 86
Constructivism, Norms, and Human
Rights ..................................................... 87
iii
 Cultures,
International
Civilizations and
CHAPTER 5 Politics CHAPTER 7
International
and Security Politics
Introduction ................................................... 97 Introduction ................................................... 151
Security as a Contested Concept .................   98 Conceptual and Historical Framework  ....... 151
Theoretical Perspectives to Security  ........... 100 The Interaction of Cultures, Religions
Realist Thinking on Security  ............... 100 and Civilizations .................................... 151
Liberalism on Security  ......................... 102 The Invention of Civilization: A
Critical Security Approach  ................... 105 Modern Approach  ................................ 155
Constructivist Security Approach ........ 107 Modernity, Secularism and the
Securitisation  ........................................ 109 Emergence of the Nation State ........... 156
Relevancy of Traditional Security in Identity Politics in the 20th Century ............. 156
Great Power ‘Peace’ ....................................... 111 The Cold War Period ............................. 157
Complex Securıty Agenda in the The Emergence of Identity Politics as
North-South Context .................................... 113 a Source of Conflict in the Post-Cold
War World ............................................. 158
The Response of the IR Theory ............ 159
Culture and Religion in a Globalizing
World .............................................................. 160
Radicalization and Culture and Globalization  ................... 160
CHAPTER 6 Terrorism Shaping Globalization and Religion: The
International
Politics Global Resurgence ................................ 161
The Civilizational Dimension in
Introduction ................................................... 127
Contemporary International Politics ....... 162
Radicalization, Violent Extremism and
Terrorism ........................................................ 127
Definitions, Conceptualizations, and
Push and Pull Factors (Drivers) ........... 127
History ................................................... 130
Different Manifestations of Contemporary
Terrorism ........................................................ 134
Ethnic Terrorism ................................... 134
Ideologically Motivated Terrorism ...... 134
Terrorism With Religious Motivations....   135
Radicalization, Terrorism, and the Cyber
World .............................................................. 136
The Internet, Social Media, Cyber
Crime and Terrorism  ............................ 137
Women and Youth as Objects and Subjects
of Radicalization and Terrorism ................... 138
Women’s Role in Radicalization and
Violent Extremism ................................ 138
Youth and Radicalization ..................... 140
The Challenge of Rehabilitation and
Reintegration: The Challenging Balance
Between Security and Human Rights ......... 141

iv
Preface
This book is composed of seven chapters
focusing on different dimensions of
contemporary international politics. Due
to the complex nature of international
politics and interrelatedness of the subjects,
discussions in the chapters complement each
other and they may handle the same topics
from different historical and theoretical
perspectives.
The first chapter focuses on the dynamics
of transformation in world politics at the
age of globalization. This chapter also
serves as an introduction to the following
chapters of the book. The second chapter
analyzes international organizations in
detail according to their classification and
their functions. This chapter examines
historical roots of international organizations
since their emergence in the 19th century
and explains their functions according
to different theoretical approaches. The
third chapter presents a comprehensive
discussion on the evolution of regionalism
in international politics with reference to
the theoretical approaches to regionalism
and the functions of regional organizations
both at the regional level and within the
context of international politics. This chapter
also provides comprehensive information
on the activities of prominent regional
organizations. The fourth chapter on human
rights firstly explains the historical and
philosophical background of the topic. And
secondly discusses the internalization process
of human rights by analyzing the human
rights violations and the response of the
international society and lastly analyzes the
relationship between international relations
theories and human rights.
The fifth chapter focuses on international
security with a preliminary discussion on
the concept of security and its contesting
definitions. Theoretical approaches to
security and the issues of traditional security
in great power politics and the emerging
security challenges from the point of North-
South division are other topics analyzed
in this chapter. The sixth chapter of the
book presents an extensive conceptual
and historical framework on the issues
of radicalization, violent extremism, and
terrorism. Due to their increasing importance
as a source of conflict and instability in
both national and international levels,
this chapter also analyses contemporary
security challenges put forth by terrorist
and radical groups and the related topics of
rehabilitation and reintegration. The seventh
and the last chapter discusses the place of the
notions or culture, civilization and religion
in international politics. Within the context
of their relationship with the issues such as
secularism, modernism, identity politics and
globalization, this chapter analyzes the rising
importance of the civilizational dimension in
national affairs and in international relations
as a source of conflict, cooperation and as a
tool of soft power.
We hope that International Politics will
be a useful source for the students of
International Relations to understand
contemporary international politics without
omitting the historical and theoretical
backgrounds of the topics of discussion.
Editors
Prof.Dr. Murat ÇEMREK
Asst.Prof.Dr. Segâh TEKİN
v
 From Conceptualization to
Transformation into Global
Chapter 1 Politics
After completing this chapter, you will be able to;
Learning Outcomes

1 Understand the periodization of globalization. 2 Differentiate early phases of globalization

through trade routes, empires, and religions.

3 4
Grasp the historical characteristics of the
Comprehend dynamics of the modern Western European state system to have spread
world. worldwide.

5 Clarify the United Nations system and the Cold

War. 6 Perceive global problems not easy to be
handled on national scales.

Key Terms
State
Globalization
Border
Sovereignty
Nation state
Chapter Outline Liberalism
Introduction 
Age of Discovery
Primary Phases of Globalization: Trade Routes,
Renaissance
Empires, Religions
Enlightenment
Expansion of Europe: European Problems and
Peace of Westphalia
Solutions Becoming Global
Congress of Vienna
Globalization in the Cold War Period and Thereafter
World Wars I & II
United Nations
Global problems
Climate & Environment
Refugee
Terrorism

2
International Politics

INTRODUCTION of enmeshment among national economies and

Since having found a seat in dictionaries of
the early 1960s, globalization is a relatively new
concept. Thus such far-reaching questions appear
imminently: What is globalization? or what is global
politics? It seems that, like many other concepts in
social sciences all related definitions are in dispute
while arguments and critics are revealed perpetually.
Just to highlight the matter, we would like to refer
to some definitions of globalization:
Globalization refers to shrinking distances
among the continents, a wider geographic sense of
vulnerability, and a worldwide interconnectedness
of important aspects of human life, including
religion, migration, war, finance, trade, diseases,
drugs, and music. Globalization implies a
significant and obvious blurring of distinctions
between the internal and external affairs of
countries and the weakening of differences among
countries. (Payne, 2016).
Held & McGrew (2003), in their comprehensive
book, mention about different approaches
regarding the concept:
Globalization has been variously conceived as
action at a distance (whereby the actions of
social agents in one locale can come to have
significant consequences for ‘distant others’);
time-space compression (referring to the way in
which instantaneous electronic communication
erodes the constraints of distance and time on
social organization and interaction); accelerating
interdependence (understood as the intensification
societies such that events in one country impact
directly on others); a shrinking world (the erosion
of borders and geographical barriers to socio-
economic activity) ; and, among other concepts,
global integration, the reordering of interregional
power relations, consciousness of the global
condition and the intensification of interregional
interconnectedness. (p. 3)
Also, they add a more general meaning “in other
words, globalization represents a significant shift in
the spatial reach of social relations and organization
towards the interregional or intercontinental scale.”
(p. 3). Thus, Mooney & Evans (2007) promote the
ambiguous character of the concept and emphasize
that “ (…) globalization concerns a field of inquiry
defined more by the questions it asks and its object
of study: the world as a whole and parts of it in
relation to this whole.” (p. ix).
In reference to conceptualizations above,
one can clearly underline that globalization
is essentially the historical transformation of
the world especially visible in social, political,
economic and cultural terms. Globalization is thus
used to describe transformations proliferating all
kinds of communication among people living in
many different regions of the world. In Table 1,
Pieterse (2012) lists phases of globalization, with
its central nodes and dynamics. (p. 19). We can
also clearly see the “spreading affect” of connection
among people, cultures, and continents. Every
phase causes a new type of production and trade,
and expands its geographic influence.

Table 1.1 Phases Of Globalızatıon

PHASES START TIME CENTRAL NODES DYNAMICS
Agricultural and urban revolutions,
Eurasian Globalization 3000 BCE Eurasia
migrations, trade, ancient empires
Greco-Roman world,
Afro-Eurasian 1000 BCE Commercial revolution
West Asia, East Africa
Oriental globalization 1 500 CE Middle East Emergence of a world economy, caravan trade
East and South Asia and Productivity, technology urbanization; Silk
Oriental globalization 2 1100
multicentric Routes
Multicentric 1500 Atlantic expansion Triangular trade, Americas
Euro-Atlantic 1800 Euro-Atlantic economy Industrialization, colonial division of labour
20th Century US, Europe, Japan: Multinational corporations, (end of ) Cold War,
1950
globalization Trilateral globalization global value chains
21st Century East Asia, BRICS, emerging
2000 New geography of trade, global rebalancing
globalization societies, petro-economies

3
 From Conceptualization to Transformation into Global Politics
As the main goal of the chapter, we would like
to focus on the dynamics of this transformation
process. Especially the question of how politics has
become a relationship among nations, then how
that internationalized politics have transformed
into a global scale is our main focus.
PRIMARY PHASES OF
GLOBALIZATION: TRADE
ROUTES, EMPIRES, RELIGIONS
State is not eternal, though some regard it so,
but it is rather quite historical having found life at a
stage of the human history. In early periods, human
communities lived in stateless societies. State has
been an apparatus that came into being with the
spread of communal life, in general, civilization.
As agricultural revolution became widespread,
the need for stable residences, properties, and
protection of these properties such as keeping the
harvest intact emerged. However, as a result, this
new way of life has caused some disputes. The idea
of an institution to design, protect, and manage
this new lifestyle has shaped the state itself.
1 the newly emerging empires. In 1492, with the
What do you think about the people in stateless
societies? What kind of society, organization and
life did they experienced?
Yet, in the beginning, this new lifestyle did not
spread all over the world overnight. Although some
communities had started agriculture, the majority
kept their livestock in a nomadic manner since
their geographical conditions were not favourable.
Such that “(...) the early isolated river-valley
civilizations, islands in a sea of barbarians, were
in touch with each other at best through tenuous,
long-distance trading.” (Hodgson, 1999, p. 20).
With the developments in communication and
military technology, the control of the government
gradually began to reach further locations. City-
states either evolved individually or became part
of empires dominating quite large territories of the
era. Intercontinental trade routes, among which
Silk Road and Spice Route are the most renowned
ones of the pre-modern world, gave boost to
cultural exchange. These trade routes paved the
4
path for empires to control wider areas and build
socio economic hegemony
The antique empires such as Macedonian,
Persian, Rome, Mongols and the Seljukians,
through healthy designed and functioning
civilian and military bureaucracy of their era,
reached enormous capacity to spread across many
different continents with their cultural influence
as well. Social and cultural aspects of the earlier
hegemonic powers of their age commonly held
by local authorities and people through some
variations. Especially, religions such as Christianity
and Islam spread fast and were adopted by masses.
Furthermore, historically religion has always been
an important element of legitimization among
people. So, hegemonic cultural motives were
tailored as common value sets of the pre-modern
empires in the name of legitimacy before their
peoples as well.
Western Run Globalization: New
Trade Routes, New Empires and New
Values
Another important aspect of aforementioned
transformation was the oceanic breakthrough of
expedition of Christopher Columbus to India
through western route practiced for the first time,
sponsored by Isabella I of Castile, “The Age of
Discovery” emerged. Although Columbus did not
reached India he discovered a new continent not
familiar in the old world. This inclusion of the
American continent into the European network has
brought enrichment to empires inspiring further
expeditions. However, the arrival of European sailors
on the African coast was also almost during the same
period. In 1488, Portuguese sailor Bartolomeu Dias
reached the southern point of Africa called Cape of
Good Hope (Cabo da Boa Esperança). Then, other
Portuguese sailors reached other coasts of East Africa.
This oceanic breakthrough led a new network of
relations among three continents, Europe, America,
and Africa. Transatlantic Triangular Trade’s scheme
was based on the slave trade from Africa to America;
sugar, tobacco and cotton from America to Europe;
textiles, rum and manufactured goods from Europe
to Africa. (Curtin, 1969; Rodney, 1981; Thornton,
1992).
International Politics
Picture 1.1 Transatlantic Triangular Trade
Source: https://www.tes.com/lessons/jdP4eZI2srHLSw/triangular-trade-routes
The Age of Discovery led to a world in which
foreign trade and colonialism became main
dynamics. Transferring easy gold in great volumes
from America to Europe caused a continental
inflation paving the path for the mercantilist era.
The European cities happened to be increasingly
populated. Although states were conservative when
it comes to the customs and trade, the feudal order
of Europe has slowly been transformed into more
centralized type of government. Besides, a new
social class, bourgeoisie, has arisen; as a powerful
opponent and challenger of the aristocracy of the
dynasties itself. The “bourgeoisie” derived from
the word “bourg” (means citizen, or people of the
city). Henri Pirenne (1956) clarified the birth of
this new class as below:
Soon the space that cities and burgs and had to
offer these new-comers, who became more and
more numerous and embarrassing in proportion
as trade increased, was no longer sufficient. They
were driven to settle outside the walls and to build
beside the old burg a new burg (…) The reason
why they came, before the end of the eleventh
century, to be known by the word bourgeois, which
was really much better suited to the inhabitants
of old burgs, at the foot of which they settled, is
to be found in the fact that very early mercantile
group too surrounded itself by a wall of palisade
for the sake of security, and thus became a burg in
its turn.” (pp. 41-2).
The bourgeoisie, as a new class, has slowly become
the carrier of new form of wealth accumulation.
This class has become the most important threat to
challenge monarchies while increasing its economic
and political influence gradually. However the
bourgeoisie preferred to move as closely as possible
with the monarchies till they reached a certain
degree of influence. Thus, they jointly succeeded to
eliminate the secular power of the Catholic Church
on politics, economy, and society though it was the
main figure of European politics throughout the
Middle Age. The symbol of that elimination was
the Treaties of Osnabrück and Münster, signed in
1648 after Thirty Years’ War (1618-1648), widely
known as the Peace of Westphalia. No official
from the Papacy was invited to negotiations or
signatures of the cited agreement. This event has
been considered as an indication of the neglect of
the Papacy in political decision-making of the new
era. This treaty had already guaranteed the absolute
sovereignty of the principalities whose borders to
be defined earlier within the Holy Roman Empire.
Over time, this internal issue of the German
principalities’ spread to whole European states and
monarchs to maintain absolute sovereignty within
their “mutually recognized boundaries”. The Peace
of Westphalia served as a founding myth for
European states (Teschke, 2003) to be the respective
global hegemonic powers in the coming centuries;
as problem-solvers, trans-boundary carriers of
borders, sovereignty, and influence. Thus, respect
5
 From Conceptualization to Transformation into Global Politics

for the national borders became one of the most important rules and principles of modern international
law system at least in theory. Territorial integrity principle created a European order, a balance of power
within the continent not allowing any kingdom to be more
powerful through complex alliance systems. Additionally,
the newly emerged states were recognised via conferences The Thirty Years’ War (1618-1648) started
with broad participation. Whole participants/governments as a conflict between Protestant and Catholic
İspanya were eager to maintain status quo. The Treaty of Utrecht principalities in the former Holy Roman
(1713) signed during the last period of the War of the Empire territories. But in a short time, it evolved
Veraset Spanish Succession (1702-1714), was a cornerstone of this into inter European conflict, the main power
determination of making the order permanent. The treaty
Savaşı prevented rising influence of the French Empire on Europe, struggle of France and Habsburg Dynasty.
with alliance of Britain, United Provinces (Netherlands),
Portugal, and Sardinia.

Picture 1.2 The Ratification of the Treaty of Münster, 15 May 1648 (1648) by Gerard ter Borch.
Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Peace_of_Westphalia#/media/File:Westfaelischer_Friede_in_Muenster_
(Gerard_Terborch_1648).jpg

The economic and geo-political transformation of the world, specifically Europe, was also been
accompanied by a mental/philosophical transformation. The references for any kind of legitimacy have
mostly shifted from religious roots into humanist framework. Crystallised with Descartes’ motto “Cogito,
ergo sum.” (I think, therefore I am), human became the centre of knowledge and/or the new truth. “In the
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, man had already become fully conscious of the world around him
and of its laws. They were no longer the mysterious decrees of an inscrutable providence, but laws accessible
to reason.” (Carr, 1990, p. 135). That humanitarian motivation evolved into version of more active and
powerful than before. Such that, Marx underlined the main understanding by saying: “The philosophers
have only interpreted the world in various ways; the point is to change it.” (Marx, 1998, p. 571).
The Renaissance, roughly between 14th-17th centuries, was a period of humanism; art, music and self-
awareness arose firstly in Florence/Italy, and then spread throughout the whole continent. The Renaissance

6
 International Politics
çökelmiş precipitated the Age of Enlightenment (17th-18th
centuries) in various countries of Europe such as
France, Scotland, Germany, and also in America.
The values like liberty, separation of church and
state, tolerance and scientific research became the
characteristics of this new age. The philosophers of
the Enlightenment set the agendas for humanity
through the aforementioned values. The rise of
“ration” and secularism strengthened human to
build orders and systems compatible with his/
her secular needs. The founding of the United
States of America (1776, 4th July) could be
referred as a milestone in this context with such
developments of the Declaration of Independence
(1776), the Constitution (1787) and the Bill
of Rights (1791). The most influential effect
of this overall transformation was the French
Revolution in 1789. The rise of new intellectual
values of the Enlightenment Age, the economic
crisis and the concomitant heavy tax burden on
the ordinary people after the Seven Years’ War
(1756-1763), demand of participation in political
decision making processes by newly emerged
socio-economic classes all led France into turmoil
by objecting Old Regime (Ancien Régime). The
earlier aspects of the Old Regime such as feudality,
nobility, patrimonialism and monarchy started to
been questioned. (Furet, 1996, pp. 3-40).
2
What were main features of new mindset emerging
in Europe, and the reasons of the dynamics?
French Revolution has made a great impact
over world politics. Not only demolishing the
Ancien Régime, but also the French Revolution has
shaped the forthcoming centuries even decades
by replacing value sets of politics, economics and
culture. Wallerstein emphasizes its importance by
saying “it made widespread the belief that political
change is “normal” rather than exceptional, and
that sovereignty of states (itself a concept that
dates at most from the sixteenth century) resides
not in a sovereign ruler (whether a monarch or
a parliament) but in the “people” as a whole.”
(Wallerstein, 1999, p. 19).
EXPANSION OF EUROPE:
EUROPEAN PROBLEMS AND
SOLUTIONS BECOMING GLOBAL
The General Napoléon Bonaparte became “First
Consul” in 1799; first decade of post-revolutionary
France was not politically stable in essence.
Napoléon then changed his title and became the
emperor of France in 1804. It took a decade to
be overthrown. That decade was famous with the
Napoléonic Wars. France waged wars against great
powers of Europe, such as Austria, Prussia, Russia,
and Britain. At the Congress of Vienna (November
1814 – June 1815), after the defeat of France, the
future of Europe and the order of post-war period
were negotiated. The Congress had pros and cons.
As Chapman (1998) mentioned:
War was ended and peace was restored; France was
quarantined but not ostracised from the European
state system; the winners were rewarded mostly,
but not always, with territories that they wanted,
and the security of them all was made that much
more assured. There was scope for liberalism in
constitutions and free trade, and where the former
lapsed it was generally the fault of smaller states.
The lesser states proved to be more conservative
(and more vindictive towards France) than the
great powers. (p. 59).
Participants ignored may be the most important
issue -which is newly emerging values of the
continent- and organized congress on problems of
whole Europe and bringing them a solution jointly.
This all has become a conventional and customary
element of the continent and later the world itself.
7
 From Conceptualization to Transformation into Global Politics
Picture 1.3 Participants of the Congress of Vienna.
Source: http://www.emersonkent.com/historic_documents/congress_of_vienna_1815.htm
The concept of “border” as mentioned earlier,
new social classes, the idea of nationalism, and
the decline of the Ancien Régime overlapped with
each other. The resulting synthesis was a new mass
that could reflect its choices and will: the Nation.
The French Revolution triggered the formation
of a new socio-political institution that survived
for centuries as well as its current influences: the
Nation-state.
Since the beginning, the world history has
witnessed the correlation of many symbols, values,
emotions, and norms that function as a glue holding
societies together. We can call them “umbrella
concepts” which have generally been abstract,
atalara inclusive, collective, and regulative. Ancestor
tapınma cult, religion, imperial/royal commitment, ethnic
bonds, nation, and ideologies could be classified
as examples of that. The nation-state was the last
link in the chain of new mindset of the modern
Western political order -still in charge although it
has been questioned more and more in time. The
earlier steps of industrialization caused the need
for wider cooperation between cities in need of
standardization in language and dialects as well
as commercial elements. Thus, with the economic
partnership of the nearby cities, the evolution of
the peoples into a national identity developed
simultaneously.
8
...[t]he democratization of politics, i.e. on
the one hand growing extension of the (male)
franchise, on the other the creation of the modern,
administrative, citizen-mobilizing and citizen-
influencing state, both placed the question of
the ‘nation’, and the citizen’s feelings towards
whatever he regarded as his ‘nation’, ‘nationality’
or other centre of loyalty, at the top of political
agenda. (Hobsbawm, 1992, p. 83).
However, nationalization became a source of
legitimacy for political decision makers and rulers
of the nation-states.
In this regard, 1830 and 1848 can be accepted
as symbolic dates of the end of Ancien Régime
throughout the European continent. Rising
liberalism and nationalism hand in hand have
influenced Europe over time. The long-serving
monarchies were negatively affected, and at the
second half of the 19th century, Italy in 1870
and Germany in 1871 finalized their national
unity following the United States of America in
1865. Hereafter, the cluster of unified nations küme
consolidated until the World War I. How did
nations consolidate?
International Politics
In 1830, France and Belgium witnessed
nationalist movements to overthrow the King
and transfer one constitutional monarchy to
another among dynasties. Also in different
parts of the world, nationalist movements
were observed such as in Brazil, Switzerland,
Poland, Portugal, and Italy. In 1848, urban
workers and middle classes led a revolutionary
movement over Western and Central Europe.
Italy, France, German principalities/states,
Hungary, Habsburg Empire, Denmark,
Belgium, Sweden, Switzerland, and more
people of Europe united with ideas of more
democracy, more rights, change of the
aristocratic order, and downfall of feudality,
etc. The most prominent event of the year
was ending the constitutional Monarchy of
Louis Philippe in France and the foundation
of Second French Republic in 1848 though it
could survive only till the coup led by Louis- 3. style created serious problems. Colonialism and
Napoléon Bonaparte in 1851 initiating the
Second Empire in France.
Firstly, enrichment of Europe and technological
improvements led to the Industrial Revolution. This
new type of production accelerated labour markets,
augmented industrial city life, and also increased
military expenditures with the newly emerging
heavy military technology. Thanks to the abolition
of slavery and the earlier slave trade through the
Atlantic world in 19th century revealed the need for
labour. Parallel with new labour order, a new social
class, proletariat, emerged. It is such a class that
works with low wage, lives in unhealthy conditions,
and “have nothing to lose but their chains.” (Marx
& Engels, 1948, p. 44). The governments could
not yet produce an action plan on how to manage
them. This new class was perceived as a source
of trouble by European powers. As the famous
Communist Manifesto underlined: “A spectre is
haunting Europe—the spectre of Communism.
All the powers of old Europe have entered into
a holy alliance to exorcise this spectre: Pope and
Czar, Metternich and Guizot, French Radicals and
German police-spies.” (p. 8). Yet, the Industrial
Revolution prompted enrichment of the European
powers that steered the nation state to get easily
centralized in all aspects preventing the formation
of either peripheral or oppositional movements.
Secondly, the French Revolution created the
“citizen” who voted, elected, bore arms, and paid
taxes. When military service became an obligation
of citizenship, governments began saving some
of the financing to build an army. Thus, with the
mobilization of a large number of citizens, the
nation-states were able to form great armies easier
than the earlier empires. The financing for the
mercenaries could be devoted to war technology.
As a result of the Industrial Revolution, a rapid and
intensive armament race had already begun among
the nations.
The rush to wealth and military power starting
with the Age of Discovery and stimulated with the
Industrial Revolution increased the competition
among new nation-sates and ages old empires.
In particular, the need for raw materials and
market dominating the industrial production
the accompanying exploitation process had been
executed by the European powers and new actors
as latecomers into this race such as Germany
and Italy were meant to be involved in it. These
developments inevitably created a conflict of
interests to shape the future of Europe through
several wars in future. The Berlin Conference,
held in 1884-85, pursued to solve this conflict in
line with the principle of finding joint solutions
for joint problems. The colonial activity of some
areas was controversial and ambiguous among the
colonial powers. The Conference established the
“principle of affectivity” or “effective occupation”,
which not only stopped setting up colonies in name
but but also imposed obligations of having treaty
with local leaders, waving flags and governing with
a police force in clearly defined territories. This
brought the reflection of “border” as a concept and
sovereignty principles beside Europe. Following
the conference, “Scramble for Africa” has begun.
European powers shared the continent to meet
their colonial demands. That sharing caused a
relief in short term, but not in the long run, since
there was no territory left with any military and/or
political authority (in Western terms of this age);
competitors challenged each other to gain more
power. This tension was accompanied by internal
disputes within Europe: such as the famous Eastern
Question, which had been on the agenda since
9
 From Conceptualization to Transformation into Global Politics

the Congress of Vienna; or the Russian influence

on Balkans. The whole historical developments
from colonialism to armament or from new
socio-political changes to citizenship; came into a
deadlock, and led to two major world wars in the
first half of the 20th century.
3
What do you think about effects of colonialism on
the African continent? Could there be any positive
outputs of the process rather than negative ones?

Picture 1.4 Colonies & Protectorates in Africa around 1914.

Source: http://www.deboomfotografie.nl/map-of-africa-in-1914.html

The World War I (WWI) lasted more than four years (from July 1914 to November 1918). There were
two opposing alliances: the Allied Powers versus the Central Powers. Ironically, regional or national politics
turned into global issues through a world war at the first hand. The Allied Powers won the WWI. The
period between 1919-1939 was named as “the inter-war period”. The eminently rising nationalism was the
main characteristic of the period especially for Germany,
the most suffered nation of post-WWI regulations. Adolf The Allied Powers: France, United
Hitler, a WWI veteran, took the government in 1932 as Kingdom, Russia, Serbia, Belgium, Italy,
the leader of the National Socialist German Workers’ Party Japan, Portugal, Romania, China, United
(NAZI). Then, he became the Führer (Leader) of the whole States, Greece, etc.; Central Powers: German
nation in time eliminating his political rivals. The other Empire, Ottoman Empire, Austria-Hungary,
nation that fell into the hands of fascism was Italy when Bulgaria.
Benito Mussolini who had founded the National Fascist
Party in 1919 and took the government in 1922.

10
International Politics
Also during the WW1, in the year 1917;
Bolsheviks took the Czar down and started to
establish a communist regime. In 1922, the Union
of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) was founded.
Joseph Stalin, the successor of the leader of
revolution Vladimir Lenin, was in charge until his
death in 1953 for almost 30 years and was recorded
in the history for his brutal totalitarian government
vis-à-vis his compatriots including Trotsky, the
fervent supporter of socialism who had established
the Red Army.
Bolshevik is the name of faction in Marxist
Russian Social Democratic Labour Party in
early 20th century, literally meaning “one of
the majority”. Bolsheviks have struggled with
Mensheviks in the party. Bolsheviks became
dominant component of the party and led
the revolution of 1917 under the leadership
of Vladimir Lenin, the founding leader of
Soviet Union.
The early 20th century witnessed the decline of
liberalism in Europe. As Hobsbawm noted “[O]
f all the developments in the Age of Catastrophe,
survivors from the nineteenth century were perhaps
most shocked by the collapse of the values and
institutions of the liberal civilization whose progress
their century had taken for granted, at any rate in
‘advanced’ and ‘advancing’ parts of the world.”
(Hobsbawm, 1994, p. 109). On the other hand,
ideologies such as Fascism, Nazism, Marxism, and
Communism have arisen. As Hobsbawm coined,
the period can be named as the “age of extremes”
as he put the title of his book. (Hobsbawm, 1994).
The extremist Europe faced with a crisis in
the midst of 1930s. Germany asked to get rid of
the chains of the Treaty of Versailles (1919) to
become an honourable member of the continent.
Besides, Italy wanted to expand its influence on
colonial territories. The quite aggressive stance of
these two countries nerved the other nations to
stop Germany gently through the British Prime
Minister Neville Chamberlain’s appeasement
policy to overcome Hitler employing diplomatic
methods but not threats or sanctions. However, the
revisionist manner of Germany-Italy-Japan alliance
in Europe, Africa and Asia could not be stopped
or manipulated but such appeasement policy could
only add salt into the injury. For example, Chinese
invasion and Soviet border conflict of Japan; and,
Italian invasion of Ethiopia and German support of
Spanish civil war were such parallel developments.
Finally, German invasion of Poland in 1939 led to
another global war, World War II (WWII), between
the Allied and the Axis Powers, to last six years
(from September 1939 to September 1945). The
Allied Powers won the WWII and United States of
America (USA) rose as a hegemonic power while
historical hegemons of Europe, France and United
Kingdom (UK) had already declined through the
world wars incrementally. USA grasped its influence
on Europe, and the world in general, with another
brand new superpower USSR. The Axis Alliance
was wiped out from Europe by these two forces
with different ideological perspectives, liberalism
and socialism. The post-WWII regulations have
clearly differentiated USA and USSR’s interests on
Europe and the world in general. Thus, the world
evolved into a bipolar structure between America
and the Soviets, which marked the beginning of
the Cold War.
The Allied Powers: USA, USSR, UK, China
(Big Four) and almost all of the countries
including colonies of the Big Four and non-
occupied countries by the Axis Powers.
Axis Powers: Germany, Japan, Italy, and
occupied countries by them.
United Nations System
Foundation and Organs
Before mentioning Cold War era, we should
underline the United Nations (UN) which was
founded during 1945. But during WW2, Allied
Big Four (China, USA, USSR, UK) accepted the
document of Declaration by United Nations in
1942. The principle of gathering conferences was
still valid even during war period. They declared to
share the same values, stated in declaration:
11
 From Conceptualization to Transformation into Global Politics

Being convinced that complete victory over producing standards coherent with its value sets
their enemies is essential to defend life, liberty, and functions as a supreme organization on global
independence and religious freedom, and to issues which are not possible to be dealt with by
preserve human rights and justice in their own particular nations.
lands as well as in other lands, and that they are
now engaged in a common struggle against savage
and brutal forces seeking to subjugate the world.
4
League of Nations was another organization, If you would recommend a proposal for a change
founded in 1920, after WW1. But USA’s in UN Security Council’s structure, what would
withdrawal, made it dysfunctional before it be?
its foundation. But an initiative to create an
organization which represents whole nations had
been on the agenda since early 20th century. Tilly
(1990) clarifies that tendency by taking a broad
perspective of history by saying:

During the last five hundred years, then, three

striking things have occurred. First, almost all of
Europe has formed into national states with well-
defined boundaries and mutual relations. Second,
the European system has spread to virtually
the entire world. Third, other states, acting in
concert, have exerted a growing influence over
the organization and territory of new states. The
three changes link closely, since Europe’s leading
states actively spread the system by colonization,
conquest, and penetration of non-European states.
The creation first of a League of Nations, then of a
United Nations, simply ratified and rationalized
the organization of all the earth’s people into a
single state system.” (p. 181).
The UN based on criteria of international
assembly. Each nation had a chair in UN
General Assembly. Although Security Council,
composed of fifteen members five of whom have
permanent seats to generate a problematic issue
about democracy of the Council; UN is still the
most inclusive organization. It does not only
regulate political sphere of the world, but also
economic, social, and cultural fields with its funds,
programmes and specialized agents: From United
Nations Development Programme (UNDP) to
International Monetary Fund (IMF), from United
Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) to
Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), from
International Labour Organization (ILO) to
International Maritime Organization (IMO), UN
system, called UN Family, is like a spider web,
Picture 1.5 Flag of the United Nations.
Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/
commons/thumb/2/2f/Flag_of_the_United_Nations.
svg/1200px-Flag_of_the_United_Nations.svg.png
GLOBALIZATION IN THE COLD
WAR PERIOD AND THEREAFTER
Bipolar system dominated world politics from
1945 to 1991, until fall of USSR. Western and
Eastern blocs had a leader country in front, USA
and USSR, keeping financial, ideological, and
political domination in their hands, balancing
each other. Other countries clustered behind major
powers and maximized their own interests by
bandwagoning. (Waltz, 1979, pp. 124-126). Blocs
have founded their own security and economic
cooperation organizations, such North Atlantic
Treaty Organization (NATO) (1949), and Warsaw
Pact (1955), The Council for Mutual Economic
Assistance (COMECON) (1949), Organisation for
European Economic Cooperation (OEEC) (1948).
Cold War was a period interestingly with no
armed conflict happened between major powers

12
 International Politics
USA and USSR. Instead, various peripheral
territories faced with proxy wars several times.
Thus, states that had lethal nuclear weapons,
managed to avoid such military actions. Negative
outputs of two world wars taught the importance
of interconnection and diplomacy among nations.
UN is a unifying, easy connecting, and negotiating
platform among governments with their permanent
representatives that help nations to deal with
international contemporary issues.
Temsili (Vekil) Savaş: Devletlerin fiilen
birbirine
“Proxy wars” is a concept used for Cold
saldırmadığı War conflictsin which peripheral states or
ancak groups clashed with each other in peripheral
uzaktan regions with support from the leaders of the
yürüttüğü blocs. Several examples are : Greek Civil War
savaş türü (1946-49), Korean War (1950-53), Cuban
Missile Crisis, Vietnam War (1955-1975),
Lebanese Civil War (1975, and-1990), etc.
Another aspect of UN system was adaptation of
new nations to the international order. Some victor
nations of the WW2 were given responsibility on
colonial territories to fulfil their criteria to become
independent under UN Trusteeship Council.
By the end of 1960, there were very few nations
waiting for independency and self determination.
That was the period of decolonization, and that
meant spreading of Western/global value sets again.
In 1970s, the world was getting too closer
and global with improving communication
technologies. There were not only positive
elements, but also crises were getting global.
The Bretton Woods system collapsed, which
standardize gold and dollar rates, in 1971. 1973
OPEC Oil Crisis, the decision of OPEC members
to increase prices, affected almost all oil consumers
all around the world, triggering inflation, and
declining economy. Foremost respond to that was
the increasing role of multinational companies
(MNCs) in the second half of 1970s. Following
the crisis, multinational corporations emerged as
an important player in the world economy after
the increase in the cost of production in a single
nation. Sufficient development in production
technologies of developing countries provided
regulations designed to facilitate the flow of goods
and capital. Thus, the production of a single
commodity could be completed in many different
countries. So, “the growth of (...) MNCs is, without
doubt, one of the driving forces of the process of
internationalization,” (Edwards & Rees, 2006, p.
45) and also globalization.
1979 was a year of many critical developments
in the world with Iranian Revolution, downfall
of Sandinista government in Nicaragua, and
Afghanistan invasion of USSR. Bloc politics and
conflicts intensified. All these developments started
the so called Second Cold War period since USA
and USSR started another armament period, after
the Détente lasted almost 15 years following the
talks of limiting nuclear and conventional weapons
of both nations. USA started another phase of
Cold War to weaken USSR and to get an absolute
victory.
Mikhail Gorbachev, who took the USSR
presidency in 1985, had a policy agenda to reform
the country in a liberal way to overcome economic
crises in the country. The reform was symbolized
with four concepts: glasnost (openness),
perestroika (restructuring), demokratizatsiya
(democratization), and uskoreniye (acceleration
of economic development). Then, synchronized
with democratic reforms, ethnic and nationalist
opposition movements and economic crises led
the country into a dissolution. In December 1991,
Gorbachev declared the end of USSR, and the
Russian Federation was founded with the presidency
of Boris Yeltsin. Russian Federation pursued market
privatization and trade liberalization policies as
well to get structurally ready to be a member of
globalized world. Globalization and liberalization
became the most popular concept during the
fall of Eastern bloc. However, Fukuyama (1992)
announced the end of ideologies and the triumph
of liberalism over communism. Fall of USSR
signified the standardization of ideologies and
value sets all over the world, which was Western
type of democracy, human rights, and liberalism.
Global Problems Need Global
Solutions
When Fukuyama (1992) mentioned about
the end of history, Huntington (1993) defended
the opinion of new conflicts will built upon not
ideologies but civilizations. That was true that
USA had promoted democratic and liberal values
13
 From Conceptualization to Transformation into Global Politics
over the world in 1990s. But, also 11 September
2001 was a date of chaos in USA. Terrorist
attacks hit Pentagon and World Trade Centre. Al
Qaeda undertook the attacks, and Afghanistan
intervention of USA started a couple of days later.
War against terrorism was the motto of the new
era, and USA regarded itself responsible to fight
against terrorist groups all over the world. Also,
President G. W. Bush entitled states that support
terrorism as “axis of evil”, and perceived them
as enemies of the world order. Iraq intervention
in 2003, alleged possession of mass destruction
weapons, was another part of the war against
terrorism. States like Libya, North Korea, Iran and
Venezuela were listed among the axis of evil states
by their anti-democratic behaviours. Globalizing
world, which had defeated USSR and Eastern
bloc, was now facing with the states that harmed
new value sets of the global world. War against
terrorism is still continuing with the leadership of
USA as it has been witnessed on Syrian issue and
struggle struggle with Islamic State of Iraq and the
Levant (ISIS).
1. Terrorism notion has been as a global issue,
which cannot be dealt by any particular nation.
Trans-boundary movement of people, money, and
guns across states cause the problem to be solved
with a global initiative of nations. It requires
coordination and joint mechanisms to struggle with
2. terrorist networks. The other issue is immigration
and refugee problem. Humanitarian crises generate
series of humanitarian tragedies, such as forced
migration and internally displaced people. Middle
Eastern conflicts of 21th century have caused that
kind of flows, and regulation and overcoming of
the issues also require global action. Third issue is
3. environmental pollution and climate change that
risk human life and world resources. Governments
have endeavoured to regulate these fields by
multilateral treaties and measures. But there is a
problem of not having any law enforcement on
governments which are not party to such treaties.
There is only social and political pressure of civil
society and public opinion to force them to do
so. Persuading and sanctioning (if necessary) is a
matter of global common sense which is a problem
for the future of the world.
Globalisation has set the stage for debates
whether nation state is declining over the world
or not. First of all, neoliberal transformation in
14
1970s made developmental state dysfunctional
with recessive economic parameters. In addition,
the value set of liberal school of thought predicted
a national and modern developmental state model
to lead welfare economies also for the newly
independent states, but post-1970 period did not
verify it. (Wallerstein, 1999, pp. 42-43). Weakening
belief of national developmental state drove
alternative mechanism forward, just like MNCs,
international non-governmental organizations
(NGO), civil society, etc. These developments led to
a new concept: governance and global governance.
Governance means “(...) the idea of a change
from the realist perception of old government
and the Westphalian system, whereby the world
is organized into territorially exclusive, sovereign
nation states, each with an internal monopoly of
legitimate violence, to new governance.” (Kennett,
2008, p. 4). For the governance model, “the policy
arena has become visibly more crowded, there are
more actors involved, the boundaries between the
public and the private sphere are less precise (…)”
(p. 4).
The global governance as a multinational and
multilateral concept may need a supreme regulator
which functions as a negotiator among states,
MNCs, NGOs, civil society, charities, ethnic
groups, and opinion leaders. It is argued that
UN system having regulated so many different
fields with its funds, programmes, and specialized
agencies; would be the supreme player of the global
governance by transforming its operations. More
transparency and more representability of other
aspects rather than states may lead to a system that
is coherent with global governance. Also, such an
entity may have an objective and active outlook of
global problems (immigration, environment, etc.)
not just as pragmatic as states. Global problems
need global solutions and that situation causes
states to evolve into post-Westphalian style of
politics.
International Politics

Understand the periodization of

LO 1 globalization.

It is possible to define globalization as interconnection among people, cultures, and economies. So, it is a
process starting from primal age of history; but its dynamics, central nodes, and phases have changed from
time to time and from place to place. We can understand the general scheme of globalization spreading
from Mesopotamia to Europe, from Atlantic to whole world.

Summary
Grasp early phase of globalization
LO 2 by trade routes, empires, and
religions.

Agricultural production triggered the formation of cities with improving technology of production,
connection, transportation and warfare. That led city states to evolve into empires with spreading trade
routes and religions as umbrella concepts among people and cultures.

Learn dynamics of modern

LO 3 Western world.

The Age of Discovery paved the way for a new production and trade type, and created a transatlantic world.
European economic and political order focused on enrichment of countries, also postponed internal
problems at the same time. Parallel to rising humanitarian, rational, and secular mindset; Christianity
has been taken a backseat and European political problems startedto be discussed in joint conferences, in
regard to human rational principle. This process reached its peak by French Revolution.

Grasp the main historical

LO 4 characteristics European state system
which will spread through the world.

Colonialism spread Western value sets and organizational methods to other territories of the world.
However, evolutionary ideas like nationalism, constitutionalism, and democracy affected firstly other
regions of Europe. Europe having completed national unity and shared almost all colonial territories;
faced with power struggle that could not be handled and led to big world wars.

15
 From Conceptualization to Transformation into Global Politics

Clarify the system of United

LO 5 Nations and Cold War.

League of Nations and the successor United Nations were founded to fulfil the need of communication
and joint policy making mechanisms. UN has still been operating as a supreme organization with its
funds, programmes, and specialized agencies to serve its members. Cold War and bloc politics have
shaped the last century’s international politics. Ideological stances and nuclear weapons overlapped with
geography led to proxy wars in various regions of the world. Cold War was a period of relatively small
scale wars. With dissolution of Soviet Union, Cold War has come to an end, and a new period started.
Summary

Grasp global problems that

LO 6 cannot be handled on national
scales.

21th century has brought new issues which cannot be handled within national borders. Terrorism, climate
change, environmental pollution, humanitarian crises, immigration, and refugees are among such problems.
All of them require a global approach to be solved with their trans-boundary characters. National initiatives
are not sufficient; therefore, concepts like global governance has emerged. UN will serve as a more authorized
mechanism for the solution of such problems in the future.

16
International Politics

1 What is the central node of multicentric 6 Which is not among the demands of people
phase of globalization? who participated in demonstrations in 1830 and
A. East Asia 1848?
B. Greco-Roman world A. Rights
C. Atlantic expansion

Test Yourself
B. Democracy
D. Trilateral globalization C. Dictatorship
E. Mesopotamia D. Downfall of feudality
E. Change of aristocratic order
2 What is the main feature to boost cultural
exchange at the age of empires? 7 Which nation declared its national unity
A. Trade routes later than others?
B. Slavery A. France
C. Bureaucracy B. United Kingdom
D. Democracy C. Italy
E. Agriculture D. Germany
E. United States of America
3 Which one is not among the effects of the
Age of Discovery in Europe? 8 Which nation was not part of Central Powers
A. Inflation in World War I?
B. Centralized states A. China
C. Weakening feudality B. Ottoman Empire
D. Consolidation of aristocracy C. Bulgaria
E. Colonization D. Austria-Hungary
E. German Empire
4 Which historical event leads signing of the
Peace of Westphalia? 9 Which organization was not founded with
A. War of Spanish Succession the motivation of bloc politics of Cold War?
B. Utrecht War A. NATO
C. Seven Years’ War B. UN
D. Thirty Years’ War C. COMECON
E. Napoléon Wars D. OEEC
E. Warsaw Pact
5 What is the year of French Revolution take
place? 10 Which is not among the global problems
A. 1648 that require global solutions?
B. 1789 A. Terrorism
C. 1815 B. Climate change
D. 1830 C. Environmental pollution
E. 1848 D. Immigration
E. Political regimes

17
 From Conceptualization to Transformation into Global Politics

If your answer is not correct, review

1. C If your answer is not correct, review 6. C “Expansion of Europe: European Problems
“Introduction” section. and European Solutions Becoming Global”
Answer Key for “Test Yourself”

If your answer is not correct, review “Primary
2. A
Phase of Globalization: Trade Routes,
Empires, Religions” section.
If your answer is not correct, review “Western
3. D
Driven Phase of Globalization: New Trade
Routes, New Empires, New Values” section.
If your answer is not correct, review “Western
4. D
Driven Phase of Globalization: New Trade
Routes, New Empires, New Values” section
section.
If your answer is not correct, review
7. D “Expansion of Europe: European Problems
and European Solutions Becoming Global”
section.
If your answer is not correct, review
8. A “Expansion of Europe: European Problems
and European Solutions Becoming Global”
section.
If your answer is not correct, review
9. B
“Globalization in Cold War period and
after”section.

If your answer is not correct, review “Western

5. B Driven Phase of Globalization: New Trade
10. E If your answer is not correct, review “Global
Problems Need Global Solutions” section.
Routes, New Empires, New Values” section.

What do you think about the people in stateless

Suggested answers for “Your turn”

societies? What kind of society, organization

and life did they experience?

The state is generally regarded as an institution that needs societies to perform

agricultural production efficiently. While the security concern of settled life
your turn 1 is met by military organization, the continuity of production and the transfer
of income are handled by the bureaucracy. Stateless societies continued their
existence in various parts of the world until the beginning of the 20th century.
Mostly they were ancestral societies organized around an ancestor cult, by the
principle of kindredship. Their production type was be either agricultural,
husbandry, or hunter gatherer, and either settled, nomadic or semi-nomadic.
Principles, rules, and regulations were generally set by chiefs, as religious and
spiritual leaders of society.

What were the main features of new mindset

emerging in Europe, and the reasons of the
dynamics?

The Vatican-centered Catholic Church’s role in European politics and

economics, which had been dominant figure throughout the Middle Age,
your turn 2 reached the level of disturbing society and states over time. Mercantilist era
and the Age of Discovery increased the enrichment of the central state; with
newly emerging social classes, not the Church. However, the influences of the
humanitarian thought that started in the Italian city states and accompanied
with the German Protestant movement broke the influence of the Church. In
the Italian city states, which were relatively peripheral and autonomous from
the central political atmosphere, free thought, and expression sprouted. This
new philosophical approach was also adopted and disseminated by opponents
of the Old Regime. In short, freedom of speech and thought were the latent
reasons behind opposition movements of its age.

18
International Politics

What do you think about affects of colonialism

on African continent? Could there be any
positive outputs of the process rather than

Suggested answers for “Your turn”

negative ones?

your turn 3 This is a question which has been discussed so many times in literature. On
negative side, African contact by Europe caused a mass population transfer
from Africa to Americas, almost 10 million. The transfer inevitably led to
lack of social capital for Africa. Secondly, European contact of commercial
concerns based on industrial goods, drove Africa to sustain its raw material
supplier role in the independence period. Third, Europeans generally worked
with mediators in coastal regions, without directly contact with inner regions.
This attitude brought the issue of enrichment of tribes living in coastal regions
or particular chiefs, officials, etc. At the age independence, this enrichment
and developmental variation triggered ethnic conflicts in states. Lastly, Africa’s
encounter with Christianity and Western value sets, paved the way for fading
in original African religions, philosophy, political systems, etc. On positive
side, scholars underline the developmental effect of Europe over Africa to
trigger the continent which had been so constant and unlikely to change
with its environmental conditions. Also, European science helped solving the
biggest problem of the continent the epidemics, which meant the protection
the protection of human resources.

If you would recommend a proposal for a

change in UN Security Council’s structure, what
would it be?

Security Council is the most controversial organ of UN. Permanent

membership and veto power of Permanent-5 countries make it so. The
your turn 4 Council has 15 members, and works with majority voting of 9/15. 10 of
members are chosen according to the principle of continental distribution for
2 years. It is accepted that UN is a post-WW2 organization, founded through
conditions of that period. But now, after more than seventy years, it requires
a reconsideration. First of all, it is questionable whether there is a need for
the existence of the Council because the threat of Axis Powers and also Cold
War has eroded. New powers have emerged. So many new countries have
gained many independence. Should the Council of five nations still have the
right of veto in such a complex global order? That is the question. There are
revolutionists. So, they defend the abolishment of the Council and veto power,
and find General Assembly adequate for decision making. Secondly, there are
minor reformists. They defend the inclusion of another great power, Germany,
to the Council, with its great influence on global politics. For example,
Germany participated in Iranian nuclear power negotiations; and named as
“P5+1” (Permanent 5 countries and plus Germany). Lastly, there are major
reformists with several different opinions. They range from increasing number
of members to determining geographical criteria. In general, they foresee an
increase on members (both permanent and temporary). Because, world has
so many influencing actors now, compared to past such as one developing
country from each continent or G-20 (Group of Twenty) countries of biggest
economies of the world. They would be permanent members of the Council
(whether veto power or not, it is discussed), in addition to them there would
also be some temporary members that will be defined with geographical
distribution.

19
 From Conceptualization to Transformation into Global Politics
References
Carr, E. H. (1990). What is History? London: Penguin
Books.
Chapman, T. (1998). The Congress of Vienna. London
& New York : Routledge.
Curtin, P. D. (1969). Atlantic Slave Trade. Wisconsin:
University of Wisconsin Press.
Edwards, T., & Rees, C. (2006). International Human
Resource Management. Essex: Pearson Education
Limited.
Fukuyama, F. (1992). The End of History and the Last
Man. New York: The Free Press.
Furet, F. (1996). The French Revolution 1770-1814.
Oxford: Blackwell Publishers.
Held, D., & McGrew, A. (2003). The Global
Transformations Reader, An Introduction to the
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since 1780. Cambridge: Cambridge University
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Hobsbawm, E. J. (1994). Age of Extremes. London:
Abacus Book.
Hodgson, M. G. (1999). Rethinking World History
Essays on Europe, Islam and World History.
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Huntington, S. P. (1996). The Clash of Civilizations
and the Remaking World Order . New York: Simon
& Schuster .
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State and Public Policy in a Global Age. In P.
Kennett, Governance, Globalization and Public
Policy (pp. 3-18). Cheltenham : Edward Elgar .
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Marx, K. (1998). The German Ideology. New York:
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Key Concepts. London & New York: Routledge.
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Teschke, B. (2003). The Myth of 1648, Class, Geopolitics
and Making of International Relations . London &
New York: Verso.
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 International Politics and
Chapter 2 International Organizations
After completing this chapter, you will be able to;
Learning Outcomes

1 Define the concept of international organization 2 Comprehend the roles, functions and types of
International Organizations

3 Understand the historical roots of International

Organizations 4 Grasp theoretical approaches to International
Organizations

Key Terms
Intergovernmental Organizations
Chapter Outline International Non-governmental Organizations
Introduction Concert of Europe
Definitions, Roles, Functions and Classification of International Public Unions
International Organizations Private International Associations
Historical Roots of International Organizations Realism
Theoretical Approaches to International Organizations Liberalism
Functionalism
Neofunctionalism
Transactionalism

22
International Politics
INTRODUCTION
Although states maintain their position as the
primary actors in international politics, starting
from 19th century, the number, types and significance
of international organizations as actors in
international politics have gradually increased. The
Yearbook of International Organizations database
includes 69,000 international organizations,
37,000 of which are active and 32,000 are dormant.
Every year 1,200 new organizations are added to
Yearbook’s database (The Yearbook of International
Organizations, n.d.). There are a growing number
of intergovernmental and international non-
governmental organizations carrying out various
functions and roles. This chapter aims to provide
a general overview of the place of international
organizations in international politics. The chapter
is composed of three main sections. The first section
discusses definitions, functions and classification
of international organizations. The second
section examines historical roots of international
organizations, how they emerge and evolve in the
19th century. The last section analyses the theoretical
approaches to international organizations.
DEFINITIONS, ROLES, FUNCTIONS
AND CLASSIFICATION OF
INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS
Definition
Clive Archer (2001: 33) defined international
organization as “a formal, continuous structure
established by agreement between members
(governmental and/or nongovernmental) from two
or more sovereign states with the aim of pursuing
the common interest of the membership”.
According to Clive Archer (2001: 33), an entity
can be identified as an international organization if
it carries three main characteristics classified under
three headings: membership, aim and structure. In
terms of membership, an international organization
should draw its membership from two or more
sovereign states, although membership should not
be limited to states or official representatives of
states such as government ministers. With regard
to aim, an international organization should be
established to pursue common interests of the
members rather than pursuing the interests of
only one member, regardless of the desires of
others. Regarding structure, an international
organization should have its own formal structure
of a continuous nature, which is established by
an agreement such as a treaty or constituent
document, is separate from the continued control
of one member (Archer, 2001: 33).
LeRoy Bennett and James K. Oliver (2002: 2)
identified common and constitutive characteristics
of International Organizations as:
• A permanent organization to carry on a
continuing set of functions;
• Voluntary membership of eligible parties;
• A basic instrument (a founding document
or charter) stating goals, structure and
methods of operation;
• A broadly representative consultative
conference organ;
• A permanent secretariat to carry on
continuous administrative, research and
information functions.
Anthony Judge lists eight criteria in terms of
aims, membership, structure, officers, finance,
relations with other organizations, activities and
other criteria, for an entity to be qualified as an
international organization:
• The aims must be genuinely international
in character, with the intention to cover
operations in at least three countries.
• Membership must be based on individual
or collective participation, with full voting
rights, from at least three countries and
must be open to any eligible individual
or entity in the organization’s area of
operations. Voting power must be such
that no one national group can control the
organization.
• In terms of structure, the constitution must
provide for a formal structure giving members
the right periodically to elect a governing body
and officers. In order to secure the continuity
of operations, there must be permanent
headquarters and provisions.
• Officers should not all be of the same
nationality for more than a given period,
there is a need for a rotation at designated
intervals of headquarters and officers
among the various member countries.
23
 International Politics and International Organizations
• In terms of finance, there should be a
substantial contribution to the budget from
at least three states and there should be no
attempt to make profits for distribution to
members.
• In terms of relations with other
organizations, entities having formal
connections with another organization
must prove that they lead an independent
life and elect their own officers.
• Evidence of current activities must be
available.
• In terms of other criteria, size, politics,
ideology, fields of interest and activity,
the geographical location of the
headquarters and the terminology used
in the organization’s name are irrelevant
in deciding whether an entity is an
international organization or not (Archer,
2001: 30).
In addition to Judge, Michael Wallace and David
Singer (1970, 245-246) list three main criteria
for an entity to be qualified as an international
organization:
• The organization ‘must consist of at least
two qualified members of the international
system’.
• The organization must hold more or less
regular plenary sessions at intervals not
greater than once a decade.
• The organization should have a permanent
secretariat with a permanent headquarter
arrangement and which performs ongoing
tasks.
Roles of International Organizations
in International Politics
International organization generally plays three
major roles in international politics: instrument,
arena and actor.
Instrument: International organizations are
generally being used as an instrument by its members
for particular ends. This is particularly the case with
intergovernmental organizations where sovereign
states are members, because they have the power to
constrain international organizations from acting
independently (Archer, 2001: 68). The depiction
of international organizations as instruments of
24
its members is close to Realist and Neo-realist
conception of international organizations, which
puts forward that international organizations are
not more than sum of its constituent parts, which
are states. International organizations are not
superior authorities over its member states, indeed
they are just instruments used by member states
for gaining their foreign policy objectives. As an
example for this, the United Nations (UN) in its
first eight years of existence was often used by
the US for pursuing its foreign policy objectives
thanks to favourable majority consisting of the
West European, Old Commonwealth and Latin
American states in the General Assembly (thirty-
four out of the original fifty-one members), on a
majority in the Security Council only attenuated
by the Soviet veto, and a Secretary-General with
clear pro-Western sympathies (Archer, 2001: 69).
As the number of UN members expanded and
varied, the US lost such a control over the UN. In
the same way, NATO has been used by the US as an
instrument of pursuing its foreign policy thanks to
its overwhelming military and political clout in the
organization. Member states’ delegation of limited
powers to international organizations makes them
‘nothing else and nothing more than a set of mutual
promises of coordinated and synchronized national
policy action’ (Archer, 2001: 71).
Figure 2.1 The United Nations Emblem
Arena: International organizations provide
arenas or forums where members to come together
to discuss, argue, co-operate or disagree (Archer,
2001: 73). International organizations provide their
International Politics
members with the opportunity of advancing their
own viewpoints and suggestions in a more open
and public forum than that is provided by bilateral
diplomacy (Archer, 2001: 74). As an example for
this, Third World countries used the UN and its
agencies as an arena to express their views on the
subject of a New International Economic Order
(NIEO) during the 1970s. During 1960s and 70s,
Third World countries utilized the UN Conference
on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) as a
forum at which they could articulate their trade
and economic demands. Moreover, during the
process of the development of NIEO, the UN
General Assembly provided a platform to its
members to negotiate, agree or publicly disagree
(Archer, 2001).
Actor: The third role attributed to international
organizations in international politics is that of
independent actor. Here, actorness refers the
capacity of an organization to act independently
from its constituent member states and ability to
affect the course of world events. The actorness of
an organization necessitates having an existence
separate from the states that make it up. Generally,
almost all organizations are dependent for their
existence on their members. Some international
organizations have such a weak institutional
structure that they are little more than the collective
wills and activities of its members. Nevertheless,
many international organizations have institutional
frameworks that allow them to achieve more than
would be the case if their members acted separately
or only co-operated on an ad hoc basis. Strong
institutional structures of these organizations
allow them to make their own decisions and act
independently from its members and have an effect
on the international system on their own (Archer,
2001: 79).
Strong corporate identity of many international
nongovernmental organizations (INGOs)
demonstrates that they are stronger than the sum
of its members and act effectively on the world
stage. For instance, the International Committee of
the Red Cross has provided relief assistance in war
and disaster zones, has generally cared for many
suffering people whom governments have been
unable or unwilling to help in an effective manner,
and has also provided discreet mediation services
in international disputes. In addition, Amnesty
International thanks to its stable and coherent
institutional mechanism has organized extensive
pressure to help prisoners of conscience of whatever
political hue, and has sometimes been more effective
than individual governments or the UN’s Human
Rights Committee (Archer, 2001: 80).
Although some intergovernmental organizations
are established by an intergovernmental agreement,
they are given a separate capacity to act on the
international scene by the sovereign will of their
founders. The International Court of Justice (ICJ)
and the European Coal and Steel Community
(ECSC) are two examples. The structure of the
ICJ prevents any interference in its work by the
signatories to its articles, and although the judges
are appointed by the UN members, they are the
representative of certain streams of law throughout
the world rather than the delegates of their state
of origin. Their decisions are taken independently,
not after instructions from their home, and each
case is adjudged by the standards of international
law rather than an amalgam of national laws. The
ECSC, which was established by the Treaty of Paris
in 1951, established a High Authority having a
supranational authority whose members, although
appointed by the six ECSC states, were to act
independently of national governments and in
the interest of the Community as a whole could
act independently of the member governments.
They had wide powers to affect the production
and trading conditions for coal and steel in
the Community, which were not open to veto
by the representatives of the governments and
were directly applicable to industries within the
Community (Archer, 2001: 80-81).
Actor capacity of an international organization
depends on their capacity to make their own
decisions and act independently from its member
states and have an impact on and play an
independent role in world stage. For instance, UN
peacekeeping operations demonstrate the ability
of an international organization to perform on the
world stage with a certain degree of independence
and with an effectiveness not always matched by
state actors (Archer, 2001: 81).
To conclude, these three roles are not mutually
exclusive. An international organization in different
times and settings can play all three roles. For
instance, the UN has played, and continues to play,
each role in different times. While the instrument
role was dominant in the late 1940s and early
25
 International Politics and International Organizations
1950s, the actor capacity was prominent during
Dag Hammarskjold’s term as Secretary-General,
and the role as a forum coming to the front since
the 1960s with the increase in membership and the
new demands of the Third World (Archer, 2001:
91).
Another example is the European Communities
(EC) which has played all three roles at the same
time. As an instrument, it was used by the French
government to regulate the peaceful economic and
political development of Germany and at the same
time obtain German support for French agriculture
and by Germany to gain access to the markets of
other members and to obtain a place in the comity
of nations after the defeat of the Second World
War (Archer, 2001: 91). The EC and its successor,
the EU, has also provided a forum within which a
number of political problems ranging from aid to
the Third World to international terrorism could
be discussed by the member governments and,
in some cases, common policies adopted. Finally,
the EU institutions, particularly the Commission
and, before it, the High Authority of the ECSC,
have shown a propensity to act independently of
the member states (Archer, 2001: 91). This has
increased independent actor capacity of the EU.
Figure 2.2 The Flag of the European Union
If the founding treaty of the organizations create
strong institutions insulated from interference
by the membership and with powerful resources,
like the ECSC of the 1950s, then it is more likely
that they will perform the role of a relatively
independent actor. If founding treaty includes safe-
guards which allow the member states to prevent
26
the growth of strong institutions, like in the case of
the European Free Trade Association (EFTA), then
the organization is only likely to function either as a
forum for its members to discuss and find solutions
to their common problems or as an instrument
for pursuing foreign policy objectives of some
members. If an international organization has a
membership dominated by one powerful member,
that organization is susceptible to being used as a
hegemonic instrument, like the utilization of the
Warsaw Treaty Organization (Warsaw Pact) by the
USSR before Mikhail Gorbachev. Organizations
whose members are of about the same weight, like
the EFTA between 1973 and 1995, will be more
egalitarian by nature and thereby act as a meeting
place for equals (Archer, 2001: 92).
1
Concerning intergovernmental organizations,
which factor(s) determine whether arena, actor or
instrument role will be dominant?
Functions of International
Organizations
There are nine major functions that all
international organizations carry out: interest
articulation and aggregation, normative, recruitment,
socialization, rule making, rule application, rule
adjudication, information, operations. eklemli
Interest articulation and aggregation:
International organizations as one of the
institutionalized forms of contact between the
active participants in the international system
provide those having common interests a platform
where they come together for realizing their
common interests. International organizations
can act as instruments for interest articulation
and aggregation, or they can be forums in which
those interests are articulated, or they can articulate
interests separate from those of members. For
instance, Organization of the Petroleum Exporting
Countries (OPEC) with its tightly knit membership
and closely defined aims acts as instruments of
interest articulation and aggregation. It brings
together the oil exporting countries and is used
to voice their demands at the international level
(Archer, 2001: 95).
International Politics
Normative: International organizations
have made a considerable contribution to the
normative activities of the international political
system through creating norms, values and norms
of behaviour and establishing them worldwide.
For instance, during the 19th century some
earlier INGOs played a considerable role in
establishing worldwide certain values that were
already accepted in the West European and North
American states, such as the rejection of slavery
(Anti-Slavery Society), control of the effects of war
(the International Committee of the Red Cross),
protection of native peoples (Aborigines’ Protection
Society). Moreover, the UN Charter itself provides
a set of values for the international system such
as ‘faith in fundamental human rights, ‘in the
equal rights of men and women and of nations
large and small’ and determination ‘to promote
social progress and better standards of life in larger
freedom’ and ‘suppression of acts of aggression’,
‘the support of the principles of international law,
peaceful settlement and international cooperation
(Archer, 2001: 96).’
Recruitment: International organizations can
have an important function in the recruitment of
participants in the international political system.
Since intergovernmental organizations consist
almost exclusively of representatives of sovereign
states, it gives a further incentive for non-self-
governing territories to achieve their independence.
This provides an opportunity for them to represent
their own interests in a range of intergovernmental
organizations and brings those organizations closer
to universality of membership (Archer, 2001: 98).
Socialization: International organizations can
act as agencies of socialization in international
system. For instance, the EU through its institutions
such as the Commission, the Economic and Social
Committee, the Committee of the Regions, the
Parliament and the Court of Justice, can foster
a ‘Community spirit’ among the various interest
groups dealing with the Union and among the
citizens of the member countries. The EU through
these institutions contributes to the development
of Europeanness among interest groups and
citizens of member countries and process of
developing loyalty to the EU beside their own
states. Moreover, through process of socialization
taking place at the international level over a period
of time governments can become ‘socialized’ to
act in certain way that is acceptable to the rest of
the international community, or to adopt a certain
common value system (Archer, 2001: 101).
Rule Making: Since there is no central formal
rule-making institution such as a government or
a parliament in the international system, rules
are based on the acceptance of past practice or on
ad hoc arrangements or they may be founded in
bilateral legal agreements between states or they
may emanate from international organizations.
Most of international organizations’ rule making
is based on traditional confederal principles. They
are listed as:
• The rules are formulated by unanimous or
near-unanimous consensus of members
• Members have the practical option of
leaving an organization and ending their
assent to the existing rules
• Even within the bounds of membership,
a state can assert the right to interpret
unilaterally the rules to which it has
consented.
• The ‘executive-bureaucratic’ structure of
the organization has little or no power to
formulate (and implement) rules.
• Delegates to the organizations’ rule-
making bodies are instructed by their
governments and do not act as independent
representatives.
• The international organization ‘has no
direct relationship with private citizens of
the member states’ (Archer, 2001: 103).
The confederal model leaves the formulation
of rules – and their acceptance – in the hands of
an organization’s member states and downgrades
any possible autonomous role of the institutions
of the organization itself. Although in most of the
organizations, rule making is based on confederal
model, in some other organizations; rule making
is based on a federal model in which organizations
can make its own rules independent of the wishes
of the member states. The EU is an example which
has gone beyond the ‘confederal’ model and moved
towards a more ‘federal’ model, with a central rule-
making institution which the member states are
obliged to obey. However, the EU has not advanced
so far yet; only certain of its institutions can be
called supranational including the European Court
of Justice, the European Commission and the
27
 International Politics and International Organizations
European Parliament. While the ECJ clearly makes
rules by its judgments and the Commission makes
administrative rules that are directly applicable
throughout the Union. The European Parliament,
as one of the major rule-setting institution, acts as
a co-legislator, sharing with the Council the power
to adopt and amend legislative proposals and to
decide on the EU budget (Archer, 2001: 103-104).
Rule Application: International organizations
monitor the application of rules and in case of
a rule violation, they take necessary measures to
enforce compliance. As an example for this is the
International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) which
has the authority to monitor the application of Non-
proliferation Treaty by the states and in a case of
non-compliance with a safeguards commitment, the
Board of Governors of the IAEA is to call upon the
State in question to remedy any outstanding issues;
the Board will then decide on its referral to the UN
Security Council and General Assembly. Moreover,
the European Commission as the ‘Guardian
of the Treaties’, has the authority to supervise
implementation and makes sure that member states
meet their obligations under the Treaty. In this area,
it has powers of investigation, prevention, sanction
and authorization. In case of non-compliance, the
Commission may start proceedings in the European
Court of Justice (Archer, 2001: 104-105).
Rule adjudication: At the international level,
in case of legal disputes between states concerning
the interpretation of a treaty, any question of
international law, the existence of any fact which,
if established, would constitute a breach of an
international obligation, the nature or extent of
the reparation to be made for the breach of an
international obligation, the function of rule
adjudication is carried out by courts of justice,
arbitration panels and tribunals within the body
of international organizations. However, unlike
national legal systems, there is no compulsory
jurisdiction at international level. States are
not required to submit any case for hearing and
decision. The most notable example of these courts
is ICJ. It is one of the principal organs of the UN,
which is tasked to hear and decide cases which are
referred to it with the consent of contending states.
The Court is competent to entertain a dispute only
if the States concerned have accepted its jurisdiction
and its judgment is final, binding on the parties to
a case and without appeal (Archer, 2001: 106).
28
Information: International organizations
carry out a significant function in the field of
collecting, processing, analyzing and disseminating
information. For instance, the UN and its
associated agencies including World Health
Organization (WHO), Food and Agriculture
Organization (FAO), etc. have produced a forum
for governments – the marketplace where they can
issue and receive information and act as providers
of information, as attested by the vast amount
of printed material they produce, particularly
statistical data (Archer, 2001: 107).
Operation: International organizations
undertake a number of operational functions,
including resource allocation, provision of technical
aid, force deployment, etc. For instance, the World
Bank provides financial support to development
projects, International Monetary Fund (IMF)
offers technical assistance and loans to avoid crises
in balance of payments, and the UN undertakes
conflict prevention, peacemaking, peacekeeping
and peace enforcement operations to maintain
international peace and security throughout the
world (Archer, 2001: 107-108).
Classification of International
Organizations
International Organizations can be classified
under three main categories defined by sovereignty,
membership and aims.
Sovereignty: According to sovereignty criteria,
international organizations are classified according to
whether member states delegate all or some of their
sovereign rights to an international organization or
not. If member states do not delegate any of their
sovereign rights to an international organization of
which they are a member, these organizations are
classified as traditional international organizations
(UN, NATO, World Trade Organization (WTO),
etc.). These organizations can be used as an instrument
by its members for particular ends or provide arenas
or forums where members to come together to
discuss, argue, co-operate or disagree. However,
their independent actor capacity is rather limited.
If member states delegate all or some of sovereign
rights to the international organization of which
they are a member, the organization is classified as
supranational organization (partially, the EU). When
compared to traditional international organizations,
International Politics
supranational ones have greater capacity to make
their own decisions and act independently from its
member states and have an impact on and play an
independent role in world stage.
Membership: The first distinction between
the types of international organization based
on membership is those which are interstate or
intergovernmental and those whose membership is
non-governmental. A further category is international
organizations with mixed membership (Archer, 2001:
35). If an international organization is established
with an intergovernmental agreement and whose
members are are sovereign states, it is considered
as an interstate or intergovernmental organization
(UN, NATO, WTO, etc.). If an organization is not
created by means of intergovernmental agreement,
it is considered as international non-governmental
organization (Green Peace, Amnesty International,
etc.) (Archer, 2001: 35-36). If at least one of the
members of an international organization is a
non-state actor, it is considered as a transnational
organization. Transnational organizations are divided
into three categories: the genuine international
non-governmental organization, the hybrid
international non-governmental organization and
the transgovernmental organization. The genuine
international non-governmental organization is
composed of only non-governmental members, such
as International Olympic Committee. The hybrid
international non-governmental organization is
composed of some governmental and some non-
governmental representatives, such as International
Labour Organization. If in an organization relations
between governmental actors are not controlled by
the central foreign policy organs of their government,
it is considered as transgovernmental organization,
such as the International Union of Local Authorities
(IULA) which brings together the local government
authorities of the European Union (Archer, 2001:
38-40).
The second distinction between the types of
international organization based on membership
is related with geographical origins of the member
states. The distinction is made between regional
organizations and global or universal organizations
(Archer, 2001: 45). If an international organization
is composed of a limited number of members most
of which are seen to be geographically proximate
and/or culturally, economically and politically
similar, it is considered as a regional organization,
such as Black Sea Economic Cooperation,
Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Archer,
2001: 49). If the membership of an organization
is not limited to a particular region and open to all
eligible sovereign states in the world, it is considered
as global or universal organization, such as the UN
(Archer, 2001: 45).
Aims and Activities: In terms of aims and
activities, international organizations are classified
according to what they are supposed to do and what
they actually do. If an organization has general
aims and carries out a wide range of activities, they
are considered as international organization with
general aims and activities, such as the UN. If
an organization is established with a specific aim
and to carry out activities in a specific field such
as politics, economics, trade, culture, security, etc.,
it is considered as an international organization
having specific aims and activities, such as Council
of Europe (political), WTO (trade), Organization
for Economic Cooperation and Development
(OECD) (economic), IMF (financial), NATO
(security) (Archer, 2001: 50-55).
2
How could you classify the United Nations
in accordance with criteria of sovereignty,
membership, and aims and activities?
HISTORICAL ROOTS OF
INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS
Although the foundation of international
organizations was built in ancient times, the
organizations themselves did not emerge until the
19th century, when four pre-conditions were met:
• the existence of a number of states
functioning as independent political units;
• the existence of a substantial measure of
contact between these states;
• an awareness of problems that arise from
states’ co-existence;
• state’s recognition of ‘the need for creation
of institutional devices and systematic
methods for regulating their relations with
each other’ (Archer, 2001: 4).
29
 International Politics and International Organizations
Only the first pre-condition, the existence of
a relatively stable system of sovereign states was
met in Europe before the 19th century. However,
other three preconditions, which paved the way for
the creation of international organizations, were
attained in the 19th century. The first preconditions
were attained with the Peace of Westphalia of 1648
which ended the Thirty Years War, a ‘civil war’
between Christian princes from 1618 to 1648.
Before 1648, the concept of a unified Christian
Europe dominated the thinking of political life
in Europe. The weakening temporal power of the
papacy and the Holy Roman Empire demonstrated
the difficulties of unifying such a diverse
geographical area as the continent of Europe,
even when the continent was under the threat of
the Ottoman Empire. Thirty Years War ended the
idea of a unified Christian Europe. The Peace of
Westphalia and then the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713,
concluding the War of the Spanish Succession
(1701–14), laid the ground for the establishment
of a sovereign state system in Europe. This
system recognized the right of states with defined
geographical boundaries, including more or less
settled populations (territoriality), to have their
own forms of government (non-intervention) and
to conduct relations with one another on an equal
legal basis (sovereign equality). Since the Peace of
Westphalia and the Treaty of Utrecht, sovereign
states functioning as independent political units
had become primary actors of the international
system (Archer, 2001: 4).
With regard to second precondition, which is
the existence of a substantial measure of contact
between sovereign states, although before 19th
century, a form of diplomacy existed between
the European major powers, and trade and
travel grew throughout Europe, the measure of
contact built up between states in the 150 years
following Westphalia could scarcely be described
as substantial, and primary form of contact was
warfare. It has been calculated that there were sixty-
seven significant wars between the European major
powers during the period between 1650 and 1800
(Archer, 2001: 4). Moreover, the international
system that existed outside Europe before the area
was integrated into the European system in the 19th
century also showed little propensity for creating
international organizations (Archer, 2001: 4-5). In
the 19th century, the changing political situation
after the Congress of Vienna and economic
30
and social developments taking place in the 19th
century resulted in an increase in the awareness
of the states about the problems that arise from
their co-existence and the recognition of the need
for creation of institutional devices and systematic
methods for regulating their relations with each
other. As a result, four pre-conditions for the
emergence of international organizations were met
in the 19th century.
In the post-Vienna Congress era, international
cooperation on peace and security increased with
the establishment of a security regime called the
Concert of Europe. The Concert of Europe, which
was established by the victorious powers at the
Congress of Vienna, was designed to maintain
peace and security in Europe. The Concert of
Europe was a security regime, which was based on
several norms, rules of behaviour and procedures.
Its essential norms were self-restraint, consultation
in times of crisis, willingness to act together, refusal
to act unilaterally and constant assurances to one
another of their pacific intent and commitment
to the maintenance of stability (Reinalda, 2009:
25). Its essential rules of behaviour were the use
of conference diplomacy to cope with crises, the
approval of territorial changes by the great powers,
the protection of the essential members of the
system and the absence of challenges to the interest
and the honour of the great powers. The common
procedures were the mutual consultation and
collective decision making, the creation of buffer
states, the establishment of neutral states and
demilitarized zones, the localization of regional
conflicts, the limitation of resources in third areas,
the delineation of interests and areas of involvement,
the intervention by multilateral action, the peaceful
settlement of disputes and the communication and
provision of advance notification (Reinalda, 2009:
25). Until the Concert of Europe ended with the
Crimean War in 1854, when members (Russian
Empire, France and Britain) went to war against
each other, it had passed 4 distinct phases:
• 1815-1818: a phase of technical cooperation
with activities directed at the defeated France
• 1818-1822: the proper congress system with
conferences in Aix-la-Chapelle (1818, about
France), Troppau (1820, about insurrections
in Naples), Laibach (1821, about the Naples
revolution) and Verona (1822, about Italy,
Spain and the Eastern Question)
 International Politics
• 1822-1848: a period of subtle but significant
management of the security relations of the
great powers
• 1848-1856, a period of regime decays
between the revolution of 1848 and the
outbreak of the Crimean War (1854-1856)
(Reinalda, 2009: 25).
Despite the demise of the Concert of Europe,
the great powers continued their joint consultation
at multilateral conferences on issues of security and
high politics during the rest of century, for instance
on the issues of the Eastern Question and Africa.
The Concert has never been institutionalized and
the conferences did not take place regularly, but
on an ad hoc basis. It depended on the willingness
of the great powers, which did not need to discuss
the sovereignty of nation-states. They adhered to
unanimous decision making and maintaining the
status quo, since these would not damage their
national interests. It was designed to contribute
to the stability of European interstate relations
(Reinalda, 2009: 26).
The Concert of Europe cannot be classified as
an international organization in modern terms.
It had far fewer legislative, administrative and
executive organs when compared to modern
international organizations; it was mainly rested on
the Quadruple Alliance of Austria, Britain, Prussia
and Russia (with France admitted in 1818) and on
an agreement to meet in the event of any threat
to the repose of Europe, by which was meant the
territorial settlement that was drawn up in 1814-
1815 with the aim of ensuring a durable balance
of power (Armstrong et.al., 2004: 4). Its rules were
equally informal – there is no founding document
or charter for the Concert (Armstrong et.al., 2004:
4). The ad hoc and informal structure of the
Concert of Europe makes it difficult to identify it
an international organization. Although it cannot
be identified as an international organization, it
emsal established a number of precedents for modern
teamül international organizations, particularly the
League of Nations and the UN. The first one was
the assertion of special rights and responsibilities
to the great powers. The members of the Concert
declared themselves as the principal arbiters of
European affairs while simultaneously imposing a
far simpler rule regarding precedence. The League
Council and UN Security Council institutionalised
this principle by granting the major powers
permanent membership and the right to veto.
Secondly, the Concert took upon itself the right
to confer international legitimacy on states: that
is, to determine their very right to exist as states.
By doing so, it opened up the possibility that
the international community, acting through its
formal institutions, might broaden the concept
of international legitimacy so that this could
apply to the conduct as well as the status of states
(Armstrong et.al., 2004: 4). Thirdly, the Concert
laid down a number of general norms, some of
which were related to the internal as well as external
affairs including the legal principles governing the
navigation of international rivers to injunctions
against the slave trade and assertions of the rights
of religious minorities (Armstrong et.al., 2004: 5).
Another international cooperation initiative
on the issues of security and peace was Hague
Peace Conferences of 1899 and 1907. They were
originated from the proposal of Russian Tsar
Nicolas II for a disarmament conference, which
marked the high point of international arbitration
(Armstrong et.al., 2004: 5). The objectives of the
Hague conferences were to set a limit on progressive
increase in arms, and to discuss the prevention
of arm conflict through the peaceful means of
settlement at the disposal of modern diplomacy
such as arbitration and mediation (Reinalda,
2009: 65). The first Hague Peace Conference was
held between 18 May and 29 July 1899 with the
participation of twenty-six states from different
parts of the world including the USA, Mexico,
China, Japan, Korea and Siam. At the end of the
conference a Final Act, prohibiting the use of
several weapons including bombardments from
balloons and the use of poisonous gas and dum
dum ballots, producing two conventions about
the law of war at sea and land and presenting
a convention on peaceful settlement of that
promoted arbitration and the establishment of a
Permanent Court of Arbitration, was promulgated
(Reinalda, 2009: 65). Among these proposals, the
proposal for the establishment of a Permanent
Court of Justice for the peaceful settlement of
the international disputes was significant for the
historical evolution of international organizations.
To this end, participating states agreed on the
‘Hague Convention on the Pacific Settlement of
International Disputes’, which envisaged in case
of serious dispute to have recourse to the good
offices or mediation of friendly powers, as far as
31
 International Politics and International Organizations
circumstances allowed. The Convention proposed
two mechanisms for the peaceful settlement of
the disputes. First one is the establishment of an
international commission of inquiry to elicit the
facts by impartial investigation when a dispute
arose from a difference of opinion over facts of
a particular situation. The second one was the
establishment of a Permanent Court of Arbitration
in the Hague (Reinalda, 2009: 69). The Permanent
Court of Arbitration became active in September
1900. There are two main organs of the Court:
International Bureau and Administrative Council.
The International Bureau, headed by a secretary
general, who is responsible for performing all
routine administrative tasks, acting as a registry
for the Court and its Commissions of Inquiry,
and keeping the archives and is the channel of
communication between parties and arbitrators
(Reinalda, 2009: 69). The Administrative Council,
which was composed of diplomatic representatives
of the signatory powers in the Hague, with the
Dutch minister of foreign affairs as president, had
the power to control the administrative side of
the work of the tribunal and of the international
bureau; it appoints and dismisses officials and
employees of the Bureau, fixes salaries and controls
the expenditures. It was also responsible for the
preparation of an annual report upon the work of
the international court and of the administrative
bureau, as well as on the budget disbursement
(Reinalda, 2009: 69-70).
The second Hague Conference was convened
from 15 June to 18 October 1907 with two-
hundred-fifty-six delegates from forty-four states
as a result of the US President Theodore Roosevelt’s
initiative to continue the discussions of 1899. At
the Conference, the 1899 Convention on the
Pacific Settlement of International Disputes was
amended and several new Conventions were agreed
by the participant states. One of these conventions
are the Convention Respecting the Limitations
of the Employment of Force for the Recovery of
Contract Debts which prohibited the use of force
to recover contract debts unless the debtor state
refused to go to arbitration or refused to abide by
the arbitral judgment. The Convention Relative
to the Opening of Hostilities required war to be
preceded by a formal declaration of war or by an
ultimatum containing a conditional declaration of
war. Another Convention regulated the rights and
duties of neutral states and persons in war time.
32
According to this Convention, belligerents must
respect the sovereign rights of neutral powers and
to abstain, in neutral territory or neutral waters,
from any act which would, if knowingly committed
by any power, constitute a violation of neutrality
(Reinalda, 2009: 79-80).
The Hague Peace Conferences were huge steps
towards the codification of international norms on
peace and security and some of its features were
adopted by other international organizations that
were found later. For instance, the Permanent
Court of Arbitration, which was established
as an instrument for the pacific settlement of
international disputes, has been an inspiration
for the establishment of the Permanent Court of
International Justice as a part of League of Nations
system and then the International Court of Justice
as a part of UN system. In addition, the wide
membership of the two conferences was a precursor
of the League of Nations’ Assembly (Archer, 2001:
9). Moreover, other devices of peaceful settlement
of international disputes such as the use of
arbitration and mediation, commissions of inquiry
were later adopted by the League of Nations and
the UN as means of peaceful settlement of disputes
(Armstrong et.al., 2004: 6). Thus, the Hague
Conference made a significant contribution to the
historical evolution of international organizations.
In addition to developments in the areas of
security and peace, economic and social development
in the 19th century increased states’ awareness of
problems that arise from their co-existence and
their need for creation of institutional devices and
systematic methods for regulating their relations
with each other and this laid the ground for further
international cooperation in the form of public
international unions or international agencies. Public
international unions have served three significant
purposes. The first one was to create a mutuality
of advantages to be secured for the citizens of all
states engaged in the unions. The second one was
to regulate the administrative activities connected
with these worldwide interests. The third one was
the creation of private international law which
serves to free business intercourse and action from
all kinds of difficulties and obstruction (Reinalda,
2009: 92). While the first two purposes were for
creating uniformity, which means the unification of
substantive law governing any international interest
and the simplification of the various national
administrations based on a common standard, the
International Politics
third one was for creating a mutuality of advantages
in the sense that the subjects of each member states
of public international unions shall be able to share
in the legal advantages granted to the subjects of
every other member state (Reinalda, 2009: 92-94).
First of all, industrial development led to an
improvement in communications. The steamship
replaced sail, the railway overtook the stagecoach,
the telegraph was introduced in 1837, and by 1850
a submarine telegraph cable connected England
and France. The increasing common links increased
the need for coordination and cooperation
between states and also made communications
between governments easier. Faster travel allowed
government delegations to convene together more
readily; the telegraph gave them the possibility of
consulting with and receiving instructions from
home. Moreover, commerce was being increasingly
internationalized or even globalized. Within this
context, in order to manage aspects of public life
normally associated with travel, communications,
commerce or welfare, the good governance of
which would otherwise be affected by state
boundaries, the states began to establish public
international unions or international agencies. The
first public international unions were international
river commissions, which were established to
regulate the free navigation of transboundary
rivers in Europe, Rhine, Elbe and Danube. With
the Convention of Octroi of 1804, a centralized
supranational administration to subject the
navigation of the Rhine to international control
was established. An international commission
Figure 2.3 The first Convention of the International Telegraph Union signed in 1865
Source: https://www.itu.int/en/history/Pages/ITUsHistory.aspx
for the Elbe was established in 1821, one for
the Rhine in 1831, and Article 15 of the Treaty
of Paris (1856), established a European Danube
Commission to supervise the free navigation of
that river, independent of national control as the
‘system of national administrations had utterly
broken down, incompetent to deal with the
modern world of shipping and international trade’
(Archer, 2001: 11).
As a response to scientific and technological
advances and the patent needed to co-ordinate
national developments in these areas, public
international unions or international agencies
began to emerge. The first one was the International
Telegraph Union (ITU), which was established by
an international agreement signed by twenty states
gathered at a conference in Paris with the aim to
develop uniform rules for the worldwide use of the
telegraph. In order to carry out the administrative
tasks of the ITU, a bureau was established in Bern
as the Union’s central organ. The completion
and publication of an international telegraphic
vocabulary was one of the ITU’s most substantial
achievements. In addition to the Central
Commission for the Navigation of Rhine, the ITU
was another important effort by sovereign states to
cooperate administratively in a specific economic
field. The ITU had made significant contribution
to a considerable growth in communications
between the governments and private sectors in
both Europe and the world and the growth of
worldwide trade (Reinalda, 2009: 86-87).
33
 International Politics and International Organizations
The General Postal Union (GPU) was another
public international union, which was established
to deal with the problems to which international
postal traffic faced owing to the existence of
different tariffs, national and local postal systems
which were not geared to each other, and the lack
of frequency of delivery. The GPU was established
with the Convention establishing the General
Postal Union, which was adopted by twenty-two
states gathering at a conference in Bern. The Union
was renamed as the Universal Postal Union in
1878. The main principles of the Union were the
complete freedom of transit from one jurisdiction
to another and the creation of a practically
unified postal territory comprising all treaty states
(Reinalda, 2009: 89). The UPU acted as a clearing
house for information on national postal systems
as well as the agency managing the international
postal regime and setting international rates. Like
the ITU, it helped to lower international rates and
thereby helped to internationally-active businesses
that were the largest users (Reinalda, 2009: 90).
Figure 2.4 The Emblem of the Universal Postal Union
In order to achieve standardization and
international protection of intellectual property and
copyrights, several public international unions were
established. For achieving standardization in weights
and measures, the International Bureau of Weights
and Measures were established in Paris with the
adoption of the Metre Convention at a conference
convened in Paris in 1875. It was established to make
all necessary comparisons and verifications of new
prototypes of the metre and kilogramme; to preserve
the international prototypes; to undertake periodic
comparisons between the prototypes and national
standards; to compare the new prototypes with non-
metrical standards employed in various countries;
to assist in determining geodesic standards and to
undertake whatever comparative studies might be
required by governments, learned societies, or even
by individual artists and savants (Reinalda, 2009:
102).
34
Moreover, for the protection of intellectual
property, the International Union for the Protection
of Industrial Property was established with the
adoption of the Paris Convention for the Protection
of Industrial Property at a conference convened in
Paris in 1883. The aim of the Bureau was not the
unification of the respective laws of the member
states, but rather the creation of administrative
rules by which the citizens of one state would
be permitted, without expensive formalities, to
come under the protection of the patent and
trademark laws of other contracting parties. For
the Protection of Copyright, International Union
for the Protection of Literary and Artistic Property
was established with a conference convened in Bern
in 1883 (Reinalda, 2009: 103). The two Bureaus
established for the protection of intellectual
property rights and copyright were merged in
1892 as the United Bureau for the Protection of
International Property (French acronym, BIPRI)
(Reinalda, 2009: 104). With the Convention
establishing the World Intellectual Property
Organization, BIPRI transformed to become
WIPO in 1970. WIPO joined the UN and became
a specialized agency of the UN in 1974.
These public international unions or
international agencies established in the 19th had
been models and precursors of the later international
organizations. For instance, bureaus which were
established to carry out the administrative tasks
of these public international unions were then
adopted by later international organizations and
become general secretariats of these organizations
(Archer, 2001: 9).
In addition to public international unions,
private international associations were also
established in the 19th century. The most important
of these private international associations was the
International Committee of Red Cross, which was
established by Swiss Banker Henri Dunant and his
fellows in 1863. Henri Dunant, who witnessed
the insufficiency in the provision of medical care
to many thousands of wounded during the battle
of Solferino between French and Austrian troops
in 1859, decided to launch a civil initiative for
providing better medical care for the wounded and
taking responsibility in times of war with the help
of qualified volunteers. Henri Dunant together
with Swiss philanthropist Gustav Moynier and
three other fellows formed committee of five and
International Politics
at the Geneva Conference convened in October
1883, representatives of sixteen states approved the
foundation of private international societies staffed
by volunteers and funded by private donations,
called as the Red Cross Societies. The name of
the organization came from its flag, red cross on
a white ground, which was inspired by the Swiss
flag and symbolized the neutrality of medical
units (Reinalda, 2009: 52-53). The Red Cross was
transformed into the International Committee of
Red Cross in 1880. On the insistence of Turkey,
the International Committee of Red Cross in
1906 adopted the Red Crescent as the name
and the emblem to be used in Muslim states.
The International Red Cross consists of three
components: the national societies, the League
of Red Cross Societies (since 1983 League of
Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies; since
1991 International Federation of Red Cross and
Red Crescent Societies), and the International
Committee of the Red Cross (Reinalda, 2009: 54).
Figure 2.5 The Emblem of International Federation of
Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies
3 in their quest for power and interest. Realists
What are the main contributions of the Concert of
Europe, 19th century public international unions
and the Hague Peace Conferences to the historical
evolution of International organizations?
THEORETICAL APPROACHES
TO INTERNATIONAL
ORGANIZATIONS
Theoretical approaches to international
organizations are classified under two main
categories: Traditional Approaches to International
Organizations and Revisionist Approaches
to International Organizations. Traditional
approaches include Realism and Liberalism. They
have a state-centric approach to the analysis of
international organizations. For them, states are
both principal actors of international system and
also rational actors making cost-benefit analysis
of every alternative and select the ones that
maximize their benefits. Revisionist approaches,
including Functionalism, Neo-functionalism
and Transactionalism go beyond the state-centric
approach and examine international organizations
as significant actors beside states. These are mostly
known as international integration theories.
Realism: Realists grant a marginal role to the
international organizations. For Realist thinkers,
states are principal international actors, and
international organizations (for them, it refers to
intergovernmental organizations not international
non-governmental organizations) only matters
if they serve interests of states. According Realist
thinkers, international politics have an anarchic
structure in which there is no common authority
over and above the sovereign state, or a lack of
government at the international level. Realists
claim that in anarchic international system, states
cannot trust each other and they always fear of
cheating and thus this makes interstate cooperation
difficult to achieve. For Realists, main motivation
of states in anarchic international system is
survival, i.e. preserving the existence of the state,
because of this, states cannot rely on other states
or international organizations for their defence and
must rely on its own resources for survival, which is
called as self-help. Realists claim that international
organizations are just instruments used by states
also believe that another factor which makes
interstate cooperation difficult to achieve is that
states are preoccupied with making relative gains
(improvements in a state’s position relative to other
states). Since anarchy makes states fear for their
survival and power is the ultimate guarantor of
35
 International Politics and International Organizations
survival, they always monitor their position in the
international power hierarchy (Heywood, 2011:
36). For Realists states will be ready to cooperate
if they believe that cooperation will bring about
relative gains, and they will abandon cooperation
if they fear that their gains will be less than those
of other states (Heywood, 2011: 436). For Realists,
international politics is a zero-sum game in which
states compete with each other to increase their
own benefits at the expense of others.
Liberalism: Liberals claim that international
organizations play a significant role in international
politics. Although liberals do not deny the
concerns about relative gains (because they also
accept assumptions about state egoism), they claim
that states may be more concerned about making
absolute gains (improvement in a state’s position
in absolute terms). For Liberals, this may occur
because states are confident about their survival
and so can be more relaxed about their power
relative to other states; because they judge that
other state’s intentions are peaceful regardless of
their capabilities; or because, in reality, states have
multiple relationships with multiple states, making
calculations about relative gains simply impractical.
If interstate cooperation promises an improvement
in absolute gains of a state, it will prefer to enter in
an inter-state cooperation (Heywood, 2011: 436).
So, in contrast to Realist assumption that a rational
state’s main concern is to maximize its relative
gains, liberals argue that state’s main concern is to
maximize its absolute gains through cooperation.
Moreover, Liberal institutionalists claim that
international institutions and regimes can play a
significant role in facilitating interstate cooperation
by mitigating the effects of anarchy. Since the
main obstacle before interstate cooperation in an
anarchic international system is mutual distrust
and the fear of cheating, Liberal institutionalists
claim that international organizations and regimes
are able to help states to overcome these obstacles
by both building trust between and amongst
states and accustoming them to rule-governed
behaviour. For liberal instutionalists, international
organizations can overcome collective action
problem or facilitate international cooperation
through providing information about who violates
rules of international cooperation, coordinating
sanctions against violators and extending ‘shadow
of the future’ (this is based on the belief that
36
states likely to interact again in the future: each
party knows that in case of a betrayal, this will
return itself in the same way in the future, thus
this deters states from violating the rules of
cooperation). Liberal institutionalists claim that
a credible threat of future retaliation will prevent
states from opportunistic actions and thus facilitate
cooperation. States know that if they betray the
other side for short-term benefits, in the long-term
they will pay the price. For liberal institutionalists,
international organizations facilitate international
cooperation through supporting habit of
cooperation, monitoring the compliance of
international agreements and coordinating
sanctions against violators. In contrast to Realist
assumption about the impossibility of interstate
cooperation in anarchic international system,
liberal institutionalists emphasize the possibility of
interstate cooperation with the help of international
organizations.
4
What are the main similarities and differences
between Realist and Liberal understandings of
International Organizations?
Functionalism: Functionalism is a part of
liberal tradition of International Relations, but it
goes beyond the state-centric view of international
politics and examines international organizations as
a significant actor beside states. It can be classified
as a theory of international integration and a
central component of the study of international
and non-governmental organizations (Rosamond,
2000: 31). David Mitrany is the key figure of
functionalist theory. Functionalism emerged as
a part of a broad social movement that sought
to theorize the conditions for ending human
conflict in the late 1940s. David Mitrany’s main
objective was to produce ideas for the creation
of a working peace system (Rosamond, 2000:
32). According to Functionalist theory, in order
to establish peace and secure prosperity, there
is a need to establish international functional
organizations. According to Functionalist
thinking, international cooperation in non-
political areas like economic, technical, scientific,
 International Politics
social and cultural sectors, decreases likelihood of
conflict among states and even makes inter-state
wars almost impossible. The main reason for this
is the creation of an interdependent world through
international functional organizations. According
to Functionalist thinking, increasing transnational
ties through international cooperation in
economic, technical, scientific, social and cultural
sectors minimizes the likelihood of resorting
to violence in inter-state relations, because war
and conflict become more costly for states.
Functionalists claim that greater interdependence
in the form of transnational ties between countries
can create a peaceful world society. Functionalists
claim that international cooperation in one area
in the form of a functional organization would
lead to similar cooperation in other areas; they call
dallanma this process as ramification. The transnational ties
established through functional organizations lead
to interdependence and solid ties among states that
are hard to break.
Neofunctionalism: Neofunctionalism emerged
in order to explain newly emerging European
integration process in the 1950s. The most important
figures of Neofunctionalism are Ernst Haas and Leon
Lindberg. Neofunctionalist approach drew on earlier
functionalism, but in a spirit of friendly critique
and with some significant divergence. The main
divergence from the earlier version is its emphasis on
the role of political agency in integration process. For
Neofunctionalists, the main motivation that would
lead ultimately to post-national political communities
is actions of purposeful actors pursuing their own
self-interest rather than technocratic automaticity as
claimed by Functionalists (Rosamond, 2000: 55). The
most important concept used by Neofunctionalists
to explain regional integration is the ‘spillover’.
There are two main forms of spillover: functional
and political. Functional spillover stems from the
interconnected nature of modern economies, which
makes it difficult to confine integration to particular
economic sectors (Nugent, 2010: 431). Integration
in one sector produces pressures for integration in
connected and related sectors. According to this
logic, first of all, two or more countries decide to
establish an integrative scheme in a given economic
sector. In order to accomplish this task effectively,
they decide to appoint a supranational bureaucracy
to oversee operations. While the integration in this
sector achieves some of the supposed benefits, the
full advantage of integration will not be achieved
unless related economic sectors are also included in
the integrative web. Thus, the integration in a given
economic sector creates functional linkage pressures
for the integration of other related economic sectors
(Rosamond, 2000: 58). The second form, political
spillover follows on economic integration and has
a number of dimensions: national elites turn their
attention to supranational levels of activity and
decision-making; these elites become favourably
disposed towards the integration process and the
upgrading of common interests; supranational
institutions and non-governmental actors become
more influential in the integration process, while
nation-states and governmental actors become
less influential; and the growing importance of
integration generates pressures and demands
for political control and accountability at the
supranational level (Nugent, 2010: 431). According
to Neofuctionalist thinking, integration around
a supranational organization paves the way for a
political integration. In this process, those, who are
taking the advantage of supranational integration,
support further integration in other related sectors
in order to benefit from the same advantages.
Neofunctionalists claim that political integration
occurs when national political actors are persuaded
to shift their loyalties, expectations and political
activities toward a new centre, whose institutions
possess or demand jurisdiction over the pre-existing
nation-states (Rosamond, 2000: 55). This new
central administrative organ is the high authority
administering functional cooperation. In explaining
European integration process, which started with the
establishment of the ECSC in the early 1950s, Haas
argued that creation and deepening of integration of
the coal and steel sectors of a group of industrialized
West European countries yielded substantial benefits
for key economic sectors. However, the full integration
of the coal and steel sectors could not be accomplished
without integration in related economic sectors, like
transport in which coordination between member
states’ transport policies was needed to facilitate
the movement of raw materials and products. This
would result in the creation of pressures for further
economic integration within and beyond that sector,
greater authoritative capacity at the European level.
Transactionalism: The most prominent
representative of transactionalist approach to
international integration was Karl Deutsch.
37
 International Politics and International Organizations
Deutsch defined international integration as being
about the achievement of security within a region
or among a group of states (Rosamond, 2000:
42). Successful integration is about the radical
reduction in the likelihood of states resorting to
violence for resolving their differences. Deutsch’s
transactionalist approach’s main concern was
to study the ways in which men might someday
çare abolish war. As a remedy to war, Deutsch suggested
the establishment of security communities within
which the expectation of war was minimized.
Security communities were groups of people that
had become integrated (Rosamond, 2000: 43).
The integration was defined as the attainment,
within a territory, of a sense of community and
institutions and practices strong enough and
widespread enough to assure for a long time and
dependable expectations of peaceful change among
its population. For Deutsch, there are two distinct
types of security communities: amalgamated and
pluralistic security communities. The amalgamated
security communities are forms of integration in
which separate units are formally merged into a
larger unit through some sort of institutional fusion.
The pluralistic security communities are entities
where the component governments retain their
separate legal identities and, thus, where integration
occurs without institutional merger or the creation
of a supreme overarching authority. Pluralistic
communities were Deutsch’s favoured model of
integration, because, for him, they seemed to be
more likely to arise in practice and potentially more
durable than amalgamated security communities.
Further Reading
Barkin, J.S. (2006). International
Organization: Theories and Institutions.
Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.
Cogan, J.K., Hurd, I. & Johnstone, I.
(2016). The Oxford Handbook of International
Organizations. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Davies, M. & Woodward, R. (2014).
International Organizations: A Companion.
Cheltenham: Edward Elgar Publishing.
38
There are three preconditions for the establishment
of a pluralistic security community: compatibility
of major values among the units, a capacity for
politically relevant groups to respond to each other’s
stimuli without violence and mutual predictability
of the relevant aspects of one another’s political,
economic and social behaviour (Rosamond,
2000: 43). Deutsch interested in the concept of
community as a condition of integration which
denotes a situation when people are held together
by common sentiments and common loyalties. For
Deutsch, the end point of integration is a sense of
community. For transactionalist thinking, a sense
of community among states is dependent on the
level communication between states. The route to
international community was the establishment of
a network of mutual transactions. The increasing
interactions between states result in an increase in
reciprocal importance or mutual responsiveness.
If the parties perceive mutual interaction as
beneficial, this will increase feeling of mutual trust.
Mutual trust brings about further interaction. For
Deutsch, the potential for integration occur in
situations of high international transaction. The
actuality of integration would be secured where
mutual responsiveness also prevailed. (Rosamond,
2000: 44)
5
What are the common features of Functionalism,
Neofunctionalism and Transactionalism?
Hurd, I. (2011). International Organizations:
Politics, Law, Practice. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Karns, M.P. & Mingst, K.A. (2010).
International Organizations: The Politics and
Processes of Global Governance (2nd ed.). Boulder:
Lynne Rienner Publishers.
Pease, K.S. (2003). International
Organizations: Perspectives on Governance in the
Twenty-first Century. New Jersey: Prentice Hall.
International Politics

Define the concept of

LO 1 international organization

An entity can be identified as an international organization if it is composed of members belonging to

two or more sovereign states, aims to pursue common interests of the members rather than pursuing the
interests of only one member, have its own formal structure of a continuous nature, which is established
by an agreement such as a treaty or constituent document, is separate from the continued control of one
member.

Summary
Comprehend the roles, functions
LO 2 and types of International
Organizations

International organization generally plays three major roles in international politics: instrument, arena and
actor. International organizations can be used as an instrument by its members for particular ends. They
provide arenas or forums where members to come together to discuss, argue, co-operate or disagree. They
may have an independent actor capacity, which enables them to act independently from its constituent
member states and to affect the course of world events. There are nine major functions that all international
organizations carry out: interest articulation and aggregation, normative, recruitment, socialization, rule
making, rule application, rule adjudication, information, operations. International Organizations can
be classified under three main categories defined by sovereignty, membership and aims. According to
sovereignty criteria, international organizations are classified according to whether member states delegate
all or some of their sovereign rights to an international organization or not. If member states do not
delegate any of their sovereign rights to an international organization of which they are a member, these
organizations are classified as traditional international organizations. If member states delegate all or
some of sovereign rights to the international organization of which they are a member, the organization is
classified as supranational organization. There are two types of categorization for membership criteria. The
first distinction between the types of international organization based on membership is between interstate
or intergovernmental and non-governmental. A further category is international organizations with mixed
membership. If an international organization is established with an intergovernmental agreement and
whose members are all sovereign states, it is considered as an interstate or intergovernmental organization.
If an organization is not created by means of intergovernmental agreement, it is considered as international
non-governmental organization. If at least one of the members of an international organization is a non-
state actor, it is considered as a transnational organization. The second distinction between the types
of international organization based on membership is related with geographical origins of the member
states. The distinction is made between regional organizations and global or universal organizations. If
an international organization is composed of a limited number of members most of which are seen to
be geographically proximate and/or culturally, economically and politically similar, it is considered as a
regional organization. If the membership of an organization is not limited to particular region and open
to all eligible sovereign states in the world, it is considered as global or universal organization. In terms of
aims and activities, international organizations are classified according to what they are supposed to do
and what they actually do. If an organization has general aims and carries out a wide range of activities, it is
considered as international organization with general aims and activities. If an organization is established
with a specific aim and to carry out activities in a specific field such as politics, economics, trade, culture,
security, etc., it is considered as an international organization having specific aims and activities.

39
 International Politics and International Organizations

Understand the historical roots of

LO 3 International Organizations

International organizations in modern terms emerged in the 19th century, when four pre-conditions
were met: the existence of a number of states functioning as independent political units; the existence
of a substantial measure of contact between these states; an awareness of problems that arise from states’
co-existence; state’s recognition of ‘the need for creation of institutional devices and systematic methods
for regulating their relations with each other’. Although the first precondition, the existence of a relatively
Summary

stable system of sovereign states had been met in Europe before the 19th century with the establishment
of a sovereign state system in Europe as a result of the Peace of Westphalia of 1648 and the Treaty of
Utrecht of 1713, other three preconditions were attained in the 19th century. Several developments in
the 19th century in the areas of peace and security and economic and social affairs paved the way for the
emergence of international cooperation initiatives which established a number of precedents for modern
international organizations. For instance, the Concert of Europe, which was established by the victorious
powers at the Vienna of Congress in order to maintain peace and security in Europe, established a number
of precedents for modern international organizations, particularly the League of Nations and the UN. The
first one was the assertion of special rights and responsibilities to the great powers. The members of the
Concert declared themselves as the principal arbiters of European affairs while simultaneously imposing a
far simpler rule regarding precedence. The League Council and UN Security Council institutionalised this
principle by granting the major powers permanent membership and the right to veto. Secondly, the Hague
Peace Conferences of 1899 and 1907 were huge steps towards the codification of international norms on
peace and security and some of its features were adopted by other international organizations that were
found later. For instance, the Permanent Court of Arbitration, which was established as an instrument
for the pacific settlement of international disputes, has been an inspiration for the establishment of the
Permanent Court of International Justice as a part of League of Nations system and then the ICJ as a
part of UN system. In addition, the wide membership of the two conferences was a precursor of the
League of Nations’ Assembly. In addition, other devices of peaceful settlement of international disputes
such as the use of arbitration and mediation, commissions of inquiry were later adopted by the League
of Nations and the UN as means of peaceful settlement of disputes. Public international unions, which
were established as a response to economic social development in the 19th century, had been models and
precursors of the later international organizations. For instance, bureaus which were established to carry
out the administrative tasks of these public international unions were then adopted by later international
organizations and become general secretariats of these organizations.

40
International Politics

Grasp theoretical approaches to

LO 4 International Organizations

Theoretical approaches to international organizations are classified under two main categories: Traditional
Approaches to International Organizations and Revisionist Approaches to International Organizations.
Traditional approaches include Realism and Liberalism. They have a state-centric approach to the analysis
of international organizations, for them, states are both principal actors of international system and also
rational actors making cost-benefit analysis of every alternative and select the ones that maximize their

Summary
benefits. Realists emphasize the difficulty of international cooperation, due to conditions imposed on
states by anarchic international system and states’ preoccupation with relative gains. They grant a marginal
role to international organizations, which only matters as long as they serve interests of states. Realists
depict international organizations as just instruments used by states in their quest for power and interest
in international politics. Liberals emphasize the possibility of international cooperation in anarchic
international system. For Liberals, international cooperation is possible because states’ main concern is
to maximize their absolute gains through cooperation rather than relative gains. They also claim that
international organizations can facilitate interstate cooperation by mitigating the effects of anarchy. For
liberals, international organizations can facilitate international cooperation through supporting habit of
cooperation, monitoring the compliance of international agreements and coordinating sanctions against
violators. Revisionist approaches, including Functionalism, Neo-functionalism and Transactionalism go
beyond the state-centric approach and examine international organizations as a significant actor beside
states. These are mostly known as international integration theories. The main objective of Functionalist
theory was to produce ideas for the creation of a working peace system. According to Functionalist theory,
in order to establish peace and secure prosperity, there is a need to establish international functional
organizations. According to Functionalist thinking, creation of international functional organizations in
non-political areas like economic, technical, scientific, social and cultural sectors leads to the creation of
an interdependent world which decreases likelihood of conflict among states and even makes inter-state
war almost impossible. Functionalists claim that greater interdependence in the form of transnational ties
between countries can create a peaceful world society. They put forward that international cooperation
in one area in the form of a functional organization would lead to similar cooperation in other areas;
they call this process as ramification. The transnational ties established through functional organizations
lead to interdependence and solid ties among states that are hard to break. Neofunctionalism emerged in
order to explain newly emerging European integration process in the 1950s. In order to explain regional
integration, Neofunctionalists have used the concept of ‘spillover’. There are two main forms of spillover:
functional and political. Functional spillover refers to a process in which integration in a given economic
sector creates functional linkage pressures for the integration of other related economic sectors, because it
is realized that the full advantage of integration will not be achieved unless related economic sectors are
also included in the integrative web. Political spillover, which follows on economic integration, is a process
in which beneficiaries of supranational integration, support further integration in other related sectors in
order to benefit from the same advantages. Political integration occurs when national political actors are
persuaded to shift their loyalties, expectations and political activities toward a new centre (supranational
organization), whose institutions possess or demand jurisdiction over the pre-existing nation-states.
Transactionalist approach was developed by Karl Deutsch as a remedy to interstate conflict and war. As
a remedy to war, Deutsch offered the establishment security communities within which the expectation
of war was minimized. Security communities were groups of people that had become integrated. The
integration was defined as the attainment, within a territory, of a sense of community and institutions and
practices strong enough and widespread enough to assure for a long time and dependable expectations of
peaceful change among its population. For Deutsch, there are two distinct types of security communities:
amalgamated and pluralistic security communities. The amalgamated security communities are forms of
integration in which separate units are formally merged into a larger unit through some sort of institutional
fusion. The pluralistic security communities are entities where the component governments retain their
separate legal identities and, thus, where integration occurs without institutional merger or the creation
of a supreme overarching authority.

41
 International Politics and International Organizations
1 Which of the following is not one of the
common and constitutive characteristics of
International Organizations identified by LeRoy
Bennett and James K. Oliver?
Test Yourself
A. They are based on voluntary membership of
eligible parties
B. They have broadly representative consultative
conference organs
C. They distribute profits acquired as a result of
their activities to its members in accordance
with their contribution to the budget of the
organization
D. They have permanent secretariats to carry
on continuous administrative, research and
information functions
E. They have basic instruments, founding
documents or charters, stating goals, structure
and methods of operation
2 Which of the following is not one of
traditional confederal principles of rule-making in
international organizations?
A. Even within the bounds of membership, a state
can assert the right to interpret unilaterally the
rules to which it has consented
B. Member states delegate autonomous rule-
making power to the international organization
C. The rules are formulated by unanimous or
near-unanimous consensus of members
D. The international organization has no direct
relationship with private citizens of the member
states
E. Delegates to the organizations’ rule-making
bodies are instructed by their governments and
do not act as independent representatives
3 international cooperation through providing
Concerning roles of international
organizations, which of the following role is
related with International Atomic Energy Agency’s
mandate to verify and monitor the fulfilment of
the state’s party obligation under the Treaty on the
Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons?
A. Rule Application B. Information
C. Rule Making D. Normative
E. Rule adjudication
42
4 Concerning roles of international
organizations, which of the following role is
related with the proclamation of the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights by the UN General
Assembly in Paris on 10 December 1948?
A. Rule Adjudication B. Rule Application
C. Information D. Normative
E. Socialization
5 If member states of an international
organization delegate all or some of their sovereign
rights to this organization, we call it:
A. Hybrid Organization
B. Transgovernmental Organization
C. Sub-global Organization
D. Transnational Organization
E. Supranational Organization
6 Which of the following is not one of public
international unions established in 19th century?
A. International Telegraph Union
B. International Union for the Protection of
Industrial Property
C. International Office of Public Health
D. General Postal Union
E. International Bureau of Weights and Measures
7 Which of the following is false about Liberal
understanding of international organizations?
A. International organizations can play a
significant role in facilitating interstate
cooperation by mitigating the effects of anarchy
B. States are rational actors which are preoccupied
with making relative gains
C. International organizations can facilitate
information about who violates rules of
international cooperation
D. A credible threat of future retaliation will
prevent states from opportunistic actions and
thus facilitate cooperation
E. International organizations help states to
overcome mutual distrust and the fear of
cheating by both building trust between and
amongst states and accustoming them to rule-
governed behaviour.
International Politics

8 Which of the following is the main concept 10 Which of the following is offered by Karl
used by Functionalists to name the process in Deutsch as a remedy to war?
which international cooperation in one sector in A. Collective Security
the form of a functional organization lead to a
B. Security Council
similar cooperation in other sectors?

Test Yourself
C. Security Dilemma
A. Ramification D. Security Alliance
B. Expansion E. Security Community
C. Widening
D. Stretching
E. Broadening

9 Which of the following is the main concept

used by Neofuctionalist to explain regional
integration?
A. Diffusion
B. Enlargement
C. Expansion
D. Spillover
E. Expansion

43
 International Politics and International Organizations

If your answer is wrong, please review the
1. C 6. C
“Definitions, Roles, Functions and Classification
of International Organizations” section.
Answer Key for “Test Yourself”
If your answer is wrong, please review the
“Historical Roots of International Organizations”
section.

If your answer is wrong, please review the If your answer is wrong, please review the
2. B 7. B
“Definitions, Roles, Functions And Classification “Theoretical Approaches to International
of International Organizations” section. Organizations” section.

If your answer is wrong, please review the If your answer is wrong, please review the
3. A 8. A
“Definitions, Roles, Functions And Classification “Theoretical Approaches to International
of International Organizations” section. Organizations” section.

If your answer is wrong, please review the If your answer is wrong, please review the
4. D 9. D
“Definitions, Roles, Functions And Classification “Theoretical Approaches to International
of International Organizations” section. Organizations” section.

If your answer is wrong, please review the
5. E “Definitions, Roles, Functions And Classification
10. E
of International Organizations” section.
If your answer is wrong, please review the
“Theoretical Approaches to International
Organizations” section.

Concerning intergovernmental organizations, which

factor(s) determine whether arena, actor or instrument
role will be dominant?
Suggested answers for “Your turn”

Since an intergovernmental organization is established with an intergovernmental

agreement and all members are sovereign states, member states are the main
factor that determines whether arena, actor or instrument role will be dominant.
If member states do not give an organization a capacity to make its own decisions
and act independently from its member states and have an impact on and play
your turn 1 an independent role in world stage, the organization will function either as a
forum for its members to discuss and find solutions to their common problems
or as an instrument for pursuing foreign policy objectives of some members.
On the other hand, if member states agreed on a founding treaty that creates
strong institutions insulated from interference by the membership and with
powerful resources, then the organization will perform the role of a relatively
independent actor.

How could you classify the United Nations in accordance

with criteria of sovereignty, membership, and aims and
activities?

Since the UN was established with an intergovernmental agreement and all its
members are sovereign states, it is an intergovernmental organization. Since
member states of the UN do not delegate any of their sovereign rights to the
UN, it is a traditional international organization. Since the membership of
the UN is not limited to a particular region and open to all peace-loving states
your turn 2 in the world which accept the obligations contained in the UN Charter, it is
a global organization. Since the UN has general aims and carries out a wide
range of activities such as maintaining international peace and security and
promoting international co-operation in solving international problems of an
economic, social, cultural, or humanitarian character, it is an international
organization with general aims and activities.
44
International Politics

What are the main contributions of the Concert of Europe,

19th century public international unions and the Hague Peace
Conferences to the historical evolution of International organizations?

Suggested answers for “Your turn”

All these international cooperation experiences in the 19th century established
a number of precedents for modern international organizations. First of
all, the Concert of Europe established a number of precedents for modern
international organizations, particularly the League of Nations and the UN.
The first one was the assertion of special rights and responsibilities to the great
powers. The members of the Concert declared themselves as the principal
arbiters of European affairs while simultaneously imposing a far simpler rule
regarding precedence. The League Council and the UN Security Council
institutionalised this principle by granting the major powers permanent
membership and the right to veto. Secondly, the Hague Peace Conferences
were huge steps towards the codification of international norms on peace
your turn 3 and security and some of its features were adopted by other international
organizations that were found later. For instance, the Permanent Court of
Arbitration, which was established as an instrument for the pacific settlement
of international disputes, has been an inspiration for the establishment of
the Permanent Court of International Justice as a part of League of Nations
system and then the ICJ as a part of the UN system. In addition, the wide
membership of the two conferences was a precursor of the League of Nations’
Assembly. In addition, other devices of peaceful settlement of international
disputes such as the use of arbitration and mediation, commissions of inquiry
were later adopted by the League of Nations and the UN as means of peaceful
settlement of disputes. Thirdly, public international unions established
in the 19th had been models and precursors of the later international
organizations. For instance, bureaus which were established to carry out the
administrative tasks of these public international unions were then adopted
by later international organizations and become general secretariats of these
organizations.

45
 International Politics and International Organizations

What are the main similarities and differences

between Realist and Liberal understandings of
International Organizations?
Suggested answers for “Your turn”

In terms of similarities, both Realist and Liberal theoretical approaches have

a state-centric approach to the analysis of international organizations, for
them, states are both principal actors of international system and also rational
actors making cost-benefit analysis of every alternative and select the ones that
maximize their benefits. In terms of differences, while Realists grant a marginal
role to international organizations, liberals claim that international organizations
play a significant role in international politics. For Realists, states are principal
international actors; international organizations only matters if they serve
interests of states. Realists depict international organizations as just instruments
used by states in their quest for power and interest in international politics.
However, for Liberals, international organizations can play a very significant
role in facilitating international cooperation. The main divergence between the
two approaches is their views about the possibility of international cooperation
in anarchic international system. On the one hand, Realists emphasized the
difficulty of international cooperation, due to conditions imposed on states
by anarchic international system and states’ preoccupation with relative gains.
Realists thinkers claim that in anarchic international system, states cannot
trust each other and they always fear of cheating and thus this makes interstate
cooperation difficult to achieve. For Realists, main motivation of states in
anarchic international system is survival, for this reason, they cannot rely on
other states or international organizations for their defence and must rely on their
own resources for survival. Since anarchy makes states fear for their survival and
power is the ultimate guarantor of survival, they always monitor their position
your turn 4 in the international power hierarchy. For Realists, international politics is a zero-
sum game in which states compete with each other to increase their own benefits
at the expense of others. On the other hand, Liberals emphasize the possibility
of international cooperation in anarchic international system. For Liberals,
international cooperation is possible because states’ main concern is to maximize
their absolute gains through cooperation rather than relative gains. They also claim
that international institutions and regimes can facilitate interstate cooperation
by mitigating the effects of anarchy. Since the main obstacle before interstate
cooperation in an anarchic international system is mutual distrust and the fear
of cheating. Liberals claim that international organizations and regimes are able
to help states to overcome these obstacles by both building trust between and
amongst states and accustoming them to rule-governed behaviour. For liberals,
international organizations can facilitate international cooperation through
supporting habit of cooperation, monitoring the compliance of international
agreements and coordinating sanctions against violators. In contrast to Realist
assumption that international politics is a zero-sum game, liberals claim that
international politics is non-zero-sum or positive-sum game, in which both sides
can increase their absolute gains through cooperation.

What are the common features of Functionalism,

Neofunctionalism and Transactionalism?

All three approaches go beyond the state-centric approach and examine

international organizations as a significant actor beside states. They take
your turn 5 international organizations as the unit of analysis rather than states. Their
main objective is to explain international integration. All three approaches
emerge to find a remedy to interstate conflict and war.

46
International Politics
References
Archer, C. (2001). International Organizations (3rd
ed.). London: Routledge.
Armstrong, D. (et.al.) (2004). International
Organization in World Politics (3rd ed.). Basingstoke:
Palgrave Macmillan.
Bennett, A.L. & Oliver, J.K. (2002). International
Organizations: Principles and Issues. USA: Prentice
Hall.
Heywood, A. (2011). Global Politics. China: Palgrave
Macmillan.
Nugent, N. (2010). The Government and Politics of
the European Union (7th Ed.). China: Palgrave
Macmillan.
Reinalda, B. (2009). Routledge History of International
Organizations: From 1815 to the Present Day.
London: Routledge.
Rosamond, B. (2000). Theories of European Integration.
Basingstoke: Palgrave.
The Yearbook of International Organizations. (n.d.)
Retrieved October 04, 2017, from the Union of
International Associations’ website, Union, http://
www.uia.org/yearbook.
Wallace, M. & Singer, J.D. (1970). Intergovernmental
Organization in the Global System, 1815-
1964: A Quantitative Description. International
Organization, 24(2), 239-287.
47
 International Politics and
Chapter 3 Regionalism
After completing this chapter, you will be able to;

1 2
Learning Outcomes

Get knowledge about regionalism in theoretical

Understand what region means and includes level

3 4
Comprehend regional cooperation, regional
integration, and regional unity, understand Know regional organizations and their
regionalization functions in international politics

5 Know regional political organizations 6 Comprehend regional economic

(development) organizations

Chapter Outline Key Terms

Introduction Region
Conceptual Framework: What is Region? Regionalism
Regionalism and Regionalisation Regionalization
Regional Organizations and Categorization of Regional Cooperation
Regional Organizations Regional Integration
Regional Unity
Regional Organization
Economy
Identity
Culture
Globalization
European Union
United Nations

48
International Politics
INTRODUCTION
Some concepts which explain a locally union or
unity such as region, regionalism, regionalization,
and integration are confused with each other. It
can be showed some differences between these
concepts despite small nuances. First of all; while
region refers to a defined and clear area in one
geographic space where boundries are lined; with
reference to Frost, regionalism expresses a political
movement which is based on awareness of and
loyalty to a region, combined with dedication to
a region-wide agenda of some kind in the second
phase. The suffix (“-ism”) in the word of regionalism
suggests a conscious set of related ideas or ideology
that is capable of forming the basis of a political
movement or an intellectual trend. It implies a
coordinated action on the part of governments
based on some vision or set of ideas (Frost, 2008:
15). Thirdly; regionalization can be defined as
the formation or realignment of transactions and
attitudes along regional lines. It is in some way
“a manifestation of globalization”. According
to Frost, “regionalization is driven, brokered,
and carried out primarily by private individuals
acting on their own. Real-life integration requires
people-employees of multinational corporations,
small-scale traders, representatives of civil society
organizations, and many others” (Frost, 2008: 16).
Hoshiro defines regionalization “as an increase in
the cross-border flow of capital, goods, and people
within a specific geographical area. It develops from
the bottom up through societally driven processes
coming from markets, private trade, and investment
flows, none of which is strictly controlled by
governments”. The main players are non-
governmental actors such as firms or individuals. For
him, regionalization can be described as a bottom-up
and spontaneous process. In contrast, regionalism is
defined as a political demand (hence ism is attached
as a suffix) to form a formal arrangement among
states on a geographically restricted basis. Because its
main participants are governments, it can be stated
as an artificial and top-down process. According
to Hoshiro, the “development of regionalization”
means an increase in the number of regional
economic transactions like trade, money, and foreign
direct investment. “Regionalism in progress” refers
to the agreement of regionally close governments to
establish kinds of formal institutions as the East Asia
Summit, the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation
(APEC) or bilateral preferential trade agreements in
order to cooperate with each other on various issues”
(Hoshiro, 2013: 2).
In brief, regionalization is a process, and
integration is its fruit. Besides, there are many
varieties of integration. This study examines the
concepts of region, regionalism, and regionalization.
While chapter one deals with Region, chapter two
argues the concept and theory of Regionalism and
makes clear what Regionalization means and the
differences of the concept of Regionalism. The
paper concludes in the chapter three which tackles
the major Regional Organizations and presents
a categorization with a table and list. The paper
is supported with the chapters of introduction,
conclusion, summary, attention notes, side notes,
further readings, and some beneficial texts and
information.
attention
Integration is an act or process or an instance of
integrating such as incorporation as equals into
society or an organization of individuals of different
groups such as races and coordination of mental
processes into a normal effective personality.
Source: Merriam Webster Dictionary, https://www.
merriam-webster.com/dictionary/integration.
“Regionalism has dominated architecture
in almost all countries at some time during
the past two centuries and a half. By way of
general definition, we can say that it upholds
the individual and local architectonic features
against more universal and abstract ones.
In addition, however, regionalism bears the
hallmark of ambiguity. On the one hand, it has
been associated with movements of reform and
liberation…”
Source: (Tzonis and Lefaivre, 1981: 178
quote from (Frampton, 1983: 20)).
49
 International Politics and Regionalism

CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK: by the terms ‘micro-region’ or ‘sub-national region’

WHAT IS “REGION”? that may refer to either sub-national or cross-
border regions such as the regions of Flanders
The concept of ‘region’ has generically occupied
and Øresund. The concept may also refer to
an important position in social sciences. It has
macro-regions which are larger territorial units
been defined first and foremost historically as a
as opposed to non-territorial international units
space between the national and the local, primarily
or sub-systems like Europe and Southern Africa.
within particular states. These types of ‘regions’
Macro-regions are international and exist between
are referred to as micro-regions and they can exist
the state and the global levels. So regions may
within a special state or be cross-border naturally.
exist on a variety of spatial scales and levels and
The concept of region also shows macro-regions
sometimes with blurred geographical boundaries
(regions of the world), which are larger territorial
as illustrated by Øresund, the Nordic region, and
(in contrast to non-territorial) units or sub-systems,
the EU. Additionally, regions can be sorted such
between the state and the level of global system.
types of regions as physical-geographic regions or
A Finally, there are meso-regions: mid-range state
ecoregions (the Norwegian fjord valleys), cultural
or non-state arrangements and processes between
regions (shared history and religion as well as
the two levels (Söderbaum, 2003: 6). According
linguistic and cultural similarities and identities),
to Contel, the region is a concrete, physical
economic regions, administrative regions, political
reality, and it exists as a frame of reference for the
regions (The EU), and security regions (Söderbaum
population living in that place. As a reality, such
and Granit, 2014: 15).
region is independent of the researcher in its status
ontologically. It’s a geographer work to unravel Briefly, Muravska states that geography is
and uncover the combination of factors which is characterized by internal homogeneity in terms of
responsible for such configuration (Contel, 2015: conditions of nature and mainly cultural, economic,
451). and political processes. For him, normative regions are
established by some legal acts for the implementation
A region is basically “a part of the land surface
of certain functions with consideration of required
of the earth”. In the geographical literature, regions
resources and administration. The analytical regions
can be defined in three ways as uniform, functional,
are described as based on analytical requirements.
and administrative areas, respectively. At this point,
They are classified according to geographical or socio-
most useful for purposes of economic development
economic characteristics. Firstly, regional policy in
are functional areas combining places that are
this point is “a set of agreed and organized measures
characterized by strong degrees of “interdependence
for ensuring development across certain territory”;
and strong complementarities”. Market areas can
traditionally, nation state. Regional economic
be exemplified as “that combine market centres
policy or regional planning includes all forms of
where the function is performed and the places
public interventions for geographical placement of
in which the people who use those market centres
economic activity. Secondly, regional policy attempts
reside”. The degree of emphasis on the functional
to make corrections in free market economy for
definitions of regions can be varied. This variation
attainment of two interrelated objectives: improved
partly reflects a shifting relative importance that is
social distribution and economic growth. Apart
attached in geography to the study of “regions as
from few definitions of what is “a region” and
self-contained entities” (this is as in the regional
“a regional policy”, classifications of regions into
tradition and more recent ‘territorial’ approaches
normative and analytic, “but regional policy into
to regional development studies) and as places
explicit and implicit, macro and micro is explained
understood in terms of their relationships with
as well as basics of theoretical foundations, methods
other places (such “as in the locational tradition
and resources for Regional policy are outlined in the
and in recent relational approaches to economic
further course of the lecture” (Muravska, 2014: 1-7).
geography”) (Dunford, 2010: 1).
For example, EU regional policy is an investment
The concept of region evolved historically to
policy. It supports job competitiveness, creation,
mean a space between national and local within a
economic growth, improved quality of life, and
state or a nation state. This meaning can be captured
sustainable development. These investments

50
 International Politics

support the delivery of “the Europe 2020 Strategy”. REGIONALISM AND

Regional policy is also the expression of the REGIONALIZATION
European Union’s solidarity with the less developed
Regionalism which can be defined as a theory
countries and regions in concentrating funds on
or practice of being regional rather than being
the areas and sectors where they can make the most
central in the level of system, administration
difference. Regional policy, in the example of EU,
or economic, cultural, or political affiliation is
aims to reduce the significant economic, social
a prominent trend in the field of regional or
and territorial disparities that still exist between
systemic studies. Regionalism that is called at the
Europe’s regions. Leaving these disparities in place
most with its organizational affiliation offers many
would undermine some of the cornerstones of the
types in the literature. “Asian regionalism”, “the
EU, including its large single market and its Euro.
Asia-Pacific regionalism”, “normative regionalism”,
During the period 2014-2020, the EU will invest
“hard regionalism”, “soft regionalism”, “ASEAN
a total of €351 billion in Europe’s regions.
regionalism”, “participatory regionalism”, “official
The EU funding will, for example, help boost small
regionalism”, “non-official regionalism”, “the elite-
and medium-sized businesses, support research
driven regionalism”, “non-state regionalism”, “semi-
and innovation, invest in a cleaner environment,
official regionalism”, “semi-official regionalism”,
improve access to digital technology, develop
“process-based regionalism”, “results-based
new products and production methods, support
regionalism”, “consensus-based regionalism”, and
energy efficiency and tackle climate change, boost
“Asymmetrical Regionalism” (Acharya and Layug,
education and skills, and improve transport links
2008), and “open regionalism” and “East Asian
to remote regions (www.ec.europa.eu/regional_
regionalism” (Wanandi and Yamamoto, 2008) can
policy/archive/what/index_en.cfm, 20.11.2017).
be mentioned as the types of regionalism.
In terms of Fawcett, there have been many
attempts by different scholars to define regions
1 and regionalism. The terrain of the definition
has always been fluid and arguably become more
What is the relationship between region and state?
complex since the scope of both these two terms
Can you give an example for that?
are continually contested and subject to different
interpretations. While the term of region has been
attention typically defined “as geographically proximate and
interdependent states” and the term of regionalism
Region: “A region is often defined as a group of
“as attempts at formal cooperation between such
countries located in the same geographically specified
states”, it is evident that for many scholars who
area. Exactly which areas constitute regions, however,
study on the subject of region and regionalism “these
remains controversial. Some observers, for example,
definitions are today too narrow”. For example,
consider Asia-Pacific a single region, others consider it an
some would argue as following Bruce Russett and
amalgamation of two regions, and still others consider it
others that geographical criteria are “too limiting
a combination of more than two regions. Furthermore,
in an increasingly interdependent and globalized
a region implies more than just close physical proximity
world”. Therefore, both the Islamic Cooperation
Organization (ICO) or the Commonwealth have
bileşen among the constituent states. The United States and
Russia, for instance, are rarely considered inhabitants
‘regional’ qualities. Others would point out that
of the same region, even though Russia’s eastern coast is
regional institutions as a subset of international
very close to Alaska. Besides proximity, many scholars
institutions cannot be measured purely in terms of
insist that members of a common region also share
formal organization. Much regional level activity
cultural, economic, linguistic, or political ties.”
can be properly attributed to international regimes,
or complexes or rules and organizations (Fawcett,
Source: Cited from (Mansfield and Milner, 1999: 1996: 3).
590-591).

51

For Fawcett, further as much of the literature
on the ‘new regionalism’ demonstrates, it could
be objected that actors other than states evidently
have important roles to play in the regional
institutions. In choosing here to look principally
at formal organizations, based loosely around
geographical regions, it can be said that there are
no other profitable ways to consider either regions
or regionalism. The selection is justified on two
practical grounds as “the limited space available and
the greater efficiency in measurement”. Because
of their treaty based nature, regular meetings
and reporting mechanisms, formal international
institutions are easier to track and measure than
informal non-permanent regimes. As a result, if
regions and their accompanying institutions have
to an extent moved beyond the state representing
for some even “the end of the nation-state,
the argument that the state today remains the
gatekeeper of most regional institutions and
activity is a powerful one” (Fawcett, 1996: 4).
International relations specialists and political
scientists are suffering to some extent from confusion
in their vocabulary with the terms ‘regionalism’ and
‘regionalisation’ which are used interchangeably.
For Camroux, regionalisation can be defined as
… ile akin to “nation-building”, and “regionalism” can
karşılaş- be defined as a process of “identity” construction
tırılabilir akin to “nationalism”. The terms “regionalism”
and “regionalization”, in this place, are often used
interchangeably to describe the construction of
regional entities in Asia. For Camroux, to define
“regionalism” as like many other “isms” (socialism,
communism, fascism, etc.) is essentially ideational
implying degrees of identity. It can be said that the
confusion in the expression of regionalization and
regionalism springs from the particular disciplinary
parameters of the researchers involved (Camroux,
2006: 1, 5-6).
52
International Politics and Regionalism
The resurrection and re-definition of
‘regionalism’ are among the prominent trends
in the international studies of the present times.
Regionalism has been brought back into the
academic studies as well as the policy debates after
some decades of neglect. In spite of the hegemony
of globalization and resultant anti-globalization,
regionalism constitutes a set of middle-level
adjuncts or alternatives in policy and practice as
well as analysis. This fact is particularly like that
in the post-bipolar world of the 1990s, but today
reinforced by the challenges to both assumptions
and action constituted by the September 11
syndrome and events more than fifteen years.
Additionally, ‘new regionalism’ as a range of formal/
informal middle level ‘triangular’ relations among
not only states but also non-state actors, especially
civil societies and private companies, is a central
aspect of the ‘new’ inter- or transnational relations
(Söderbaum, 2003: 1).
The early debate on regionalism in the 1960s
and 1970s was always focused on the European
integration process. The European experience was in
many aspects and ways treated as a single case, even
if many of the most influential neofunctionalists
that was the most influential school of thought were
also engaged in comparative research. Schmitter,
Haas, and Dell studied regional integration (or the
lack of it) in Latin America. And Etzioni compared
the Federation of West Indies, the United Arab
Republic, the Nordic Association, and the European
Economic Community. Nye studied East Africa
and conducted comparisons of the Arab League,
the Organization of American States (OAS) and
the Organization of African Unity (OAU). With a
few exceptions, however, due to the perceived lack
of regional integration elsewhere, most scholars
lost their interest in regionalism outside Europe
(Lombaerde and at al., 2009: 4).
International Politics
Figure 3.1 Regions of the World
Source: http://www.who.int/about/regions/en, (26.12.2017)
For Lombaerde, neofunctionalism came under
critique by intergovermentalism. “Haas responded
to critics by labelling the study of regional integration
‘pre-theory’ (on the basis that there was no clear
idea about dependent and independent variables),
then referred to the field in terms of ‘obsolescence’,
and ended up suggesting that the study of regional
integration should cease to be a subject in its own
right”. Rather, it should be seen as an aspect of
the study of interdependence. For Lombaerde and
his friends, “Nye also underwent the same shift of
interest”. In retrospect it would appear that the
neofunctionalists expected too much too quickly.
They underestimated the centralist, anti-pluralist,
and nationalist orientations of their time and at
the same time as the theory had relatively little
regard for exogenous and extra-regional forces”
(Lombaerde and at al., 2009: 4-5).
According to the regionalism perspective, some
of the most fruitful writing in the discipline of
International Relations comes from the constructivist
school that puts a particular focus on the processes of
identity formation and learning (Wendt, 1994: 384-
396). For Camroux, the constructivists allow us to
make the link between the language of international
relations and the acts within international relations
rather than providing a counter-explanation to the
realist and institutionalist schools. He says that the
absurdity in this distinction is obviously that the
declaratory aspects of foreign relations are in integral
part of the process of the international relations
(Camroux, 2006: 13).
Taylor points out that the debate and the
discussion on regionalism and its benefit is
ongoing and that there is never a point where the
value of regionalism is assumed. It is continuously
brought into question and challenged. For him,
“regionalism is by no means an assumed good”
and something “that must be revised and revisited
and made relevant and appropriate”. In this point,
the role of those who study and work in regional
institutions is to ensure that regionalism remains
relevant (Taylor, 2015: 4).
It should be looked the definition of ‘federalism’
in the standard international political science. It
should be reminded that federalism and regionalism
are fundamentally intertwined in both theory and
practice. According to this definition by Brown
(2007), “federalism is a system of government in
which authority is constitutionally divided between
central and regional governments. Many experts
who study federalism see regionalism expressed
in direct, political, geographically-specific ways
before it can potentially take on constitutional
significance. This is true at subnational, supra-
national and trans-national levels alike (Brown,
2007: 13, 14).
As an example of regionalist framework to
strengthen regional cooperation, collaboration,
integration, and development, the following table
53
 International Politics and Regionalism

(“Forms of Regionalism”) introduces the “Framework for Pacific Regionalism” which was endorsed by
Pacific Islands Forum Leaders in July 2014. This Framework replaces “the Pacific Plan for Strengthening
Regional Cooperation and Integration”. The Framework is intended to support “focussed political
conversations and settlements that address key strategic issues, including shared sovereignty, pooling
resources, and delegating decision-making. Rather than providing a list for regional priorities, it sets out a
strong process through which regional priorities will be identified and implemented (Pacific Islands Forum
Secretariat, 2014: 1).

Table 3.1 Forms of Regionalism

Regional
To Achieve:
Collective Action
Open consultation and
access to information; and
Coordination coordinated application
of shared, best-practice
norms and standards.
An effective and
strengthened voice in
protecting and sustainably
Cooperation
harnessing the region’s
physical, social and cultural
assets for the benefit of all.
Achievement of economies
of scale and equitable
Collaboration
benefits that cannot be
achieved nationally.
Achievement of shared
Harmonisation institutional and/or legal
objectives.
Greater economic
prosperity founded
on regional economic
Economic
integration and
Integration
sustainability and the
equitable distribution of
benefits and costs.
By: Requiring:
Establishing and
managing agreed
Voluntary consultations and
processes that facilitate
agreements; possible resource
regional dialogue and
sharing.
access to (and use of)
information.
Developing and
committing to Voluntary agreement to modes
coordinated of regional cooperation;
regional or sub- services are mainly funded and
regional policies and delivered nationally.
strategies.
Voluntary agreement to modes
Delivering regional of regional collaboration;
public goods and national governments are freed
pooled services. from daily management of
these priorities.
Entering into specific Legally binding arrangements,
regional or sub- including commitment to national
regional commitments resource allocation; each country
to common policies, free to amend their internal laws/
regulations, standards requirements to meet the shared
and/or processes. regional objectives.
Legally binding arrangements,
Lowering physical
including commitment to
and technical market
national resource allocation;
barriers to enable freer
each country commits to
movement of people
amending their internal laws
and goods within and
/ requirements to meet the
among countries.
shared regional objectives.

Agreeing to common Legally binding arrangements,

Administrative A secure and well
rules, standards including commitment to
/ Legal / governed Pacific region
and institutions to national resource allocation and
Institutional pledged to upholding
foster and sustain to operating within regionally
Integration regional values.
integration. mandated requirements.

Source: Pacific Islands Forum Secretariat (2014), Forum Leaders’ Statement: The Framework for Pacific Regionalism, pp.4.

54
International Politics
The Table shows that the phases and priorities of
collective regional actions consist of Coordination,
Cooperation Collaboration, Harmonisation,
Economic Integration, and Administrative/Legal/
Institutional Integration. Regionalism (in the
example of Pacific Islands) offers that to achieve
pen consultation and access to information; and
coordinated application of shared, best-practice
norms and standards, it requires voluntary
consultations and agreements and possible
resource sharing by establishing and managing
agreed processes that facilitate regional dialogue
and access to (and use of ) information.
For Söderbaum and Granit, there is considerable
emphasis on the significance of regionalism and
regional cooperation in both policy-making process
and the field of academy. Global transformations
and chances in the last two to three decades (like the
end of the Cold War, the intensification of economic
globalization and economic liberalism, and the
recurrent problems of multilateralism and the
transformation of the nation state) have given rise
to ‘a more multidimensional process of regionalism
in most policy areas and sectors’. Some of the most
important dimensions of regionalism can be stated
as security, economic, social, and environmental
(Söderbaum and Granit, 2014: 18-19).
Regionalism offers such three quite different
concepts as regional cooperation, regional
provision of public goods and services, and regional
integration. As a dimension of regionalism, regional
cooperation explains other more integrated forms
of regionalism that strengthen regional cooperation
but on encouraging the region and its institutions
to better integrate cultural norms and practices. If
regional cooperation is to be promoted, therefore,
more emphasis needs to be given to the identical
factors (Huffer, 2006: 44-51).
The concepts of regional integration and
regionalism may theoretically seem contradictory.
Integration brings about the idea of “unification
along legal, political, economic lines” (like between
the members and candidates of European Union).
In the meantime, regionalism brings about “the
idea of diversification”; regions as actors. However,
there is great deal of coherence and compatibility
between these two processes. Additionally,
integration may increase regionalization and the
process of regionalization. New regionalism is
shaped by changes in the international context
and, above all, the emerging international and
continental regimes. Regional integration provides
the environment for the development of new
regionalism. In other words, new regionalism is
an outcome of regional integration (Obydenkova,
2006: 2, 13).
According to Crocombe’s suggestion, if regional
integration is to succeed in the long-termed process,
more attention needs to be given to the element
of human mobility. He goes on to make concrete
suggestions about how to make this possible,
including a “regional identity card”, “professional
mobility”, “dual citizenship”, “teacher, student and
media exchanges” as well as a ‘Pacific volunteer
service’ (Huffer, 2006: 53).
From another point of view, there are three
distinct forms of ‘regionalism’ as social, economic,
and cultural. When social regionalism refers to
the fact that “the divergent electoral behaviour
of different regions is often simply a reflection
of their different social composition”, economic
regionalism describes the fact that “the geographical
concentration of a particular industry may lead
voters in a region to develop a distinct sense of
shared economic interest”. Finally, the third form
of (political) regionalism, is cultural regionalism
that could emerge “if significant groups of voters
come to question the legitimacy of the state as a
provider of public goods” (Robinson, 2015: 250-
251). Additionally, it is possible to make clear that
economic and cultural regionalism emerge from a
process of social interaction and various processes.
According to Nishikimi, economic integration
constitutes two different forces on industrial
location: dispersion and agglomeration forces.
The dispersion force relocates industries across
integrated countries as to each country’s
comparative advantage and achieves the static
efficiency of resource allocation. In contrast, the
agglomeration force serves “as a dynamic source
of industrialization”. But at the same time, it may
lead economic disparities among the integrated
countries and domestic regions within each country.
In order to work out the effective development
strategies under the influence of the two forces, it
is significant to manage dexterously the nonlinear
effects such as home market effect, lock-in effect,
and hub effect. With these effects, drastic progress in
long-term economic development can be triggered
by a single success of a short-term program for
dağılım & toplaşım kuvvetleri
55
 International Politics and Regionalism

inviting firms in particular to the initial stage of

agglomeration. Individual policies therefore bear
Globalization is a process of interaction and
great importance in the industrialization process.
integration among the people, companies, and
But the government of each country is likely to face
governments of different nations, a process driven
two kinds of difficulties in developing a successful
by international trade and investment and aided
strategy: “(1) strategy-building requires extremely
by information technology (For Further Reading:
accurate information about the state of the
The Levin Institute (2016), Globalization 101:
country; and (2) difficulty in policy coordination
A Project of Suny Levin Institute, http://www.
to avoid excess public investment for development”
globalization101.org.
(Nishikimi, 2008: 47).
Since the mid-1980s, there has been an explosion
of various forms of regionalism on a global scale. “The attention
widening and deepening of the European Union is
the most pervasive example, but regionalism is also
To understand constructivism in international
made visible through the revitalisation or expansion
relations, look at the following online sources:
of many other regional projects around the world”.
https://politics.stackexchange.com/questions/1465/
Regionalism of the present times is characterised
what-is-constructivism-in-international-relations;
by the development of almost all the governments
http://www.e-ir.info/2011/02/03/constructivism-
in the world, but it also involves “a rich variety
an-introduction; http://internationalrelations.org/
of non-state actors” as resulting in multiplicities
constructivism_in_international_relations;
of formal and informal regional governance and
networks in the most areas of issue. It means; as
such regionalism is closely linked with the shifting attention
nature of international politics and intensification of
globalisation. Pluralism and multidimensionality of
contemporary regionalism gives rise to “a number Pacific: Mid-16th century: from French “pacifique”
of new puzzles and challenges for comparative or Latin “pacificus” ‘peace-making’, from pax, pac-
politics”. The cumulative knowledge has grown with ‘peace’; Peaceful in character or intent; Relating to
the study of regionalism during the last two decades, the Pacific Ocean; short for Pacific Ocean.
numerous regional organisations in the institutional Source: Oxford Living Dictionaries, https://
design, and the relationship between regionalism en.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/pacific.
and globalisation (Lombaerde and at al., 2009: 4).

“There cannot be a firmly established political

state unless there is a teaching body with definitely
recognized principles. If the child is not taught
2 from infancy that he ought to be a republican or a
monarchist, a Catholic or a free-thinker, the state will
As a dimension of regionalism, what does regional not constitute a nation; it will rest on uncertain and
cooperation explain? shifting foundations; and it will be constantly exposed
to disorder and change.” Napoleon I, 1805
Source: Quote from (Alesina and et al., 2012: 2)

56
International Politics
REGIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND
CATEGORIZATION OF REGIONAL
ORGANIZATIONS
The term ‘regionalism’ has two connotations in
the negative and positive meaning. In the negative
sense, regionalism implies an “excessive attachment
to one’s region to prefer to the country or the
state”. When looked at its positive sense, it is “a
political attribute associated with people’s love for
their region, culture, language, etc.” by the view
of maintaining the independent identity. As the
positive regionalism is a “welcome thing” in so far
maintaining as it encourages the people to develop
a sense of brotherhood based on religion, common
language or historical background, the regionalism
in negative sense is a great “threat to the unity and
integrity of the country” for the countries like
India. Because the Indian regionalism is generally
used in the negative sense. It can be said that
regional organizations, at this point, emerge from
a feeling of integration and commonness. The
feeling of regionalism may arise either due to “a
continuous neglect of a particular area or region
by the ruling authorities”, and it may spring up
as a result of “increasing political awareness of
backward people” who have been discriminated
against (Jagan, 2017: 501).
The regional organizations have a long
history, and they have become a central feature
of international relations in the last quarter of
the century. Since the disintegration of the Cold
War during the late 1980s, and encouraged by the
advent of globalization, these organizations have
gradually grown in number and complexity. The
highly interdependent neighbours have sought to
address regional problems in the context of a rapidly
changing global order. However, regionalism or the
state-led development of institutions that embody
a common set of norms, strategies and goals has
gone hand-in-hand with regionalization, or the
process by which material patterns of transactions
within a specific region like trade and capital flows,
migration and so forth, among individuals and
groups. The projects of regionalism have competed
with one another as regionalization has intensified.
And the regions have become more defined and
integrated (Cooper and Stubbs, 2017: 616).
In the present globalized world, we can mention
a lot of regional organizations. As some of them
still protect its entity, some have been obliged to be
extinct because of some economic, financial, and
political reasons. The most effective element in its
survival is financial factors. In the literature, we can
see several types of categorization. However, one of
the widespread classification is security, economy,
integration, etc. Table 4.1. (derived from Eurostat
and adapted in to the text) shows a list of the most
prominent regional organizations. We can see that
the names of regional organizations are defined as
to such dominant ethnical element as Arab League
or Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation. The
establishment dates of them start by WWII and
the post cold war in general. And, their functions
range from security to economy. We can be stated
European Union (EU), North American Free Trade
Agreement (NAFTA), Economic Cooperation
Organization (ECO), and North Atlantic Treaty
Organization (NATO) as the most influenced
ones.
57
 International Politics and Regionalism

Table 3.2 List of Regional Organizations According to Population and Functions

Names of Regional Date Population
Functions Websites
Organizations Formed (7,302,446,600)
Security,
Economy,
African Union (AU) 2002 850,000,000 https://au.int
Identity,
Cooperation
Security,
Arab League / League of Economy, http://www.lasportal.org/
1945 404,034,810
Arab States (AL) Identity, Pages/Welcome.aspx
Cooperation

Asia-Pacific Economic Economy,

1989 2,700,000,000 https://www.apec.org/
Cooperation (APEC) Cooperation
Economy,
Association of Caribbean
1994 237,000,000 Consultation, http://www.acs-aec.org/
States (ACS/AEC)
Cooperation
Identity,
Caribbean Community Cooperation,
1973 16,743,693 http://www.caricom.org/
(CARICOM) Development,
Cooperation
Identity,
Central American Cooperation,
http://www.sica.int/index_
Integration System 1993 51,152,936 Development,
en.aspx?Idm=2&IdmStyle=2
(SICA) Cooperation,
Integration
Security,
Identity,
Collective Security Treaty http://www.odkb.gov.ru/start/
1994 210,000,000 Cooperation,
Organisation (CSTO) index_aengl.htm
Development,
Economy
Identity,
Commonwealth of Cooperation, http://www.
1931 1,921,974,000
Nations (CON) Development, commonwealthofnations.org/
Economy
Economic Cooperation Economy,
1985 405,139,000 http://www.eco.int/
Organization (ECO) Development

Eurasian Economic Economy, http://www.eaeunion.

2001 205,693,649
Union (EAEU) Development org/?lang=en
European Economic Area Economy,
1994 500,017,119 http://www.efta.int/eea
(EEA/EFTA) Development
Identity,
Cooperation,
European Union (EU) 1957 500,900,000 http://europa.eu/
Development,
Economy

58
International Politics

North American Free

Economy,
Trade Agreement 1994 457,284,932 http://www.naftanow.org/
Development
(NAFTA)
North Atlantic Treaty
1949 880,978,798 Security http://www.nato.int/
Organisation (NATO)
Security,
Organization of
1908 910,720,588 Development, http://www.oas.org/en/
American States (OAS)
Identity
Organization of the
Economy, http://www.opec.org/opec_
Petroleum Exporting 1960 369,814,472
Development web/en/
Countries (OPEC)
Economy,
Shanghai Cooperation Security,
2001 1,519,750,955 http://eng.sectsco.org/
Organisation (SCO) Identity,
Development
South Asian Association Economy,
for Regional Cooperation 1985 1,467,255,669 Identity, http://www.saarc-sec.org/
(SAARC) Development
The Association of Economy,
Southeast Asian Nations 1967 558,812,200 Identity, http://asean.org/
(ASEAN) Development
Economy,
The Commonwealth of http://www.cisstat.com/eng/
1991 277,983,490 Identity,
Independent States (CIS) cis.htm
Development
Union of South American
http://www.
Nations (USAN) Economy,
internationaldemocracywatch.
(Mercosur and the 2005 379,782,748 Identity,
org/index.php/union-of-south-
Andean Community of Development
american-nations
Nations)
Source: Benefitted from Eurostat Population Demography Data, as of 1 Jan. 2006 extrapolated to 1 Jan. 2007;
https://ipfs.io/ipfs/QmXoypizjW3WknFiJnKLwHCnL72vedxjQkDDP1mXWo6uco/wiki/List_of...

According to Söderbaum and Granit, regionalism has resulted in a great variety of state-led regional
cooperation mechanisms. During the last two decades, an increasing number of non-state or hybrid regional
arrangements, networks, actors, and governance mechanisms has emerged. There are a range of possible
ways to categorize transnational regional organizations and frameworks. Organizational form refers to
whether the regional cooperation mechanism is an ‘organization’ or a more loosely structured ‘network’. In
this meaning, in order to mention about an organization, it commonly should have some specified aims,
functions and activities; a membership, its own formal and permanent structure like a constitution, treaty,
and/or administrative structure (to order its responsibilities and carry out its functions) (Söderbaum and
Granit, 2014: 24).
As we see in the list above, as they can function in many fields of action, they can have different aims,
objectives, and tasks. Regional organizations can be divided into their functions as follows. The following
list can be useful to explain:

59
 International Politics and Regionalism

Table 3.3 List of Regional Political, Regional Economic (Development), and Regional Security Organizations
Regional Political Organizations
European Union (EU)
Organization of American States (OAS)
African Union (AU)
The Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC)
Council of Europe (CE)
Arab League / League of Arab States (AL)
The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)
Regional Economic (Development) Organizations
European Union (EU)
East African Community (EAC)
Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS)
African Economic Community (AEC)
Organization of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation (BSEC)
Council for Arab Economic Unity (CAEU)
Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC)
Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS)
European Union–Turkey Customs Union
South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC)
North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA)
Southern Common Market (MERCOSUR)
African Development Bank (AfDB)
Asian Development Bank (ADB)
European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD)
Inter-American Development Bank (IDB)
Regional Security Organizations
North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO)
European Union (EU)
Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO)
African Union (AU)
Arab League / League of Arab States (AL)
The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)

Regional Political Organizations

European Union (EU)

European Union, as a political regional organization, is set up with the aim of ending the frequent and
bloody wars between neighbours in Europe, which culminated in the Second World War. As of 1950,
the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) begins economically and politically to unite European
countries in order to secure lasting peace. The six founding countries are Belgium, France, Germany, Italy,
Luxembourg and the Netherlands. Climate change is still high on the agenda and the EU leaders agree to
reduce harmful emissions. In 2014, European elections are held, and more Eurosceptics are elected into
the European Parliament. A new security policy is established in the wake of the annexation of Crimea
by Russia. In the meantime, religious extremism increases in the Middle East, and various countries and
regions around the world, leading to unrest and wars which result in many people fleeing their homes and

60
International Politics
seeking refuge in Europe. The EU is not only faced
with the dilemma of how to take care of them, but
also finds itself the target of several terrorist attacks
(www.europa.eu/european-union, 11.12.2017).
Figure 3.2 European Parliament
The European Parliament is made up of 751 Members
elected in the 28 Member States of the enlarged
European Union. Since 1979 MEPs have been elected by
direct universal suffrage for a five-year period.
Source: http://www.europarl.europa.eu/meps/en/about-
meps.html, 26.12.2017
The Organisation of Islamic
Cooperation (OIC)
The Organisation of Islamic Cooperation
(OIC), as a political regional organization, is the
second largest inter-governmental organization
after the United Nations with its membership of
57 states that spread over four continents. The
OIC is the collective voice of the Muslim world. It
endeavours to protect the interests of the Muslim
world within the spirit of promoting international
peace, welfare, and harmony among the peoples of
the world. The Organization was established upon a
decision of the historical summit which took place
in Rabat (Kingdom of Morocco) on 25 September
1969, following the criminal arson of Al-Aqsa
Mosque in occupied Jerusalem and the offensive
policies of Israel. The OIC has the singular honour
to galvanize the Ummah into a unified body,
and it has actively represented the Muslims by
espousing all causes close to the hearts of over 1.5
billion Muslims of the world. The Organization
has consultative and cooperative relations with the
UN and other inter-governmental organizations to
protect the vital interests of the Muslims and to
work for the settlement of conflicts and disputes
involving Member States (www.oic-oci.org,
12.12.2017).
Council of Europe (CE)
The founder fathers of Europe were the
people who launched the process of European
construction by founding the Council of Europe in
1949 and setting up the European Coal and Steel
Community (ECSC) in 1950 and the European
Economic Community (EEC) in 1957. These men
of dialogue, who had lived through two world
wars and had first-hand experience of a number of
European cultures, were the pioneers of a Europe
of peace which is founded on the values of human
rights, democracy, and the rule of law. The Council
of Europe was founded to defend human rights,
parliamentary democracy, and the rule of law,
develop continent-wide agreements to standardise
the social and legal practices of member countries,
and promote awareness of a European identity
that is based on shared values and cutting across
different cultures. The CE played a pioneering
role in the struggle for the abolition of capital
punishment, which it regards as having no place
in democratic societies. Every country joining the
CE agrees to be subject to independent monitoring
mechanisms which assess its compliance with
human rights and democratic practices. The
European Convention on Human Rights prohibits
all forms of discrimination by public authorities on
any grounds whatsoever. The Council of Europe
carries out various activities to protect minorities,
including the largest minority in Europe, the
Roma (www.coe.int/en/web/about-us/who-we-
are, 14.12.2017).
Regional Economic (Development)
Organizations
Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation
(APEC)
The idea of APEC was firstly publicly broached
by Bob Hawke -Former Prime Minister of
Australia- during a speech in Korea on 31 January
1989. Ten months later, 12 Asia-Pacific economies
met in Canberra (Australia) to establish APEC.
The founding members were Australia, Brunei
61

Darussalam, Canada, Indonesia, Japan, Korea,
New Zealand, Malaysia, the Philippines, Thailand,
Singapore, and the United States. China, Hong
Kong, China and Chinese Taipei joined in 1991.
Mexico and Papua New Guinea followed in 1993.
Chile acceded in 1994. And in 1998, Peru, Russia
and Viet Nam joined, taking the full membership
to 21. The primary goal of APEC is to support
sustainable economic growth and prosperity in the
Asia-Pacific region. The members of APEC are united
in their drive to build a dynamic and harmonious
Asia-Pacific community by championing free
and open trade and investment, promoting
and accelerating regional economic integration,
enhancing human security, encouraging economic
and technical cooperation, and facilitating a
favourable and sustainable business environment.
APEC’s initiatives turn policy goals into concrete
results and agreements into tangible benefits. It has
grown to become a dynamic engine of economic
growth and one of the most important regional
forums in the Asia-Pacific. Its twenty-one member
economies are home to around 2.8 billion people
and represent approximately % 59 of world GDP
and % 49 of world trade in 2015. As a result of
APEC’s endeavours, the region’s growth has soared
with real GDP increasing from USD 19 trillion
in 1989 to USD 42 trillion in 2015. Meanwhile,
residents of the Asia-Pacific saw their per capita
income rise by % 74, lifting millions out of poverty
and forming a growing middle class in just over
two decades (www.apec.org, 20.12.2017).
North American Free Trade
Agreement (NAFTA)
The North American Free Trade Agreement
(NAFTA) came into effect in 1994, creating one
of the world’s largest free trade zones and laying the
foundations for strong economic growth and rising
prosperity for the United States, Canada, and
Mexico. Since then, NAFTA has demonstrated how
free trade increases wealth and competitiveness,
delivering real benefits to workers, families,
farmers, manufacturers, and consumers. NAFTA
is a formal agreement which establishes some clear
rules for commercial activity between Canada,
the United States, and Mexico. It is overseen by
a number of institutions ensuring the proper
interpretation and smooth implementation of the
62
International Politics and Regionalism
NAFTA Agreement’s provisions. Since it came
into effect, the levels of trade and investment in
the North America have increased, bringing strong
economic growth, job creation, and better prices
in consumer’s goods. The businesses, consumers,
families, workers, and farmers in the North America
have all benefited. Each country of NAFTA forgoes
tariffs on imported goods “originating” in the
other NAFTA countries. The rules of origin enable
customs officials to decide which goods qualify for
this preferential tariff treatment under NAFTA.
The negotiators of the NAFTA Agreement sought
to make the rules of origin very clear so as to
provide certainty and predictability to exporters,
producers, and importers. They also sought to
ensure that the benefits of NAFTA are not extended
to goods imported from non-NAFTA countries
having undergone only minimal processing in the
North America (www.naftanow.org, 19.12.2017).
attention
Free Trade Agreement (special to the USA)
“Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) have proved to be one
of the best ways to open up foreign markets to U.S.
exporters. Trade Agreements reduce barriers to U.S.
exports, and protect U.S. interests and enhance the rule
of law in the FTA partner country. The reduction of
trade barriers and the creation of a more stable and
transparent trading and investment environment make
it easier and cheaper for U.S. companies to export their
products and services to trading partner markets. In
2015, 47 percent of U.S. goods exports went to FTA
partner countries. U.S. merchandise exports to the 20
FTA partners with agreements in force totalled $710
billion. The United States also enjoyed a trade surplus
in manufactured goods with our FTA partners totalling
$12 billion in 2015”.
Source: Free Trade Agreements, https://www.trade.
gov/fta (20.12.2017)
European Bank for Reconstruction
and Development (EBRD)
The European Bank for Reconstruction and
Development (EBRD) was established to help
build a new, post-Cold War era in the Central and
Eastern Europe. It has since played a historic role
and gained unique expertise to foster change in the
International Politics
region and beyond it. The EBRD is committed
to further the progress towards “market-oriented
economies and the promotion of private and
entrepreneurial initiative”. This has been its guiding
principle since its constitution at the beginning of
the 1990s will continue to be its mission in years
to come. Such experience has stood the EBRD in
good stead when expanded its original region of
operations into new countries such as Mongolia (in
2006), Turkey (2009), Jordan, Morocco, Tunisia,
Egypt and Kosovo (in 2012), Cyprus (2014),
Greece (2015) and Lebanon (2017). It is currently
active in more than 30 countries from the central
Europe to the central Asia and the southern and
eastern Mediterranean in addition to the West Bank
and Gaza. The EBRD’s understanding of how a
market economy works and engagement with other
international financial institutions also allowed
the members to play a crucial role to stabilise the
region and planning for recovery after the shock of
the global financial crisis in 2008. The EBRD serves
the interests of all its shareholders, which are 66
countries from five continents plus the European
Union and the European Investment Bank, not just
those countries which receive its investments (€9.4
billion in 2016) (www.ebrd.com, 21.12.2017).
Regional Security Organizations
North Atlantic Treaty Organisation
(NATO)
Security in the present times is key to people’s
well-being. NATO’s purpose is to guarantee the
freedom and security of its members through
political and military means, and in security.
NATO politically promotes democratic values
and enables members to consult and cooperate on
defence and security-related issues to build trust,
solve problems, and prevent conflict in the long
run. NATO militarily is committed to a peaceful
resolution of disputes in international relations.
If diplomatic efforts fail, it has the military power
to undertake in terms of crisis-management
operations. These are carried out under “the
collective defence” clause in the NATO’s founding
treaty (Article 5 of the Washington Treaty or
under a United Nations mandate), alone or in
cooperation with other countries and international
organisations. NATO is committed to the principle
that “an attack against one or several of its members
is considered as an attack against all”. This is the
principle of “collective defence” enshrined in
Article 5 of the Washington Treaty. NATO is an
alliance of countries from Europe and the North
America. It provides a unique bond between
these two continents, enabling them to consult
and cooperate in the field of defence and security
together. The strategic concepts under NATO lay
down the Alliance’s core tasks and principles, its
values, the evolving security environment and the
Alliance’s strategic objectives for the next decade.
E.g., the 2010 Strategic Concept defines NATO’s
core tasks such as collective defence, crisis-
management and cooperative security. Around
forty non-member countries work with NATO on
a wide range of issues related to politics and security.
These countries pursue dialogue and practical
cooperation with the NATO Alliance and many
contribute to NATO-led operations and missions.
Additionally, NATO is also cooperating with a wide
network of international organisations. Its partner
countries do not have the same decision-making
authority as member countries. The membership
in NATO is open to “any other European state in a
position to further the principles of this Treaty and
to contribute to the security of the North Atlantic
area. NATO also has what it calls the Membership
Action Plan.” It helps aspiring its members prepare
for the membership and meet key requirements by
providing practical advices and targeted assistances
(www.nato.int/nato-welcome/index.html,
17.12.2017; Yiğittepe, 2017).
Figure 3.2 North Atlantic Treaty Organisation
Meetings of NATO Ministers of Foreign Affairs -
Brussels, 5 and 6 December 2017
Source: https://www.nato.int/cps/en/natohq/
photos_149355.htm, (26.12.2017)
63

African Union (AU)
The advent of the African Union (AU) can
be defined as an event of great magnitude in the
institutional evolution of the continent in 1999.
The Heads of State and Government of the
Organisation of African Unity (OAU) issued the
Sirte Declaration that calls for the establishment
of an AU to accelerate the process of integration
in the continent to enable it play its rightful role
in international relations and the global economy
as addressing some multifaceted economic, social,
and political problems which were compounded
as they are by certain negative aspects of
globalisation. The main objectives of the OAU
were to rid the continent of the remaining vestiges
of “colonization” and “apartheid”, to promote
“unity” and “solidarity” among the African States,
to coordinate and intensify cooperation for
development, and to safeguard the sovereignty and
territorial integrity of the AU’s Member States,
promoting international cooperation within the
framework of the UN. Indeed, the OAU, as a
continental organization, provided an effective
forum enabling all the Member States to adopt
coordinated positions on matters of common
concern to the continent and defend the interests
of Africa and its countries effectively. “Through the
OAU Coordinating Committee for the Liberation
of Africa, the Continent worked and spoke as
one with undivided determination in forging an
international consensus in support of the liberation
struggle and the fight against apartheid”. The
Constitutive Act of the African Union was adopted
in 2000 at the Lome Summit in Togo and entered
into force in 2001. On May of 1963 in Addis
Ababa (Ethiopia), the 32 African states achieving
independence at that time agreed to establish the
Organization of African Unity (OAU). Later, a
further 21 members joined gradually, reaching a
total of 53 by the time of the AU’s creation in 2002.
At the present times, there are 55 Member States
(www.au.int/en/history/oau-and-au, 22.12.2017).
Arab League / League of Arab States
(AL)
The Arab League (AL) or League of Arab States
(LAS) is, as a regional security organization, an
intergovernmental organization and a voluntary
and independent association consisted of some
64
International Politics and Regionalism
African and Middle East countries whose peoples
are mainly Arabic speaking. The founder objectives
of the Arab League were to strengthen links
among the AL’s Member States, to coordinate their
policies under AL, and to promote the common
interests of the member countries. The League
was founded in Cairo in 1945 by Egypt, Jordan
(originally Transjordan, Jordan, as of 1950), Iraq,
and Yemen. The countries which joined later are
Algeria (1962), Bahrain (1971), Djibouti (1977),
Kuwait (1961), Comoros (1993), Libya (1953),
Mauritania (1973), Oman (1971), Morocco
(1958), Qatar (1971), Somalia (1974), Southern
Yemen (1967), Sudan (1956), Tunisia (1958), and
the United Arab Emirates (1971). The Palestine
Liberation Organization (PLO) was admitted in
1976. In 2003, Eritrea joined the Arab League as
an observer member. The membership of Egypt was
suspended in 1979 after a peace treaty was signed
with Israel. The AL’s headquarters was moved from
Egypt to Tunisia. In 2015, the League agreed to
form a joint military force. The Arab League met
in Sharm el-Sheikh amid a crisis in Yemen and the
threat of jihadists making major gains in Syria,
Iraq, and Libya. Today the Arab League works
with its military representatives of the members to
organise as a voluntary force (www.nationsonline.
org/oneworld/arab_league.htm, 23.12.2017).
3
Which regional organizations are prominent to
have different aims?
“We increasingly live in a ‘world of regions’ where
regional dynamics have crucial consequences for the
lives of everyone across the globe. A key element of
this new world of regions is the proliferation of the
number of regional organizations and the increasing
institutionalization of those already in existence.
Importantly, then, regions are not static entities, but
have at their heart evolving structural arrangements.”
Source: Quote from (Cooper and Stubbs, 2017:
615)
International Politics

attention

The Founder Father of EU’s Regionalism: Konrad Adenauer

The first Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany, who stood at the head of the newly-formed state from 1949-
63, changed the face of post-war German and European history more than any other individual. Like many politicians
of his generation, Adenauer, as a pragmatic democrat and tireless unifier, had already realised following the First World
War that lasting peace could only be achieved through a united Europe. His experiences during the Third Reich served
to confirm this opinion. In the six years from 1949-55 Adenauer realised far-reaching foreign policy goals to bind
Germany’s future with the western alliance: membership of the Council of Europe (1951), foundation of the European
Coal and Steel Community (1952), and Germany’s entry into NATO (1955).
Source: European Commission, “Konrad Adenauer: A Pragmatic Democrat and Tireless Unifier”, https://
europa.eu/european-union/sites/europaeu/files/docs/body/konrad_adenauer_en.pdf.

From Life

OIC Extraordinary Summit: Istanbul the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation and

Declaration On “Freedom For Al Quds”
We, in our capacity as Kings and Heads of
State and Government of Member States of the
Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC)
coming together at the OIC Extraordinary Summit
held in Turkey on 13 December 2017, Having
made deliberations regarding the statement made
by the Trump Administration and following
developments on the historical status of Al Quds,
where Haram al-Sharif, our first Qibla and one of
the three Holy Mosques of Islam is located, and
where Isra and Mi’raj took place, Considering
the call made by the President of the Republic
of Turkey, His Excellency Recep Tayyip Erdoğan
as the Summit Chair of the Organisation of
Islamic Cooperation to the world public opinion
on the day of the above mentioned statement,
Emphasizing the centrality of defending the Cause
of Palestine and Al Quds for the whole humanity,
which constitutes the main motive for founding
the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation,
Reaffirming once again the vital importance of
preserving the sanctity and historical status of Al
Quds and Haram al-Sharif for the whole Muslim
Ummah, Emphasizing that the Muslim Ummah
could strongly defend its causes globally only
by acting in unity and solidarity, Asserting our
commitment to the Charters of the Organisation
of Islamic Cooperation and of the United Nations
and to the principles of international law, Referring
to the resolutions adopted by the Summit of
the Council of Ministers of Foreign Affairs on
Palestine and Al Quds, Reiterating the resolutions
adopted by the United Nations on Palestine
and Al Quds, in particular the Security Council
Resolution 478, adopted in 1980, Saluting the
exceptionally peaceful resistance that the entire
Palestinian people, especially the residents of Al
Quds, sustained and accomplished through many
sacrifices against the reckless violations at Al-
Haram al-Sharif in July, 2017, Underlining the
importance of joint action against the statement
of the US President Trump, together with all
like-minded international partners on the basis
of international law and legitimacy as well as
refraining from all forms of violence… 1. We reject
and condemn the US Administration’s unlawful
statement regarding the status of Al Quds. 2.
Just like the fact that Israel’s decision to annex Al
Quds and its actions and practices therewith are
never accepted, we declare that this statement is
identically null and void from the point of view
of conscience, justice and history… While we
reaffirm that we recognize the State of Palestine
with East Jerusalem as its capital, we invite the
whole world to recognize East Jerusalem as the
occupied capital of the State of Palestine.
Source: OIC Extraordinary Summit: Istanbul
Declaration On “Freedom For Al Quds”, OIC/EX-
CFM/2017/PAL/Declaration, https://www.oic-
oci.org/docdown/?docID=1698&refID=1073

65

From Life
Convention for the Protection of Human
Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (Rome,
4.XI.1950)
The Governments signatory hereto, being
members of the Council of Europe,
Considering the Universal Declaration
of Human Rights proclaimed by the General
Assembly of the United Nations on 10th
December 1948;
Considering that this Declaration aims at
securing the universal and effective recognition
and observance of the Rights therein declared;
Considering that the aim of the Council
of Europe is the achievement of greater unity
between its members and that one of the
methods by which that aim is to be pursued is the
maintenance and further realisation of Human
Rights and Fundamental Freedoms;
66
International Politics and Regionalism
Reaffirming their profound belief in those
fundamental freedoms which are the foundation
of justice and peace in the world and are best
maintained on the one hand by an effective
political democracy and on the other by a
common understanding and observance of the
Human Rights upon which they depend;
Being resolved, as the governments of
European countries which are like-minded and
have a common heritage of political traditions,
ideals, freedom and the rule of law, to take the
first steps for the collective enforcement of certain
of the rights stated in the Universal Declaration,
Have agreed as follows: …
Source: European Convention on Human
Rights, http://www.echr.coe.int/Documents/
Convention_ENG.pdf
International Politics
Further Reading
Cantori, L., Steven, S. (1969). “International
Regions: A Comparative Approach to Five
Subordinate Systems.” International Studies
Quarterly, 13:4, 361-380.
Cheesman, G. (1999). “Asia-Pacific Security
Discourse in the Wake of the Asian Economic
Crisis.” Pacific Review, Vol. 12, No. 3, 333-356.
Choi, Y., James C. (2002). “Comparative
Regional Integration.” In Waltern Carlsnaes,
Thomas Risse and Beth Simmons eds., Handbook
of International Relations, Sage, 480-499.
Copeland, Dale C. (1996). “Economic
Interdependence and War: A Theory of Trade
Expectations.” International Security, Vol.20,
No.4.
Craig, P. and de Burca, G. (2007). EU Law-
Text, Cases and Materials. Oxford: OUP, Chapter
1; Laurent. C. T. (2005), “The End of Europe?”
Foreign Affairs 84 n.6, N/D, p.55-67; Moravcsik,
A. (2001), “Despotism in Brussels? Misreading
the European Union”, Foreign Affairs.
Deutsch, K. (1968). The Analysis of
International Relations. New Jersey: Prentice-
Hall, p.158-202.
Drysdale, P. (2012). “Open Regionalism,
APEC and China’s International Tradestrategies”,
(Eds: Peter Drysdale, Zhang Yunling, Ligang
Song), APEC and Liberalisation of the Chinese
Economy, ANU Press, http://www.jstor.org/
stable/j.ctt24hb57.8.
Gordon, B. (2003). “High-Risk Trade
Policy”, Foreign Affairs, 82 n.4, p. 105-118.
Hirsh, M. (2000). “Calling All Regio-Cops:
Peacekeeping’s Hybrid Future”, Foreign Affairs,
79, n.6, p. 2-8.
Katzenstein, P. (1996). “Regionalism in
Comparative Perspective”, Cooperation and
Conflict, Vol. 31, No. 2, 123-159.
Leiffer, M. (1999). “The ASEAN Peace
Process: A Category Mistake”, Pacific Review,
Vol. 12, No. 1, 25-38.
Milner, H. (1992). “International Theories
of Cooperation Among Nations”, World Politics,
Vol. 44, No. 3, 466-496.
Nesadurai, H. (1996). “APEC A Tool of US
Regional Domination?”, The Pacific Review, 9:1,
31-57.
Pempel, T.J. (2000). “International Finance
and Asian Regionalism”, Pacific Review, Vol. 13,
No. 1, 57-7(2).
Ravenhill, J. (2002). “A Three Bloc World?
The New East Asian Regionalism”, International
Relations of the Asia Pacific, 2, 167-195.
Thompson, W. (1973). “The Regional
Subsystem: A Conceptual Explication and a
Propositional Inventory”, International Studies
Quarterly, 17:1 89-117.
Yom, S. L. (2002). “The Future of the
Shanghai Cooperation Organization”, Harvard
Asia Quarterly. Autumn.
Yue, C. S. and Yuan, L.T. (1993).
“Subregional Economic Zones: A New Motive
Force in Asia-Pacific Development.” in C. Fred
Bergsten and Marcus Noland, Pacific Dynamism
and the International Economic System.
67
 International Politics and Regionalism

LO 1 Understand what region means and includes

The concept of ‘region’ has generically occupied an important position in the social sciences. It has
been defined first and foremost historically as a space between the national and the local, primarily
within particular states. These types of ‘regions’ are referred to as micro-regions and can exist within a
special state or be cross-border naturally. The concept of region also shows macro-regions (regions of
the world), which are larger territorial (in contrast to non-territorial) units or sub-systems, between
the state and the level of global system
Summary

LO 2 Get knowledge about regionalism in theoretical level

The resurrection and re-definition of ‘regionalism’ are among the prominent trends in the international
studies of the present times. Regionalism has been brought back into the academic studies as well
as the policy debates after some decades of neglect. Despite of the hegemony of globalization and
resultant anti-globalization, regionalism constitutes a set of middle-level adjuncts or alternatives in
policy and practice as well as analysis. This fact is particularly like that in the post-bipolar world of
the 1990s, but today reinforced by the challenges to both assumptions and action constituted by the
September 11 syndrome and events more than fifteen years.

Comprehend regional cooperation, regional

LO 3 integration, and regional unity, understand
regionalization

The concepts of regional integration and regionalism may theoretically seem contradictory.
Integration brings about the idea of “unification along legal, political, economic lines” (like between
the members and candidates of European Union). In the meantime, regionalism brings about “the
idea of diversification”; regions as actors. However, there is great deal of coherence and compatibility
between these two processes. Additionally, integration may increase regionalization and the process
of regionalization. New regionalism is shaped by changes in the international context and, above all,
the emerging international and continental regimes. Regional integration provides the environment
for the development of new regionalism. In other words, new regionalism is an outcome of regional
integration

Know regional organizations and their functions in

LO 4 international politics

Since the disintegration of the Cold War in the late 1980s, these organizations have grown in number
and complexity. The highly interdependent neighbours have sought to address regional problems in
the context of a rapidly changing global order. However, regionalism or the state-led development of
institutions that embody a common set of norms, strategies and goals has gone hand-in-hand with
regionalization, or the process by which material patterns of transactions within a specific region like
trade and capital flows, migration and so forth, among individuals and groups.

68
International Politics

LO 5 Know regional political organizations

European Union, as a political regional organization, is set up with the aim of ending the frequent
and bloody wars between neighbours in Europe, which culminated in the Second World War. As
of 1950, the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) begins economically and politically to
unite European countries in order to secure lasting peace. The Organisation of Islamic Cooperation
(OIC), as a political regional organization, is the second largest inter-governmental organization
after the United Nations with its membership of 57 states that spread over four continents. The

Summary
Council of Europe was founded to defend human rights, parliamentary democracy, and the rule
of law, develop continent-wide agreements to standardise the social and legal practices of member
countries, and promote awareness of a European identity that is based on shared values and cutting
across different cultures.

Comprehend regional economic (development)

LO 6 organizations

The idea of APEC was firstly publicly broached by Bob Hawke -Former Prime Minister of Australia-
during a speech in Korea on 31 January 1989. Ten months later, 12 Asia-Pacific economies met in
Canberra (Australia) to establish APEC. The founding members were Australia, Brunei Darussalam,
Canada, Indonesia, Japan, Korea, New Zealand, Malaysia, the Philippines, Thailand, Singapore,
and the United States. China, Hong Kong, China and Chinese Taipei joined in 1991. Mexico and
Papua New Guinea followed in 1993. The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) came
into effect in 1994, creating one of the world’s largest free trade zones and laying the foundations
for strong economic growth and rising prosperity for the United States, Canada, and Mexico. Since
then, NAFTA has demonstrated how free trade increases wealth and competitiveness, delivering
real benefits to workers, families, farmers, manufacturers, and consumers. The European Bank for
Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) was established to help build a new, post-Cold War era
in the Central and Eastern Europe. It has since played a historic role and gained unique expertise to
foster change in the region and beyond it. The EBRD is committed to further the progress towards
“market-oriented economies and the promotion of private and entrepreneurial initiative”.

69

1 What does regionalization mean?
A. Integration
B. A political movement
C. Set of fights
Test Yourself
D. A global union
E. Diversification
2 What can we mention for integration?
A. A union
B. A corporation
C. A coordination of mental processes
D. An ineffective personality
E. A significant division
3
What types of regionalism can be offered
with its organizational affiliation? üyelik
A. Asian regionalism
B. Non-elite-driven regionalism
C. Close regionalism
D. Reasons-based regionalism
E. Wide-ranged european integration
4 What does Taylor point out on regionalism?
A. It is fundamentally intertwined
B. That must be made irrelevant
C. That should not be revised
D. Regionalism is by no means an assumed good
E. Spill-over effect
5 What do you say on coordination?
A. Doesn’t facilitate regional dialogue
B. Open consultation and access to information
C. Involuntary consultations
D. Doesn’t share the responsibilities
E. Doesn’t fulfill duties
70
International Politics and Regionalism
6 How can you define economic integration?
A. Lowering physical and technical market barriers
B. Less economic prosperity
C. Unable freer movement of people
D. Legally unbinding arrangements
E. Political harmonization
7 How can new regionalism be shaped?
A. By regional cooperation
B. By regional unity
C. By regional disintegration
D. By changes in the international context
E. By financial supports
8 Which of the following can’t be said for
regional organizations?
A. It has a long history
B. They have become a central feature of
international relations
C. These organizations have not grown in number
D. They have been encouraged by the advent of
globalization
E. They are local organizations
9 Which of the following organizations can’t
be sorted as a regional organization?
A. World Health Organization (WHO)
B. Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC)
C. Central American Integration System (SICA)
D. Organization of the Petroleum Exporting
Countries (OPEC)
E. European Union (EU)
10 Which of the following expressions can’t be
told for globalization?
A. Driven by international trade and investment
B. A process of interaction and integration
C. Aided by information technology
D. A locally integrational process
E. A forceful technological process
International Politics

1. B If your answer is not correct, review 6. A If your answer is not correct, review “Table.
“Introduction” Forms of Regionalism”

Answer Key for “Test Yourself”

2. C If your answer is not correct, review 7. D If your answer is not correct, review
“Introduction” “Regional Integration”

If your answer is not correct, review

3. A If your answer is not correct, review 8. C
“Regional Organizations and Categorization
“Regionalism and Regionalization”
of Regional Organizations”

If your answer is not correct, review “List of

4. D If your answer is not correct, review 9. A
Regional Organizations by Population and
“Regionalism and Regionalization”
Functions”

5. B If your answer is not correct, review “Table. 10. D If your answer is not correct, review
Forms of Regionalism” “Regionalism and Regionalization”

What is the relationship between region and state? Can you give an
example for that?

Suggested answers for “Your turn”

The concept of region evolved historically to mean a space between national
and local within a state or a nation state. This meaning can be captured by
the terms ‘micro-region’ or ‘sub-national region’ that may refer to either sub-
your turn 1 national or cross-border regions such as the regions of Flanders and Øresund.
The concept may also refer to macro-regions which are larger territorial units
as opposed to non-territorial international units or sub-systems like Europe
and Southern Africa.

As a dimension of regionalism, what does regional cooperation

explain?

As a dimension of regionalism, regional cooperation explains other more

integrated forms of regionalism that strengthen regional cooperation but on
your turn 2 encouraging the region and its institutions to better integrate cultural norms
and practices. If regional cooperation is to be promoted, therefore, more
emphasis needs to be given to the identical factors.

Which regional organizations are prominent to have different aims?

South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC), The

Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), North American Free Trade
your turn 3 Agreement (NAFTA), European Economic Area (EEA/EFTA), Collective
Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO), Association of Caribbean States (ACS/
AEC), Arab League / League of Arab States (AL)

71

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73
 Human Rights in
Chapter 4 International Politics
After completing this chapter, you will be able to;

1 2
Learning Outcomes

Express the current philosophical discussions Report the historical background of human
of human rights rights

3 Explain the internalization process of human

rights 4 Discuss the relationship between international
relations theories and human rights

Key Terms
Human Rights
Age of Revolutions
Chapter Outline Natural Law
Introduction Classification of Rights
Human Rights: A Philosophical and Conceptual Humanitarian Intervention
Framework International Organizations
Historical Background of Human Rights Non-governmental Organizations
Internationalization Process of Human Rights Theories of International Relations and Human
Theory of International Relations and Human Rights Rights
English School
Liberalism
Constructivism
Normative Theory

74
International Politics
INTRODUCTION
In the post-1990 world, the concept of human
rights has become one of the most controversial
topics. The subjects such as the history,
classification and universality of human rights
have been intensively debated and serious times
have been spent on these issues. The post-Cold
War international order, initially, was embraced
with great optimism, but, shaken by civil wars
and genocides, it has become more controversial
over time. Issues such as the responsibilities
of the international community and how the
boundaries between respect for sovereignty and the
responsibility to protect should be drawn are just a
few issues that are on the agenda today. In addition
to this, different theorists of International Relations
have analyzed human rights in different forms. In
this context, for example, some theories, especially
normative, liberal, English school and constructivist
approaches to IR, emphasize the importance of
human rights in international politics while realist
theories ignore human rights. Apart from all these
theoretical discussions, the activities of different
organizations for the protection of human rights
can be mentioned. International organizations, as
well as non-state organizations operating under the
state, are considered as sensitive actors concerning
human rights abuses in today’s world. In the first
section, after the philosophical debates related
to the ontological construction of the concept
and root causes of human rights violations have
been represented; attention will be drawn on the
important historical steps in the development
of human rights. In the second part, practices of
states, international organizations, and non-state
organizations about human rights will be discussed.
Finally, in the third part, how human rights in
international relations have a function within the
framework of the will be discussed.
HUMAN RIGHTS: A
PHILOSOPHICAL AND
CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK
Undoubtedly, the conceptualization of human
rights necessitates a philosophical interrogation.
First of all, it is an important starting point to
question what the concept of the right itself means
and whether is possible to have a common definition
of a right on all humanity. The sources of rights, how
to classify different rights, and to what extent rights
are universal stand as important questions that must
be discussed in human rights theory. In addition to
these, there is a wide debate about the conditions of
respect for human rights and the causes of human
rights violations in the literature.
The question of what the source of rights is has
been discussed, in particular, in the literature of
law, from past to present. In this context, it is often
argued that a source of rights is the law of nature.
The acquisition of human rights together with the
birth of man has had a broad philosophical support,
especially by social contractors. However, there are
other explanations with regard to the source of
rights. In this line, a number of names, especially
Bentham and Hume, have been advocates of
positive law, maintain that human-beings rather
than natural law create rights. (Cranston 1983,
3-4; Freeman 2012, 32-33; Vincent 2010, 78)
Another issue pertaing to human rights is the
classification of rights. One of the most important
approaches to the classification of rights belongs
to Georg Jellinek. This classification of negative
status rights, positive status rights, and active
status rights can be roughly described as follows: kişisel
Negative status rights emphasize the restrictions
of states and personal immunity. In other words,
dokunul
the conceptualization of negative rights, which -mazlık
point to a protected area in which states could
not intervene in any way, constituted the basis for
preventing the state’s tyranny. Positive status rights,
on the other hand, emphasize the need for states to
take on various responsibilities and to strengthen
social and economic conditions. In short, the so-
called positive rights entitle the state to create an
environment in which individuals can live a life
that suits human dignity and prevents them from
falling into poverty. On the other hand, the third
group of rights, active status rights, includes both
the guarantee and the extension of the rights to
vote and to be elected. In other words, these are
the rights that enable political participation (Alexy
2010, 163-173; Gözler 2004, 149-150).
Another important point to be emphasized
about human rights is the consideration that the
development of human rights is largely Western-
centric. In that regard, there is a large body of ?
literature on the universality and locality of human
rights (see Clapham 2007, 66; Donnelly 2007,
37-53; Freeman 2012, 126-132). In this sense, for
75

example, the Vienna Declaration on Human Rights
realized at the World Conference on Human Rights
(1993) is important because apart from the fact that
the first comprehensive debate within the framework
of relativity-universality debate was conducted here,
the role of rights in the development of economy
has been discussed as well (Brown 2006, 700;
Freeman 2012, 55; Patricia 1993, 218).
In this context, a broad literature has been
established that discusses the extent to which
Islam and Far East Asian values may be compatible
with universal human rights. However, it is worth
mentioning the remarkable criticism that the
history of Asia and culture are caricatured and that
the distinction made between the West and Asia
is quite shallow (Sen 1997, Li 2002). A similar
debate has laid the groundwork for a widespread
literature on the harmony and incompatibility
between Islam and human rights as a belief system.
In this context, a large body of literature has arisen
discussing the extent to which Islam can reconcile
with Western values and human rights as part of
it (Afshari 1994; Halliday 1995; Ignatieff 2001).
On the other hand, in spite of all these evaluations,
the nature of relativity in the universality-locality
debate also gains importance. As Donnelly (2007,
38) pointed out, the difference between weak and
strong relativities largely determine the positions
to be taken in the discussion of the universality of
human rights debate. On the other hand, according
to post-colonial approaches, it is possible to talk
about a Western centric human rights discourse
and the exploitation of human rights that set the
stage for Western intervention (Bush, Martiniello
et al. 2011; Mahdavi 2015).
The World Conference on Human Rights,
held in Vienna in 1993, emphasized issues
such as the universal issue of human rights,
the indivisibility of rights and women’s
rights, as well as being a first conference in
the post-Cold War era.
1 rights in one way or another. (Ishay 2004, 23-25;
Please discuss to what extent human rights are local
and to what extent they are universal. Are the basic
universal values to be protected for all humanity?
76
Human Rights in International Politics
Lastly, it is possible to mention the existence
of a large literature on the causes of human rights
?
violations. In this framework, the type of the
political system (democratic or authoritarian),
the economic structure of the country, poverty or
other ideologies of hatred and psychopathological
characters are used to understand human rights
violations (Schmitz and Sikkink 2002, 518-520).
On the other hand, the massacres committed by
authoritarian leaders against their own societies,
generally attributed to their irrational personal
qualities, could be regarded as rational moves that
they themselves have embraced with the anxiety
of the protection of their power (Harrison 2006).
Additionally, a number of structural motives arising
from the lack of sovereignty of the states that have
led the groundwork for the emergence of the
negative consequences indicated above need to be
mentioned. In weak and failed states, lack of capacity
linked to the lack of sovereignty can lead to possible
violations of human rights that can be carried out by
individuals and groups that have gone beyond the
control of the state (Englehart 2009).
Failed states are deficient entities of
sovereignty, the founding element of the
state, which cannot fulfill its basic functions,
especially security.
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF
HUMAN RIGHTS
Human rights have been expressed in various
circles from ancient Greece to Rome and from
institutional belief systems to non-institutional
belief systems. This is because human rights have
been thought as a common research subject to
philosophy and theology. Aristotle’s and Plato’s
emphasis on the concept of right, the Stoic’s
emphasis on the common values of humanity in
the framework of cosmopolitanism, or underlining
some moral values, especially compassion, in some
interpretations of beliefs such as Christianity,
Judaism and Islam, might be related to human
James 2007, 7-10; Vincent 2010, 39). However,
human rights gain its present meaning throughout
the modern times. It is the result of a nearly three
centuries of struggle that started with the English
International Politics
Revolution and continued with the American
and French Revolutions. All in all, these struggles
have been aimed to restrict the monarchies with
unlimited powers. As Zakaria had underlined, if
historically examined, the limitation of power for
the protection of freedoms was only possible with
the idea of constitutionalism that would precede
democratic rights (Zakaria 1997, 25-26, Zakaria
2007, 27-30).
Figure 4.1 John Locke
Source: https://media.istockphoto.com/illustrations/
john-lockeenglish-philosopher-illustration-id175261533
John Locke, one of the most important
figures of English enlightenment, tried to
limit the state by declaring life, liberty, and
property as intangible rights.
book
John Locke, (1988). Locke: Two treatises
of government student edition, Edt:  Peter
Laslett, Cambridge University Press.
Revolutionary developments towards
fundamental rights occurred in England in the
17th century. In this period, the existence of
some untouchable rights was vigorously spoken,
and these fundamental rights were defended
against the authorities of that time. The precise
establishment of the parliamentary to control
the British monarchy and the limitation of the
monarch’s authority undoubtedly constituted a
major break in the political history. In the 18th
century, dubbed as the age of Revolutions by
Freeman, political rights were increasingly rooted
in American and French revolutions (Freeman
2012, 25-32, 202). In this context, for example,
the founding fathers of the United States were
desirous of a limited and a controlled government.
On the other hand, those revolutions have gained
a massive dimension by adding elements such as
justice, and equality with the French Revolution
(Ishay 2004, 69- 98, Clapham 2007, 7; Freeman
2012, 25-32).
Founding fathers played an important role
in establishing confederacy and forming a
constitution in the United States. Benjamin
Franklin, Alexander Hamilton, John Jay,
John Adams, James Madison, Thomas
Jefferson, and George Washington are called
as the founding fathers.
Certainly, many of the masterpieces received
in the Revolutions Era were directly influenced by
the actual events. On the other hand, many of the
works written in the era of revolutions comprised
a basis for revolutions. The idea that people have
a number of natural rights they possess at their
births is a product of this period, striking a mark
on human rights doctrine. In this context, it is
important to mention the names ranging from
Hugo Grotius to John Locke who are nourished
from the teaching of natural rights. English
Enlightenment and, especially, John Locke, have
an undeniable value in terms of liberal human
rights, which is worth to mention here (Brown
2006, 693; Clapham 2007, 6-10; James 2007,
14-16; Vincent 2010, 44-45; Freeman 2012,
20-22). According to him, people have inherent
natural rights that they acquire at their birth.
These fundamental rights, which are also the core
of the current liberal doctrine, are “life, liberty and
property” (Heywood 2012, 44).
77

Figure 4.2 Drafting the Articles of Confederation
Source: https://media.istockphoto.com/photos/articles-
of-confederation-first-usa-constitution-postage-stamp-
picture-id172757371?s=2048x2048
Although the first efforts to establish
fundamental rights pointed to the 17th century, the
widening and deepening of the rights have spread
over many years. However, it was required to wait
for the 19th century to build mass democracies
through which political rights are guaranteed.
Within this scope, the liberal and socialist
tendencies that gained momentum in Europe
with the 1830 and 1848 Revolutions erupted with
the industrial revolution have become important
cornerstone events in obtaining fundamental
rights, in particular, political rights (Ishay 2004, patlamış, püskürmüş
121-126). Over time, with the establishment of
parliamentary democracies in the framework of the
general vote principle, voting rights were gradually
extended to wider social segments and spread to
many European and North American countries,
including voting rights to women in the twentieth
century (Newton and Van Deth 2010, 39-40).
However, the development and expansion of
positive status rights have been more painful and
prolonged than others. Undoubtedly, the socialist
movement that became more widespread in the
1848 revolution, the Chartist movement, and the
aftermath, laid the groundwork for the emergence
of the Welfare state (Briggs 1961, 222; Ishay
2004, 124-126). Especially in continental Europe,
welfare state implementations could be sustained
uninterruptedly. So much so that after 1880 the
social insurance application was introduced in many
countries. Another important contribution to this
framework was the establishment of the International towards preventing genocide in this period (Brown
Working Group in 1919. The International Labor
Organization convention, which aims to regulate
working conditions, has been signed by many
countries. (Pierson 1998, 99-166).
78
Human Rights in International Politics
INTERNATIONALIZATION
PROCESS OF HUMAN RIGHTS
The internationalization of human rights is the
result of a long period of time. In this context, the
first transnational attempts are some regulations
concerning the law of war. Some efforts to tackle
intergovernmental relations through international
legal arrangements and organizations have been
shaped by The Hague Conventions and the Geneva
Protocol. Undoubtedly, all these arrangements
served as an important cornerstone in the formation
of the law of war. With these arrangements, it
was aimed to protect the civilians and rules to
be followed in the war based on the jus in bello
principle within the framework of just war theory
(Abele 2011; Brown 2006, 694; Nabulsi 1999, 25).
In addition to all these, for the first time, in the
Congress of Vienna of 1815 regulations were made
to forbid trade of slaves, and similarly, the Slavery
Convention of 1926, and afterwards the League of
Nations had strictly forbidden the trade of slaves
and slavery itself (Brown 2006, 694). Despite all
these developments, in order to take important
steps in the internationalization of human rights,
it had been necessary to wait for the end of World
War II.
Post-Cold War Developments in the
Process of the Internationalization of
Human Rights
The mention and appreciation of human
rights in international texts are largely followed by
post-1945 era. In the post-World War II period,
the agony of societies, especially the genocide,
brought with it a number of measures to ensure
that similar conditions would not occur in the
future. Undoubtedly, international organizations,
especially the United Nations, played a key role in
this framework. Certain items mentioned in the
Charter of the United Nations and the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights of the United
Nations, as historical documents, can be considered
as crucial documents signed during this period.
The Nuremberg and Tokyo courts, which were also
set up to try war criminals, are an important step
2006, 696; Clapham 2007, 33-35).
In spite of all these steps, the geostrategic
necessities of the bipolar world during the Cold
War prevented international initiatives on human
International Politics
rights from being effectively put in place. In other
words, the overriding of security in the security-
freedom balance prevented to take steps in the
name of liberties in these years. However, it is
possible to talk about some exceptional initiatives
as a product of the détente period during the
Cold War. In this context, a move that needs to
be underlined has been the Helsinki Final Act
which includes regulations about human rights,
and to which Soviet and the US are involved as
parties. The regulations on democracy and respect
for human rights in the Helsinki Final Act signed
under the Conference of Security and Cooperation
in Europe, which would be the Organization for
Security and Cooperation in Europe latterly, can
be regarded as promising developments for that
period (Thomas 2001; Freeman 2012, 52).
Indeed, the period in which human rights were
emphasized much more in international politics
was after the Cold War. Contrary to the widespread
optimism that had arisen, the post-Cold war
environment led to new problems, such as civil
wars, genocides, scarcities, natural disasters, which
threaten human life (Kaplan 2000, 3-56; Donnelly
2007, 102-103). On the other hand, along with
the collapse of the Soviets, American unipolarity
also brought liberal democracy to become a global
ideology because liberalism has provided a useful
framework for both state building and peace
operations that have become widespread after the
1990’s (Newman, Paris et al. 2009; Richmond
and Franks 2009). In addition, humanitarian
interventions, which are increasingly frequent in the
post-Cold War era, cannot be considered separate
from human rights. In this context, significant steps
have been taken towards the protection of human
rights in the UN (Freeman 2012, 53-55). The
tension between the basic principle of sovereignty
and the protection of human rights, however, has
weakened the decision-making mechanisms within
the organization. The principle of non-interference
in the internal affairs, related to the Westphalian
understanding of sovereignty as one of the
foundations of the UN, has repeatedly been violated
by humanitarian intervention operations, which are
increasingly on the agenda after 1990. Accordingly,
it can be argued that the tension between sovereignty
and the principle of non-intervention has become
more visible (Burgess 2002, 223; Schmitz and
Sikkink 2002, 521). In addition to these, in the post-
Cold War period, international organizations have
increased their sensitivity towards human rights and
the civil society organizations operating at the sub-
state level have played an active role both in their
own countries and in transnational geographies
(Brysk 2002; Freeman 2012, 211).
2
How correct is the thesis that after the Cold
War inter-state wars give place to civil wars and
genocides? What are the humanitarian disasters
in international politics that took place after the
Cold War?
Globalization and Discussion of
the Loss of Sovereignty in the
Development of Human Rights
The importance which human rights have
gained in the international arena is also the cause
and consequence of a new form of sovereignty.
In this framework, the absolute sovereignty,
which is attributed to Bodin and Hobbes, has
lost its relevancy today (Philpott 1995, 355-357).
Initiatives to protect human rights, which become an
almost universal norm in the globalization process,
have also accelerated. As Brysk (2002, 2) shows
with globalization, international organizations, as
well as transnational organizations, have become
increasingly visible.
When evaluated as a whole, it can be argued
that policies of international organizations have
played an important role in transforming the
principle of absolute sovereignty in the face
of human rights. In this context, numerous
organizations that have introduced the principle of 1
conditionality for the protection of human rights
could be mentioned. For example, the European
Union effectively implements this principle in
the process of membership, while encouraging
candidate members to take steps in line with
democratization and human rights (Smith 2005;
Schimmelfennig 2007; Usul 2011, 43-71). On
the other hand, the UN constitutes commissions
to prepare reports on the protection of human
rights and to monitor concerned states at the
global level through the Council of Human Rights
and the High Commissioner. At the same time,
79

organizations such as the International Criminal
Tribunal, which tries directly individuals due to the
individuality of crime, is an important mechanism
in preventing serious human rights violations,
especially genocide and war crimes (Wind 2009).
Secondly, the transformation of sovereignty has
become possible not only by the hands of states but
also by the increasing activities of non-state actors
from above and below. Increasing communication
opportunities by lowering the transaction costs
through globalization and blurring the national
and international distinction have brought social
movements to gain a transnational character
(Väyrynen 2001). In this context, in globalization-
human rights relations, which Richard Falk called
the process of “globalization from below” attention
is drawn to the formation of a global civil society.
In this sense, there is a liberating aspect of the
process of globalization that offers organizational
opportunities in which different social identities
can overcome national belongings (Falk 1997).
Especially after the demolition of the Berlin
Wall, global civil society in Eastern Europe was
conceived as an area of freedom against the state
(Munck 2010, 318). Civil society could be both
local non-state actors operating in national states
and non-state actors operating in the international
level. It should be noted that international non-
governmental organizations such as Freedom
House, Doctors Without Borders, Human
Rights Watch and Amnesty International have
an undeniable precaution in particular on the
international disclosure of widespread human
rights violations and the transfer of information,
including human rights protection mechanisms, to
local populations.
Non-State Actors and Human Rights
Human rights are being tried to be secured
by activities carried out both by states and by
non-state actors. In this context, some countries
are in a leading position and play a leading role.
For instance, Brysk (2009) states that some
countries such as Sweden, Canada, Costa Rica,
the Netherlands, Japan and South Africa attach
special importance to human rights in their foreign
policies, and they have noteworthy activities in the
protection and promotion of human rights. In this
line, especially Japan and Canada’s contributions
to promoting human security at the global level
80
Human Rights in International Politics
should be appreciated as well. Japan tends to be
more prominent in humanitarian and development
assistance, while Canada tends to respond to more
instant and close threats such as genocide and civil
war (Kerr 2007, 95). On the other hand, some
leaders in the governments of the states are able
to follow distinct policies while in power. The best
example in this framework is the US foreign policy
during the Carter era. Carter pursued a foreign
policy that centered on human rights, despite being
a short time in his period (Schmitz and Sikkink
2002, 530; Freeman 2012, 50-51). In short, apart
from international organizations and non-state
organizations, human rights can be a part of the
foreign policy traditions of some countries.
As mentioned, a number of actors, apart from
the states, under the state and above can play a
decisive role in the human rights policy. Regarding
this point, it could be understood that despite
being the responsibility of the states to protect
their citizens from any kinds of human rights
violations, they are no longer able to control these
violations and protect the rights of their citizens
by their own. Therefore, the variation of the non-
state actors and the rise of their effectiveness in the
international arena have become very important in
that sense. In other words, according to Wagner,
non-state actor is a concept that encompasses all
those actors in international relations that are
not state(s) such as “international organizations,
corporations, non-governmental organizations,
de facto regimes, trade associations, transnational
corporations, terrorist groups and transnational
criminal organizations” (Wagner 2009). Within
the scope of this chapter among these political
actors, the role of international organizations and
non-governmental organizations in the field of
human rights will be examined in detail.
With the growing impact of globalization, the
borders of the state have become less visible
which causes a decrease in the role of the
nation-states and which leads the emergence
of non-state actors as political actors.
Human Rights in the Agenda of
International Organizations
Throughout this part, among the variety of non-
state actors, the focus will be on the international
International Politics
organizations, which are significant in world
politics and act on the purpose of the protection
of the human rights. Although several international
organizations exist acting in the field of human
rights such as the European Union, African Union,
ASEAN and UNASUR, the activities and principles
of the United Nations, the European Union, the
Council of Europe, and the Criminal Court of
Justice will be emphasized. The reason for the
selection of these particular organizations, besides
the limited space, is that they are the most visible
and the main organizations acting in this field.
The United Nations
The United Nation (UN) is an international
organization established on 24th October 1945.
Following the Charter of the United Nations was
ratified by 50 countries in San Francisco, the UN
has started its activities in the international field.
(United Nations, http://www.un.org/en/sections/
history/history-united-nations/index.html,
accessed 15 November 2017). As the date of its
foundation corresponds to the end of the Second
World War, through the UN, from a general
perspective, it was aimed to protect world peace and
security, to develop a friendly relationship among
states, to promote cooperation in the international
arena. (Charter of the United Nations, https://
treaties.un.org/doc/publication/ctc/uncharter.pdf,
accessed 15 November 2017).
Figure 4.3 Flag of the United Nations
Source: UN Photo/John Isaac, http://www.un.org/en/
sections/about-un/un-logo-and-flag/
Since its establishment, the UN has tried to
reach its objectives which are mainly the articles
of the Charter of the United Nations. Besides the
basic princplices of the UN, since this chapter
is designed toward the subject of human rights,
our focus will be mainly on its principles which
could be listed as “promoting and encouraging
human rights,” “assisting the realization of human
rights and fundemental freedoms for all without
distinction as to reace, sex, language or religion,”
and “observing human rights” (Laqueur and
Rubin 1990, 196-197; Charter of the United
Nations, https://treaties.un.org/doc/publication/
ctc/uncharter.pdf, accessed 15 November 2017).
Figure 4.4 Universal Declaration of Human Rights
Source: http://www.un.org/en/udhrbook/pdf/udhr_
booklet_en_web.pdf
Indeed, the main reason to start with the UN as a
significant international organization for the issue
of human rights is the “Universal Declaration of
Human Rights (UNDHR)”. The Declaration
was announced by the United Nations General
Assembly in Paris on 10 December 1948, just after
three years of the foundation of the United Nations
and it has become a milestone document declared
for all people and nations (United Nations, http://
www.un.org/en/universal-declaration-human-
rights/, accessed 15 November 2017). Therefore, it
has become significant in providing directives for
all the history of human rights. As it is evident from
its name, the Declaration ensures the protection of
human rights universally, in other words, it includes
common principles to be achieved universally by the
humanity. These principles are generally indicated
under the preamble of the UNDHR (Laqueur and
Rubin 1990, 197; United Nations, http://www.
un.org/en/universal-declaration-human-rights/,
accessed 15 November 2017).
81

In fact, these principles listed by the Declaration
are explicitly related to the objectives of the UN as
pointed out in the Charter. Moreover, because the
UNDHR was adopted by the General Assembly
of the United Nations, it has a binding power
for the member states, and it basically leads more
or less the cooperation of the nations to protect
human rights. Besides the UNDHR, other two
conventions adopted by the UN General Assembly
in terms of promoting and protecting freedom,
justice, and peace in the world, and counted among
the mainstream agreements on human rights issue
in 1966, are the United Nations International
Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and
the United Nations International Covenant on
Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights (Clapham
2007, 48; Freeman 2012, 49-50).
As mentioned above, the protection of human
rights is one of the main issues, which is on the
agenda of the UN. Therefore, despite being the
milestone in the human rights history, UN’s steps
toward this objective could not be restricted only
to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. In
order to protect human rights, it is also useful to
indicate that the UN has a successful mechanism
to control and monitor the implementation of
all nations which are members of the UN. With
many of subsidiary bodies, the Office of the United
Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights
(OHCHR) is the most significant. OHCHR has
the right to promote and protect human rights
based on the principles of the UN. In other words,
the Office defines its mission as;
“strengthening international human rights
mechanisms; enhancing equality and countering
discrimination; combating impunity and
strengthening accountability and the rule of law;
integrating human rights in development and in
the economic sphere; widening the democratic
space; and early warning and protection of
human rights in situations of conflict, violence
and insecurity” (OHCHR, http://www.ohchr.
org/EN/AboutUs/Pages/WhoWeAre.aspx,
accessed 15 November 2017).
Moreover, some mechanisms exist to support
OHCHR to achieve its duties which can be classified
into two categories. The first category is charter-based
bodies which are Human Right Council, Universal
Periodic Review, Commission on Human Rights,
82
Human Rights in International Politics
Special Procedures of the Human Rights Council, and
Human Rights Council Complaint Procedure. These
bodies assist the OHCHR during the monitoring
process by preparing reports about the behaviors
of the countries on human rights, propose some
recommendations to them, and follow policy-making
processes based on human rights (OHCHR,http://
w w w. o h c h r. o r g / E N / H R B o d i e s / P a g e s /
HumanRightsBodies.aspx, accessed 15 November
2017). The second category includes treaty-based
bodies which are Human Rights Committee (CCPR),
Committee on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities
(CRPD), Committee on Enforced Disappearance
(CED), International Covenant on Economic, Social
and Cultural Rights (CESCR), Committee on the
Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD),
Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination
against Women (CEDAW), Committee on the Rights
of the Child (CRC), Committee on Migrant Workers
(CMW), and Committee against Torture (CAT).
The common aim of these bodies is to promote a
way for individuals to complain about the violation
of their rights (OHCHR,http://www.ohchr.org/EN/
HRBodies/Pages/HumanRightsBodies.aspx, accessed
15 November 2017). Apart from drawing a frame
for specified areas of human rights, these treaties
can be considered as important tools for individual
communication in cases of human rights violations.
All together the principle and objective of the
United Nations, the conventions, declarations,
and mechanism bodies are evidence for the
great contribution of the United Nations in the
historical and current situation of human rights all
around the world. Therefore, as an international
organization, the UN has a successful experience
in protecting and promoting human rights which
could also be deduced from its practices.
Council of Europe
Founded in 1949, the Council of Europe aims
to provide justice and international cooperation
in terms of a closer unity, to promote democracy
through the protection of individual freedom,
political liberty, and the rule of law, and also to
facilitate economic and social progress of its
member states. (Nugent 2017, 30). Based on
its basic functions, the Council of Europe is
significant in the sphere of human rights through
its European Convention of Human Rights, which
International Politics
47 members states, 28 of which are members of the
European Union, have signed up to protect human
rights, democracy and the rule of law in general in
1950 (Council of Europe, https://www.coe.int/en/
web/about-us/who-we-are, accessed 15 November
2017). Another important step of the Council of
Europe taken in the sphere of human rights is the
establishment of the European Court of Human
Rights as an international court for overseeing the
European Convention on Human Rights in 1959
(The Court in Brief, http://www.echr.coe.int/
Documents/Court_in_brief_ENG.pdf, accessed
15 November 2017). The Court rules on individual
or state applications about the violations of their
rights are indicated in the European Convention
on Human Rights such as “the right to life”, “the
right to a fair hearing”, “right to respect for private
and family life”, “freedom of expression”, “freedom
of thought, conscience and religion”, and “the
protection of property” (The Court in Brief, http://
www.echr.coe.int/Documents/Court_in_brief_
ENG.pdf, accessed 15 November 2017).
The International Criminal Court
In that part, the focus will be toward a court,
which is responsible for the protection of human
rights. Therefore, its functioning way is different
from the United Nations and the European
Union in terms of having sanctions on countries
or individuals. The international Criminal Court
(ICC) was firstly created by the Rome Statute in
1998 and then took effect in 2002, upon ratification
by 60 States to promote and protect human rights
and act against human rights’ violations in party
countries (International Criminal Court, https://
www.icc-cpi.int/about/how-the-court-works,
accessed 15 November 2017 Freeman 2012,
55). Like EU and the UN, the Court was also
established to promote and protect human rights
and act against human rights’ violations in party
countries. (International Criminal Court, https://
www.icc-cpi.int/about/how-the-court-works,
accessed 15 November 2017). The founding Treaty
grants the ICC jurisdiction over four specific areas,
which are genocide, crimes against humanity, war
crimes, and crime of aggression.
Firstly, crime of genocide is realized by a specific
intent to destroy and harm a specific national, ethnic
or religious group within a country. This situation
causes both psychological and physical destruction
over the members of this specific group. Secondly,
the ICC was established to prosecute crimes against
humanity, which targets the civilian population.
There are fifteen types of crimes enlisted as “crime
against humanity” in the Rome Statute, which
encompasses but not limited to murder, torture,
rape, sexual slavery and imprisonment. The third
issue, which ICC was designed to be in charge
of, is “war crimes” which includes attacks against
the civilian population by infringing the law of
war. Lastly, the fourth crime that falls within the
ICC’s jurisdiction is the “crime of aggression”. The
crime of aggression can be defined as the aggression
against the sovereignty of another state in an
unlawful manner (International Criminal Court,
https://www.icc-cpi.int/about/how-the-court-
works, accessed 15 November 2017).
Human Rights in the Shadow of Non-
Governmental Organizations
According to Edwards, NGO’s are “private,
independent, non-profit, goal-oriented group”
which are not affiliated with any government
(Edwards 2010, 170). Human rights NGO’s, on
the other hand, are organizations that exclusively
aim to “raise human rights issues within a country”
(Donnelly 2007, 142).
Non-governmental organizations (NGOs)
are units of people who came together
voluntarily toward a specified objective
without a citizenship restriction, which means
that NGOs’ members do not belong to a
particular country, and people can participate
in NGOs from anywhere in the world.
Their increase in number and effectiveness is
related to the rise of non-state actors as mentioned
above. Therefore, it could be mentioned that,
today, NGOs and INGOs (International Non-
governmental organizations) have become more
effective and visible in world politics by including
directly individuals voluntarily in crucial world
affairs such as human rights issue. Because NGOs
could be organized over the world without being
based on a specific country, they have become
effective tools to create awareness on a specific issue
and informing political authorities. Throughout
83

this part, the concern will be the role of the
non-governmental organizations whose agenda
is based on human rights (Donnelly 2007, 142-
143; Freeman 2012, 167-175). Some of these
organizations acting on the purpose of protecting
human rights issues to be addressed in this text
are Amnesty International, Freedom House,
and Human Rights Watch. In that regard, to
have a better understanding, it will be useful to
describe their functions and basic principles when
confronted with human rights violations.
uluslararası af örgütü
Amnesty International
As being one of the well-known NGOs in the
sphere of human rights, Amnesty International
is a non-governmental organization through
which members from 216 countries are gathered
on the purpose of ensuring a world in which
human rights are respected, promoting equality
of the basic rights of human, preventing human
rights violations (Amnesty International, https://
www.amnesty.org/en/who-we-are/, accessed 15
November 2017). Owing to the participation of
a wide range of people, this organization could
be called as a globally recognized organization
in the international sphere. Currently, the
organization has more than 7 million voluntary
members struggling for protecting the rights of
individual, and in fact, providing to each and every
individual to reach human rights declared by the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights (Amnesty
International, https://www.amnesty.org/en/who-
we-are/, accessed 15 November 2017).
Figure 4.5 Amnesty International
Source: https://www.amnesty.org/en/who-we-are/
84
Human Rights in International Politics
Freedom House
Freedom House has been another major non-
governmental organization in the field human
rights. Like the Amnesty International, it focuses
on promoting and defending the rights of people,
but, it differs in the sense of its way to achieve its
aims. It realizes these through providing democratic
changes (Freedom House, https://freedomhouse.
org/about-us, accessed 15 November 2017).
Therefore, they especially act within authoritarian
regimes where the rights of the citizens are usually
abused by their own government or where the
government of a country does not prevent human
rights violations within its borders. Moreover,
another principle of Freedom House in order
to defend human rights around the world is to
provide civil society with a secure environment,
which is generally suppressed by an authoritarian
government because of, for instance, monitoring
elections, exposing corruption, or giving the citizens
a voice in how they are governed (Freedom House,
https://freedomhouse.org/about-us, accessed 15
November 2017).
insan hakları izleme örgütü
Human Rights Watch
Like the previous organizations, Human Rights
Watch is also a non-governmental human rights
organizations, which is therefore based on non-
profit and voluntarily participants. Human Rights
Watch was established in 1978, it is well-known
its impartial reporting, effective use of media,
and cooperation with local human rights groups
to protect and advance human rights all over the
world (Human Rights Watch, https://www.hrw.
org/about, accessed 15 November 2017). The
organizations have approximately 400 staff members
from various part of the world acting voluntarily
toward the goals of Human Rights Watch which is
an active player in the field by publishing more than
100 reports and briefings each year to infer human
rights conditions in roughly 90 countries (Human
Rights Watch, https://www.hrw.org/about,
accessed 15 November 2017). Its achievements also
come from its effective use of media through which
Human Right Watch makes known human rights
violations as well as developments of one part the
world to the other, and thus gains popularity and
relatedly support from people.
International Politics

Human Rights and Humanitarian

Intervention
As mentioned above, the protection of human
rights by means of humanitarian intervention
operations became a frequent phenomenon in
the post-1990 world (Kaldor 2007, 17). Along
with the globalization process, liberal values have
strengthened, so humanitarian interventions have
become legitimate in the face of respect for the
sovereignty of human rights throughout the globe
(Sandholtz 2002). The roots of humanitarian
intervention mentioned in the last quarter of a
century stretch back to the 19th century (Wheeler
2000,46-47). On the other hand, in recent years,
interventions of India in Bangladesh, Vietnam
in Cambodia or Tanzania in Uganda have
been evaluated in the context of humanitarian
intervention (Wheeler 2000, 13). The most crucial
step to punish common human rights violations
is the 1948 Convention signed for the prevention
and punishment of the crime genocide (James
2007, 100, Vincent 2010, 107). However, the
legal ground of the humanitarian intervention has
been tried to be formed within the framework of Figure 4.6 Genocide Memorial Cross in Rwanda
the principle of Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in Source: https://media.istockphoto.com/photos/
the 2000s (Clapham 2007, 62; Kerry, 2007, 97- genocide-memorial-cross-musanze-rwanda-central-
98). Cote d’Ivoire and Libya operations were tried africa-picture-id483425181?s=2048x2048
to be legitimized under the R2P principal in the
United Nations (Bellamy and Williams 2011).
However, despite all the efforts, it is noteworthy
that international community has still been failing
to prevent gross human rights violation in the
world politics.

The principle of Responsibility to Protect

is the responsibility of the international
community to protect the peoples of the
states, which are inadequate to protect its
peoples in the face of genocide, war crimes,
Figure 4.7 Srebrenica Memorial and Cemetery
ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity.
Source: https://media.istockphoto.com/photos/
potocari-srebrenica-memorial-and-cemetery-picture-
id858308910?s=2048x2048

3 THEORY OF INTERNATIONAL
There are diverse reactions to the idea of
RELATIONS AND HUMAN RIGHTS
Responsibility to Protect. In this context, what It is possible to talk about four diverse theories
might be the main objections to R2P? approaching the relation of international relations
and human rights: Normative Theory, Liberalism,

85

Constructivism, and English School. Whereas
human right issues do not hold an important place
in Realism (see. Donnelly 2007, 31-32; Schmitz
and Sikkink 2002, 521), abovementioned theories
provide an account for human rights issues in
international politics. Although these theories
have intersection points, they are separated from
each other by their different emphases to some
points. It should be noted that normative theory
is closely related to the above-mentioned theories
and it emphasizes on change and what ought to
be done to realize the intended change. While
liberalism emphasizes the institutions and regimes,
Constructivism emphasizes the identities and
norms, and English School emphasizes the order
in which the international society is agreed. Four
theories, each of which provides explanations
within their own terminology, strive to frame the
role of human rights in international politics
Normative Theory and Human Rights
Human rights in international relations are
generally evaluated under the heading of normative
theories. Normative theories that incorporate
valuable concepts such as justice and ethics, argue
that theories must be the catalyst of change beyond
simple descriptions (Hoffman 1985, 28). In this
respect, normative theorists are also advocates of
a global order in which respect for human rights
becomes a norm. Centering on what “ought to be
done”, normative theory suggests a reading of values
through the use of non-positivist and non-empirical
approaches to international relations (Dyer 1993,
172-173; Frost 2001). Cochran’s (1999, xviii)
classification comprises a cosmopolitan approach
which represents a Rawlsian understanding of
transcending national state which includes Charles
Beitz and Thomas Pogge and communitarian
approach which Michael Walzer initiates to seek
solutions within the nation-state (see also, Hurrell
2002,138-139). There is no doubt that normative
theory interacts with many different approaches.
However, it can be argued that it has special ties
with the theoretical approach known as English
School (Hurrell 2002, 139; Williams 2010).
Liberalism, International Regimes,
and Democracy
Unlike realists, who try to read international
relations from a perspective of power and security,
86
Human Rights in International Politics
liberals question the possibilities of cooperation in
international relations (Jackson and Sørensen 2010,
96). Liberal theorists, also, emphasize that different
entities, including international organizations and
non-governmental organizations, are influential
at certain levels in the decision-making process
of governments. In particular, the emphasis on
international organizations is that they are dialogue
spaces where misunderstandings are abolished in one
way, and the other is that they are the mechanisms
that enable the harmonization of interstate
interests (Keohane and Martin 1995, 41-42). In
this framework, it will be possible for human rights
to meet at the level of the state community, largely
through the efforts of international institutions. In
general, regulations in international institutions
result in the emergence of international regimes in
the long run. As Keohane describes, regimes are the
consequences of contacts that lead to convergence
among rational actors on certain issues (Keohane,
2009). Human rights regimes, which are becoming
widespread and have a common will to overcome
human rights violations, should be considered in
this context (Donnelly 1986; Moravcsik 1995;
Moravcsik 2000). A more indirect relationship
between liberalism and human rights can be
established within the framework of democratic
peace theology of liberal theory. As a matter of
fact, the reluctance of democracies to use force in
internal politics, as it is in international politics,
is often emphasized. So much so that a broad
empirical literature has been built on the sensitivity
democracies have in protecting human rights
(Davenport 1999; Davenport 2007).
English School and Humanitarian
Intervention
The English School is located at a difficult point
in many aspects. English School, which shares
some principles with Realism from one side, and
with Constructivist theory by from the other side,
has been interpreted in various forms by different
names (Bellamy 2007, 75). Initially led by names
such as Hedley Bull, Martin Wight Adam Watson
and R. J. Vincent, the English School is trying to
understand the nature of relations between states
with the help of the concept of International Society
(Bellamy 2007, 76). Both justice and order are of
significant concepts in the lexicon of the English
school. The English School seeks a suitable position
International Politics

between the concepts of justice and order. John
Vincent, who prioritized justice in the face of the
order, cites human rights in this framework as one
of the only things that he consciously considers the
international community (Reus-Smit 2011, 1205).
The English School has two separate positions,
one based on the preservation of sovereignty and
the rejection of humanitarian interventions as a
pluralist and the other as a solidarist who affirms
humanitarian intervention in situations where
human rights are violated. These two different
approaches have conflicting views on issues related
to the global society, especially humanitarian
intervention (Bellamy, 2003; Bellamy, 2007, 75).
Constructivism, Norms, and Human
Rights
It would not be wrong to state that a strong
vein reflects a viewpoint based on ideas and
norms, while incorporating different perspectives
within the theory of Constructivist International
Relations. Particularly in foreign policy, evaluations
can be mentioned that interests are shaped by the
norms (Klotz 1995; Klotz 1999). Human rights
have also been included in international politics as
a general and accepted norm in this context. The
incremental spread of norms and its influence on
the internal politics of countries is called the norm
cycle. Norms introduced by norm entrepreneurs are
spread by the help of socialization usually provided
by international mechanisms at the first stage, and
then internalized and institutionalized in the final
stage (Freeman 2012, 159-163; Risse 1999; Risse
and Sikkink 1999; Finnemore and Sikkink 1998;
Schmitz and Sikkink 2002, 522-524). Within this
context, it can be argued that the international
peremptory norms for the protection of human
rights (jus cogens) are accepted and institutionalized
despite its fuzziness within (see Branchi, 2008).

From Life

CASE STUDY: Darfur, Sudan

“Situation referred to the ICC by the United Nations Security Council: March 2005
ICC investigations opened: June 2005
Current focus: Alleged genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity committed in in Darfur,
Sudan, since 1 July 2002 (when the Rome Statute entered into force)
Current regional focus: Darfur (Sudan), with Outreach to refugees in Eastern Chad and those in
exile throughout Europe.
Jurisdiction in the general situation
Sudan is not a State Party to the Rome Statute. However, since the United Nations Security Council
(UNSC) referred the situation in Darfur to the ICC in Resolution 1593 (2005) on 31 March 2005, the
ICC may exercise its jurisdiction over crimes listed in the Rome Statute committed on the territory of
Darfur, Sudan, or by its nationals from 1 July 2002 onwards.
Context and Alleged Crimes
The ICC investigations regarding Darfur focus on allegations of genocide, war crimes and crimes
against humanity committed in Darfur, Sudan, since 1 July 2002. The UNSC determined that “the
situation in Sudan continues to constitute a threat to international peace and security”, and referred this
situation to the ICC in March 2005, taking note of the report of the International Commission of Inquiry
on violations of international humanitarian law and human rights law in Darfur (S/2005/60). The
UN Secretary-General established the Commission “to investigate reports of violations of international
humanitarian law and human rights law in Darfur by all parties, to determine also whether or not acts
of genocide have occurred, and to identify the perpetrators of such violations with a view to ensuring

87
 Human Rights in International Politics

that those responsible are held accountable.” The Commission took as a starting point two facts: “First,
according to United Nations estimates there are 1.65 million internally displaced persons in Darfur, and
more than 200,000 refugees from Darfur in neighbouring Chad. Secondly, there has been large-scale
destruction of villages throughout the three States of Darfur.” The ICC investigation, which opened
in June 2005, has produced several cases with suspects ranging from Sudanese Government officials,
Militia/Janjaweed leaders, and leaders of the Resistance Front, and has involved charges that include
the following crimes:
• genocide: genocide by killing; genocide by causing serious bodily or mental harm; and genocide by
deliberately inflicting on each target group conditions of life calculated to bring about the group’s
physical destruction;
• war crimes: murder; attacks against the civilian population; destruction of property; rape; pillaging;
and outrage upon personal dignity; violence to life and person; intentionally directing attacks
against personnel, installations, material, units or vehicles involved in a peacekeeping mission; and
• crimes against humanity: murder; persecution; forcible transfer of population; rape; inhumane
acts; imprisonment or severe deprivation of liberty; torture; extermination; and torture.
The situation in Darfur was the first to be referred to the ICC by the United Nations Security
Council, and the first ICC investigation on the territory of a non-State Party to the Rome Statute. It
was the first ICC investigation dealing with allegations of the crime of genocide.
Sudan’s President Omar Al Bashir is the first sitting President to be wanted by the ICC, and the
first person to be charged by the ICC for the crime of genocide. Neither of the two warrants of arrest
against him have been enforced, and he is not in the Court’s custody.
See the ICC Prosecutor’s reports to the UNSC on the investigation”

Source: International Criminal Court, https://www.icc-cpi.int/darfur

Further Reading

Ahmet Yıldız & Murat Tümay (Eds.), Islam, Human Rights and Secular Values, Ankara, Liberte
Publishing, 2012.

88
International Politics

To express the current

LO 1 philosophical discussions of
human rights

Besides having different categories of human rights, Jellinek’s description classifies human rights as negative,
positive and status rights. According to this, while negative status rights emphasize the inalienable rights
of individuals, positive rights treat political power as the task of individuals to realize themselves, while
status rights deal mainly with issues related to political participation (see. Alexy 2010, 163-173; Gözler
2004, 149-150). Another controversial issue related to human rights is the universality of human rights.

Summary
The fact is that human rights are originated in the West has been debatably discussed in non-Western
geographies. In this context, as well as the issue of harmonization of Asian values with human rights, the
issue of Islam’s harmonization with human rights is also on the agenda. In the light of these discussions,
a broad literature has been drawn up that human rights have been instrumentalized and exploited by
western nations. Apart from all these discussions, the root causes of human rights violations exist as a
highly controversial issue. In this context, the importance of economic, political and psychological factors
in violation of human rights are emphasized in the literature. In addition, some particular circumstances
arising from the nature of the state can be emphasized.

To report the historical

LO 2 background of human rights

Although human rights are a common knowledge shared by all ancient civilizations, it became necessary
to wait for a series of revolutions to be made in order to define a human rights in a secular framework.
After the English, American, and French revolutions respectively, only then it was possible to limit
political power. With the rise of the industrial revolution and the possibilities of extension of political
participation, the liberal democracies of today have been able to come into being gradually. There is no
doubt that revolutions of 1830- 1848 played an important role in this process. In this context, especially
political rights (particularly rights concerning franchisement) have gradually expanded and become mass
rights with the Industrial Revolution.

89
 Human Rights in International Politics

To explain the internalization

LO 3 process of human rights

Despite the existence of a number of steps in the historical transformation of human rights, in the pre-
World War II, such as the abolition of slavery, the regulation of law of war, the real and important
developments occurred after the Second World War. In this context, the genocide and the great sufferings
of the Second World War brought about the establishment of mechanisms aimed at preventing the
repetition of such events. Therefore, a number of steps have been taken by the United Nations to protect
Summary

the human rights, in particular the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

However, the fact that liberal democracy became the only valid alternative with the collapse of the
communist bloc in the post-Cold War era, and the rapid globalization that took place on the other
side, had important consequences from many aspects. The most important of these consequences was
undoubtedly the weakening of sovereignty through the actions of some supra-national or sub-national
organizations. As a result, both supra-national and sub-national organizations for the protection of human
rights were able to undertake a number of actions that could overcome the decisions and powers of nation
states. In this context, in the post-Cold War period, the international community has taken steps to
prevent common human rights violations, particularly through humanitarian interventions.

To discuss the relationship

LO 4 between international relations
theories and human rights

In particular, normative theorists regarded the existence of human rights as a moral necessity. On the
other hand, different theories in international relations have taken different positions on human rights.
For example, according to realists, the main motivation of states is seeking power and security, while
normative theory, liberalism, British school, and constructivism, which are driven by different approaches,
emphasize that human rights can occupy an important place in the states’ foreign policies. Normative
theory highlights the vitality of concepts such as ethics and justice for international politics. Liberalism
emphasizes international institutions and international regimes that are capable of protecting human
rights. English School draws attention to the rule that international community provides consensus.
Constructivism, on the other hand, emphasizes that the norms for protecting human rights are getting
stronger.

90
 International Politics
1 Which of the following date-event mappings
in the development of human rights is wrong?
A. 1789- Declaration of Rights of Man and the
Citizen
1948 B. 1946- Universal Declaration of Human Rights
C. 1948- Prevention and Punishment of the
Crime Genocide
D. 1966- International Covenant on Civil and
Political Rights
E. 1993- World Conference on Human Rights in
Vienna
2 A. International Criminal Court
Which of the following is a philosopher who
defends the notion that the sovereign power of
society must not violate life, liberty and property
rights?
A. Thomas Hobbes B. John Locke
C. Friedrich Engels D. Jean Bodin
E. Karl Marx
3 When was the Economic, Social and Cultural
Rights Convention and the Civil and Political
Rights Convention set out by the UN?
A. 1948 B. 1966
C. 1997 D. 2001
E. 2005
4 Today, under which of these following
institutions the conference through which the
Helsinki Final Act was signed was established?
A. European Council
B. Conference on Security and Cooperation in
Europe
C. EU
D. UN
E. OECD
5 Which theory in international relations
argues that human rights cannot be absolutely
determinative in states’ foreign policy?
A. Liberalism B. Realism
C. Constructivism D. English School
E. Normative Theory
6 Which of the following is the theory of
international relations that deals with issues such
as ethics and justice and with not what it is but
what it should be?
Test Yourself
A. Realism B. Normativism
C. Behavioralism D. Structuralism
E. Pozitivism
7 Which of the following is the international
organization established in 1998 with the Rome
status and actually started to work in 2002?
B. International Court of Justice
C. European Court of Human Rights
D. United Nations Security Council
E. United Nations Trusteeship Council
8 Which of the following principles has a
tension with humanitarian intervention?
A. Reciprocity
B. Non-intervention to Internal Affairs
C. Non-alignment
D. Economic Inter-dependency
E. Pacta Sund Servanta
9 Which of the following is not categorized as
a non-governmental organization?
A. Human Rights Watch
B. Freedom House
C. Amnesty International
D. Council of Europe
E. Doctors without borders
10 Which of the following conventions is not
agreed under the rule of the United Nations in the
development of human rights?
A. OECD
B. ICCPR
C. CERD
D. CAT
E. CEDA
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 Human Rights in International Politics

If your answer is wrong, please review the
1. B
“Internationalization Process of Human
Rights” section.
Answer Key for “Test Yourself”
If your answer is wrong, please review the
6. B
“Theories of International Relations and
Human Rights” section.

If your answer is wrong, please review the If your answer is wrong, please review
2. B 7. A
“Historical Background of Human Rights” the “Human Rights in the Agenda of
section. International Organizations” section.

If your answer is wrong, please review If your answer is wrong, please review the
3. B 8. B
the “Human Rights in the Agenda of “Internationalization Process of Human
International Organizations” section. Rights” section.

If your answer is wrong, please review the If your answer is wrong, please review the
4. B 9. D
“Internationalization Process of Human “Human Rights in the Shadow of Non-
Rights” section. Governmental Organizations” section.

If your answer is wrong, please review the If your answer is wrong, please review
5. B “Theories of International Relations and
10. A the “Human Rights in the Agenda of
Human Rights” section. International Organizations” section.
Suggested answers for “Your turn”

Please discuss to what extent human rights are local and

to what extent they are universal. Are the basic universal
values to be protected for all humanity?

Although the universality of human rights and the issue of locality are highly
controversial, it is possible to talk about the similarities among cultures and
civilizations in the historical development of humanity. The right of life, which
your turn 1 is one of the core rights in this framework, exists as a common value shared by
all civilizations and different belief systems within these civilizations. In other
words, it is more likely to talk about common values rather than differences,
within the humanity.

How correct is the thesis that after the Cold War inter-state wars give
place to civil wars and genocides? What are the humanitarian disasters
in international politics that took place after the Cold War?

Despite the optimistic atmosphere that emerged after the Cold War, the
world faced a new set of problems. The Bosnian crisis or the Rwanda crisis,
the world witnessed the loss of the lives of hundreds of thousands of people.
In addition to this, two different operations for Iraq in the Middle East with
your turn 2 a period of ten years, and fundamentalist terrorism threatening the whole
world, made impossible to achieve the expected stability and peace in the
post-Cold War era. On the other hand, problems such as poverty, natural
disasters and famine stand on the edge as problems that cannot be overcome,
especially for underdeveloped countries.

92
International Politics

There are diverse reactions to the idea of Responsibility

to Protect. In this context, what might be the main
objections to R2P?

Suggested answers for “Your turn”

Although the principle of Responsibility to Protect mainly aims to prevent
heavy human rights violations the interventions realized in this context cause
some problems. In some cases, the basic interventions that need to be realized
within the framework of this principle was not achieved (e.g. Syria), and
your turn 3 in some other cases the sovereignty of states could be violated in situations
where military intervention is not required. In this framework, strategic
interests of intervening states may prevent humanitarian concerns or cause
disproportionate use of force against the intervened states. Because of all these
reasons, careful consideration of the principle of R2P and the prevention of
its exploitation are important.

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 International Politics
Chapter 5 and Security
After completing this chapter, you will be able to;

1 2
Learning Outcomes

Make sense of the notion of security as a Grasp approaches of theoretical perspectives

contested concept to security

3 Appreciate relevancy of traditional security in

Great Power ‘Peace’ 4 Recognise complex security agenda in the
North-South context

Key Terms
International Politics Zero-Sum-Game
Security Liberalism
Cold War Interdependence
Nuclear Weapons International Organisations
Post-Cold War Democratic Peace
Chapter Outline NATO Non-State Actors
Introduction
United Nations Terrorism
Securıty as a Contested Concept
United States Critical Security
Theoretical Perspectives to Security
USSR Emancipation
Relevancy of Traditional Security in Great Power
Russia Constructivist Approach
‘Peace’
European Union Socialisation
Complex Security Agenda in the North-South Context
Great Power Identity
China Copenhagen School
Developed North Securitisation
Third World De-Securitisation
Realism Speech Act
Anarchy Refugees
Balance of Power Clash of Civilisations
Self-Help

96
International Politics
INTRODUCTION
Security sits at the heart of most, if not all, part
of daily practices of inter-state relations in the forms
of either talks or actions. It, thus, takes the most
eminent position in the large academic discipline
of International Relations (IR), particularly in
its sub-fields of International Politics, Strategic
Studies, and Security Studies. Systemic changes
and fast globalisation that leads to further blurring
the division of what international and national are,
have multiplied actors and subjects of international
politics. In an environment in which there are
multiple actors (state and non-state) acting within
an ever more indistinctive line, security as an idea,
topic, subject, and/or challenge becomes manifold.
Then, security turns out to occupy a large part of
discussions within the practices of international
politics and of writings in the related academic
fields.
It was the carnage of World War I (WWI),
between 1914 and 1918, that urged political
leaders on the side of winners to provide security
by preventing the occurrence of a new Great War.
No-war situation was equall to obtaining security
(state security) which had been the ultimate
purpose of the foundation of the IR discipline at
universities in the United Kingdom (UK) and the
United States (US) in the following years of the
end of WWI. Political impulse to seek security and
the way to reach it in the immediate years after
WWI, at least, among the winners, were not new
desires and necessary conditions to live in. How to
reach such a state of security in the forms of war-
making, no-war situation, and absence of threat or
peace has been sought in World arena (city-states,
empires, modern states) for hundreds of years by
chiefs, emperors, kings, statespersons, soldiers, and
philosophers.
Figure 5.1
Yet, advocates of security failed during the
interwar period between 1919 and 1939, similar
to that of previous centuries for their own time.
World War II (WWII) from 1939 to 1945 and
subsequent Cold War system brought new political
and military measures, and ideas about the question
of how to overcome insecurity of sovereign states.
Destructive impact of the WWII and following
Cold War international system, largely based on
bipolar division of militarily powerful states, limited
security practices and discussions among state
officials and academics to having produced policies
and ideas about protecting state sovereignty.
Cold War ended with the fall of Berlin Wall in
November 1989 and the dissolution of the Union
of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) in December
1991. This meant the plethora of views, actions,
and debates on security in international politics
from the stance points of both intellectuals and
officials in the post-Cold War era.
The new international order after the Cold
War is, often, described as disorder because
there is not as clear-cut division in international
political system as it was during the previous
era. For academics in international politics, this
has created numerous new empirical data and
new interpretations to the old, but still existing,
arguments regarding the analyses of security
in international politics. Neither have states in
their behaviors limited themselves with the sharp
division of old international security thinking.
These do not, however, suggest that intellectuals
and statesmen have all given up old way of security
thinking and practices. They exist and are very
much alive today in international politics. The end
of the Cold War with the increasing globalisation
has brought about changes and processes in
international relations, all of which together have
given additional new meanings to, and produced
implications for, security in international politics.
97

SECURITY AS A CONTESTED
CONCEPT
Security is a contested concept not because it is
difficult to define as a word, but because it refers
to a situation in which there are numerous referent
objects and actors being in a constant interaction.
Security as a word refers to being relatively safe or
free from harm and danger. Actors of international
politics pay utmost attention and devote huge
resources to a condition in which they feel safe or
free from danger and harm.
States, the most dominant actors in the past
in international politics, gave priority to the
protection of their sovereignty, territorial integrity,
and political regime to be threatened by an external
attack or a state of war. Military force was largely
the key instruments to repel that threat. Military
force has still been one of the key instruments as
similar threats are rife today in inter-state relations.
The war between Azerbaijan and Armenia over the
Nagorno-Karabakh region, wars during the break-
up of former Yugoslavia, the North Atlantic Treaty
Organisation (NATO) intervention to Kosovo,
great and regional states’ involvement in Syria,
annexation of Crimea by Russia are few, among
many, such examples.
Constituent elements of security have yet
multiplied since the end of the Cold War in terms
of who or what should be protected and who or
what pose threat to security. State, individual,
and group of individuals belonging to a specific
nation, ethnicity, sect, or gender are considered
as security subjects that varied opinions among
politicians, academics, and experts put one or some
or all as their priority to protect or concentrate on.
Sources of threat to these objects are also manifold
emanating from states, non-state actors, and
nature (climate change). Who is or are responsible
for eliminating or reducing threats to security
objects and what kind of methods they should
apply for that objective are also key questions.
Indeed, security priority itself determines who the
responsible actor is and what method is to be used
to achieve that end. The current confusion in the
definition of, and measures to take for, security
comes largely out of differing security priorities
that security actors adhere to.
Barry Buzan recognises nature of security as the
main factor in the failure to provide a specific and
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International Politics and Security
common definition for it. In order to display this
challenge, Buzan cites thirteen different definitions
of security threats emanating from external and
internal military and non-military sources. At the
end, Buzan makes an attempt to define a kind of
security with its multiple and complex face and
characteristics. In his work, People, state & Fear: An
Agenda for International Security Studies in the post-
Cold War Era, published just at the end of the Cold
War, Buzan tries to capture causes of old and new
security challenges by broadening and deepening
the scope of security (Buzan, 1991). He takes such
subjects as individuals and economics further into
the discussion of security, and questions unitary
nature of state, anarchy in international political
arena, and utility of defence spending. This way
of analysis, which, similar to many others, was
based on the criticism of dominant security view
of the bipolar world, fits well for the complexity
of emerging post-Cold War era in which multiple
security challenges captured attention of most
politicians and academics at a highest point.
Similarly, Alan Collins supplies ten different
definition of security that contains national,
individual, and group security in terms of material
and non-material threats against their core values
(Collins, 2013: 1-9). Collins touches upon vide
range of security issues in the context of security
studies. He deepens and broadens the subject of
security by including topics of military, regime,
societal, environmental, and economic security. He
pays an equal importance to traditional and non-
traditional security issues by putting such issues as
coercive diplomacy, weapons of mass destructions,
and arms trade in first group, and health problems,
issue of transnational crime, and cyber security in
the second. Collins, as many other do, recognizes
the fact that security studies could no longer be
limited to the old issues and geographical extend of
the Cold War confrontation. Collins, for instance,
underlines that security problems of developing
world, where tens of thousands of people are dying
because of internal conflicts, hunger, and treatable
diseases each year, could not be ignored.
Contestation of security concept has also been
seen in the discussions of the level of analysis. Level
of analysis in international security discussion in
the post-Cold War period gained prominence
for two reasons. First was the end of the bipolar
international security system. It was assumed in the
International Politics
early 1990s that relevance of the system level great
power rivalry was reduced, if not totally lost, in the
explanation of international security issues. Second
was the rise of security problems around the world
caused not essentially by great power rivalry, but
by domestic state failures and regional inter-state
disagreements. Systemic change and increase of
the regional conflicts have not only allowed the
search for new levels of analysis but also led to the
growth of wide variety of international security
issues rooted in domestic and regional dynamics.
Buzan put forward the idea of regional security
complexes in order to explain the complexities
in international security. By doing so, Buzan also
assumed that regional security complexes would
fill the gap between state and system level analyses.
Buzan defines region as “a distinct and significant
subsystem of security relations [that] exists among
a set of states whose fate is that they have been
locked into geographical proximity with each
other” (Buzan, 1991: 188). For Buzan, a security
complex refers to “a group of states whose primary
security concerns link together sufficiently closely
that their national securities cannot realistically
be considered apart from one another” (Ibid:
190). The method of security complex provides
a clear understanding to analyse regional security
relations among states existing in the forms of
well-established and stable in the developed North
and of problematic and unstable in the developing
South.
Mohammed Ayoob follows a similar line of
explanation and identification of international
security complexities by concentrating on a specific
region, the Third World. In his work, The Third
World Security Predicament: State Making, Regional
Conflict, and the International System, Ayoob
focuses on the Third World security impasses
composed of interactions produced by the domestic
failures of developing states, regional impacts, and
the responses and interests of the developed states
(Ayoob, 1995). Having dealt with the Third World
states, Ayoob defines security within the framework
of vulnerabilities of developing states. Third World
states are vulnerable because they are exposed to
an array of negative conditions coming out of
internal weaknesses and equally important external
pressures. Internal and external vulnerabilities of
developing states are specified as weaknesses that
endanger, undermine, or create potential threats
to, territorial integrity, institutional structure, and
ruling government/regime (Ibid: 9).
Most, if not all, Third World states are artificial
designs of colonial powers in the past. Third World
states are weak and vulnerable because they are
kinds of states and nations built by colonial centers
artificially, and yet they have failed to rectify those
artificial designs peacefully in the post-colonial
period. Territorial, ethnic, as well as sectarian in
many cases, compositions of the Third World states
create domestic insecurities and result in interstate
enmity in a specific region. In the context of that
specific region, one or more regional powers use
their comparatively strong position to influence
or change regional dynamics in line with its own
interests. States in such a region often find partners
or allies from outside the region among great powers.
Collusion of interests of intra- and extra- regional
states, usually in the form of opposing regional
balances, over a specific security issue creates war,
displacement, refugees, poverty, and, in most cases,
stalemate and prolongation of disagreement over
the dispute. This makes that state or group of states
in the Third World spend more to the armament
which then keeps the risk of war alive and is
often used for maintaining regime in power or for
overthrowing government. Disputes between Arab
states and Israeli over Palestine, Pakistan and India
over Kashmir, Ethiopia and Somalia over Ogaden,
Morocco and Algeria over Western Sahara are just
few of numerous such examples in the Third World
(Ibid: 47-48).
As well as the examples of the continuation of
old conflicts, most, if not all, of the post-Cold War
disputes and regional wars carry the hallmarks of the
Third Word state weaknesses, and thus continue to
make security in international politics a ‘contested
concept’ or, indeed, a ‘contested practice’. For
instance, the United Nations (UN), despite its
deficits and being the only symbol of universal
consensus in international politics, outlined, in
its Report of the UN Secretary-General’s High-Level
Panel on Threats, Challenges, and Change in 2004,
six clusters of global security threats that the world
has now faced and will face in years ahead. These are
economic and social threats, inter-state conflicts,
internal conflicts, weapons of mass destructions,
terrorism, and transnational organized crimes (The
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 International Politics and Security

United Nations, 2004, 23). The UN report stressed

out the trans-border characteristics of these security
threats and asked for cooperation at national, regional, 1
and international levels (Ibid: 9). However, it is also
Security is a contested concept. What are the
well aware of the bleak prospect of that cooperation
reasons for almost everything being a subject of
due to the alarming lack of international consensus
security today? Can you also give an example
on what the security priorities are and whose security
that equally importantly reveals various security
comes first (Ibid: 10). Contestation on security is not
problems concurrently?
just limited to the identification and priorities about its
practicalities. Security is also very much controversial in
theories dealing with international politics.

THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES TO SECURITY

The lack of consensus is paramount among, indeed the reason for the very existence of, different
theoretical perspectives on security in international politics. Different theoretical schools of thoughts offer
different security definitions in terms of what the security is, what is to be secured and how. Thus, not just
in practice, but in thought, does security present a contestation in international politics.

Realist Thinking on Security

Realism provides a wide range of theoretical tools on security including its both Classical and Neo-
realist versions. Although many scholars argue that the time of Realism should be left to the Cold War
era as it was then the dominant explanatory tool, it is, in fact, not so, for two reasons. First, the Realism
has still been offering theoretical and practical tools on state security, war and peace. Second, almost all of
the rest of the theories on security have been in an effort to develop their perspectives on the critiques of
Realism. Despite some differences, Classical Realism and Neo-realism as a whole body of Realist paradigm
share some common assumptions that are key in understanding security in international politics.

Figure 5.2

First, the Realism points out that international
system is anarchic. Anarchy does not necessarily
refer to chaos and disorder. It means the absence
or lack of a common international authority to
regulate the relationships among constituents of
international system. International and domestic
political systems are different in that while the
former functions without hierarchical order, the
latter is regulated by state power imposing all sorts
of rules on individuals in its realm. Therefore,
anarchy refers to an international order in which
there is not any international authority that can
impose any regulations on autonomous units
(states) and forestalls the use of force. Yet, states
are not free riders in this realm. If not constraints
by an international authority, states are still subject

100
International Politics
to restraints by the deeds of other states in that
anarchic order. In this sense, state behaviors
appear in international system in the shape of
their independent national interests. It is quite
possible to see the conflicts of interests in a cloth
of national pursuit that would lead states to seek
the use of force. Anarchic nature of international
system always pushes states to be alerted towards
the possibility of resorting to force by other states.
As war is always a possibility among states, the
anarchic international system, as Realists cite from
Thomas Hobbes, implies a “war of all against all”.
Mistrust is the common attitude of states towards
each other in an anarchic international system and
states cannot rely on any promises of other states or
international institutions, but only on themselves,
self-help (Terriff et al., 1999: 31-32).
Second, power is the defining notion of state
behaviors in the anarchic international environment
(Ibid: 33-34). States always seek power in order to
feel safe against the power increase efforts of other
states. Thirst for power of states is a never-ending
situation because power increase of one state is read
by other state or states, especially in a neighbouring
state, as a threat against itself. Counter action
naturally produces a never-ending state of power
maximisation among states. States do also search
for power maximisation through their interactions
with other states. Any effort of a state in this way
creates a constant competition and strife. This is
a state of zero-sum-game situation in which power
gain of a state means, or seen as, absolute loss of
other state(s) in the opposite side. Indeed, leading
Classical Realist Hans J. Morgenthau defined
politics among states (nations) as “struggle for
power and peace” (Morgenthau, 1948). For him,
power for states is a tool and an objective at the
same time in order to protect and project their
interests. As interests can be subject to change and
increase, then foremost interests of states always
are to seek more power. Actually, for Morgenthau,
international politics is all about power politics.
Although power is a contested concept in terms
of its content and impact, it mainly refers to all
available resources from physical capabilities (e.g.
wealth, population, advanced technology) to
non-physical strength (nature of government and
leadership, and governing ideology), both of which
are key factors for having or building a strong
military force. Kenneth N. Waltz, the founder of
Neo-realist Theory, has a different view on states’
primary objective in international politics from
that of Morgenthau. Waltz makes a difference
between power and security and he argues that
states seek security (military security). For Waltz,
power for states is a means to achieving security
in international arena (Waltz, 1979). In the final
analysis, the power meant by Morgenthau refers to
military power or military capability. It is because
physical and non-physical elements of power are all
main components in having or building a capable,
strong, and effective military force, and thus, in
obtaining desired security.
Third, states are the most important units/
actors in international politics. (Terriff et al., 1999:
33-34). Inter-state actions create international
system in which other actors, such as international
institutions, cannot play as important role as
states can. Thus, other actors rather than states
have a secondary place in international system. It
is true that all states do not have the same power
capacities for they are made of different sizes,
peoples, resources and governing ideologies. Yet,
they all function the same way, and aim to realise,
though, to a changing degree, the same objectives.
Here state capabilities are of great significance in
the structural formula of Neo-realist thinking of
international system. For Waltz, international
system is based on an international structure built
by distribution of power among states. Capabilities
of states determine their places in the structure. At
the top of the international structure do the most
powerful states sit, which then determines if an
international system is to be unipolar, bipolar or
multipolar. Structural characteristic of international
system never changes; only the name of the
dominant actor or actors change because relative
power capacities are not static. For instance, collapse
of the USSR led to the opinion that international
structure presented a unipolar international system
led by the single dominant power position of the
US in the 1990s. Fast rise of China in economic
developments and Russia’s bold exercise of hard
power in certain parts of the world have started the
discussion that international system is on its way, if
has not already been, to take the shape of a multi-
polar world (Waltz, 2000: 30-32).
Fourth, states are unitary and rational actors.
For many Realists, unitary nature of states are
not necessarily related to the issue of whether
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 International Politics and Security

it is composed of different interest, population,

leadership, bureaucratic and ideological groups.
States are unitary in the sense that they well 2
understand the central characteristics of the options
that they have to choose and highly important Realism is a state-centric approach in international
interactions that they have to make. From a similar politics. Therefore, security in Realist thinking
vein, states are rational actors because they take concentrates on state security with respect to its
decisions that would best meet the requirements relations with other states in external arena. How
of their interests in a situation in which they is security obtained in Realism?
face constant pressures from their own domestic
adequacies and external uncertainties dictated by
other states’ power potentials and motives (Glaser, Liberalism on Security
2013; 14-15). Actual power gaps and potential Liberal views agree on the key characteristics
differences of capabilities among states naturally of international politics with those of the Realists.
force them to act rationally bearing in mind how Liberalism sees security in international politics
other states will respond to their decisions (Ibid: 15). actually the way the Realism does. Liberal
For Realists, states resemble individuals who perspectives, however, challenge the Realist security
are thought to be self-interested and to have assumptions in particular, and their views on
a fixed nature inclined to engage in violence. functioning of international relations in general,
States, Leviathan, in domestic realm provide for by putting cooperative examples of international
human beings with order and peace in return for affairs forward, including in the area of security.
taking some of their freedoms through available
mechanisms. States, as self-interested and
constant power seekers in an anarchic
external realm, have to devise domestic and
international political frameworks in which
they find out ways to have security, thereby
taking their survival under guarantee. These
internal and external political frameworks,
largely, refer to the acts of balancing of states.
The best option for states under a danger of
conflict or war with other state(s) is self-
reliance/self-help. Actually, for Realists,
self-reliance in order for rebuffing a threat
is nothing more than an act of balancing. It
is, what they point out, an act of “domestic
balancing” to counter an external threat.
Most states’, with the exception of few Figure 5.3
super or great powers’, overall existing and
First, the Liberals declare that cooperation,
potential domestic power maximisation efforts
and therefore security, is possible under anarchy
are not enough to contain a conflict or win a
(Morgan, 2013: 29-30; Terriff et al., 1999: 46-
war. States including super and great powers in
53). The Liberal conception on cooperation under
most cases turn to international arena to find out
anarchy stems from its optimism on the nature of
available mechanisms in order to reduce the cost.
human being. For the Liberals, states are similar to
This is called external balancing. Realists, therefore,
individuals in that they are essentially unspoiled,
suggest that second best option for states, after
unselfish, and conjunctive. States display this
domestic balancing, is external balancing in their
positive behavior in numerous ways, such as politics
search for security, such as minimizing conflict and
and economics, in wider scope of international
winning a war or for a simple unending impulse of
politics. Though there are conflicts and war,
becoming more powerful (Terriff et al., 1999: 32-
cooperation among international actors generally
33; Glaser, 2013: 18).

102
International Politics
produce peace and security. Therefore, there is not
such a Realist notion that international politics
inherently manifest a security dilemma. There is not
a clear, robust, and uncrossable division between
internal and external realms of states. Multiple
connections and interactions tie inside and outside
of the sates together, which then make it possible
to have, not a fixed and unchangeable anarchy
defined by the Realism, but a ‘tamed’ anarchy in
international politics.
Second, there are as important and influential
actors as states in the formation and functioning of
international politics (Morgan, 2013: 29-33). The
Liberal views do not underestimate the importance
and influence of states, but they also put a great
attention on non-state actors and their functions in
international politics. The Liberal views are different
from the Realists’ in that they consider that internal
non-governmental organisations (NGOs), ethnic
groups, state bureaucracies, and interest groups
are not all lost in totality of state (unitary nature
of state) and, thus, do represent as being actors
capable of influencing state behavior. Also, for the
Liberals, international governmental organisations
(IGOs) and international regimes are more than
agents of states in their search for power, promotion
of national interests, and seeking security. As for
international non-governmental organisations
(INGOs) and multinational corporations, the
Liberals see them as not dependent but independent
actors pursuing their autonomous agendas which
greatly influence state choices and decisions in
international politics (Nye and Keohane, 1971a:
337). As Keohane and Nye assert, transnational and
sub-national actors which are involved in intensive
communication, information, transportation, and
finance across state borders play a significant role
in many international interactions (Ibid: 332).
Transnational interactions increase interdependence
among states, which, then, produces more peace-
prone relations in international politics. For the
Liberals, therefore, Realists’ insistence on statism is
not adequate for understanding the changing nature
of international politics because the differences
between “high” and “low” politics have blurred
(Nye and Keohane, 1971b: 721-748). Keohane
and Nye claim that security concerns based on
military issues do not take the highest place in
determining a government’s agenda. They conclude
that war, conflict or use, or threat to use, of military
force would be irrelevant among states when, or if,
they managed to establish complex and intensive
interdependence, for instance, in a specific region
(Keohane and Nye, 2001: 21-22).
Third, states are not unitary and rational actors
(Morgan, 2013: 29-30). Emphasis on the existence
and separate roles of state and non-state actors in
equally important external and internal realms
of state is a Liberal manifestation that it already
challenges the Realist argument of unitary nature
of states. If there were multiple state and non-state
actors having their own separate interests in internal
and external arenas, it would be difficult to talk only
about, though very important, states’ interests and
unitary nature of states. The Liberal views do not
deny the importance and influence of international
system on the behavior of states. Having said that
the Liberal perspectives argue that international
system is not as influential and determinant factor
on states’ behavior as the power and choices of
national actors and internal political systems. For
the Liberalists, nation states are not the same and
act the same way all around the world. Those states
which have liberal political and economic systems,
face penetrations of multiple actors from multiple
channels. Such nation states are already a formation
of a political consensus composed of different
political, economic, and ideological views, demands
and influences of internal state and non-state actors.
Foreign policies of states are not divorced from the
preferences of those state and non-state domestic
actors. Especially, as argued, foreign policies of
strong states are somehow the expression and
continuation of domestic preferences of multiple
actors into the external arena. (Strange, 1996: 44-46;
Morgan, 2013: 30). In addition, preferences of such
domestic actors as interests groups, political parties,
bureaucratic centers, and ethnic groups are always
subject to change in line with their shifting interests.
In a political environment in which decision making
processes, including foreign policies, of states are
influenced by many forces acting on different and
often shifting objectives, it would be difficult to talk
about a Realist kind of state rationality. There are
also closed and illiberal states resisting penetrations
of international and national actors. Indeed, for the
Liberalists, the Realist definition of unitary nature of
states is more relevant to the behaviors and political
and economic formation of authoritarian states.
Thus, states are not the same all around the world,
and international politics reflect both the Realist and
Liberalist characteristics at the same time.
103

Fourth, power is “the ability of a person or group
of persons so to affect outcomes that their preferences
take precedence over the preferences of others”
(Strange, 1996: 17). Consistent with their views on
the nature of state and anarchy, power definition of
the Liberalists is not confined only with state power,
and particularly to the Neo-realist definition of the
military power of states. The Liberalists broaden
definition of power in terms of its components,
objectives in use, as well as of who and how produce
it. Accordingly, the Liberalists’ definition of power
goes beyond the Realists’ propositions on the
meaning of power in international politics.
In line with the propositions put forward by the
Liberalists, there are multiple kinds and sources of
insecurity in the world. For the Liberalists, inter-
state conflicts, based on the Realist security concerns,
are also still continuing phenomena in international
politics. For the proponents of the Liberal views, there
are various security problems and security actors on
international level having the power to reduce state
authority. These security challenges stem either from
the strength of the actors or the real weakness of states,
the latter stemming from an inability to cope with
global problems. As well as accepting relevancy of
traditional security dangers (the Realist perception of
inter-state military conflicts), the Liberalists broaden
the scope of security issues with more urgent non-
traditional security threats to individuals, such as
poverty, unemployment, environmental deprivation,
epidemic diseases, terrorism, organised crime, ethnic
conflict, and rapid population growth (Mathews,
1997: 50-55).
The Liberalists offer few key suggestions believing
that they would reduce, if not totally eradicate,
old and new security challenges in international
politics. All of these suggestions are based on basic
Liberal conceptions on the promotion of economic
liberalism, international institutions, and expansion
of liberal democracy. Economic liberalism promotes
free trade of goods and capital domestically and
internationally. Liberal economic model discourages
state control on economic activities as private actors
(individuals and companies) are believed to conduct
the most efficient economic production and wealth
accumulation under the free market rules. Free
trade based on market rules increase economic
activities and, thus, the wealth of nations, which
create economic interdependence in international
relations. Economically interdependent relations,
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International Politics and Security
then, change the priorities of states in favour of
peace and security, as they would lose too much from
armament, conflict, and war. Western capitalism
led by the US since the end of the WWII and the
development of the European Union (EU) are often
cited as the successful examples of liberal economic
peace. Globalisation is the current manifestation
of the Liberal perspectives worldwide. The Liberal
views assume that globalisation has further united
the world- a world often associated with the phrase
of ‘global community’.
For the Liberalists, international institutions are
other key entities in having and further boosting
international security. International institutions
include IGOs, INGOs, and international regimes.
International institutions produce four positive
results in obtaining international security (Morgan,
2013: 32-34). First, international institutions help
reduce states’, what the Realists say, temptation to
cheat. For the Liberals, international institutions can
provide for states with information about the issues
they are dealing with. They are the places where states
engage in intensive interactions and negotiations,
receive information and give the task of monitoring
the international agreements, use as bodies in
reducing transaction costs. Second, international
institutions are necessary entities and natural
promoters for the creation of an interdependent
world. As the interactions in international arena
from trade, transportation, education to social and
cultural activities intensify, these exchanges and joint
activities require regulations at bilateral or multilateral
levels. In return, all of these organisational activities
further increase interactions and interdependence.
Third, international institutions stimulate states
to cede some, if not all, of their sovereignties for a
common good with other partakers. Many factors,
such as national interests, efficient decision-making,
moral values may be reasons for states to act in the
way of seceding some of their sovereign rights to a
particular international organisation. For instance,
the European Union (EU), the European Court
of Human Rights and International Criminal
Court are such international institutions, which,
to a changing degree, use legal and administrative
authorities previously fully belonged to states.
Fourth, international institutions help create not
only intensive interactions but also produce common
norms, principles, and cultures allowing to emerge a
sense of belonging to a particular community. The
International Politics
Liberalists’ constant promotion of norms, principles,
and cultures advocates the existence of a world
community that is, for instance, against human rights
violations inside states, refuses conduct of genocide
and calls for disarmament. If and when necessary,
refusal to act in line with these ‘community values’
may even require international intervention on
moral grounds, such as responsibility to protect.
Expansion of liberal democracy is another
premise of the Liberal thinking in getting a more
secure international order (Ibid: 34-35). States
having a mixture of political systems including liberal
democratic, authoritarian, and semi-authoritarian
models can build interdependence via intensive
trade and share the same international organisations
with equal rights. This complex web of trade and
institutional exchanges may not be able to provide
the desired level of security in international arena.
Hence, for the Liberalists, the governing model of
liberal democracy, which is said to be largely the
examples of Western countries, is the best way to
follow in order to have a lasting-peace and security
in world affairs. Basically, the Liberalist notion is
that ‘democratic peace’ is possible because liberal
democracies, as empirical data suggested, do not
go to war against each other. Increased number
of democratic states since the 1970s, with an
impressive example of the end of communism in
Eastern Europe in late 1980s, has often been offered
as proof of not only the success of democracy, but
also a ‘perpetual’ peace through democracy.
3
The Liberal notion is that liberal democracies do
not go to war against each other. How can security
be achieved through the Liberal argument of
‘democratic peace’?
Critical Security Approach
Critical security does not indicate a consistent
and specific body of views. There are various
Critical theories or Critical approaches commonly
used in the theoretical analyses in international
relations, international politics and security studies.
This makes the Critical approach heterogeneous
reflecting various elements from the Critical
security studies to Feminist and Postmodernist
ones. Yet, there are also common grounds among
some segments of those approaches on security in
international politics. Some Critical approaches
can be grouped as the same collection of concepts
in terms of not having a consensus on how to
approach security among themselves, but of
displaying a collective difference towards the same
matter from traditional security approaches (the
Realist and the Liberalist).
The key common position of the Critical
perspectives in their opposition to traditional
security theories stems from the way they approach
to social sciences. Labels of Positivism and Post-
positivism are two approaches that offer a different
perspective into the social sciences (Terriff, 1999:
99). According to Terriff, Positivism shows four
connected characteristics in social sciences (Ibid:
100). First, “there is an objective truth that can
be discovered.” Second, “the means of discovering
that truth is reason and there is only one correct
form of reasoning”. Third, “the tool of reasoning
is empiricism, which enables the analyst to test
propositions”. Fourth, “there can be a distinction
between observer and observed”. Having been
opposed to these Positivist views and its reasoning,
the Post-positivists point out the importance of
“the social construction of knowledge.” Away
from describing the world through empiricism,
the Post-positivists defend that it is not possible to
separate observer and observed so as to find out
material truths. Instead, the Post-positivists put
forward that the world is made up of knowledge
constructed socially (Ibid: 100-101). For the Post-
positivists, the Positivism actually talks about a
socially constructed empirical evidence and guide
people to see and accept it as objective reality (Ibid:
101).
In Critical Theory, there is not an objective
truth because culture and specific values shape it,
then, as Robert Cox proposes, “theory is always for
someone and for some purpose” (Cox: 128). Cox
further explains his view as “perspectives derive from
a position in time and space, specifically social and
political time and space. The world is seen from a
standpoint definable in terms of nation, or social class,
of dominance or subordination, of rising or declining
power, or of a sense of immobility or of present crisis,
of past experience, and of hopes and expectations for
the future” (Ibid: 128). All these Critical views suggest
105

that they present a critical approach to international
relations, but not aim or offer a problem solving
theory. For the Critical approaches, traditional
perspectives do not question existing social and
political interactions and so they are, in fact, problem-
solving theories in subsisting order.
Common characteristic of the Critical
perspectives regarding security is that they challenge
given social and political relations, and identify
“ways in which they might be radically changed”
(Dannreuther, 2007: 49; Mutimer, 2013: 76). The
Critical Theory seeks to explain both how security
is constructed and how existing theories on
security can be transformed (Dannreuther, 2007:
49-50). The Critical theorists use views of Antonio
Gramsci and Michael Foucault in understanding
the ideological context of conventional political
discourses. By doing so, they describe the
conventional approaches as being unjust power
exercise and oppression. Having explained
constructed position of existing traditional theories,
the Critical approaches engage approaches engage
in the effort of deconstruction of conventional
discourses and propose a new opening for freedom,
‘emancipation’. For instance, Ken Booth, a leading
academic in the Critical school of thought,
defines ‘emancipation’ as “a discourse of politics
[that] seeks the securing of people from those
oppressions that stop them carrying out what they
would freely choose to do, compatible with the
freedom of others” (Booth, 2007: 112). Central
aspiration of the Critical approaches on security
is to divert attention from conventional security
understanding to the prioritisation of human
emancipation (Dannreuther, 2007: 50; Mutimer,
2013: 75-77).
The Critical Theory sees concept of security in
conventional approaches problematic. It is because
conventional security is said to be a tool that defines
and constitutes the interests of states. For the Critical
Theory, such a security approach needs an ideological
justification to justify its necessity and relevancy,
which postulates the existence or emergence of an
enemy called as ‘other’ (Dannreuther, 2007: 50).
Security plays the role of an ideological device for
promotion, prioritisation, and prolongation of
the interests of states and dominant powers. To
the Critical Theory, traditional security is used,
therefore, as a tool for constantly oppressing, rather
than emancipating, the weak and disenfranchised
states and people (Ibid).
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International Politics and Security
Propositions of the Critical security are largely
linked to the views in Marxist tradition. The
Critical security, indeed, expands the Marxist
opinion by not limiting its focus on social classes
with the inclusion of other notions of social
exclusion (Terriff, 1999: 108). From the view
point of Booth, who takes human being as object
of security, “the sources of human (in)security are
far wider than those traditionally in the purview
of strategists… Whose interests are being served
by keeping the other issues off the agenda?...
broadening and deepening – the task of a critical
security studies- will reveal Cold War security
studies as an Anglo-American, statist, masculinist
and militarised ideology” (Ibid: 110). In the largest
perspectives of the Post-positivism, security cannot
be examined without first examining the state. The
state for them is itself problematic because it is a
socially constructed entity. Since humanity was
not always politically organised in the way that it is
understood today, there is not such a notion that it
must be organised the same way in the future. The
security that is meant to be understood as a result of
its link to a particular form of political community,
has implications for how it is understood (Ibid:
102). If one thinks of the existence of other forms
of political community, as Ole Weaver suggests,
it can make sense to consider that there are other
levels of security to discuss (Ibid). Weaver suggests
that security must be considered with a holistic
sense. However, holistic security consideration
cannot be only taking into account of the sum of
issues from climate change, war, and famine to
alienation, population increase, and exploitation of
least developed and developing countries. The real
problem is systemic construction of the problem/
security, establishing causal links among problems,
the links that they inflate the commotion in
the metasystem (Ibid). The Critical security
approaches, therefore, question the Realist object
of security, the state; and see security as an issue
and a concept that is more than military force. For
the Critical security, as there is no objectivity in
traditionalist views on security, the way it is studied
should be changed (Mutimer, 2013: 71).
Despite their contribution to the understanding
of security, the Critical security faces criticisms as
well. It is thought that the Critical security has
presented vagueness and lacked clarity, for instance,
on solid bases of what ‘emancipation’ really is. The
International Politics
Critical security is accused that they have provided,
on the one hand, a good deal of definition and
depiction of the problem, but, on the other, been
unable to offer alternative cures with a similar
degree of clarity. Also, the Critical security addresses
security as an intrinsically negative and dangerous
conception, and, thence, it should be transcended
through a process of ‘emancipation’ (Booth, 2007:
95-278). This is thought to be a rather different
view from the ones which see concept of security as
one of many other human values, such as freedom,
justice, and prosperity. Therefore, it is suggested
that, instead of offering vague solutions, such as
‘emancipation’, the best way to approach security
is to provide perspectives which reflect appropriate
balance between security and other core human
values (Dannreuther, 2007: 51).
4 only about their material aspects, but not about
The Critical Theory sees concept of security in
conventional approaches problematic. What does
the Critical Theory, instead, offer in its security
approach?
Constructivist Security Approach
Similar to the Critical security approach, the
Constructivist Theory does not accept the existence
of an objective reality that it is not problematized.
It argues that there is a socially constructed
world by the actors’ actions which reveal
themselves as shared meanings, inter-subjective
understandings, and established reasons (Ibid: 40).
The Constructivist approach pays great attention
to view that ideas, identity, and interaction are of
great importance in international system. For the
Constructivist security, as international system is
itself a constructed ‘reality’, so is the concept of
security in international politics.
The Constructivist approach puts forward three
main ontological positions (Agius, 2013: 88). First,
normative and ideational structures are important
and matter as much as those of material structures
do. The Constructivism differs from the positivist
theories in that it claims that the world is also
made of ideational forces not of only exclusively
material ones. In fact, the Constructivist approach
gives ideas much more importance and favours
them. To be more clear, for the Constructivist
approach, there can be alternative, and perhaps
more explanatory, readings to the materially and
empirically explained Neo-realist understandings
of anarchy and distribution of material capabilities
in international system, as well as Neo-liberal
perspectives on state interests regarding inter-state
cooperation and international institutions.
Second, identities are of great significance.
The Constructivist approach argues that there
are distinct identities of actors which determine
characteristics of their interests. Then, these
identity-informed interests decide, and thus
explain, how and why actors behaved that way and
pursued that objective(s). As Alexander Wendt, a
prominent Constructivist, points out “A gun in
the hands of a friend is a different thing from one
in the hands of an enemy, and enmity is a social,
not material, relation” (Ibid: 88). Neo-realist and
Neo-liberal explanations of power and interests tell
how their contents and meanings are constructed.
For the Constructivist approach, one should also
focus on the construction processes of power and
interest in which ideas, values, beliefs, norms, and
thus cultures, play the key roles. The Constructivist
approach emphasises that development and
obtainment of national interests are related to a
process in which identities and relations as social
conditions of actors are key determinant elements.
Hence, one cannot talk about fixed, or given,
identities of actors, but the kinds of identities
which are made up through the interactions and
socialisation of actors among themselves.
Third, agents and structures constitute each
other mutually. It means in international politics
that, while international system, whether it is a
unipolar, bipolar, or multipolar one, is the making
of states as agents, at the same time the latter is
also the making of the former. If this is what it
is, then, the Constructivist approach defends the
possibility of different understanding of security
in international politics. The Constructivist
view of the mutual constitution of agents and
structures is, indeed, reflected in what Alexander
Wendt said, “anarchy is what states make of it”, in
international system (Wendt, 1992). For Wendt,
international system is anarchic in terms of the
absence of a higher authority above states, because
states believe and/or accept so. In line with this,
Wendt suggests the existence of different kinds of
107

worlds of international security focusing on the
three types of anarchy. He suggests that there exist
three cultures of anarchies in international level
as Hobbesian, Lockean, and Kantian. Each of
these anarchies reflects its own particular feature
when it is at play in the relationships between
states- enmity in Hobbesian, rivalry in Lockean
and friendship in Kantian cultures (Wendt, 1999:
246-308). This conviction of states regarding
international anarchy determines the way they
act in the same international system. Therefore,
the Constructivist approach claims that anarchy
as it is the making of agents, is not a natural, but
an unnatural part of international system (Agius,
2013: 88-89). In the same vein, the Constructivist
approach criticises Neo-realist and Neo-liberal
definitions of the concept of sovereignty of states.
It stresses that sovereignty is not a permanent
characteristic of international relations. The
Constructivist approach defines state sovereignty
in international politics as being a “historically
contingent on particular and frequently changing
shared understandings of what count as ‘national’
as against ‘international’ spaces” (Dannreuther,
2007: 40).
The Constructivist approach, formed by
imported ideas from sociology on construction
of national identities, has put a deep influence in
the analyses of security in international politics
after the end of the Cold War. The strength of
the Constructivist view in this era is rooted on
their strong analyses of a number of political and
security issues in international arena by providing
alternative readings for them. Identity, culture, and
norms are the key concepts in the Constructivist
readings that have brought new insights into
the analyses of security in international politics
(Katzenstein, 1996: 1).
Identity is of key importance for the
Constructivist view because it defines who the
actor is and what its interests and preferences are.
Accordingly, it is the identity which drives the
preferences of the actor and informs the actions
of the same actor. In the words of Adler, “the
identities, interests, and behavior of political agents
are socially constructed by collective meaning,
interpretations, and assumptions about the world”
(Agius, 2013: 91). Putting this into a practical
example, the US sees few nuclear weapons of
North Korea and Iranian nuclear programme as
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International Politics and Security
security threats for itself while it does not consider
so hundreds of nuclear weapons of the UK.
In line with the above propositions related to
identity, the Constructivist approach pays more
attention to culture. Defining culture as a set of
practices giving meaning to shared experiences
and practices, many Constructivists establish
link between national culture and security beliefs
and actions (Katzenstein, 1996). Berger, for
instance, argues that Japan and Germany with
the defeat in the WWII displayed and produced
an anti-militarist policy in the aftermath of the
war. Berger suggests that, instead of focusing on
international structure advanced by Neo-realism as
an explanatory tool, anti-militarist defence policies
of Japan and Germany could be best explained by
the new domestic societal and institutional settings
in both countries (Berger, 1996).
The Constructivist approach takes norms as
“collective expectations about proper behavior for a
given identity” (Jepperson et al., 1996: 10). Norms
can be constitutive and regulative. Constitutive
norms define identities and regulative norms
prescribe actions for already established identities.
Constitutive and regulative norms together, for
Jepperson et al., “establish expectations about who
the actors will be in a particular environment and
about how these particular actors will behave” (Ibid).
The Constructivist analyses through their focus on
the impact of norms provide alternative insights
for both the definition of international structures
and possible agency-driven change on particular
structural understandings. Price and Tannenwald,
for instance, argue that norms regarding nuclear
weapons as both being constitutive and regulative,
display a stabilizing and restraining roles for states
(Price and Tannenwald, 1996).
The Constructivist security approach faces
criticisms from various directions (Agius, 2013:
100-101). Such rationalist approaches as Neo-
realism and Neo-liberalism stress out that the
Constructivist arguments could not be tested
empirically. They also blame them for not admitting
the fact that they were talking essentially the same
thing, for instance the Liberal-institutionalism.
Another criticism is about the value of identity
regarding lack of constructivism in providing a
theory of identity formation. Kowert argues that
three cultures of anarchy of Wendt- Hobbesian,
Lockean, and Kantian, are limited only to their
International Politics
own separate three images of enemy, rival, and
friend, respectively. Also, Copeland is critical
about Wendt’s failure to acknowledge the Realist
argument of uncertainty. He says that the
Constructivist approach ignores the possibility that
states might cheat on each other. Krasner criticises
the Constructivist emphasis on the power of norms.
He argues that when state interests are at risk they
might ignore norms as seen in the example that
sovereignty as an international norm is violated in
many cases. Criticism by Neo-liberal line is that the
Constructivist approach is similar to the Realism in
that it also sees state as the most important actor
and ignores globalisation. Similarly, Campbell
considers that the Constructivist argument
regarding the importance and role of identity,
culture, norms, and ideas as problematic saying
that the Conventional Constructivists’ favouring
of “the ideational as causal” is nothing more than
replacing “material causality with ideas”.
5 Importance of the Copenhagen School in
What is the relationship between identity and
security in the Constructivist approach?
Securitisation
Securitisation is a framework for security
analysis developed by the Copenhagen School
at the Conflict and Peace Research Institute in
Copenhagen in the 1990s. The concept of the
Securitisation, formulated in the works of Ole
Waever, Barry Buzan and Jaap de Wilde, broadens
content of security by including military and
non-military fields into the security studies.
Most importantly, it introduces the view that a
specific matter or security problem is actually
engendered and constructed through multiple and
complex internal processes as being an existential
security threat. In other words, the concept of the
Securitisation identifies how, why, and by whom a
particular issue becomes securitised (securitisation)
and de-securitized (de-securitisation). The concept
of the Securitisation can, thus, be classified as
a Constructivist approach since it deals with
subjective matters.
The Copenhagen School sees security in the
context of survival of states. Its approach to security
is, therefore, not very much different from that of
traditional security frameworks. For it, security
threat is essentially a threat to the survival of states.
The Copenhagen School, thus, takes states as
referent object of security. Nevertheless, it opens
up states and pays attention to main components
of states including its military, political, societal,
economic, and environmental elements. By
this way, the Copenhagen School, essentially,
incorporates the Realist and Neo-liberal views
regarding referent object of security in international
politics. Referent objects of security here are “things
that are seen to be existentially threatened and that
have a legitimate claim to survival” (Buzan et al.,
1998; 36). For the Copenhagen School, there are
various security objects that can face threats to their
survival in security sectors. For instance, Buzan
et al. examines five security sectors of military,
environmental, economic, societal, and political,
referring respectively to the security objects as the
state, habitat, national economy, collective identity,
and ideology (Buzan et al., 1998).
the analyses of security in international politics
does not emerge from the point that it broadens
and deepens the object and subject of security
for investigation. The Neo-liberal approaches to
security already contain state and non-state actors
and non-traditional issues as security objects. The
difference of the Copenhagen School is that it
delves into the processes of how, why, and by whom
a specific matter is made a security threat through
securitisation. The Copenhagen School refers to
securitising actors who actually turn an issue into
a security threat (Ibid: 36). Such securitising actors
as political leaders, bureaucracies, and pressure
groups spread the view that an issue, taken as a
referent object of security, is facing an existential
threat.
The Copenhagen School defines security
as “the move that takes politics beyond the
established rules of the game and frames the issue
as a special kind of politics or as above politics”
(Ibid: 23). Any matter can be subjected to
politicisation, non-politicisation or, in an extreme
circumstances, securitisation. An issue that is not
politicised or not subjected to politicisation,
remains outside of state action or public debate.
When an issue becomes politicised it remains as a
subject within the standard political processes. An
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issue is securitised when that issue demands urgent
responses outside the normal political procedures
of the state. For the Copenhagen School, a
matter discussed in the political spectrum can
be taken into the category of security via an act
of securitisation. The de-securitisation pertains
to the reverse process of securitisation. The de-
securitisation comes out as “the shifting of issues
out of emergency mode and into the normal
bargaining processes of the political sphere”
(Ibid: 4). One of the best examples of the de-
securitisation appeared in South Africa after the
end of the Apartheid regime. The race issue in
South African society was de-securitised in the
sense that it was taken out of security realm and
put back into the realm of politics (Emmers,
2013: 133).
For the Copenhagen School, securitisation
is a two-stage process. First stage includes the
delineation of specific issues, individuals, groups,
or entities as existential threat to a referent object.
State and non-state actors can initiate securitisation.
As the success of securitisation is also closely linked
to the power and influence of the initiator, the
actor of securitisation appears to be the state. For
instance, government, military, state, or non-state
groups enunciate that an issue already politicised,
posed threats to survival of state, government,
governing ideology, and economy. Second stage in
securitisation starts with the initiation of the claim
that there is an existential threat to security object.
Success of the second stage depends on whether or
not securitizing actor would convince a relevant
audience, such as public opinion, of the presence of
the existential threat. Only after is there a convinced
audience, the securitization becomes successful and
extraordinary measures outside ordinary rules of
political procedures are sanctioned.
The Copenhagen School pays a great attention
to the ‘speech act’ during the entire process of
securitisation. The ‘speech act’ is, in fact, the key
in the start and development of securitisation as
it represents the discourse that a particular matter
poses an extraordinary threat to security object.
It is the ‘speech act’ used by securitizing actor
that it conveys the message of the presence of an
existential threat to the relevant audience. The
‘speech act’ as a form of speech is a powerful tool
that can enable securitizing actor to turn a political
issue, regardless of its material base, into a security
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International Politics and Security
or existential threat to the security object. For
instance, a government as an important, perhaps
the most important and powerful, securitizing
actor uses certain form of speech (the ‘speech
act’) to vocalise an issue in security terms so as to
convince a particular group of its immediate peril.
A constant enunciation of an issue in security
terms works for containing the audience within the
authorised limits of the government about how and
why it is an existential threat. This containment
of the audience allows the government to have a
legitimate right to enact extraordinary rules and
mobilise power of the state (Ibid: 134).
It can be said that various audiences or sources
in democratic states can find ways to articulate
their opposition to the presented existential security
threat by the government. Similar free audiences are
difficult to find in authoritarian states as the latter
are close to free articulation of opposite views and
dominated by a privileged political, military, or
bureaucratic elites. In undemocratic states, political
elite can use extreme form of politicisation in the
name of countering vital security threats in order to
realise certain political objectives. In such a state, the
government does not need to convince majority of
the population or larger audiences in the opposing
end, the conviction of a more restricted audience on
the existence of existential security threat is enough
for having a successful securitisation.
There are criticisms directed towards the
Securitisation approach on various grounds. First,
the Securitisation presents a strong subjectivist
knowledge because it is exclusively a ‘speech act’
not having a direct correspondence to realities
of external world (Dannreuther, 2007: 43).
Second, there is always a blur distinction between
the boundaries of political and security realms.
The Securitisation approach inclines to set the
security apart as a value, and divide the domains
of politics and security (Ibid). Third, closely linked
to blurred distinction between securitisation and
politicisation, the process of securitisation can
be abused to legitimise and empower certain
bureaucratic or civilian groups in power in a
country. Fourth, the Securitisation is a Euro-
centric approach reflecting much of the concerns of
postmodern implications of European integration
process. This does not make much sense in the rest
of the non-European world (Ibid: 44; Emmers,
2013: 137).
International Politics
6 mass destruction, the Non-proliferation Treaty in
What are the main criticisms directed towards the
Securitisation model?
RELEVANCY OF TRADITIONAL
SECURITY IN GREAT POWER
‘PEACE’
Wars in previous centuries that shaped the
known international systems were all fought
among two or more most powerful states of the
time. Military and ideological difference between
the US and USSR created a bipolar international
system and a Cold War, which disallowed the
two super powers to engage in a direct large-scale
military conflict one against another. The Cold
War that had lasted between 1945 and 1989 ended
peacefully. Peaceful end of it in the sense of the
absence of a world war between superpowers,
however, does not guarantee that there will not
be any in the future. Nevertheless, currently, there
has been a great power peace, which has been
producing its own security implications.
War as a political instrument waged with large-
scale military arsenals among great powers lost its
relevance (Mueller, 2001). It is because, while there
were about 9,400 combatant deaths per year in the
16th century, this amount in the same category
increased to 290,000 per year in the first half of
the 20th century (Tilly, 1990: 74). Total death tolls
of combatants and civilians together are estimated
to the amount of 35 million in the WWI. (Mueller,
2001: 59). This number is estimated in between
50 and 60 million in the WWII. Despite various
bilateral disarmament treaties on their nuclear
weapons between the US and Russian Federation,
both have still kept their atomic bombs and
delivery systems in thousands, and put them as the
cornerstone of their military defences.
Today, as it was during the Cold War years,
those states which have nuclear weapons occupy
an exclusive place in international politics in terms
of their military strategic positions. At the top of
this exclusive position do the US and the Russian
Federation sit because they have thousands of
nuclear weapons and the most advance air/missile
defence systems. In order to prolong their privileged
positions, the US and the USSR had initiated the
signing of the treaty of prevention of weapons of
1968, which came into effect in 1970. However,
having seen the strategic values of nuclear weapons
as an ultimate instrument of military defence, the
UK, France, China, Israel, Pakistan, India, and
North Korea have all developed their own nuclear
military capacity in varying degree of destructive
capacity, number and delivery systems. All of these
states in their endeavour of obtaining nuclear
weapons have adopted the examples of the Cold
War nuclear deterrence between the US and the
USSR. For instance, Pakistan sought to balance
India as the latter has had an army which is far
more powerful than that of Pakistan regarding
conventional weapons. Rest of the nuclear weapon
states of China, France, Israel and North Korea
have all done so by bearing in mind and the fact
that they could repel any large scale military attacks
to be initiated by their military rivals.
Figure 5.4
Nuclear weapons provided military stability for
super power relationship in the past, and the US
and the Russian Federation today. The late comers
on this strategic tool seem to have managed to
produce the same outcome so far. Waltz argues that
the more nuclear weapons the better. He means
to put forward the idea that spread of nuclear
weapons would repeat the stability experienced in
the example of the relationship between the US
and the USSR. Although such utility of nuclear
balance for security and stability is credible in most
of the Realist circles, some others, such as Sagan,
express their disagreements towards the idea of the
Realist combination of having nuclear weapons
111

and peace together. They stress that the more
states have nuclear weapons, the more increased
the likelihood of one or more nuclear wars to be
initiated intentionally or accidentally (Sagan and
Waltz, 2003).
Not only has the nuclear balance provided a
relative peace and security between great powers,
economic benefits of peace is also of great value
in the post-Cold War era. The Cold War came to
an end between the US and the USSR with the
domestic political and economic reform policy
of the latter in order to resemble the former. The
urge of political reform, economic growth, and
competitiveness can be, therefore, other important
forces that lead to being key security, or peace,
providers, among great powers.
Economic interdependence is one of the basic
arguments of the Liberal school of thought.
States having adopted free trade and worked for
economic integration, are in a position of win-win
with the states they interact in an interdependent
manner. Economic interdependence is believed
to produce not only financial benefits but also
bilateral/multilateral political gains. The EU is
a classic example of economic interdependence
that is thought to have changed old militaristic
habits with new peaceful ones. There are, however,
counter arguments. It is argued that the US
security guaranties and the establishment of
NATO against the Soviet threat and a possible
militarily resurgent Germany in the post-WWII
period were the main forces and structures having
convinced France of accepting the establishment
of the European Community, and later of the EU
(Lundestad, 2003). France did not even trust the
security guaranties of the US and NATO. It left
NATO’s integrated military command structure
in 1966, and developed and stockpiled its own
nuclear arsenal independently in the years between
1960 and 1996.
The argument that economic interdependence
and globalisation produce a more secure and
peaceful world has still been open to debate. The
US and China as biggest economic powers in
the world are economically interdependent since
both states are second and first trading partners of
one another. Washington and Beijing have been
cooperating on the nuclear dispute over North
Korea and Iran. On the other hand, the US and
China have been conflicted, sometimes with close
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International Politics and Security
military encounters, on the issues of Taiwan and
other territorial disputes in South and East China
Seas with a number of states whose securities
are guaranteed by the deployment of thousands
of American soldiers and other military tools
including nuclear weapons.
The approach of democratic peace is another
view. Similar to economic interdependence model,
empirical data suggest that democratic peace
argument is largely relevant to the relationships in
the North, particularly in the relationship within
the EU and between the US and Europe. Although
this reveals that democracies go to war with non-
democratic states, the same argument fails to prove
that democratic states have always supported
democratic governments and democratic processes
especially outside the North. In order to promote
and prolong their economic and security interests,
the US and some Western governments, by using
direct military force or covert operations, brought
down democracies and democratic processes in
Iran in 1953 and nearly in all Central American
states during the Cold War era (Cottam, 1994).
They have also kept quite the overthrow of a
democratically elected government by a military
coup in Egypt in 2013.
There seems to have been a great power peace in
the post-Cold War era caused by immense destructive
capacities and economic interdependencies of great
powers, and democratic cultures in Europe and in
the relationship between the US and Europe. This
does not however guarantee that a perpetual peace
among great powers has finally been established.
Since the end of the Cold War, and faster after the
terrorist attacks to the US in 11 September 2001,
far-right political elements in the democratic states
in the North have gained strong currencies and
been questioning validity of the EU as a symbol
of economic interdependence, great power balance
and democratic culture. Rising far right in Europe
and conservative political elements in the US,
decision of the UK to leave the EU and turbulent
relations between Russia and the US/Europe over
Ukraine have all constrained the view that great
power threat or fear is and will be eliminated
forever. State of no-war situation among great
powers does not, in fact, inform that they have no
longer been in search of promoting their security
interests, especially in the developing South.
International Politics

Table 5.1 Top Trading Partners of the EU in 2016, European Commission, Directorate-General for Trade, 28.12.2017
Total Trade
Partner Value Mio € % Extra- EU
World 3,456,952 100.0
1 USA 613,975 17.8
2 China 514,597 14.9
3 Switzerland 263,855 7.6
4 Russia 191,185 5.5
5 Turkey 144,653 4.2
6 Japon 124,636 3.6
7 Norway 111,626 3.2
8 South Korea 85,743 2.5
9 India 77,054 2.2
10 Canada 64,343 1.9
Source: http://trade.ec.europa.eu/doclib/docs/2006/september/tradoc_113465.pdf, p.9.

extreme poverty and unequal distribution of wealth

7 contributor both to individual and group
What do Kenneth N. Waltz and Scott D. Sagan
say about the utility of nuclear weapons in the
establishment and maintenance of security in
international arena?
COMPLEX SECURITY AGENDA IN
THE NORTH-SOUTH CONTEXT
Fragility, vulnerability, and failure of numerous
states in the South in social, economic, and political
developments are widely seen today as sources
of insecurities, which are influencing stability
and security in both the South and the North.
Furthermore, selective inter-state alignments or
partnerships between great powers and developing
states, and rivalries among, and unilateral actions
of, great powers in the South have, to a considerable
degree, determined not only the framework of what
the top security issues in international arena are,
but also their fates regarding if they are resolved or
unresolved.
It would be wrong to say economic
underdevelopment and poverty always have direct
links to the rise of violence and insecurities within
societies and inter-state relations. Nevertheless,
in the developing South have been an important
insecurities (human security), and, even if indirectly,
to international security. There are still nearly a
billion people who are living in the South with an
extreme poverty (The MDGR, 2015). Widespread
poverty in the South are caused by various negative
factors such as environmental degradation, lack of
clean water, absence of enough energy, and so on.
States facing widespread social violence, ethnic/civil
conflicts, inter-state wars, prevalent corruptions fail
to meet the basic needs of their populations for
survival. Even if many states in the South have been
showing progress of economic developments and
resolved their domestic societal differences, they are
still vulnerable and open to internal and external
pressures. Most vulnerable people in the South
become either internally displaced or refugees
producing more security challenges domestically
and internationally. According to UNHCR, there
are today 40.3 million internally displaced persons
and 22.5 million refugees around the world (The
UNHCR, 2017). People in the least developed and
developing countries in the South are on the move
to escape internal societal and political conflicts, or
to pursue better work and other opportunities in
other countries, often rich or more developed ones
in the North.

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 International Politics and Security

Security is a prerequisite for development, but

development does not always provide security
for many cases in the South and the North.
Development brings about prosperity, stability,
and cohesion, but it also creates inequality,
social stratification, and individual and group
estrangement. Migrant workers and refugees are
not new phenomena for the developed North and
the developing South. Most of the cases of the flow
of people as migrant workers and refugees towards
the developed Northern countries have been
occurring not from people experiencing absolute
poverty but from relatively well-off groups in the
neighbourhood of the developed world. Such cases
of the flux of people are not mostly from poor
communities of sub-Saharan African, but mainly
from natural resource rich countries in the Middle
East, Latin America, and Central Central Asia to
Europe, the US, and Russia, respectively (Ibid).
Migrants from outside Europe and refugees
have occupied the most important election debates
among competing political parties in recent
elections in the North, particularly in Europe.
More visibility of ‘alien races’ in the streets and
work places of the developed world have led to
the rise of far-right societal and political discourses
in Europe, which are now reflected directly in
the recent election results in which far-right Figure 5.5
political parties have won considerable grounds There are views that material challenges of
in parliaments and coalition governments. Many the interaction between the South and the North
people and political figures in the developing appear to be also producing its own ideational
world have increasingly seen the developed North discourse. Cultural/civilizational difference has
as a barrier, exclusive body, and discriminatory been treated as one of the important sources of
in the latter’s efforts to stop the flow of people conflict in the relationship between the North
escaping from poverty, violence, and prosecution. and the South, and the conflicts within the
As the latest elections in Europe reveals, significant developing world. Most noted reference to this
number of people and political elite in the North way of looking and analysing conflicts around the
world and international security is the citation to
tend to consider the South, especially the people
the article of the Clash of Civilisation of Samuel
from European vicinity, as potential sources of
Huntington. Democratisation of Eastern Europe
societal, economic, and terrorist security threats.
in late 1980s and subsequent collapse of the USSR
Such rising mutual negative perceptions help in 1991 closed down the window to where most of
increase the ‘securitisation’ of wide array of cultural, the conflicts had been rooted in the Cold War era.
societal, and political differences and of apparent Academic impassion to provide a systemic analysis
physical and material challenges of migration, for the conflicts around the world led to production
refugees, and economic inequalities. of the theory of ‘the Clash of Civilisations’ by
giving priority to the collusion of different cultural
and civilizational identities of the warring sides
in conflicts, such as in the former Yugoslavia

114
International Politics
among Catholic Croatians, Orthodox Serbians,
and Muslim Bosnians. Most apparent current
example is the war on international terrorism since
September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks in the US
by a group of 19 people with Arab and Muslim
identities. References to the further division and
clashes of civilisations have still been used in the
explanation of security issues in international level.
Terrorist groups, such as Al Qaida and
The  Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL),
have been using the idea of clash of civilisation
in their attacks against Muslims and other
civilisations. Neither do the right wing and some
conservative political leaders, for instance, in both
Muslim and Western countries hesitate to see such
issues as regional conflicts, migration, and refugee
crises through the lenses of clash of cultures. Any
of the views and actions in these two groups have
been unable to provide a clear understanding of
security in international politics based on cultural
differences between the North and the South.
Cultures are not static, but dynamic phenomena
that they historically have been evolving and
adaptive (Roy, 2004). For instance, there are many
forms of Islamic cultures, majority of which are very
much adaptive to the modernisation, globalisation,
and Western production of international systems.
Similarly, there is not a single form of Western
culture that has been playing the key role in the
relationship with the rest of the cultures in the
South and the East. However, there is a meaningful
resonance in the division between the North and
the South, rested perhaps not mainly on the
cultural/civilizational divisions/clashes, but on
efforts of expansion and domination of the nation,
state, and development models of the West in
the rest of the world. The North, particularly the
Western developed world, starting comparatively
from the point of material strength and political
cohesion, was and still is the most decisive actor in
what the rules of international system are and how
they should be applied (Dannreuther, 2007: 26).
This has deeply influenced international politics
and security. Reflections of current nature of state
–society relations is key to mention at this point.
State-society relation in the North, particularly
in the Western developed countries, is substantially
different from that of the South and the other
developing world including such great powers
as Russia and China (Ibid: 26-28). The Western
attribution to state has been in favour of individual
freedom and of free civil society. Repression and
use of force against its citizens in the Western world
have been checked, controlled, and scrutinised by
the moral norms and solid rules through supremacy
of law, separation of political powers, and
accountability and responsibility of the state. This
characteristic of Western world has been the results
of its unique historical developmental experience
and pressure of globalisation. The picture on the
same issue in the South is different in that it places
the state and state sovereignty at top to protect and
citizens at secondary. Historical developmental
experience and security concerns of the South
may be pushing the states there to act differently
from that of the Western ones. However, while
states have been on alert to provide state security
and stability in the South, problems over unequal
distribution of wealth, lack of legitimacy, and
fragile social cohesion have been only suppressed.
This state of fragile state-society relations creates
weak, failed, or collapsed states in the South.
From the position of the Western developed
countries, those weak, failed, and collapsed
states in the South are failing to live up to their
responsibilities to protect the people within their
sovereign borders. Western and/or international
political and military responses to failed states put
the issue of humanitarian intervention into the
security discussions in international politics. Such
international interference, regardless of whether it
is assigned by an ostensibly impartial international
governmental organisations, such as the UN, has
usually been seen as illegitimate and a practice of
neo-imperialism in the eyes of many states in the
South.
8
Material challenges of the interaction between
the South and the North appear to be producing
its own ideational discourse. How can the issue
of migration from the South to the North be
considered in this context?
115
 International Politics and Security

From Life

Saving global order an increasingly small minority of the world’s

by Kofi A. Annan population and a shrinking share of its economic
output. The failure to reflect the changing balance
As 2014 draws to a close, the values enshrined
of global power brought about by the rise of
in the Charter of the United Nations and the
China, Brazil, South Africa, and other emerging
Universal Declaration of Human Rights are
countries undermines both the effectiveness and
under threat. Around the world, personal liberty,
the legitimacy of today’s international system,
human rights, and democracy are at risk – even
particularly in the eyes of those who feel denied
in countries that have embraced democratic ideals.
of proper recognition.
The international community is deeply divided,
blocking progress on a host of global challenges, And yet, whatever the shortcomings of the
ranging from the crises in Syria, Iraq, and Ukraine international system, it is important to remember
to climate change and international trade. that never before in human history have so few
people (as a proportion of world population) died
Three factors – all likely to persist in 2015 –
from armed conflict. It may not make headlines,
are driving these unsettling trends.
but the international system, with its rules and
First, globalization may have delivered many institutions, allows states to settle most of their
benefits, but it has also eroded the capacity of disputes peacefully, most of the time.
societies to determine their own destinies. Many
For better or worse, fighting epidemics
modern challenges – including tax avoidance,
like Ebola or preventing the most harmful
organized crime, cyber insecurity, terrorism,
consequences of climate change requires solidarity
climate change, international migration, and
and cooperation. Retreating into unilateralism,
financial flows, both licit and illicit – have one
ultra-nationalism, or the politics of identity
thing in common: the traditional instruments
will produce nothing but a bitter, fragmented,
of a sovereign state have become inadequate to
parochial, and dangerous world.
manage them.
Looking to 2015 and beyond, the world
Second, failed military solutions in
desperately needs brave leaders who can take
Afghanistan and Iraq have played a large role
the long view. In a world where power ebbs and
in undermining the international community’s
flows, it is in everyone’s interest to adhere to a
unity, and eroding confidence in intervention in
fair system of rules that respect both national
general, even as established powers cut budgets
sovereignty and individual rights. The heads of
and emerging powers shy away from taking
the world’s historical powers need to recognize
on new responsibilities. In 2014, leaders in
that it is in their interest, too, to follow the rules,
my native Africa and elsewhere challenged the
and to allow rising states to help write these rules.
objectivity and effectiveness of the International
As I have often argued, the Security Council must
Criminal Court, the creation of which was a
be enlarged, and developing countries should be
major milestone in the struggle to end impunity
given greater voting rights in the Bretton Woods
for national leaders.
institutions: the IMF and the World Bank.
Finally, we have failed to modernize the
In exchange, the world’s newest powers must
international system’s institutional architecture.
begin to take on a greater share of responsibility
The most important institutions – the United
for the global order upon which their success
Nations Security Council, the World Bank,
depends. They can no longer stand on the
and the International Monetary Fund – remain
sidelines, denouncing the injustices of the past.
dominated by the European and American
Instead, they must join their peers in building
victors of World War II, countries that represent
the future.

116
International Politics
We often hear talk about the shortcomings
of the UN, which stands at the heart of the
international system. Too seldom do we note its
achievements and successes, of which there have
been many. Rather than retreat from a system
that has yielded exceptional results, we must use
the international community’s current crisis as a
historic opportunity to reshape the existing order
to better meet our modern challenges.
Further Reading
Nye Jr. J. S. (2004). Soft Power: The Means
to Success in World Politics, New York: Public
Affairs
Smith, B.C. (2003). Understanding Third
World Politics: Theories of Political Change and
Development, New York: Palgrave Macmillan
Source: The writer is a former secretary-
general of the United Nations, is the founding
chair of the Kofi Annan Foundation and also chairs
The Elders and the Africa Progress Panel. In 2001,
he and the United Nations were jointly awarded
the Nobel Prize for Peace. Copyright: Project
Syndicate, 2014.  www.project-syndicate.org
(Exclusive to The Daily Star), http://www.
thedailystar.net/saving-global-order-57922
Kapstein, E. B. and Mastanduno, M. (1999).
Unipolar Politics: Realism and State Strategies
after the Cold War, New York: Columbia
University Press
117
 International Politics and Security

Make sense of the notion of

LO 1 security as a contested concept.

Security is a contested concept. Constituent elements of security have multiplied since the end of the Cold
War in terms of who or what should be protected and who or what pose threat to security. Some take such
subjects as individuals and economics further into the discussion of security, and question unitary nature
of state, anarchy in international political arena, and utility of defence spending. Some others deepen
and broaden the subject of security by including topics of military, regime, societal, environmental, and
economic security. The UN, the only symbol of worldwide consensus in international politics, reflects
Summary

these by outlining six clusters of global security threats that the world has faced so far and will face in
years ahead.

Grasp approaches of theoretical

LO 2 perspectives to security

Different theoretical schools offer different security definitions in terms of what the security is, what
is to be secured, and how. First approach is Realism. It provides a wide range of theoretical tools
on security. Although the time of Realism is thought to be left to the Cold War era, it has still been
offering theoretical and practical tools on security. Second approach is Liberalism, which challenges the
Realist security assumptions by putting cooperative examples of international affairs. Third approach is
the Critical perspective. The Critical approach reflects a heterogeneous position in its views reflecting
various elements from the Critical security studies to Feminist and Postmodernist ones. The Critical
view addresses traditionalist security as an intrinsically negative and dangerous conception, and suggests
that it should be transcended through a process of ‘emancipation’. Fourth approach is the Constructivist
perspective. It does not accept the way traditionalists view security. For the Constructivists, there does
not exist such an objective reality as the Realists and the Liberalists put forward to understand security.
Instead, there is a socially constructed world by the actors’ actions revealing themselves as shared meanings,
inter-subjective understandings, and established reasons. For the Constructivism, international system is
itself a constructed ‘reality’, so is the concept of security in international politics. Fifth approach is the
Securitisation perspective of the Copenhagen School. It broadens content of security, and introduces the
view that a security problem is actually constructed through multiple and complex internal processes. For
the view of the Securitisation, , a matter discussed in the political spectrum can be taken into the category
of security via an act of securitisation through which the ‘speech act’ is the key because it represents the
discourse that a particular matter poses an extraordinary threat to security object.

118
International Politics

Appreciate relevancy of
LO 3 traditional security in Great
Power ‘Peace’

There has been a great power, peace, caused by immense destructive capacities and economic
interdependencies of great powers, and democratic cultures among Western states. This does not however
guarantee that a ‘perpetual peace’ among great powers has finally arrived. Since the end of the Cold War,
and faster after the terrorist attacks to the US in 11 September 2001, far-right political elements in the
democratic states in the North have gained strong currencies and been questioning validity of the EU as
a symbol of economic interdependence, great power balance, and democratic culture. Rising far right in

Summary
Europe and conservative political elements in the US, decision of the UK to leave the EU, and turbulent
relations between Russia and the US/Europe over Ukraine have all constrained the view that great power
threat or fear is and will be eliminated forever.

Recognise complex security

LO 4 agenda in the North-South
context

Fragility, vulnerability, and failure of numerous states in the South in social, economic, and political
developments are sources of insecurities, influencing stability and security in both the South and the
North. Selective inter-state alignments between great powers and developing states, and rivalries among,
and unilateral actions of, great powers in the South have, also, determined the framework of the top
international security issues and their fates. From the position of the Western developed states, those
weak, failed, and collapsed states in the South are failing to live up to their responsibilities to protect
the people within their sovereign borders. Most states in the South, on the other hand, see Western
and/or international political and military interference, regardless of whether it is assigned by the UN,
illegitimate and a practice of neo-imperialism.

119

1 Which theoretical school takes power
relations among states within the limits of the
situation of zero-sum-game?
A. Copenhagen School B. Liberalism
Test Yourself
C. Critical Theory D. Constructivism
E. Realism
2 Which type of relationships below in
international politics is one of the options that the
Liberal approach does not put forward to succeed
in security among states?
A. Rising economic interdependence
B. Spreading liberal-democratic political model
C. Developing effective military balance of power
D. Intensifying transnational civil society
interactions
E. Cooperating through international
governmental organisations
3 Why does the Critical Theory see concept of
security in conventional approaches problematic?
A. Because they advocate security and stability
among states
B. Because they promote cooperation and mutual
benefits among states
C. Because they make anarchy manageable in
international system
D. Because they constitute state interests in
international politics
E. Because they defend power politics among states
4 A. France B. Pakistan
What are the group of key concepts below
that the Constructivist approach has brought new
insights on security in international politics?
A. Identity, culture, and norms
B. Interdependence, civil society, and cooperation
C. Power, security, and detent
D. Democracy, peace, and community
E. State, society, and international organisations
5 Who famously said “Anarchy is what states
make of it”, in ” order to reflect mutual constitution
of agents and structures in international system?
A. Hans J. Morgenthau B. Alexander Wendt
C. Robert Cox D. Joseph Nye
E. Ken Booth
120
International Politics and Security
6 What is the most important element in the
securitisation process in order for a securitizing
actor to convey its message of the presence of an
existential security threat to the relevant audience?
A. Speech act
B. Usual political discussions
C. Diplomatic negotiations
D. Isolationist behaviours
E. Balancing act
7 Which one below is not one of the criticisms
directed towards the Securitisation model?
A. Its nature of presenting a subjectivist knowledge
B. Its nature of blurring the distinction between
political and security areas
C. Its nature of allowing certain groups in power
to legitimise its agenda
D. Its nature of bridging the gap among different
security solutions
E. Its nature of being a Euro-centric approach
8 When did the Non-proliferation Treaty come
into effect?
A. 1968 B. 1970
C. 1989 D. 1991
E. 2001
9 Which state below does not have nuclear
weapons?
C. India D. South Korea
E. North Korea
10 There have been many challenges of the
interaction between the South and the North in
recent years. What is one of the most visible and
important challenges in that interaction that has
been causing the rise of the idea of ‘the clash of
civilisations’?
A. Oil prices
B. Financial crisis
C. Refugee crisis
D. Illicit drug trafficking
E. Arms sales
International Politics

1. E If your answer is wrong, please review the 6. A If your answer is wrong, please review the
“Realist Thinking on Security” section. “Securitisation” section.

Answer Key for “Test Yourself”

2. C If your answer is wrong, please review the 7. D If your answer is wrong, please review the
“Liberalism on Security” section. “Securitisation” section.

If your answer is wrong, please review the

3. D If your answer is wrong, please review the 8. B
“Relevancy of Traditional Security in Great
“Critical Security Approach” section.
Power ‘Peace” section.

If your answer is wrong, please review the

4. A If your answer is wrong, please review the 9. D
“Relevancy of Traditional Security in Great
“Constructivist Security Approach” section.
Power ‘Peace” section.

If your answer is wrong, please review the

5. B If your answer is wrong, please review the 10. C
“Complex Security Agenda in the North-
“Constructivist Security Approach” section.
South Context” section.

Suggested answers for “Your turn”

Security is a contested concept. What are the reasons
for almost everything being a subject of security today?
Can you also give an example that equally importantly
reveals various security problems concurrently?

The end of the Cold War removed the general acceptance of the existence of
a single security threat. End of the Cold War has also meant further rise of
globalisation. These two factors have multiplied the constituent elements of
security. State, individuals, and group of individuals belonging to a specific
nation, ethnicity, sect, or gender are now considered as security objects by
many academics and policy makers. For instance, the report of the UN
Secretary-General’s High-Level Panel on Threats, Challenges, and Change in 2004
outlined six groups of global security threats including economic and social
your turn 1 threats, inter-state conflicts, internal conflicts, weapons of mass destructions,
terrorism, and transnational organized crimes. Most conflicts are today almost
impossible to separate as a specific group of security issue. The conflict in
Syria since 2011 has been such a striking example. It is because the conflict in
Syria is part of great and regional state security policies and rivalries, produced
7 million refugees and 5 million internally displaced persons and up to 400
thousand civilian death, witnessed the use of chemical weapons.

121
 International Politics and Security

Realism is a state-centric approach in international

politics. Therefore, security in the Realist thinking
concentrates on state security with respect to its relations
with other states in external arena. How is security
Suggested answers for “Your turn”

obtained in Realism?

For the Realism, states are self-interested and constant power seekers in an
anarchic external realm. They have to devise domestic and international political
frameworks in which they find out ways to take their survival under guarantee.
The best option for states is self-reliance/self-help. Most states’, with the exception
your turn 2 of few super or great powers’, overall existing and potential domestic power
maximisation efforts are not enough to contain a conflict or win a war. The
Realists suggest that second best option for states, after self-reliance, is external
balancing in their search for security, such as minimizing conflict and winning a
war, or just for a simple unending impulse of becoming more powerful.

The Liberal notion is that liberal democracies do not go

to war against each other. How can security be achieved
through Liberal argument of ‘democratic peace’?

Democratic states convey the shared democratic values to external domains in

their engagements with each other creating “shared transnational identities”
and consolidating “a sense of community and common purpose”. This
common sense is considered to making democratic states naturally not
your turn 3
thinking of resorting force to resolving the differences among themselves. The
Liberalists observe that, despite their significant offensive military forces and
serious dissentions among themselves, democratic states do not even show a
behavior of security dilemma in their interactions.

The Critical Theory sees concept of security in

conventional approaches problematic. What does the
Critical Theory, instead, offer in its security approach?

For the Critical Theory, conventional views on security are not objective.
It is because the Critical Theory considers traditional security as a device
playing the role of an ideological means for promotion, prioritisation, and
your turn 4 prolongation of the interests of states and dominant powers. The Critical
security sees security as an issue and a concept that is more than military
force. It offers the concept of ‘emancipation’, a political discourse thought to
be able to remove ‘oppressive’ impact of conventional security on the weak
and disenfranchised states and people.

What is the relationship between identity and security in

the Constructivist approach?

Identity is of importance for the Constructivist view because it defines who the
actor is and what its interests and preferences are. Accordingly, it is the identity
which informs the actions of the actor. The Constructivist emphasis on identity
is related to interaction suggesting that states establish their identities when
they interact with others. The nature of that meetings or interactions of states
your turn 5 determines what type of relationships and international system they would
have, such as enemy or friend and cooperative or conflictual. For instance,
long enmity between Germany and France has been overcome with the EU.
Interaction and processes of socialisation between Germany and France have
changed their interests and identities from one of enmity to one of amity.

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International Politics

What are the main criticisms directed towards the

Securitisation model?

Suggested answers for “Your turn”

There are criticisms directed towards the Securitisation approach on various
grounds. First, the Securitisation presents a strong subjectivist knowledge
because it is exclusively a ‘speech act’ not having a direct correspondence to
your turn 6 realities of external world. Second, there is always a blur distinction between the
boundaries of political and security realms. Third, the process of securitisation
can be abused to legitimise and empower certain bureaucratic or civilian groups
in power in a country. Fourth, the Securitisation is a Euro-centric approach
reflecting much of the concerns of postmodern implications of European
integration process, but not of the rest of the non-European world.

What do Kenneth N. Waltz and Scott D. Sagan say about

the utility of nuclear weapons in the establishment and
maintenance of security in international arena?

Having such weapons produced detent and strategic military balance between
the USSR and the US in the large part of the Cold War era. As well as the US
and the Russian Federation today, the late obtainers of this strategic tool, such
as India and Pakistan, seem to have managed to produce the same outcome so
far. Waltz argues that the more nuclear weapons the better because he thought
your turn 7 that spread of nuclear weapons would repeat the stability experienced between
the US and the USSR. However, Sagan believes that the more states have
nuclear weapons, the more increased the likelihood of one or more nuclear
wars to be initiated intentionally or accidentally. For Sagan, especially the
terrorist groups would want to seek nuclear weapons and be willing to use it.

Material challenges of the interaction between the South

and the North appear to be producing its own ideational
discourse. How can the issue of migration from the South
to the North be considered in this context?

Material challenges of the interaction between the South and the North
are producing and re-producing their ideational discourse. This has been
best seen in the example of migration and refugee problems in recent years
in Europe. More visibility of ‘alien races’ in the streets and work places of
the developed world have led to the rise of far-right societal and political
discourses, which are now reflected directly in the recent election results in
which far-right political parties have won considerable grounds in parliaments
your turn 8 and coalition governments. On the other side, many people and political
figures in the developing world have increasingly seen the developed North
as a barrier, exclusive body, and discriminatory in the latter’s efforts to stop
the flow of people escaping from poverty, violence, and prosecution. Even in
extreme cases in the developing world, terrorist groups, such as Al Qaida and
ISIL, have been using the idea of clash of civilisation in their attacks against
Muslims and other civilisations.

123

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 Radicalization and Terrorism
Chapter 6 Shaping International Politics
After completing this chapter, you will be able to;

1 2
Understand some of the main concepts in
Learning Outcomes

the literature about radicalization, violent Have an overall idea about the historical roots
extremism, and terrorism of radicalization and terrorism

Realize the significance of the virtual/online

3 4
Comprehend the variety of motivations of world for radical, violent extremist, and terrorist
radical and terrorist groups throughout history groups and the people, institutions, groups
and beyond boundaries trying to challenge them.

5
Acknowledge the increasing awareness about
the important roles both women and youth can
play within this context

Chapter Outline Key Terms

Introduction  Radicalization
Radicalization, Violent Extremism and Terrorism  Violent extremism
Different Manifestations of Contemporary Terrorism
Terrorism  Push and pull factors
Radicalization, Terrorism, and the Cyber World  Anarchism
Women and Youth as Objects and Subjects of Generation D
Radicalization and Terrorism  Rehabilitation
The Challenge of Rehabilitation and Reintegration: De-Radicalization
The Challenging Balance Between Security and Re-integration
Human Rights 

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International Politics

INTRODUCTION RADICALIZATION, VIOLENT

Radicalization, violent extremism, and EXTREMISM AND TERRORISM
terrorism have been posing great challenges
both at the national, regional and international Definitions, Conceptualizations, and
levels. After the tragic incident of 9/11 and Push and Pull Factors (Drivers)
the ensued Global War on Terror, we have
Radicalization refers to a process of ideational
witnessed a gradually increasing focus on these
transformation. The individual distinguishes
concepts and how to cope with them. In order
his/her own position against any alternative
to address these phenomena, it is essential to
explanations of the reality and adheres to a rigid
make sense of them by having a closer look at
“us” and “them” dichotomy. “Image sharpening”
the drivers of radicalization and push and pull
regarding the “enemy” and “negation” –i.e.
factors. Considering the socio-political as well
attacking its core value-system, exaggerating its
as economic and security-related factors which
negative features and sometimes even depicting
are also subject to occasional changes due to
it as animals, bugs etc.- are some important
the shifting and fluctuating dynamics on the
means justifying such a dichotomy. Alternative
ground, understanding this phenomena requires
explanations and their supporters are demonized
a comprehensive analysis. Accordingly, fighting
and the need to fight for them in order to change
them necessitates a comprehensive, clear, and
the status quo is seen as a key prerequisite to be a
flexible road map that is applied not only at the
true supporter of the “cause”.
national but also regional and international levels.
In this chapter, first, some key concepts and How an individual is radicalized is a major
causal mechanisms between push and pull factors puzzle within this context. This process can
and the individual’s journey to radicalization proceed either through propaganda activities via
and beyond will be presented. Following that, pamphlets, social media, messaging applications,
a comprehensive historical background will be biased news coverage, or through relatives,
provided in order to show the roots of these friends, etc. Moreover, personal or communal
phenomena and see their journey through ages. traumas, historical sufferings, ongoing cases of
After that, some terror groups, categorized based oppression or wars, as well as socio-economic
on their main motivations, will be discussed and socio-political factors can both trigger and
which will show the fact that radicalization and reinforce this process.
terrorism cannot be attributed to a particular Therefore, it would be valid to argue that
worldview/religion/ideology etc. Moreover, some structural factors (push factors) and individual
important methods, attacks, historical changes ones (pull factors) can accompany each other in an
and evolutions, and sometimes disappearance individual’s journey to radicalization.
of such groups will provide us with insights into
different groups’ and states’ experiences which
can shed light on today and the future, too. After
discussing the importance of the cyber world as
a major front, and women and youth as the two
important parts of the society and their role within
the context of radicalization, violent extremism,
and terrorism, the chapter will be concluded with
a section on what rehabilitation, re-integration,
de-radicalization and disengagement mean and
what the key challenges are regarding these stages.

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 Radicalization and Terrorism Shaping International Politics

Structural motivators /Push factors
Individual incentives/Pull factors
Enabling factors
Source: Khalil and Zeuthen, 2016.
Table 6.1
Repression, corruption, unemployment, inequality,
discrimination, a history of hostility between identity groups,
external state interventions in the affairs of other nations
Sense of purpose, adventure, belonging, need for acceptance,
status, material enticements, fear of repercussions from
violent groups, expected rewards in the afterlife.
Extremist mentors (extremist religious figures, right or
left-wing charismatic leaders), access to extremist online
communities, social networks with VE associations, access to
weaponry or other relevant items, lack of state influence, an
absence of family support

It should be noted that it is impossible to

attribute radicalization, violent extremism and
terrorism to a particular set of thought or a particular
ethnic/religious/sectarian etc. community. Radical
ideas can be derived from any form of ideational
discourse. As this chapter will also underline,
throughout history, various religious, ethnic,
sectarian, philosophical motivations and discourses
were used as a basis for many radical groups, both
engaged in violent acts and not.
The line between radicalization and violent
extremism, and terrorism needs to be drawn in order
to avoid interchangeable use of the terms. Once
radical actors engage in violent acts, the ideational
transformation is already completed and these acts
fall under the heading of “violent extremism”. At
that point, security agencies, law-enforcement
tools and officers as well as law-makers are more
deeply involved in the process in order to cope with
this emerging threat. The European Commission
defines violent extremism (VE) as “The use of
and support for violence in pursuit of ideological,
religious or political goals.” The concept of VE is
not limited to be part of a violent act. Supporting,
advocating, planning, organizing etc. such kinds of
attacks are also regarded as components of VE. In
line with this inclusive approach, the United States
Agency for International Development (USAID)
defines violent extremism as “advocating, engaging
in, preparing, or otherwise supporting ideologically
motivated or justified violence to further social,
economic or political objectives”.
Violent Extremism
The European Commission defines violent
extremism (VE) as “The use of and support for
violence in pursuit of ideological, religious or
political goals.” The concept of VE is not limited
to be part of a violent act. Supporting, advocating,
planning, organizing etc. such kinds of attacks are
also regarded as components of VE. In line with
this inclusive approach, the United States Agency
for International Development (USAID) defines
violent extremism as “advocating, engaging in,
preparing, or otherwise supporting ideologically
motivated or justified violence to further social,
economic or political objectives”.
The United States Department of Defence
defines terrorism as “the calculated use of
unlawful violence or threat of unlawful violence to
inculcate fear; intended to coerce or to intimidate
governments or societies in the pursuit of goals that
are generally political, religious, or ideological.”
Thus, the two concepts of violent extremism and
terrorism are widely used as synonyms and referred
to and interchangeably in the literature. However,
more properly, the European Commission
distinguishes the two as follows: “Violent extremism
includes terrorism, but also other forms of political
motivated violence (such as anarchism), and some
forms of communal violence. Consequently, while
there can be significant overlap, violent extremism
is not the same as terrorism. Violent extremism
does not generally include, for example, non-violent
behaviour such as extremist incitement or terrorist
facilitation.” (European Commission, 2015, p. 5-6)

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International Politics
Figure 6.1
From what is discussed so far, it is clear that all
three concepts with strong parallels and links among
them refer to quite a complex set of problems with
social, political, economic, security-related, legal,
administrative etc. dimensions. Therefore, in order
to tackle them, multidisciplinary, cooperative,
comprehensive, flexible, inclusive and long-term
methods, tools, and measures are required. Whereas
fighting the active organization is a clear need,
approaches limited to this security dimension
can be counter-productive and would offer only
short term solutions. Reflecting this broad range
of required tools and expertise, the concept of
preventing and countering violent extremism (P/
CVE) is defined as “a broad range of non-coercive
and preventative activities that are united by the
objective of counteracting the drivers of violent
extremism specific to the locations in which these
initiatives occur. P/CVE includes activities that target
individuals specifically identified as ‘at risk’ of being
drawn into violence to the extent that this is feasible
in each location.” (European Commission, 2017).
Preventing and Countering Violent
Extremism (P/CVE)
Preventing and countering violent extremism
(P/CVE) is defined as “a broad range of non-
coercive and preventative activities that are
united by the objective of counteracting
the drivers of violent extremism specific
to the locations in which these initiatives
occur. P/CVE includes activities that target
individuals specifically identified as ‘at risk’
of being drawn into violence to the extent
that this is feasible in each location.”
Weak or failed state mechanisms, lack of trust to
politics and politicians, and corruption significantly
contribute to radicalization processes, as in the
cases of Iraq, Syria, Afghanistan, and Libya. Radical
groups can easily take advantage of the problems
between the people and the establishment under
such circumstances to legitimise their discourse
and actions and to recruit more people. Therefore,
providing a secure environment where people do
not feel the need to look for alternative entities for
their security and working state mechanisms both
politically and economically could contribute to
the efforts to challenge the social bases of radical,
violent extremist/terrorist groups.
Nevertheless, it is also the case that in the states
that cannot be regarded as failing or failed and
have comparatively much better working state
mechanisms, still radical and violent extremist groups
can recruit people and ideologically influence people,
engendering the phenomenon of home-grown
radicals, violent extremists, and terrorists. Here,
some other factors are believed to play important
roles such as the lack of equal economic and political
opportunities, humiliation, xenophobia, and
marginalisation. Lack of clear and universal notions
of belonging and citizenship that can be reinforced
by xenophobia can easily feed into an identity crisis,
resulting in the search for an alternative group
of which the individual can feel being a true part.
Rising Islamophobia, extreme right propaganda and
accompanying anti-refugee rhetoric also contribute
to such feelings of marginalization. The lack of a clear
line between hate speech and freedom of expression
can also further widen the gap between minorities
and the society and the state. Such a setting can
provide a fertile ground for radicalization and
can be utilised by radical groups as justifying their
propaganda against particular states and societies
and how they marginalize their “brothers”. The lack
of economic opportunities due to ethnic, religious,
ideological, and sectarian reasons can also help
radical and/or violent extremist and terrorist groups
by providing them the chance to offer economic
benefits to potential recruits. Therefore, addressing
these issues with an effective socio-political and
economic approach can strengthen the states’ fight
with such groups. Moreover, how these groups can
offer economic benefits and better life opportunities
needs to be evaluated by security agencies with an eye
on limiting their access to required financial assets.
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 Radicalization and Terrorism Shaping International Politics
Another major factor in the radicalization
process is the lack of basic knowledge about
particular values and concepts on which the
groups base their claims for legitimacy and
their need to fight. After personal or communal
traumas, lacking basic knowledge about a
particular ideology, religion, or historical enmity,
people can find meaning in radical discourses.
Following such traumas, people can carry out
more violent acts compared to other members of
that particular group in order to compensate their
lack of knowledge or due to the fact that they are
the “newcomers” to that group and its discourse
in the search for proving their commitment. Thus,
cutting the link between the people and the value
sets they or their community is affiliated with by
oppressing their traditional institutions, rather
than limiting the chance of their radicalization, can
further radicalize them since they would be looking
for such knowledge through illegal channels or
they can just simply be affected by whomever
enjoys a higher visibility in the society they belong
to. Especially with respect to radicalization with
religious motivations, oppressing traditional
institutions and scholars paves the way for more
violent and alien interpretations to the geographies
they penetrate into.
Considering the impact of relatives and friends
in people’s journey to radicalization based on the
reports about many attackers around the world,
social connections needs to be regarded both as a
stimulator of the process and a major first line of
defence. The concept of “Gatekeepers” here, thus,
deserves a great deal of attention. “Gatekeepers”
are the people who have direct contact with the
individuals who are regarded to be relatively
vulnerable and highly possible to be subject to radical
propaganda. Parents, relatives, teachers, sports
coaches, community leaders, religious figures, etc.
can all be “gatekeepers” depending on their level of
intimacy with such people. These people can realise
the individual’s radicalization process due to their
personal contact and might look for effective ways
to halt and reverse the process. Moreover, teachers,
sports coaches, and opinion leaders in particular
communities can also design cultural activities,
socialising tools, curriculums against radicalization
and apply them to prevent those people from being
affected by extremist discourses. In this difficult
effort to raise awareness and build social resilience,
130
the state, NGOs and, private sector might cooperate
with these “gatekeepers” which can multiply the
efficacy of their efforts.
After this brief introduction about the key
concepts, drivers and how to respond to some
of these drivers, the next section will discuss the
historical roots of violent extremism and terrorism
carried out by the groups and individuals who
steppedinto the realm of violent acts based on their
radical and extremist views.
1
How do you define radicalization and violent
extremism and how are they different?
History
In this section some most “famous” terrorist
groups will be introduced briefly in order to have
some ideas about the evolution, change, and
continuities with respect to different terrorist groups
across the globe over time. This section will also
help us understand various ideological/religious/
sectarian/ethnic bases of terrorism, challenging
narrow approaches attributing terrorism to
particular sets of thought. Before that, we will dive
deep into the history of terrorism starting as early
as the 1st century. We will first discuss the early
terror groups in the history, namely the Zealots
and the Assassins, and then touch upon a quite.
Organized application of state terrorism by
French Jacobins as another important form of
terrorism. Lastly, we will focus on the Russian
anarchists, of which use of a new tool, namely
dynamites thanks to the.
Advances in the chemistry is regarded as a
turning point in the history of terrorist groups,
significantly increasing their capability.
Zealots
The Jewish Zealot movement is regarded as the
first terrorist organization and thus, predecessor
of all the terror groups. It emerged as a reaction
to the Roman Empire’s rule in Palestine during
its Imperial period, and its increasingly oppressive
International Politics
measures against the Jews and gradual loss of their
autonomy within the Empire. The movement is
also known as the Sicarii –due to their use of daggers
or sicae in Roman in assassinations- whereas some
other accounts argue that Sicarii is a splinter group
previously part of the broader Zealots which had
limited political goals and a more decentralized
organizational structure, more of an “angry mob”
movement. The group, through assassinations and
kidnappings, aimed at both rising an anti-Roman
sentiment among their kins, to coerce the Empire to
re-consider its policies against the Jews, and if that’s
not possible, to push it towards more violent and
oppressive acts which would in turn, help attaining
the first goal. Based on the historical accounts
on them of which the most important one is of
Josephus (where his arguably interchangeable use
of Zealots, Sicarii, and Bandits confuses scholars
about whether the three are the same of different
entities). Considering the characteristics of the era
and the increasing number of reactionary groups
to the Roman Empire and its policies vis-à-vis the
Jews, both interpretations and the above mentioned
“splinter group” interpretation might well be the
case, whereas terror tactics and the Jewish character
of the movement is “what we can be sure about”.
The group, active for several decades in Jerusalem
under the Roman rule, roughly between 50 AD
and 90 AD, failed to raise awareness among the
Jews to a great extent, to gather all the other groups
with a similar goal under their roof, or coerce the
Empire to take the steps for their advantage with
the ultimate goal of eliminating the Roman rule
in Palestine. However, as the first known terror
group, it spread fear among high level bureaucrats,
priests, and military officials and played a role in
introducing the Jewish cause to the subjects of
the Empire. More important than that, the group
“succeeded in” becoming the first known organised
terror group with a clear political goal in mind and
a repertoire of tools at hand. Their efforts to get
the hearts and minds of the poor by burning the
records of their debt, pressuring officials to release
their imprisoned comrades, and their “selective,
symbolic” assassinations on key figures in broad
daylight to spread fear and intimidation among
the public and distrust to their ruler for providing
security can be regarded as some of the main tactics,
still “inspiring” terrorist groups (D’Alessio & Lisa
Stolzenberg, 1990; Horsley, 1986; Horsley, 1979).
The Assassins (Al-Hashashin)
The word assassin is widely believed to be originated
from the terror group active in a wide area from Iran to
Syria and Egypt, led by Hasan-i Sabbah, acting with an
ideological motivation derived from İsmailiyya branch
of Shi’ism. Hasan-i Sabbah was widely regarded as
both the propagandist of its strict sectarian stance, a
military and ideological leader of its organisation, and
a strategic mastermind behind selection of critical
targets and capturing almost unconquerable castles
and cities in order to hide its militants. The group was
active between the late 11th century to the late 13th
century, until the Monghol advances put an end to its
existence. Originally a follower of the Shi’a Sect of the
Twelve, Hasan-i Sabbah converted to the İsmailiyya
branch of Shi’a and gradually organized his followers
along the lines of this theological stance. In order to
open space for their value system, they assassinated
key political figures, captured castles and towns when
possible, cut deals with political figures to eliminate
their rivals, and infiltrated into higher echelons. The
group is believed to attract its followers through
intensive use of drugs or hashash (the word believed
to be the core of the hashashin as the predecessor of
assassin) through which Sabbah’s short-living fake
paradise images, an unlimited comfort, and various
benefits are offered to the volunteers and make them
willing to sacrifice their lives to re-gain those images,
comfort and benefits. Some accounts reject those ideas
and argue that calling them “hashash addicts” is just
a way of ridiculing these people by others to refer to
them as poor, mindless, brutal killers with unrealistic
goals. Their most spectacular terror attack was the
assassination of Nizam-ul Mulk. The group, with its
branches in Syria and Egypt, not only showed its ability
to reproduce itself in other regions and countries as
some of today’s terror organizations do, but by trying
to punish the leaders of their local branches, tried to
act in a more centralized manner.
Sabbah’s deals with governors to secure
geographical presence and political influence for
its group as well as the group’s invasion of castles
as “liberated zones” either through direct military.
Action or invading them by using their “fellows”
inside those castles, show that the assassins are
more than a mere terror organization, but rather a
well-organized lethal group. It was led by a malign.
Strategic mastermind using a mix of terror and
guerrilla tactics and play with internal struggles in
the state establishments on which soil they operate.
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 Radicalization and Terrorism Shaping International Politics
Guerrilla tactics and play with internal struggles
in the state establishments on which soil they operate.
The Zealots had both religious and ethnic
motivations whereas the Assassins primarily acted
with a sectarian extremism. However, some of the
mentioned methods used by both are the same.
Their focus on symbolic assassinations and using
people’s vulnerabilities and/or utilising vulnerable
people are still two quite common tactics used by
many terror groups. The Assassin’s transboundary
character is also a predecessor for contemporary
transnational terrorist networks. The Assassins
were thus, quite organized, able to control strategic
strongholds, capable of influencing, manipulating
and assassinating key figures, successful in defying
several sieges by quite powerful states of their time,
and proved to have a quite a sustainable modus
operandi considering their several centuries of
presence which is quite uncommon for terror groups.
Thus, they are widely regarded as early experts of
terror and guerrilla tactics and a key predecessor of
contemporary terror groups (Daftary, 2016; Gray,
2010; McCarthy, 1973; Lockhart, 1930)..
2
What are some of the key tactics of the Assassins
which inspired the terror groups which would
emerge in the following centuries?
Jacobins and the “Reign of Terror” in
France
The French Revolution and the ensued Reign
of Terror, particularly referring to the peak point
of the state terror carried out by the Jacobins from
July 1973 to July 1974 following their acquisition
of power as a result of the fall of the Girondins
represents a major turning point. It was not only
the first well-documented record of state terror
in the modern era, but also inspired many other
regimes in the future by its methods, discourse,
and demonization of political rivals. Therefore, the
Reign of Terror, can be regarded as the predecessor
of the Soviet and Nazi applications of state terror
directed at internal political rivals and external
enemies at the same time, accompanied by brutal
repression of oppositional figures and parts of
132
the society, a rigid indoctrination, frequent use
of accusations of being “agents”, “enemies of the
state”, etc. The Reign of Terror was a response to
the rise of oppositional groups especially in Vandée
resulting in a civil war and rising threat of being
surrounded by enemies. The famous “September
decree” of 1793 officially declared that the Reign
of Terror is “the order of the day” and thus the
republic would use terror against its “enemies” in
order to preserve the republic and the achievements
of the revolution. The Committee of Public Safety,
where Maximilien Robespierre, who was one of the
key masterminds of the era, had a critical position,
enjoyed a dictatorship over the republic, making
thousands of executions possible and making
“terror” part of everyday life for the critics of the
new regime. The Committee eliminated both
its leftist and rightist rivals, namely Hebértists,
and Indulgents respectively, within the country.
Overall, during this era, around 300,000 people
were arrested, the official figures point to 17,000
executions and around 10,000 people died in
prisons. Besides, in the civil war in Vandée, around
250,000 insurgents were killed whereas around
200,000 republicans lost their lives. Robespierre’s
loss of his position and then execution put an end
to the Reign of Terror. Without the tradition of
parliamentary democracy, the new French elite
resorted to brutal violence against any opposition
and/or counter-revolutionary actor and group.
From Lenin to Hitler and from Mao to Stalin, many
leaders are inspired by his discourse and actions,
tried to revise, modify, and advance his methods
in order not to face his fate, and tried to apply
them even more brutally. Similar to other radical
and violent extremist actors, the Jacobins were
strongly supported by sans-cuolettes or poor urban
workers (with which Maximilien Robespierre, the
key figure in the era affiliated even though he
was from bourgeoisie) who demanded more and
more violence and terror. How vulnerabilities of a
particular part of society can be utilised by radicals
and terrorists, and in turn how this social base
can even more terrorise the group itself is also a
critical lesson to be derived from the era, of which
many similar cases would be seen in the following
centuries in the form of both state terror and
terror carried out by armed groups (Linton, 2006;
McLetchie, “Maximilien Robespierre, Master of
the Terror”; “Reign of Terror”, Britannica).
International Politics
The Reign of Terror
The Reign of Terror was a response to the rise of
oppositional groups especially in Vandée resulting
in a civil war and rising threat of being surrounded
by enemies. The famous “September decree” of
1793 officially declared that the Reign of Terror is
“the order of the day” and thus the republic would
use terror against its “enemies” in order to preserve
the republic and the achievements of the revolution.
Anarcho-Terrorism in Russia as a Key
Turning Point for Modern Terrorism
The anarcho-terrorism in Russia in the 19th
century is widely regarded as the predecessor
of many modern terrorist organizations. Their
“success” in assassinating quite high level
officials, even including a tsar himself, namely
Alexander II, and even more importantly their
use of dynamites which opened up a new page
within the context of the methods of terrorism
made them a very important case in the history
of terrorism. Their strategy of using “propaganda
by the deed” referring to their use of violent
attacks in order to promote their own cause and
organizations to bring the change also inspired
many terrorist groups up until today and stood
out as a key terrorist tactic for centuries to come.
Terrorist groups, adhering to this tactic, tried to
carry out more and more attacks especially when
they felt that they cannot convey their message
to their target audience either domestically or
internationally which would provide them both
with required human capital as well as international
recognition. Their main ideological discourse was
the objection of any kind of authority over people
both worldly and divine and they went back and
forth between communism, socialism, anarchism,
and nihilism. Each and every new new intellectual
thread shaped the movement and its intellectual
Marxism and anarchism stepped up hand in hand
in the 19th Century Russia. Anarchists did not have
a clear socio-economic, political or intellectual
profile. Rather they came from almost every part
of the society, underpaid, highly educated, noble,
and poor, also varying depending on the unique
characteristics and socio-political and economic
problems of different countries.
Their primary target was the leadership as the
embodiment of the authority, and more particularly
the rulers. Affecting different countries in different
regions, from the assassination of Empress Elizabeth
to President McKinley to the Tsar Alexander II,
anarchists of the late 19th century carried out quite
spectacular attacks in different parts of the world,
providing them with a well-deserved deadly fame.
They made effective use of the “era of dynamite”
thanks to the newly invented nitroglycerine and
guncotton which were invented following the
advancements in chemistry around the mid-1850s.
This provided them with the ability to have a
more destructive effect, carry out attacks right on
time, and cause much higher levels of terror both
during and in the aftermath of the attack. Since the
attackers also mostly die in attacks, they also saw
such a method as a way of showing they can sacrifice
their lives as noble souls for their goals rather than
being simple criminals. Their methods can also be
argued to have an impact on Lenin’s strategies and
methods towards the revolution. Since he frequently
criticised “surgical” assassinations and use of violence
as an end rather than means whereas acknowledging
the impact of such attacks, he modified anarchists’
use of terror and violence and similarly argued
that violence is inevitable and highly necessary,
however, with a clear goal and once carried out
by masses. According to him, violence should be
used collectively by masses in order to bring the
regime change and it should serve as a means rather
than an end in itself (Avrich, 1968; Jensen, 2004;
Chakravorti, 1994).
Anarchism
The name given to a principle or theory of life and
conduct under which society is conceived without
government (from Gr[eek] agrν- and agrρχη,
without authority)— harmony in such a society
being obtained, not by submission to law, or by
obedience to any authority, but by free agreements
concluded between the various groups, territorial
and professional, freely constituted for the sake
of production and consumption, as also for the
satisfaction of the infinite variety of needs and
aspirations of a civilized being (Peter Kropotkin,
Encyclopaedia Britannica, “anarchism”, eleventh
edition (1910)
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 Radicalization and Terrorism Shaping International Politics
DIFFERENT MANIFESTATIONS OF
CONTEMPORARY TERRORISM
Figure 6.2
Ethnic Terrorism
Among various motivations and ideological
backgrounds of radical and terrorist groups,
ethnically-motivated discourse occupies an
important place. Nevertheless, from the Zealots to
ASALA and from IRA and ETA to PKK, it should
also be noted that religious, ideological, sectarian
etc. motivations were also sometimes used at the
same time by terrorist groups as well as the use
of different motivations over decades to varying
degrees. As a timeless motivation, ethnicity, since
the antiquity, succeeds in keeping its importance
within the context of violent extremism, terrorism,
and radicalization. Occasionally coupled with
particular religious and/or ideological discourses, it
aims at first, gathering people from that particular
ethnic background around the group’s cause and
sometimes carry out sensational terror attacks if it
sees that provocating a harsh state response would be
the only way to “raise awareness” and enjoy public
support. Then, the goal can be either to establish
an independent entity, or to extradite extradite what
they see as an “occupying force”. The ultimate aim
of these groups is quite difficult to achieve and thus
frequently manifested in a short to medium-term
goal of political recognition and equal participation
in the existing system. In some other cases, the
goal can be more ambitious such as establishing
its own institutions and challenging its “enemy’s”
sovereignty over a certain amount of territory. Even
though several cases of the use of terror tactics with
ethnic motivations paid off as in the cases of Israeli
and Greek Cypriot efforts against the British, in
134
most cases, since their goals are mostly targeting the
very survival and sovereignty of the state, terrorism
with ethic motivations mostly fail to achieve their
ultimate objective and gradually turn to lesser goals
or fall into the trap of an addiction to violence in
the absence of an attainable objective with a desire
to give as much damage as possible to its “enemy”.
Ideologically Motivated Terrorism
As stated before, radicalization, and terrorism
cannot be attributed to a particular religion, ideology,
nationality, sect, or any other sort of identity and/
or mindset. Both rightist and leftist ideologies,
at their extremes, can lead to radicalization and
even terrorism. Several groups, such as DHKP-C
in Turkey, Baader Meinhof in Germany, and Red
Brigades in Italy can be mentioned under this
category. However, it should be noted that neither
primarily ideologically-motivated terror groups
can be limited to these groups, nor the groups
which are not clearly designated as terrorist groups
internationally, such as Ku Klux Klan and neo-Nazi
movements that can be identified as extreme-right
groups occasionally resorting to violence (and thus
can be classified as violent extremists, too, if not
full-fledged terrorist organizations) do not carry
out ruthless terror attacks against people coming
from different ideological, ethnic, and religious
backgrounds, including assaults, murders, burning
homes and refugee camps etc. KKK and the rise
of the extreme-right face of violent extremism also
needs to be kept in mind in an era when criticisms
that the international community does not behave
the same way to extreme-right radicalization and
violent extremism as it behaves and takes measures
against other forms of radicalization and violent
extremism are widely circulated. Whereas extreme-
left terrorism reached its peak point in Europe during
the Cold War years, Marxist extreme-left wing terror
groups are still active in many countries and regions
from the Latin America to the Middle East and
Southeast Asia. On the other hand, coupled with
rising Islamophobia, xenophobia, and anti-refugee
discourse, extreme-right radical ideas and ensued
violent acts are on the rise once again especially in
Europe and the United States. Considering the fact
that all forms of radicalization needs to be addressed
with an unbiased approach for long-term success
since each and every form can feed into the other’s
discourse, too, selective fight with one of the above
International Politics
based on ideological orientation of particular states,
international institutions, or leaders stands out as a
costly strategy in the long-run.
Terrorism with Religious Motivations
Terrorism with religious motivations,
sometimes mixed with ethnic feelings, too, is a
form of terrorism which can be regarded as the
oldest form of the phenomenon. As mentioned
earlier, the Zealots had a political goal (destroying
the Roman rule in the Palestine), had an
organization, and committed violent acts, thus,
complying with all classical three components of
a terrorist organization. The Assassins also had a
strong religious motivation derived from the Shi’a’s
Ismailiyya interpretation. Since the two groups
were already discussed earlier in the chapter, further
information about them will not be provided here.
Putting aside these religiously motivated terror
groups in the history which were already covered,
other terror groups and terrorist tactics adopted by
states with religious motivations will be discussed
in this section. The link argued to be exist between
terrorism with religious motivations and Islam
and Muslims will also be challenged after having
a brief overview of different terror groups with
different religious motivations sometimes attacking
their co-religionists due to sectarian differences,
bombing people with chemicals in order to “bring
the apocalypse earlier” or “purify the world”,
and killing people just because of their different
religious identity.
The tragic incident of the 9/11 attacks carried
out by Al-Qaeda and subsequent declaration of a
“Global War on Terror” by the then US President
George W. Bush resulted in a higher attention to
the subject more than ever. Even though Al-Qaeda
and ISIS/ISIL/DAESH are the two most “famous”
examples of this category, various groups with
different religious motivations resorted to terrorism
over centuries.
The year 1979 was a key turning point
after which studies about religion’s increasing
significance to international politics became a hot
topic. That year witnessed not only the Revolution
in Iran but also the beginning of the Soviet efforts
to invade Afghanistan. While the Revolution
showed the possibility of toppling regimes close
to the West which was a decades-old goal of Salafi
groups especially in the Arab world, the Afghan
jihad provided a highly valuable experience of
not only military training to militants, but of also
provided organizational skills, military experience
and financial reach and networks to the emerging
intellectuals, comamnders, and their contact points
all around the world. On that ground, a decade later,
we witnessed the rise of an exceptional and highly
influential group, al-Qaeda, the group behind the
9/11. Aside from militant Salafi-Wahhabi takfiri
interpretations represented most speactacularly
by al-Qaeda and ISIS/ISIL/DAESH, different
religious motivations, throughout the history,
attracted people who carry out terror attacks and
kill innocent people in the name of their beliefs.
For instance, during the Crusades, Crusaders
did not only attack their co-religionists due
to their adherence to a different sect, namely
Orthodox Christianity, but also Jews in their way
to their destination and Muslims regardless of their
occupation, age, and gender, too. The crusades
lasted around 200 years from 1095 to 1291, with
the direct encouragement of Pope Urban II to re-
capture the Holy Land. It is estimated that around
1.7 million people were killed in total during the
Crusades, which, when compared the populations
of then and now, equals to almost 300 million
today. Along their way, burning farms, pillaging,
destroying historical monuments, rape, torture and
mass killings were just some terror tactics adopted
by armies funded and equipped by their states.
Many people believe that the Israeli tactics
against the Palestinians for over five decades
represents a crystal-clear case of state terrorism
which engenders an action and reaction and
accumulates to a higher degree of repression
and effective use of terror tactics, including
assassinations, kidnappings, minimal occupations
of holy cities, periodical military operations
claiming the lives of thousands of Palestinians. This
tragic picture is also known to be one of the main
drivers taken advantage by the groups such as Al-
Qaeda and ISIS/ISIL/DAESH in order to recruit
people.
Another interesting case is the Japanese terrorist
organization Aleph (known as Aum Shinrikyo
up until 2000). The group is also regarded as
a doomsday cult, primarily influenced by the
teachings of Buddhism as well as the prophecies
of Nostradamus, led by an acupuncturist Shoko
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 Radicalization and Terrorism Shaping International Politics
Asahara, founded in 1987. The group believed
that the world has become worse, is full of evil
more than ever and it needs to be destroyed and
therefore, killing people would be doing a favour
for them, saving them from this evil place. With
that belief, they dropped 11 bags full of sarin in
subway stations in Tokyo. The group is remembered
as the only known terrorist group using chemicals
deliberately on innocent people. Considering the
ultimate goal of destroying the world, like many
other terror groups, it is clear the group could not
make up to its targets before it disappeared (Crane,
2015; Latson, 2015).
Another religiously motivated terror attack was
the attack carried out by Anders Behring Breivik in
Norway, Oslo. He carried out two terror attacks,
killing 77 people and wounded 242 more. At his
trial, he tried to justify his terror attack as “self-
defence in the war against Islam” and he was
arguing that all Muslims need to be extradited from
Europe in order to save Europe and Christianity.
Even though not directly linked with any terrorist
organization, his ideas were pretty much resembling
extreme-right discourses adopted by Neo-Nazis,
Ku Klux Klan and alt-right groups with a more
emphasis on Christianity.
In 2003, in Sri Lanka and Birmanya, Buddhist
monks encouraged people to attack Muslims and
even took part in the attacks killing dozens of
Muslims. Similarly, in 2017 only, an ultranationalist
Buddhist group called Ma Ba Tha, led by Ashin
Wirathu, ignited violence against Muslims in
Rohingya. Wirathu had stated that “You cannot
underestimate a snake just because there is only
one and Muslims are just like that.” Wirathu was
actually sentenced to 25 years in prison in 2003 due
to his hate speeches but released in 2012, raising
questions about the Myanmar establishment’s
true position about his speeches and accompanied
violence against Muslim minority in Rohingya.
Only within two and a half weeks, more than
500 thousand Rohingya Muslims had to flee their
country with nothing but only their clothes. Within
several days, also around 3000 Muslims were killed.
In 2012, around 140 thousand Rakhine Muslims
had to flee, too. All in all, Wirathu’s cause and the
subsequent situation is regarded as a “textbook
example of ethnic cleansing” (Safi, 2017; Bearak,
2017; Lederer, 2017).
136
RADICALIZATION, TERRORISM,
AND THE CYBER WORLD
The relationship between the increasing
visibility of radicalization, violent extremism, and
terrorism and new means of mass communication
has been a hot topic especially in the last decades
when access to the virtual world has become an
indispensable part of everyday life. How this new
phenomenon helps such groups to raise their
profile, to recruit people, to fund their activities, to
plan and carry out attacks for propaganda purposes
deserves a great deal of attention. On one hand,
the Internet and more recent innovation of social
media tools help people become more connected,
offer the chance to be more aware of what is
going on in the world, make both social and
economic interactions easier, provide a window
for the people who were earlier isolated and had
no chance to be heard globally etc. However, on
the other hand, mostly because of the very same
features of the virtual world which makes life
easier, it also provides quite a bit of advantages to
the criminals as well as radical or violent extremist
groups. Social media, messaging applications, and
the Internet present a double-edged sword in that
respect. The question whether they would be used
for easier and faster communication and access
to information or for much less cost and time-
demanding preparation phase of a terror attack,
for more secure illegal money transfer methods,
for having a much effective propaganda machine
pose a great challenge. Whereas tracing potential
recruits, reaching out to the people around them,
accessing required information about movements
of financial assets, storing critical data in vast
amount are only some of the advantages such
means provides to the states, the online realm also
provides various opportunities to individuals in
the process of radicalization, to terrorists for the
preparation of terror attacks, or in the context of
terrorist propaganda and financing terrorism. The
Internet therefore stands out as a highly strategic
new front that is quite easy, fast, and cheap to
attack and success rates are quite high whereas
a perfect defence with no weakness is almost an
impossible task to achieve.
International Politics
Figure 6.3
With the gradual increase in the number of
Internet and mobile phone users, the Internet
has become a major force that can trigger social
movements, help plan and organize oppositional
activities faster. Currently, 3 billion people are
connected to the Internet in the world and 7 billion
mobile phones are being used (Boren, 2014; Kemp,
2017), most of which are smartphones. Below, the
increase in social network use by region between
2011 and 2017 is quite striking:
Figure 6.4 “The Coming of Age of Social Media In
Middle East: 191% Growth In Six Years !”, DazeInfo
Since more than half of the social media
users are below the age of 25, we witness the
rise of a “digital generation” or “Generation
D” which increasingly use information and
communication technologies more intensively
and effectively whereas its attitude towards
violence, radicalization, human rights, aid,
conflict, and human life also shapes and is shaped
by the very social networks and the Internet itself.
In terms of radicalization and militarisation of the
youth, this age distribution is of great importance
since the youth is regarded as one of the most
vulnerable groups. Considering the significant
rise of the Internet usage in the failing or failed
states as well as the “global South”, coupled with
the youth’s leading role in this, while the youth
can be encouraged to be more politically engaged
peacefully, the already vulnerable youth become
more and more inclined to be a subject of radical
propaganda. Moreover, from financial institutions
to satellite systems, from public transportation
networks to security agencies’ websites, this
new picture poses great challenges which will be
exemplified in the next section.
The Internet, Social Media, Cyber
Crime and Terrorism
Within the context of radicalization, violent
extremism, and terrorism, the Internet, social
media, messaging and video apps are used
for several key purposes, such as propaganda,
recruitment, planning attacks, training, and
collecting financial resources for attacks. Terrorists
in particular and cybercriminals in general have
been involved in acts such as piracy and malware,
capture of bank accounts, human, weapons and
drug trafficking using dark web and deep web
over both widely used official currencies and
cryptocurrencies. Taking into account how fast
this use of the online realm by criminals increase,
it becomes quite a challenging task for each and
every state, requiring cooperation, experience and
know-how sharing, regional and international
mechanisms as well as a much more emphasis on
having a qualified team of experts on the subject,
rising and encouraging “white hat hackers” in
order to be able to devise and apply flexible,
up-to-date, and effective measures against such
threats.
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 Radicalization and Terrorism Shaping International Politics
As part of the use of information and
communication technologies (ICT) by criminals
as well as radicals and terrorists, Telegram,
WhatsApp, Facebook, Twitter, and encrypted
messaging applications help not only ordinary
people but also cybercriminals to communicate
much cheaper and much faster. In seconds, people
can convey their audio, video, and text-messages to
hundreds, thousands and even millions of people
either to raise awareness on a humanitarian crisis,
or for example, to show their criminal groups’
ruthlessness or simply, its capabilities. The states
facing the challenge of terrorist use of information
and communication technologies (ICT) therefore,
are striving for using the same means pre-emptively
in order to obtain information on terrorist attacks
in advance, or in order to explore terrorist cells and
key figures by accessing criminal data and storing
them.
The cyber world provides anonymity, speed,
cheap ways to convey their message, reinforce their
message with audio and visual content, ability to
reach vast amount of public and their supporters
at once, and to present themselves even more
influential and powerful than they actually are.
Still, due to the very same reasons the online front
makes an advantageous asset for such groups and
people, it can also help a more effective struggle to
cope with them.
For instance, it is much easier and cheaper to
produce and disseminate counter-narratives and
counter-messaging by states and NGOs and reach an
important part of the population with a multiplier
effect once this target audience also convey those
messages among the people they connect in their
daily life. It is possible to disseminate a counter-
narrative against different forms of radicalization
and terrorism with religious, ethnic, ideological,
and sectarian motivations, reinforced by visual
contents and audios that can reach millions of
people in a second. By making good use of such
instruments, stories of “formers” and the sufferings
of the people at the hands of such groups can be
heard by millions of people, further weakening the
potential human pool of these groups, regarded
as future recruits. Through counter-narratives
and counter-messages, flaws, inconsistencies, and
distortions by these groups in their discourses can
be pointed out and the Internet can help showing
those to a broader audience. Here, the significance
138
of adopting an un-biased and fair approach against
all forms of terrorism in the virtual space should
also be noted since it is not less important than
doing so in the real world. Inconsistencies between
the policies and the differences in the number of
suspended accounts by social media companies
such as comparatively quite low number of
accounts suspended related to a particular form
of radicalization can further radicalize the other
groups and also raise questions about the reliability
of these companies as well as the countries they are
more closely linked, or are simply based on.
All in all, it seems clear that cybercriminals and
terrorist groups and individuals as a sub-section of
it will keep using the virtual world as an effective
front in their activities and in time, their use would
almost certainly witness an increase. In response
to that, each and every actor, but most importantly
the states all over the world would increasingly feel
the need to address this challenge more effectively.
In this section, it is argued that this higher efficacy
can be obtained through cooperation with different
parts of the society, having up-to-date knowledge
and policies, adopting a flexible and comprehensive
legal approach regarding all forms of violent
extremist groups in the same light without crossing
the boundary of people’s privacy and fundamental
human rights. Beyond devising their own cyber
strategies and increase their cyber capabilities and
number of their experts, states need to look for the
ways regional and international cooperation.
WOMEN AND YOUTH AS
OBJECTS AND SUBJECTS
OF RADICALIZATION AND
TERRORISM
Women’s Role in Radicalization and
Violent Extremism
So far we have seen that radicalization, violent
extremism, and terrorism, in different ways, affect
each and every part of the society regardless of age,
gender, social and economic status, and occupation.
Anyone could be either or both the object and
subject of such movements. An individual can be
a target, a victim, a rehabilitator, a perpetrator or
a mastermind. Women, however, as a unique part
of the society, can play all these roles in spite of
International Politics
the broadly accepted idea that they can only play
passive roles and they are only the victims of the
process of radicalization and the impact of violent
extremism, and terrorism.
To begin with, women can diagnose the process
of radicalization much earlier compared to other
parts of the society thanks to their close relations
with their sons, husbands, relatives, and students.
Such a privileged position also dons women with
the capability to play an important preventive role
through personal communication as well as to offer
effective psychological help. Fathers and brothers
are more inclined to be more protective regarding
family matters and thus more reactionary to
the efforts to de-radicalize or rehabilitate their
relatives whereas women can be more cooperative,
prioritizing “saving” her relatives over the “family
pride”. As another positive role women can play,
regarding the “formers” or “returnees”, women’s
privileged role can help rehabilitation process.
Moreover, since many formers and returnees
themselves are women, in most cases, contacting
women either through personal contact or through
women NGOs engender more positive results
especially in particular local settings where inter-
gender communication is not widely approved
or people cannot feel comfortable enough with
talking to the opposite gender. Higher capability
of using emotional intelligence and much closer
relations with the people who are somewhere in
their journey to violent extremism enable women
to play a more important role than any other group
of people. However, in order for them to play these
roles effectively and act as a first line of defense, a
working healthy family bond is a key prerequisite.
It seems no coincidence that many attackers with
various sources of motivations, at some point of
their lives, experienced family-related traumas.
It is also possible for women law-enforcement
officers to play critical roles in terms of community
policing, rehabilitation and re-integration (R&R).
This is one of the important factors behind the
growing tendency in the world to train women
law-enforcement officers.
Approaching the role of women by only referring
to the possible positive roles they can play is far from
realistic. Even though the negative side of the coin
does not paint an ideal picture due to the women’s
personal engagement with radical and terrorist
groups, actually, it also shows how wide the range of
roles women can play is, thus highlight women as a
highly important agency. Women can either directly
be involved in violent acts or propaganda efforts, or
influence their relatives, their husbands, their sons
etc. again thanks to the very same advantage of having
a much closer relationship to them compared to any
other actor in the society. Therefore, it can be valid
to argue that the very same characteristics of women
making them the best actors to play preventive roles
and take part in rehabilitation efforts also makes
them a potential human pool for possible attacks
and growth of radical, violent extremist and terrorist
groups. Women visibility is also used to promote
a positive image in order to achieve international
support.
In between, women can also play more passive
roles such as being the subjects of radicalization
either through social contact or propaganda
via conventional and new means of mass
communication.
In response to the increasing number of
studies, international documents, and meetings
on the different roles of women in the field of
radicalization and violent extremism, both in terms
of struggle against these phenomena and potential
involvement of women in such groups, some
important UN documents and their evolution over
time would be useful to see the gradual realization
of women’s varying roles by the international
community.
UNSC Resolution 1325 (2000) is of great
importance for being the first step in this area.
However, here the focus on women was limited to
topics such as preventing women rights violations,
participation of women in peace talks, increasing
women’s participation in UN peacekeeping
missions, preventing gender-based violence, and
women’s role in post-war reconstruction. UNSC
Resolution 2122 (2013) had a broader focus
emphasizing the importance of empowering
women for the establishment of international
peace and security, underlining gender equality,
encouraging women to participate in decision-
making mechanisms directly, stating that women
are more vulnerable than men in conflict zones,
emphasizing women’s access to health services in
conflict areas, calling on member states to take
necessary steps regarding gender equality on
the basis of equal citizenship and points out the
role that women play in conflict prevention and
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 Radicalization and Terrorism Shaping International Politics
resolution and that economically powerful women
could significantly contribute to social stability.
In 13 years between UNSC Resolution 1325
and 2122, the focus has expanded considerably.
UNSC Resolution 2242 (2015) was a further step.
In addition to covering the content of the earlier
resolutions on the subject, UNSC Resolution 2242
emphasizes the important roles that women can
play against violent extremism, it directly refers to
violent extremism for the first time, calls for more
active participation of women into both struggle
against it and for preventing the negative effects of
terrorism on women. Thus, with UNSC Resolution
2242 women have not been only regarded as the
victim of radicalization and violent extremism,
it also attributed such an active role for the first
time as an important actor within the context of
radicalization and violent extremism.
In sum, it can be concluded that women cannot
be regarded only as a passive agency as victims of
radicalization and violent extremism, and terrorism,
but indeed as an actor that can be part of all stages.
In that light, various roles of and the unique status
of women within the context of these phenomena is
gradually accepted by the international community
which puts emphasis on formally addressing this
necessary broadening of the scope regarding women’s
role within this context.
Youth and Radicalization
For violent extremist and terrorist groups, the
youth constitute an important part of their human
capital, recruitment pool, and active fighting
organization. The youth is widely regarded as a
vulnerable part of the society in the face of radical
and extremist propaganda. The drivers or push and
pull factors mentioned earlier are felt more deeply
by the youth most of the time, not only because
of the more sentimental approach the youth can
adopt, but also because they can feel the impact of
socio-political and economic problems more than
the elder since they are mostly in a much more
active relationship with the society.
There are different opinions about which age
group is regarded as the youth. Various international
agencies including the United Nations, the World
Bank, and the African Union refer to the youth on
different occasions as the people between 15 and 24
ages, 15 and 32 ages and 18 and 29 ages. Once these
140
ages are used, we come across a quite high number of
the youth within the context of radicalization, violent
extremism, and terrorism. For instance, regarding
violent extremism and terrorism, as high as 20 percent
of the suicide attackers are between 15 and 18 ages.
It is also estimated that around 1,500 children even
under these ages joined ISIS/ISIL/DAESH to fight
(Alfred, 2016). Peter Singer argues that, 300,000
children under the age of 18 are fighting in almost
75 percent of the conflicts today (Samuel, “The Lure
of Youth Into Terrorism”). It should be noted that
even though these studies refer to children under the
age of 18, many of them would fall under the UN’s
definition of youth which also includes the people
between 15 and 18. According to the revelations
about the profiles of the people who joined ISIS/ISIL/
DAESH in 2013 and 2014, the profile of recruits
refer to the average age as 26 with only basic religious
knowledge. (Dearden, 2016). Overall, more than 70
percent of ISIS militants are reported to be between
the ages of 18 and 30 (Abdul Haq, 2016).
In order to cope with the challenge of the youth
radicalization that can lead to violent extremism
and terrorism, several key measures are widely
discussed in the literature. To begin with, it should
be noted that there is no linear deterministic
journey from radicalization to violent extremism,
and terrorism and thus, the process can be
disrupted through effective measures. Therefore,
it is important to have working communication
channels with particular communities of which
the youth is an integral part and opinion leaders
the youth can be influenced by. In order to
establish these communication channels, state
institutions including security agencies and NGOs
are some leading actors. Educating the youth in
a way that they can challenge radical mind-sets
and propaganda through both classical tools of
education with tailor-made syllabuses and social
and cultural activities are regarded helpful in that
respect. In such extra-curriculum activities, the
youth from different ideological, ethnic, religious
etc. backgrounds can be brought together in
order to challenge prejudices against each other,
to provide them with a more inter-cultural feeling
of belonging, and to show the possibility of living
together peacefully. Moreover, directly engaging
the youth in decision-making processes might help
challenge the youth radicalization since they would
have first-hand knowledge about the problems
International Politics
pushing the youth to radical and violent extremist
groups and mind-sets. In order to do so, quotas and
specific allocations of entry positions for jobs in
academia, NGOs and policy advisory mechanisms
can also be some helpful tools. Specific research
programs and projects about the issues of the youth
can provide decision-makers with an insight about
specific measures to prevent youth radicalization.
It should also be noted that eliminating some
key drivers such as socio-political and economic
problems, marginalization of particular groups, and
lack of economic and political opportunities are
quite important. Negative childhood experiences
including family-related traumas and identity-
based segregation also have a serious impact on
youth radicalization. Considering the risk of
radicalization of young migrants and refugees,
governments and NGOs should work together
on increasing levels of anti-refugee discourse and
hatred speech which has a direct impact on “home-
grown” radicalization and terrorism.
In line with the realization of the important role
of the youth in the context of international security
including the fight against radicalization, violent
extremism, and terrorism, the United Nations
Security Council unanimously adopted resolution
2250 in 2015. The resolution referred to the youth
as the people between 18 and 29 years old and
urges member states to take necessary steps in order
to engage the youth in peace processes and conflict
resolution processes. Moreover, it urges members to
do so in a way that is not only for cosmetic reasons,
but provide such opportunities to the youth in a
meaningful way which would indeed integrate them
into such mechanisms. The UN highlights the fact
that the population of the youth is higher compared
to any other phases of the world history. It follows
that, unfortunately, this youth population is also quite
high among the people in conflict zones making them
either victims, attackers, or, refugees. Thus, the youth
has been a quite important integral part of the world’s
many key challenges today, implying that it should
also be part of the solution. The resolution recognizes
the positive role the youth can play in the prevention
and resolution of armed conflicts and contribute to
peacekeeping and peacebuilding efforts.
Overall, as a potentially more vulnerable part
of the society, the youth presents a major source
of recruitment for radical and violent extremist/
terrorist groups. Since there is no linear process
among these concepts, first, the ways to prevent
youth radicalization should be analysed and put
into practice. However, even if this first step is
missed, there are still ways to prevent the youth from
taking the next step in their journey towards violent
extremism. Realising the role the youth can play in
challenging radicalization, violent extremism, and
terrorism, the international community gradually
focus more and more on the topic, is the UN
Security Council Resolution 2250 mentioned in
this section.
3
What roles can be played by women and youth
in the fight against radicalization, violent
extremism, and terrorism in your opinion?
THE CHALLENGE OF
REHABILITATION AND
REINTEGRATION: THE
CHALLENGING BALANCE
BETWEEN SECURITY AND
HUMAN RIGHTS
So far, concepts and debates about
radicalization and terrorism, discussions about
historical background, some important groups
to be mentioned within this context, and the
roles of the two important parts of the society,
namely the women and youth have been covered.
Another key topic in the literature is how to de-
radicalize, disengage, rehabilitate and reintegrate
people who were previously radicalized, joined
such groups, planned and/or organized terror
attacks. Within this context, provision of counter-
narratives and counter-messaging, and devising
effective rehabilitation and re-integration (R&R)
programmes are some important instruments to be
discussed in this section.
Counter-narratives and counter-messaging
refer to the discourses responding to the radical/
violent extremist/terrorist group or individual’s
particular narrative. It can be either pre-emptive or
reactionary in the sense that counter-narratives can
challenge particular arguments based on the very
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 Radicalization and Terrorism Shaping International Politics
same ideational line of thought and can also act
pre-emptively to predict potential arguments and
respond to them before they are made by the group.
They can show the flaws in the arguments of the
group’s ideologues, question the legitimacy and level
of knowledge of opinion leaders, or use material
empirical data to show inconsistencies between the
discourse and the action. In that respect, actually,
producing and conveying counter-narratives more or
less follow the same strategies followed by the radical/
violent extremist/terrorist groups propagating their
own lines of argumentation. Thus, to think alike
the target group or individual along with an in-
depth knowledge of the psychology of the potential
receiver of the message and the discourse of the
target audience are some keys to devise a successful
counter-narrative. Still, the right conveyer, the right
time, and targeting the right audience are some other
components of a successful counter-narrative and
counter-messaging effort which might not always
be possible to bring together. The target group’s
ideas about the conveyer, either being the state itself,
scholars, or ideologues, regarded by them as traitors/
heretics/infidels etc., or NGOs simply regarded
as “collaborators” could have a negative impact.
Moreover, how intensified the armed and un-armed
struggle which can easily triumph over messages,
and whether the target audience is pimarily affected
by the group’s discourse rather than personal drivers
are some other criteria that needs to be analysed in
order to convey an effective message.
De-radicalization is a cognitive process with the
goal of cutting the link between its target audience
with radical ideas. Disengagement refers to the
process of making the individual abandon the active
organization in which he/she either took part in
violent acts or not. Therefore, it should be noted
that de-radicalization refers to a cognitive process
whereas disengagement refers to a behavioural
change. Nevertheless, it should be noted that neither
of these two automatically or even necessarily bring
the other. An individual who refrains from violent
attacks after some time or with outside intervention
can still adhere to the radical and extremist views of a
particular group. Also, an individual who distanced
himself/herself from the belief system of a particular
group, out of feelings of revenge for their former
“comrades” or “brothers”, fear of prosecution, social
pressure etc. can continue being part of the active
organization. Rehabilitation is again a cognitive
142
process which can be reinforced by social, cultural
etc. activities aiming at regaining an individual in
a way that it can move to the next step, namely
reintegration to the society. At the final stage,
the individual, withdrawing from his/her earlier
radical thoughts and/or belief in armed struggle,
re-joins the social structure he/she once belonged
to and becomes once again able to have a healthy
communication with the people from different
ethnic/religious/sectarian/ideological backgrounds.
De-Radicalization, Disengagement,
Rehabilitation, Reintegration
De-radicalization is a cognitive process with the
goal of cutting the link between its target audience
with radical ideas. Disengagement refers to the
process of making the individual abandon the
active organization in which he/she either took part
in violent acts or not. Rehabilitation is a cognitive
process which can be reinforced by social, cultural
etc. activities aiming at regaining an individual in
a way that he/she can reintegrate into the society
We should also note that re-integration is not
a one-sided process since the society should also
be prepared to accept those individuals back. Thus,
temporary or permanent segregation might be
preferred which, however, has its own risks, too,
such as engendering radical ghettos and further
radicalize target individuals. Society, especially if
suffering at the hands of the group the reintegrated
person was a member once, could easily adopt
an aggressive attitude or at least avoid having
him/her back again into their communities. In
such cases, if the individual lacks once again
proper business opportunities, social and political
recognition, and social acceptance by his/her
family/friends/neighbourhood, re-radicalization
might be a quite possible consequence. Therefore,
while rehabilitating the individual, the society, if
a successful reintegration is aimed rather than
isolation afterwards, the society should also be
prepared in time about some push and pull
factors of radicalization, about mental illnesses in
some cases, about the risk of producing and re-
producing stereotypes etc. in order to have a healthy
society with different ideologies/religious beliefs/
ethnicities etc. enjoying a peaceful coexistence.
International Politics
Coupled with the ambiguity of the success
of such efforts, the delicate balance between
fundamental human rights and these efforts, states’
occasional preference of “cheaper” and “less risky”
methods, this double-edged sword poses great
challenges to policy-makers. It can be expected
that, thanks to globalization which made it easier
to join radical/violent extremist/terrorist groups,
be inspired by their discourse, plan attacks on
their behalf, fight for them abroad etc. this will
be an even more challenging task waiting for
the concerned parties to take effective, flexible,
From Life
“The Koran is empathetic about the rights
of other religions to practice their own beliefs.
It unequivocally condemns attacks on civilians
as a violation of Islam. It states that suicide, of
any type, is an abomination. The tactic of suicide
bombing, equated by many of the new atheists
with Islam, did not arise from the Muslim world.
This kind of terror, in fact, has its roots in radical
Western ideologies, especially Leninism, not
religion. And it was the Tamil Tigers, a Marxist
group that draws its support from the Hindu
families of the Tamil regions of Sri Lanka, which
invented the suicide vest for their May 1991
suicide assassination of Rajiv Gandhi.
Suicide bombing is what you do when you
do not have artillery or planes or missiles and you
want to create maximum terror for an occupying
power. It was used by secular anarchists in the
nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. They
Further Reading
Alexander, Matthew (2008), How to Break a
Terrorist, New York: Free Press.
Chaliand, Gérard & Arnaud Blin (2007), The
History of Terrorism: From Antiquity to Al Qaeda,
eds., Berkeley: University of California Press.
Crenshaw, Martha (1995), ed., Terrorism in
Context, Pennsylvania: PUP
Hoffman, Bruce (2006), Inside Terrorism,
New York: Columbia University Press, 2nd edition.
comprehensive, and long-term measures and how
to devise the most effective/least risky/least costly
strategy while approaching to the “formers” while
not alienating other parts of the society.
4
How would you define counter-narrative and
how can it help fight against radicalization?
bequeathed to us the first version of the car bomb:
a horse-drawn wagon laden with explosives that
was ignited on September 16, 1920, on Wall
Street. The attack was carried out by Mario Buda,
an Italian immigrant, in protest over the arrest
of the anarchists Sacco and Vanzetti. It left 40
people dead and wounded more than 200.
Suicide bombing was adopted later by
Hezbollah, al-Qaeda and Hamas. But even in the
Middle East, suicide bombing is not restricted to
Muslims. In Lebanon during the suicide attacks
in the 1980s against French, American and Israeli
targets, only eight suicide bombings were carried
out by Islamic fundamentalists. Twenty-seven
were the work of communists and socialists.
Three were carried out by Christians.”
Source: Chris Hedges, I Don’t Believe in Atheists,
p. 141-142.
Horgan, John (2009), Walking Away From
Terrorism, London: Routledge.
Magnus Ranstorp (2007), ed., Mapping
Terrorism Research, London: Routledge
Stern, Jessica (2003), Terror in the Name of
God: Why Religious Militants Kill, New York:
Harper Collins.
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 Radicalization and Terrorism Shaping International Politics

Understand some of the main concepts in the literature

LO 1 about radicalization, violent extremism, and terrorism

Radicalization basically refers to a process of ideational transformation. The individual distinguishes

his/her own position against any alternative explanations of the reality and adheres to a rigid “us” and
“them” dichotomy. “Image sharpening” regarding the “enemy” and “negation” are some important
means justifying such a dichotomy. Alternative explanations and their supporters are demonized and
the need to fight for them in order to change the status quo is seen as a key prerequisite to be a true
supporter of his/her cause. Violent extremism is the phase in which a previously radicalized person steps
Summary

into the realm of criminal armed activity. Terrorism is widely accepted as a tactic aiming at spreading
fear and destabilising its target through violence in order to achieve a political goal and carried out
by an organization. Push and Pull Factors refer to structural and individual factors respectively. They
are also called “Drivers”. They refer to the factors that result in or contribute to radicalization of the
individual which might or might not end up in extremisim extremism or terrorism.

Have an overall idea about the historical roots of

LO 2 radicalization and terrorism

Radicalization and terrorism are not new phenomena and their roots can be traced back early as the
1st century. Ethnic and religious motivations had helped people to be organized in the face of the
entities they regarded as oppressors. The Zealots in the 1st century and the Assassins in the 11-13th
centuries were two early examples of such groups. Even though modern terrorism took a new form
after the invention of dynamite and its use by the Russian anarcho-terrorists, this deeper historical
understanding shows similarities, continuities and changes throughout the history of terrorism over
centuries and beyond regions.

Comprehend the variety of motivations for radical

LO 3 and terrorist groups throughout history and beyond
boundaries

Radicalism, violent extremism, and terrorism cannot be attributed to a particular religion/ideology/

ethnicity/sect etc. Once we analyse some most important terror groups throughout history, we see
that from Europe to the Middle East, from the United States to Russia, motivations of such groups
could be derived from any mind-set, be it an ideology, religion, sect, or ethnicity.

144
International Politics

Realize the significance of the virtual or online world for

LO 4 both radical, violent extremist, and terrorist groups and
the people, institutions, groups trying to challenge them.

The virtual world, and particularly use of social media and the Internet provided radical, violent
extremist, and terrorist groups with a significant leverage and a tool for propaganda. They can
convey their messages more cheaply and easily to vast amounts of people. They can also reinforce
such messages with visual and audio content. Moreover, through hackings, they can also benefit
from illegal money transfers. In response, the same tools also provide the actors fighting them with
a mechanism easier and cheaper to use. Therefore, the actors fighting them should also make good

Summary
use of the virtual world if they do not want to lose the fight on the virtual front of which importance
gradually increase.

Acknowledge the increasing awareness about the

LO 5 important roles both women and youth can play within
this context

Women and youth play and can further play important roles within the context of radicalization,
violent extremism, and terrorism. They are not only the subjects of radical or counter-propaganda;
they are also seen as an important pool of human resources for such groups. In that light, in the fight
against radical, violent extremist, and terrorist groups, they can also play quite significant roles since
they can frequently understand the threat more directly and respond to it more effectively.

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 Radicalization and Terrorism Shaping International Politics

1 Which era is regarded as an important 6 Who was the US President who declared a
showcase of state terrorism in France after the “Global War on Terror”?
French Revolution?
A. Ronald Reagan
A. 1715-1716 B. Bill Clinton
Test Yourself

B. 1793-1794 C. Barack Obama

C. 1813-1817 D. George W. Bush
D. 1879-1880 E. Donald Trump
E. 1910-1913
7 Which one is a cultist terrorist group carried
2 When was the Zealot’s rise as a terror group? out a chemical attack in Japan?
A. 1st century A. Aum Shinrikyo
B. 8th century B. ETA
C. 11th century C. DHKP-C
D. Medieval Era D. Ku Klux Klan
E. 16th century E. ISIS

3 Who was the Assassins’s leader? 8 Which UN Resolution recently focused on

A. Hasan-i Sabbah women’s role within the context of radicalization
and violent extremism?
B. Ulrike Meinhoff
C. Nizamulmulk A. UNSC 1792
D. Salahaddin-i Ayyubi B. UNSC 1892
E. Omer Hayyam C. UNSC 2013
D. UNSC 2242
4 How can we refer to repression, external E. UNSC 2349
intervention and unemployment within the
context of radicalization and terrorism? 9 Which UN Rresolution refers to the youth’s
A. Pull factors role within the context of radicalization and
violent extremism?
B. Enabling factors
C. Push factors A. UNSC 1250
D. De-radicalization B. UNSC 1930
E. Re-integration C. UNSC 2050
D. UNSC 2230
5 E. UNSC 2250
Which one is an extreme-left terrorist group?
A. Ku Klux Klan
B. Red Briagades
10 To what extend did social media use increased
between 2011 and 2017 in the Middle East and
C. The Assassins Africa?
D. Aum Shinrikyo
E. Neo-Nazis A. 110 percent
B. 119 percent
C. 123 percent
D. 143 percent
E. 191 percent

146
International Politics

If your answer is not correct, review “History If your answer is not correct, review
1. B 6. D
of Radicalization, Violent Extremism, and “Different Manifestations of Contemporary
Terrorism” Terrorism”

Answer Key for “Test Yourself”

If your answer is not correct, review “History If your answer is not correct, review
2. A 7. A
of Radicalization, Violent Extremism, and “Different Manifestations of Contemporary
Terrorism” Terrorism”

If your answer is not correct, review “History If your answer is not correct, review
3. A 8. D
of Radicalization, Violent Extremism, and “Women and Youth as Objects and Subjects
Terrorism” of Radicalization and Terrorism”

If your answer is not correct, review If your answer is not correct, review
4. C 9. E
“Definitions, Conceptualizations, and Push “Women and Youth as Objects and Subjects
and Pull Factors (Drivers)” of Radicalization and Terrorism”

If your answer is not correct, review If your answer is not correct, review
5. B “Different Manifestations of Contemporary
10. E
“Radicalization, Terrorism, and Cyber
Terrorism” World”

Suggested answers for “Your turn”

How do you define radicalization and violent extremism and how are
they different?

Radicalization is a cognitive process where the individual rigidly distances

itself from any alternative explanation of the reality and positions him/herself
against any such alternative explanation. He/she draws a line between “us” and
“them” and most frequently regards “them” as the ones that needs to be fought
and the fundamental freedoms should not be provided, including freedom of
your turn 1 speech and even freedom to live. If such a cognitive process is followed by a
transformation ended up being part of a violent act as well as advocating and
supporting such acts we can say that the individual is now in the territory of
violent extremism where law-enforcement agencies, legal bodies, and security
agencies play a more influential role even though the phenomenon cannot be
addressed through a security-only approach.

147
 Radicalization and Terrorism Shaping International Politics

What are some of the key tactics of the Assassins which inspired the
terror groups which would emerge in the following centuries?
Answer Key for “Test Yourself”

The Assassins had adopted several major tactics such as invading and
occupying strategically critical places where they can recruit and train new
recruits, assassination of some key figures including people from the ruling
elite, and utilisation of rivalries between states and among the ruling elite
in a particular state. In the following centuries, we witnessed that all these
your turn 2 tactics were used by numerous terrorist groups. To mention only a few, for
instance, PKK established presence strategic areas outside of Turkey’s borders
such as Qandil Mountains as bases of operation and recruitment, Russian
anarcho-terrorists assassinated Tsar Alexander II, and DHKP-C utilised the
rivalry between Greece and Turkey in order to get Greek support in its search
for a safe haven.

What roles can be played by women and youth in the fight against
radicalization, violent extremism, and terrorism in your opinion?

Women and youth can significantly contribute to the fight against

radicalization, violent extremism, and terrorism. Women can play important
roles in detecting the signals of radicalization of their sons, husbands, students
etc., rehabilitating and re-integrating female returnees, helping both society
and the previously radicalized individuals rehabilitate through women NGOs,
your turn 3 providing community policing in law-enforcement agencies. To name a few
possible contributions, the youth can actively engage in the process of devising
effective counter-messages and dissemination of them through social media,
in the efforts to raise awareness about the subject through social and cultural
projects, in directly engaging with the decision-makers devising counter
strategies if proper opportunities are provided, help identify main drivers their
age group is being affected in their journey towards radicalization.

How would you define counter-narrative and how can it help fight
against radicalization?

Counter-narrative is a particular form of narrative designed in order to

challenge and counter a particular form of narrative already put forward by
an actor. In the context of radicalization, it can be an ideological, religious,
ethnic, or sectarian narrative either challenging the key arguments of a radical
group, showing its inconsistencies between the discourse and action, or show
your turn 4 how the group distort the key arguments of the particular mind-set it claims
to be defending. Its target audience can be the possible recruits, the families
of them, already radicalized people who did not take part in violent acts yet,
people who took part in violent acts already, or returnees. Therefore, we can
say that once designed in response to the needs and vulnerabilities of its target
audience, it can be used almost at all stages of the fight against radicalization,
violent extremism, and terrorism.

148
International Politics
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“80 % of Moroccan Youth in ISIS Recruited Through
Social Media: Minister”, Morocco World News,
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“Reign of Terror”, Britannica, https://www.britannica.
com/event/Reign-of-Terror
Abdul Haq, Ethar (2016), “ISIS fighters in statistics:
age, religious attainment, education and more”,
Zaman Al Wasl, 4/7/2016.
Alfred, Charlotte (2016), “A Shocking Number
Of Kids Are Fighting And Dying For ISIS”,
Huffington Post, 19/2/2016.
Avrich, Paul (1968), “Russian Anarchists and the Civil
War”, Russian Review 27:3, pp. 296-306.
Bearak, Max (2017), “Rohingya militants in Burma:
Terrorists or freedom fighters?”, The Washington
Post, 11/9/2017.
Boren, Zachary Davies (2014), “There Are Officially
More Mobile Devices Than People in the World”,
Independent, 7/10/2014.
Chakravorti, Robi (1994), “Terrorism: Past, Present
and Future”, Economic and Political Weekly
29:36, pp. 2340-2343
Crane, Brent (2015), “Twenty Years Later, the Tokyo
Subway Gas Attacks Still Scar Japan”, VICE,
31/3/2015.
Daftary, Farhad (2016), “Islamic State and the
Assassins: reviving fanciful tales of the medieval
Orient”, The Conversation.
D’Alessio, Stewart J. & Lisa Stolzenberg (1990),
“Sicarii and the Rise of Terrorism”, Terrorism,
13:4-5, 329-335.
Dearden, Lizzie, “Isis documents leak reveals profile
of average militant as young, well-educated but
with only ‘basic’ knowledge of Islamic law”,
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European Commission, Strengthening Resilience to
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European Commission, Countering Violent Extremism:
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Gray, Jefferson M. (2010), “Holy Terror: The Rise of
the Order of Assassins”, History.Net, 24/2/2010.
Horgan, John (2008), “From Profiles to Pathways and
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Horsley, Richard A. (1979), “The Sicarii: Ancient
Jewish ‘Terrorists’”, The Journal of Religion 59:4,
pp. 435-458
Horsley, Richard A. (1986), “The Zealots. Their
Origin, Relationships and Importance in the
Jewish Revolt”, Novum Testamentum 28:2, pp.
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Johnson, Larry J. (2001), “The Future of Terrorism”,
American Behavioral Scientist 44:6, pp. 894-913
Kemp, Simon (2017), “Digital in 2017: Global
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Khalil, James and Martine Zeuthen (2016),
“Countering Violent Extremism and Risk
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Latson, Jennifer (2015), “How a Religious Sect
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149
 Cultures, Civilizations and
Chapter 7 International Politics
After completing this chapter, you will be able to:
Learning Outcomes

1 2
Explain how the concepts of culture, religion
and civilization are relevant to international Explain the emergence of identity politics as a
politics source of conflict in the post-Cold War world

3 Comprehend the relationship of globalization

and culture 4 Analyze the rising importance of the
civilizational dimension in international politics

Key Terms
Culture
Civilization
Religion
Identity
Chapter Outline Nation
Introduction
Colonialism
Conceptual and Historical Framework
Soft Power
Identity Politics in the 20th Century
Ideology
Culture and Religion in a Globalizing World
Modernity
Secularism
Enlightenment
Postmodernism
Globalization

150
International Politics
INTRODUCTION
In the post-Cold War world, the global
resurgence of religion and the return of cultures
and civilizations to the politics in general and to
the international politics in particular have resulted
in a discussion on how this so called resurgence
or return has emerged and how it is expected to
affect the foreign policies of the nation states
and international politics in a broader sense. In
addition, day by day, under the general frameworks
of identity and identity politics, the closely related
notions of religion, culture and civilization seem
to become more manifest not only in determining
national identities but also in blurring the
boundaries of the nation states in close connection
with the globalization process. That is why the
analysis of the increasing role of cultural and
civilizational dimesion in international politics is
related to the effects of globalization on the nation
state. Globalization serves as promoting force
for the emergence or revival of identity oriented
non-state actors and on the international system
as a facilitator of building ties among nations or
among the groups, with shared civilizational and/
or religious identities, from different nation states.
Nation states are not only passive but also
active participants of this new environment. The
transformation of the international system into
multipolarity allows the nation states, which
were previously expressing themselves within the
ideological boundaries of the Western or Eastern
blocs, to act more freely to emphasize their national
identities. Thus the identity factor, with reference
to cultural, religious and civilizational roots, has
become a source of soft-power, inspiration and
conflict in intra and international affairs.
Within this framework, this chapter focuses on
the role of cultures and civilizations in international
politics. The first part is devoted to a conceptual
and historical analysis. Distinctive features and the
close connection between concepts of culture and
civilization, and their interaction with the concept
of religion are explained in this part. The first part
also focuses on the approach of modernity to these
concepts. The second part analyses the emergence
of identity politics as a source of repression and
conflict in the 20th century with an emphasis on
the wars and intrastate conflicts that have occured
during the post-Cold War period. The third part of
the chapter focuses on the effects of globalization
on cultures. Under the light of the discussions
made in the previous parts, the fourth part analyses
the place of civilizational roots and civilizational
division lines in contemporary international
politics as a source of conflict and cooperation in
international relations and as a component of soft
power in the foreign policies of the nation states.
CONCEPTUAL AND HISTORICAL
FRAMEWORK
The Interaction of Cultures, Religions
and Civilizations
Culture, civilization and religion are among
the factors that contribute to the formation of
identity. Each has more than one definition and
each can be regarded as components of both
individual and communal identities. These
concepts are in permanent interaction; and
defining any of them may necessitate reference to
the other two. However, they do not automatically
refer to each other and the division lines among
cultures, civilizations and religions on the world
map do not always overlap. Especially in the
case of civilizations, while having contributed
to their formation, civilizational differences are
not solely based on religious divisions. Indeed,
many civilizations, including the ones labeled
with religious terms, have comprised different
cultures and different religous beliefs. Besides
their interaction; culture, religion and civilization
contribute to the formation of the identity both at
the indvidual level and at the state level, referring
to the common features of the national identity
that is exerted in foreign policy.
Three levels of analysis in foreign policy: Kenneth
Waltz was the first scholar to use the three-level
analysis methodology in foreign policy analysis.
He has defined the three levels as images.
According to his classification, foreign policy can
be analyzed at three levels: the system referring to
the structure and the interaction of the states, the
state referring to the internal affairs of the states
and the individual referring to the foreign policy
decison makers (Waltz, 1959).
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 Cultures, Civilizations and International Politics

Culture other. Firstly, culture refers to the endeavours of

Culture comprises a variety of factors associated
with a community such as shared language, shared
belief systems, ethical codes, worldview, lifesytle
and traditions. These factors shape the group
identity and they mark a resemblance within the
thoughts and behaviours of the members of a
community and differentiate them from non-
members (Heywood, 2014, 235). Human agency
is a critical factor in the inheritance and adoption
of a culture since the culture of a community is
not biologically inherited but learnt from the
older generations (Heywood, 2014, 235). At the
personal level, the term culture is used to symbolize
the difference between high and low culture. High
culture refers to a refined taste and knowledge in
arts and literature; and low culture is embraced by
the general population. (Heywood, 2014, 235).
However, the communal meaning of culture is
strongly related to the communal identity; and the
division of culture into high and low at the personal
level is not relevant for a discussion of the culture
at the communal level and its role in national and
international politics.
At the communal level, the term “culture”
has three meanings sometimes overlapping each
both people and communities in the artistic and
scientific fields such as fine arts, literature, civil
engineering, etc. towards reaching a point of
perfection. Secondly, the term culture is used to
mark the products of these endeavours. While
these products carry the distinctive features of the
national or civilizational cultures they have been
produced within, they are also currently regarded
as sources of inspiration for the humanity in
general (Fischer, 2006, 28). Thus, United Nations
Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization
(UNESCO) defines cultural heritage just like
natural heritage, as “our legacy from the past, what
we live with today and what we pass on to future
generations” and as an “irrepleceable source of life
and inspiration” (UNESCO, 2017).
Thirdly, culture is used to mark the common
features of the communal life, and consequently
highlights its distinctive features (Fischer, 2006,
28). The existence of a community within a given
culture represents a form of life based on tradition.
However, when this traditional order is threatened,
political aims based on ideology may emerge in
order to protect the “traditional” which is marked
by culture (Fischer, 2006, 36).

Ideology: Ideology is a modern concept and its first use dates back to the French Revolution when it was
used to mean “science of ideas” by the French philosopher Destutt de Tracy. Since then, there has been a
wide discussion on the definition of ideology. Ideology, in its general definition, is “a system of ideas that
aspires both to explain the world and to change it”. The discussion on ideology stems from the emergence
of distinctive ideologies such as communism, socialism, fascism and some forms of nationalism since the
second half of the 18th century. Both the rivalries among these ideologies or these “-isms” which have led to
conflicts since the 19th century among their adherents and the pejorative meaning imposed on the term due
to its call for action which has been an unending source of conflict, have rendered the concept of ideology
a controversial one (Cranston, 2017).

Cultural Diversity: “Cultural diversity” refers to the manifold ways in which the cultures of groups and
societies find expression. These expressions are passed on within and among groups and societies. Cultural
diversity is made manifest not only through the varied ways in which the cultural heritage of humanity is
expressed, augmented and transmitted through the variety of cultural expressions, but also through diverse
modes of artistic creation, production, dissemination, distribution and enjoyment, whatever the means
and technologies used.” (Article 4.1, UNESCO Convention on the Protection and Promotion of the
Diversity of Cultural Expressions, 2005).

152
International Politics
Figure 7.1 Turkey hosts 15 historic sites listed by UNESCO among the World Heritage. Historic Areas of İstanbul,
including the Blue Mosque pictured above, are among them.
The common features which result in a shared
world view in a community sharing the same
culture can be observed in various aspects of daily
life such as verbal and written interaction, religious
ceremonies, family life, fashion, business life, leisure
time activities, etc. (Giddens, 1997, 18). Especially,
languages mark the division lines between cultures.
Language symbolically represents the worldview and
life style of a group of people sharing the same culture;
and, just like an incomprehensible foreign language,
worldviews and life styles of people from different
cultures may seem incomprehensible (Fischer, 2006,
29). For example, the term “barbarian” was coined
in Ancient Greek to label the foreigners who seemed
to just say “bar bar bar”. The term “barbarian”
was applied to the foreigners as a general category,
whose languages were incomprehensible to the
Greeks, as a symbol of their difference. Although
the term “civilized” was not used at the time, the
term barbarian -in addition to its use to identify the
lingusitic differences- was used to label the people
whose customs, behaviours and worldviews were
different and who were consequently regarded as
inferior to the Greeks, who assumed themselves to be
the “civilized” community of the time. Therefore, the
barbarian meant the one coming from a lower level of
civilization (Gera, 2003). In the course of history, the
term barbarian became a relational concept and has
been used to identify the communities which were
assumed the opposite of the “civilized” community.
Worldview: The word worldview in
English is a translation of the German
word Weltanschauung. The term was first
used by Immanuel Kant in his Critique of
Judgement (1790) and has been widely
discussed by German intellectuals since the
19th century. Worldview is closely associated
with perception and is briefly defined as
“a  particular philosophy or view of life; a
concept of the world held by an individual
or a group” (OED, 1989). 
Religion
Linguistically, in its traditional framework, the
term “religion” was derived from the Latin word
“religio” which means “the respect for what is sacred”
(Little, 2016). It was first used to define the Pagan
belief system of the Roman Empire. Following the
adoption of Christianity as the state religion, the
term “religion” started to become associated with
Christianity; and this approach persisted until
the end of the Middle Ages. During the Middle
Ages in Europe, both the public and private
spheres of the human life were closely associated
with the Church. During the 15th century, the
concept religion acquired a modern interpretation
with an implicit acceptance of the possibility of
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 Cultures, Civilizations and International Politics
different religions and belief systems. Another
difference between the traditional and modern
understandings of the term religion in Europe
emerged in the following centuries in accordance
with the diminishing importance of the Church
in political life and the emerging Protestanism in
Western Europe. Consequently, religion started
to be used as a framework concept referring not
only to the Christian faith in general but also to
the different doctrines within Christianity, instead
of the teachings of a particular church (Thomas,
2000, p. 821).
The concept of religion does not have a strict
definition and the meaning(s) attributed to religion
may also differ from one religion to the other.
Sociologically, religion can be defined in three ways
which do not challenge but complete each other
and which will be helpful for us to understand the
role of religion in international politics. These three
definitions are classified as  substantial, functional
and family resemblance model definitions (Little,
2016). Substantial definitions attempt to define
what a religion is or is not either inclusively
or exclusively. Emphasis on the “belief in the
supernatural” is the common feature of substantial
definitions. Functional definitions focus on the
functions of religions in helping the members of
a society to solve their problems or to guide them
to live meaningful and purposeful lives. The last
category of definitions of religion are based on the
family resemblance model. In this model, shared
religious attributes are explained due to their
resemblance in the traits shared by the members
of the same family. Within this context, adherence
to a religion carries both personal and communal
features which can be briefly categorized in four
sections. The first one is the belief which helps
to constitute a worldview for the adherents of a
religion and which also comprises specific creeds
and doctrines of a particular religion or sect,
etc. The second one is the way in which rituals
are conducted -i.e., prayers. The third section is
related to the idea of transcendality; and it depends
on spiritual experiences of being connected to a
higher power and emphasises the experience of
“feeling” rather than the experience of “thinking”.
The fourth section involves the formation of
communities, which is strongly related to how the
religion controls and orients not only the personal
behaviour but also the socialization processes and
154
the social forms within a religious community
(Little, 2016). This fourth section is specially
important in understanding the relationship of
religion to cultures and civilizations. Religion
shapes the private and public spheres of the human
life and affects not only the interactions among
the adherents of the same religion but also their
interactions with the adherents of other religions.
Consequently, within the context of
international politics, approaches to the concepts
of culture and civilization carry a strong reference
to religion. (Tekin, 2015). Even some authors have
preferred to define religion as “a form of culture”
(Shaffer, 2006, p. 1). However, it is not possible
to completely agree with this suggestion. Indeed,
cultures do not necessarily follow the borders
of nation states. Small tribes or different groups
living within the same nation state may have
distinct cultures. Similarly, citizens of different
nation states may share the same culture. Although
the same holds for religions most of the time,
unlike cultures, potential adherents of a religion
theoretically comprise humanity. Although it is
not always necessary, belonging to the same ethnic
group, living in the same geographical area, sharing
a common past or speaking the same language
are seen as denominators of a shared culture.
Conversely, religions do not limit themselves with
the notions of time, space, language or ethnicity
(Tekin, 2015). In contrast with the limited nature
of cultures, religions claim to weaken cultural,
political and geographical boundaries in order
to construct a higher sense of belonging to their
adherents. However, there is a complicated
relationship between culture and religion since
religion, claiming to bring together the people
from different cultures under the same umbrella,
builds an encompassing and unifying but a looser
cultural bound among its adherents from different
cultures. Moreover, in many cases, religious belief
is a constructive element of national or group
cultures, so that the role of culture and religion in
building the group identity is not easily seperable
from each other.
1
Do you think that religion can be described as a
form of culture? Why?/Why not?
International Politics

The Invention of Civilization: A civilized indiviual is the emphasis on the process

Modern Approach
Civilization, in its general definition, is
“the stage of human social development and
organization which is considered most advanced”
(OED, 2017). Either ancient or modern,
civilizations do not extinguish but continue
to form or affect our identities both at the
personal and communal level. In his Grammar of
Civilizations, Fernand Braudel defines civilizations
as “extraordinary creatures, whose longevity passes
all understanding. Fabuluously ancient, they live
on in each of us; and they will still live on after
we have passed away” (Braudel, 1963, p. xxvii).
In the course of history, religions have played an
important role in the foundation of civilizations
by bringing together people from different cultural
backgrounds or ethnic origins (Hutchinson, 2008,
p. 84). However, it should not be forgotten that
civilizations came into existence under certain
political units and thus it should not be disregarded
that their political dimension differentiates them
from culture and religion.
The concept of being civilized is meaningful
both at the personal level and at the all
encompassing levels of humanity (Szakolczai,
2001). Just like the civilized-barbarian division of
the Ancient Greek, during the 18th century, being
civilized meant being refined and gentle; and the
“civil society” was the denomination of a society
composed of such civilized people. However,
the difference of the modern approach to the
of evolution (Keane, 1996). Thus, in the modern
sense, being civilized at the individual level does
not necessarily refer to linguistic or religious
differences or does not emphasize geographical
boundaries. Indeed, in close connection with
the communal aspects of the term civilization
closely associated with modernity, being civilized
or not draws the border between having evolved
(developed) or not (Lewis, 2003, p. 37).
Similarly, at the communal level, the idea of
civilization in the history of the humanity has a long
history since the emergence of the first civilization
in Mesopotamia. However, “civilization” as a term
came into existence during the second half of
the 18th century in Western European languages
in accordance with the modernization process.
The term was subsequently adopted or translated
by other languages (Baykara, 1990, p. 1; Tekin,
2015). It is clear that whether called a civilization
or not, developed communities historically
tended to define themselves as “civilized” against
other communities that lacked behind. The main
difference between the contemporary usage of the
word civilization as a reference to development
and modernity and the classical meaning of it
invoves the exclusivity of the former and the
multiplicity of the latter. Consequently, since the
Industrial Revolution that built the contemporary
Western civilization, the term civilization has been
consciously used by the Western intellectual and
the political elite to define the modern Western
civilization.

“White Man’s Burden” the expression of “White Man’s Burden” is based on the idea of the supremacy of the
white race over other races. This perception puts a burden on the superior white race, namely the Europeans, to
civilize other races which were colonized by European powers since the 15th century; and it was promoted by a
range of prominent European politicians, soldiers and intellectuals such as Arthur de Gobineau and Rudyard
Kipling. The idea of white supremacy was quite influential during the 19th and 20th centuries in both Europe
and the United States; and it served as a justification not only for the assertions of European imperialism in
Africa, Asia and Latin America but also for the racial segregation in the United States and the fascist ideologies
in Europe (Jenkins, 2016).

Industrial Revolution:  “In modern history, industrial revolution is the process of change from an agrarian and
handicraft economy to one dominated by industry and machinemanufacturing. This process began in Britain in
the 18th century and from there spread to other parts of the world” (Encyclopedia Britannica, 2017).

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 Cultures, Civilizations and International Politics
Modernity, Secularism and the
Emergence of the Nation State
The emergence of the idea of secularism in
Europe and its spread to the other regions of the
world is a consequence of the political, economic,
religious, cultural and scientific developments that
occured in Europe beginning from the 16th century.
First of all, a series of developments in the fields of
economics and politics took place in Europe. These
included colonialism, the emergence of bourgeoisie
as a strong social class with demands, the struggle for
power between the Church and the state authorities
and the Industrial Revolution. These developments
had strong effects on the emergence of nation states
in Europe firstly in the form of kingdoms and later
in the form of republics. However, the ideational
developments which occured during the same period
not only served the development of the nation state
but also had lasting effects on the place of religion
in communal life and in both internal and external
affairs of states. The emergence of Protestant sects
and their struggle with Catholicism caused enduring
violence and wars for decades and resulted in the
sectarian homogenization of the people living under
the same ruler. While this sectarian homogenization
promoted the development of national cultures
within defined territorial boundaries, the
Enlightenment called religion into question based
on “reason” and provided an ideational basis for the
emergence of the secular worldview which was also
applied to the field of politics.
Secularism, as a notion referring to the seperation
of religous institutions from the state, resulted in the
seperation of public and private spheres of the human
life. Consequently, religion lost its prominence as
an ideological tool to provide a bond between the
state and the citizen. This development had two
main consequences. The first one was the emergence
of the modern international society made up of
modern nation states. Beginning from the signing
of the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648, religion ceased
to exist as a cause of intervention in other states’
internal affairs. Religion was not only confined to the
private realm of the human life but also nationalized
within the territorial borders of a sovereign nation
state (Thomas, 2000). The second consequence
which arguably occured later was the replacement
of religion by the notions of nation and class that
provided ideologies (Little, 2016) to establish bonds
between the state and the citizen. While the notion
156
of class as an ideological tool did not always limit
itself to national boundaries, the emergence of
nationalism highlighted the idea of a shared culture
among the people living within the boundaries of the
same nation state. Thus, the idea of a homogenous
national culture shared by the citizens came into
existence as a bond between the co-citizens and as a
mark of seperation between the people living under
the authority of different nation states (Brubaker,
2009, p. 39). Within this context, sharing a common
culture and living in the same geographical area
have become signifying elements of belonging to a
certain nation, which is briefly defined as “a body of
people who possess some sense of a single communal
identity” (Robertson, 2002, p. 349).
IDENTITY POLITICS IN THE 20th
CENTURY
During most of the 20th century, modern nation
state expanded as a role model firstly to the new
states emerging from the former territories of the
Ottoman and Habsburg Empires in Europe, later
to the decolonized territories in Africa and Asia and
lastly to the former communist countries following
the collapse of the USSR. Until the end of the
World War II, ambitious nation building projects
targeting the social and economic reconstruction
of the emerging nation states or war-torn countries
were quite popular in many regions of the world
from Asia to Latin America. Besides their goals
of economic development, these nation building
projects had strong nationalist orientations and
involved the construction of national identities.
However, due to two main reasons these “identity
building” projects became long lasting sources of
internal and external conflicts.
Firstly, the notion of national identity is a vague
concept and can not be limited to the life span,
territority or developmental policies of a particular
nation state. In addition to civilizational roots,
religion, culture and many other factors such as
ethnicity, a common past, the political system and
geopolitics play an important role in the formation
of national identity (Tekin, 2015). Based on the
exclusivity or inclusivity of the national identity
definitions of the nation states, towards the 20th
century, some members of the nations seemed to
be living outside their borders and some foreign
nationals seemed to live within. Consequently, the
International Politics
pre-Cold War period witnessed the implementation
of various identity construction projects using
violent and peaceful methods. Atrocities, internal
displacement, exile and repressive policies on
minorities including cautions such as forced birth
control were not incommon acts. Population
exchanges based on international agreements,
resettlement of refugees in welcoming countries
and generous immigration policies to receive co-
nationals who are citizens of other countries were
relatively peaceful solutions.
Secondly, as Girard suggests, identities are
constructed over “against someone or something
else” (“What is Mimetic Theory?”, 2017). This
construction at the individual level can be extended
to the levels of the community and the nation or the
adherents of a religion. Accordingly, the existence,
or more properly the construction, of the “other”
in international relations or in the relationships of
nations is based on the condition of being “against”.
Thus, during the pre-Cold War period, many nation
states built their identity construction projects in
parallel with the construction of the “other” in the
form of a rival nation state with ongoing effects
surviving the Cold War in some cases.
The Cold War Period
Following the World War II, the world was
theoretically seperated into two ideological camps
named as the Western Bloc led by the United
States of America (US) and the Eastern Bloc led
by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR).
However, another classification in terms of their
economic development divided the countries in
the world into three groups:
First World (Developed Western countries)
Second World (Communist countries)
Third World (Developing countries including
but not entirely composed of the former European
colonies)
Within this context and under the shade of the
harsh rivalry between the US and the USSR, it had
become extremely important that which ideological
camp the Third World countries would choose to
be associated with. However, beginning from the
1970s, the problems of economic development
and the legacy of the colonial past, resulted in a
horizontal division among the countries of the world.
While the vertical division line of the iron curtain
symbolized the ideological differences between
the West and the East, the horizontal division line
between the North and the South symbolized the
differences in the level of development.
During the second half of the 20th century,
various communist or developing countries tried
to overcome their social, political and economic
problems by establishing repressive regimes
under single party governments, dictatorships or
military governments. These repressive regimes
combined the ambitious goals of development
with repressive politics on social and political life.
Their developmental planning policies resulted
in implementations of forced labour, internal
displacement, expropriation and nationalization
of foreign investments. In close connection with
the developmental goals, these countries tried
to construct their populations as members of a
single communal identity adopted by the state
authorities. Certainly, this approach resulted in
violent repression against parts of the populations
from various ethnic groups, religious communities
or ideological affinities.
Numerous examples of repressive identity
politics can be given as they were implied in the
Second World during the Cold War such as the
USSR under the presidency of Stalin. While
“literally rewriting Russian history” (Parry-Giles,
2002, p. 88) the Stalin regime caused death and
internal displacement of millions of USSR citizens
including not only ethnic and religious minorities
but also intellectuals who were regarded as potential
threats to the regime. Specific projects to construct
a national culture based on repressive policies were
implemented in China, under the name of Cultural
Revolution, and in Cambodia. In Cambodia,
under the Khmer Rouge (Red Khmer) during the
1970s, almost two million Cambodian citizens
lost their lives due to the nation building project
of the regime. These two million victims consisted
of people who died because of the executions and
detoriated living conditions; and the killings were
meant to target the relatively educated segments
of the Cambodian population from skilled
workers to doctors. Pol Pot, the head of the Khmer
Rouge, was an admirer of the communist model
implemented in China. Accordingly, his goal was
to rebuild whole Cambodia as an agrarian country
made up of villages and farms. People were forced
to leave the cities, expropriation started and both
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 Cultures, Civilizations and International Politics
industrial production and educational institutions
were abolished. Showing signs of an intellectual
background, such as speaking a foriegn language or
owning the products of modern technology, such
as a wristwatch or a pair of eyeglasses, were reason
enough to be sentenced to death. The atrocities of
the regime were managed to be halted only due to
the invasion of the country by its neighbor Vietnam
in 1979, which resulted in a change of regime in
Cambodia (Cambodian Information Center, 2017).
Another specific example of the repression of the
religious and ethnic identities from the 20th century
involves the repression of the Turkish identity in
Bulgaria during the 1980s. Under the presidency
of Thodor Jhivkov, the communist political regime
in Bulgaria started to implement an assimilation
policy on the Turkish minority to help the “rebirth”
of this group according to their “Bulgarian roots”.
Apparently, the aim was to change the cultural
affiliation of the Turkish minority in Bulgaria. The
symbol of the imposed cultural conversion of this
Bulgariazation policy was changing the names of
people. Turkish names were forcedly changed into
Bulgarian names in every official document such as
birth certificates and medical files. Putting a ban
on the right of receiving education in Turkish and
jailing the opponents of the Bulgarization policy in
concentration camps were other measures taken by
the Bulgarian authorities. In 1989, Bulgaria forced
the Turkish population who resisted the repression
policy to migrate to Turkey. Within a period of
months, around four hundred thousands of Turks
from Bulgaria arrived in Turkey (“Recalling the
fate of Bulgaria’s Turkish minority”, 2017).
The Emergence of Identity Politics as
a Source of Conflict in the Post-Cold
War World
The ideological rivalry was an important source
of conflict during the Cold War period. In the
aftermath, divisions based on cultural and religious
differences immediately took the place of the
ideological rivalry. Following the collapse of the
USSR, the world witnessed the “renewed assertion
of national identities” and religious identities
being featured as distinguished components of
national identities both in the former USSR
territories and in the former communist countries
in general (Peel, 2016, p. 91). However, the wave
158
of conflicts during the 1990s was not limited to
former communist countries. It spread to Africa
and Asia and had roots in the colonial pasts of the
countries such as Indonesia, Somalia and Ruanda.
Actually, the ending of the Cold War was the third
and the last wave of dissolution in the modern
international system. The first wave occured in the
aftermath of the World War I due to the dissolution
of the Habsburg and Ottoman Empires; and it
resulted in the emergence of nation states in a wide
geography comprising regions from Europe, Asia
and Africa. The second wave occured due to the
process of decolonization. This process started in
the aftermath of the World War II and lasted until
the 1970s. Both of the waves and especially the
second one also contributed to the emergence of
the Global South.
The third and the last wave, as mentioned above,
was the result of the dissolution of the bipolar
world system of the Cold War during the 1990s
(Record, 2000, p. 3). However, this dissolution
process of the East-West divide coincided with an
increasing development gap between the North and
the South. The decline of an overarching authority
such as an empire or a strong bloc leader, has
caused the emergence of the previously supressed
cultural, ethnic and religious identities as a source
of conflict in combination with social, economic
and political problems of these underdeveloped or
developing countries.
The conflicts which occured in the ex-
Communist regions and later in the Middle East
due to military interventions led by the US are
regarded as a new generation of wars. In these “new
wars,” identity has itself become an important
source of conflict alongside the asymmetry
between the fighting forces, brutal violence applied
in the conduct of warfare and the blurring of the
distinction between the civilian and military
targets. Most of the time, the perception of the
existence of an ongoing “identity war” between the
parties is explained as the main source of conflict in
these new wars (Heywood, 2014, p. 300).
A striking example of such an identity war
based on strong religious, sectarian and cultural
differences was the armed conflicts that emerged
following the dissolution of Yugoslavia. The armed
conflict between the Orthodox Serbs, Catholic
Croats and Muslim Bosnians started in 1992 and
came to an end in 1995 with the signing of the
International Politics

Dayton Agreement. During the period of conflict, Serbian forces employed systematic genocidal actions
against the Muslim and Croat population including mass killings, rape and siege in order to clear the
future independent state of Bosnia mainly from its Muslim population and gain authority on a larger
territory.

Figure 7.2 Old Bridge, Mostar, Bosnia and Herzegovina. The historic bridge was destroyed during the war by the
Croatian forces that have also employed violence against the Muslim and Serbian population. The Old Bridge was
rebuilt after the war.

The Response of the IR Theory
The main unit of analysis in the discipline of IR
is the nation state which first emerged in Europe
during the 17th century and was disseminated to the
other parts of the world as a role model since then.
IR has emerged as a discipline in social sciences
mainly in the early 20th century and focused on
the interaction of nation states with a strong
emphasis on the pervasiveness of the secular nation
state model as a basis of the modern international
system. However, the IR discipline focused on the
“state” as a geographically defined territory with a
population; and thus nation, as a group of people
bonded by cultural, religous and geographical
affinities, was not included in the analyses
(Galtung, 2010, p. 22). While the transboundary
nature of cultures and civilizations was disregarded
due to the strong territorial emphasis on the nation
state, religion was most of the time disregarded due
to the secular structure of the modern nation state
which limits the effect of religion on its citizens
to their private lives. Accordingly, the IR theories
traditionally focused on the interaction of states
in terms of their material capabilities or their so
called hard power. The mainstream IR theories,
namely Liberalism and Realism, have regarded
the religion as a private issue that should be
dealt at the individual level. Consequently, from
the very beginning, they have disregarded the
possibility of religion as an ideational element
with possible effects on the international system
and on international relations (Hurd, 2008, p.
3). The only exception is the discussion on the
place of ethics in international relations, whether
secular or not, about the questions on the conduct
of armed conflict and the conditions of war and
peace. However, even this is regarded by scholars as
problematic since IR itself is based on “areligous”
assumptions and (the issue of ) ethics might not be
relevant to it (Laustsen, Wæver, 2003, p. 170).
Following the collapse of bipolar world system
based on the ideological differences among
nation states; cultural, civilizational and religious
manifestations and both affinities and divisions
have become more visible in international affairs
and in the foreign policy of the states. Although
it is contested whether these factors have become
the determinants of the foreign policy choices

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 Cultures, Civilizations and International Politics
of states or have an impact on the shaping of
the international system, it is clear that they
have been considerably effective on the foreign
policy decisions. Consequently, IR theories
such as English School, Constructivism and
Poststructuralism have opened the door to the
possibility of integrating the notions of culture
and religion into their analyses as determinants of
national identity (Laustsen and Wæver, 2003, p.
171). Nevertheless, besides trying to explain the
recent developments, the scholarly discussion on
the role of religions, cultures and civilizations in
the IR involves an ontological dimension on how
their emergence affects the founding pillars of
the modern and secular nation state as the main
unit of analysis in the study of IR. It should be
noted that despite the emergence of some forms
of postmodern approaches that emphasize the
possibility and acceptability of cultural differences
shaping national identites, mainstream IR theory
is still distanced from including the the effects of
culture, civilization and religion in the analysis.
CULTURE AND RELIGION IN A
GLOBALIZING WORLD
Culture and Globalization
The world has been witnessing the last wave
of economic globalization that started during
the 1970s. Globalization can be described, in its
narrow definition, in terms of economics as “an
increasing internationalisation of markets for goods
and services, the means of production, financial
systems, competition, corporations, technology
and industries” (UNSTATS, 2002, p. 170).  also paved the way to the emergence of peaceful
However, the process of economic globalization
was accompanied by the ending of the Cold War
and the triumph of liberalism as a political and
economic ideology over communism in 1990s.
Both of these two developments, more specifically,
the rising interconnectedness of economic activities
supported by the advancements in technology and
160
the transformation of the international system,
have caused an ongoing transformation not only
on the economic activites but also on almost every
aspect of the human life.
There is a complex relationship between culture
as a representative of religious and civilizational
identities and globalization. Globalization, besides
the promotion of economic homogenization
based on capitalism, promotes cultural and social
homogenization and supports the dissemination
of the Western values. At the same time, it blurs
both the territorial and political boundaries of the
nation states and paves the way for the assertion
of subnational, regional or global identities based
on cultural, religious and civilizational affinities.
Especially, in the case of religions most of which
are globalizing agents from the very beginning,
the ending of the Cold War and the emergence
of the recent wave of globalization have provided
religions with the opportunity to surpass
boundaries or reshape them by disregarding the
divisions among the nation states (Altglas, p. 3).
Moreover, the emphasis of the globalization on
the individual theoretically provides the indvidual
with the opprotunity to claim the “many identities”
s/he posseses instead of being classified under “a
single allegedly pre-eminent religious identity”
which Sen describes as an “intellectual confusion
that can animate dangerous divisiveness” (2006).
Thus recent decades in world history marked
by globalization have witnessed the return of
religion, culture and civilization to national and
international politics as components of national
identity. Their return has not only provided a
topic for political and scholarly discussions but
and violent ways of identity expressions by
substate actors. The manifestation of religious,
cultural or civilizational identities has become a
justitification for substate and non-state actors,
from civil society organizations to fundamentalist
terrorist groups, to attract supporters, raise funds,
gain acceptance or solely to vindicate violence.
International Politics

Civil Society Organizations: As a non-governmental organization (NGO) refers to the organizations which are
not established or coordinated by a government or any public institution, a civil society organization (CSO) is
also an NGO. However, a CSO is also expected not to be attached to interest groups in the society which gather
to secure or promote financial interests, e.g., business organizations. Consequently, NGOs with religious and
cultural orientations or philanthrophic activites belong to the category of CSOs (Stivachtis, 2007, p. 15).

What can be said about the place of culture as an identity component in a globalizing world?

Figure 7.3

Globalization and Religion: The Global Resurgence

Today, the place of religion in international politics is mainly discussed under the themes of revival
or resurgence of religion. The increasing visibility and importance of religion in the public sphere and in
the international politics respectively have both paved the way to the rise of the religious theme in the
daily and scholarly discussions on international relations. In contemporary politics, religious activism as
a component of conflict and opponency to the state mechanism reveals itself in two ways. The first one
is the assumed role of religious differences as a source of conflict. However, studies have revealed that
even the conflicts which are infamously known as conflicts between the adherents of different religions;
activists, terrorists or politicians turn to the religious discourse to support their claims although the
sources of conflicts are mainly about economic benefits, the division of resources or social recognition.
According to Jurgensmeyer, although religious differences among the communities living in the same

161
 Cultures, Civilizations and International Politics
geographical area may trigger conflicts, it is
not always the case. Indeed, he has reached the
conclusion that socio-economic problems and
territorial claims might be the reasons of conflict;
and a mutual interaction arises between religion
and politics. Thus, religion becomes politicized;
and coversely, politics are religionized. Despite
the practicality of the goals the “rhetoric of their
activism” might be religous (2004, p. 3).
The second feature of contemporary religious
activism serving as a source of opposition
and conflict is the contradiction between the
idea of modern nation state as a product of
the Enlightenment process and the religion
(Jurgenmeyer, 2004, p. 7). Zabala highlights this
contradiction and asserts that the underlying
cause of the global resurgence of religion in the
last decades is “the secularization of the sacred
that has been at the center of the process by which
the civilization of the western world developed”
(2005, p. 2). Within this context, the secular
nation state is criticized from the religious point
of view by the adherents of different religions.
Nevertheless, the relationship of the nation state,
religion and nationalism as an ideology is quite
complex. As Jurgenmeyer asserts, despite the
criticism of the secular nation state, religious
revival also reunites the members of a nation in
the form of a religious nationalism which may
result in the emergence of a religious nation-state
due to a disillusionment from secular nationalism
(2004, p. 7).
The Civilizational Dimension in
Contemporary International Politics
In close connection with the emergence of
the last wave of globalization towards the last
decades of the 20th century and certainly to the
extinction of the bipolar world system based
on ideological rivalry, since the 1990, a strong
tendency of envisioning the future developments
in international relations, as relations among
civilizations, have emerged. The very early
response to these developments by the Western
world was the assumption that the history had
come to an end with the victory of the Western
civilization over communism (Fukuyama, 1999)
According to Fukuyama, what was witnessed
was “not just the end of the Cold War, or the
162
passing of a particular period of postwar history,
but the end of history as such: that is, the end
point of mankind’s ideological evolution and the
universalization of Western liberal democracy
as the final form of human government”
(Fukuyama, 1999).
However, the discussion on whether the
history has come to an end and the Western
civilization has triumphed has certainly not begun
with the thesis of Fukuyama. Indeed, as Toynbee
suggests, since the 19th century, many people in
the US, Britain or other Western countries have
embraced the idea that the history had come
to an end on many occasions such as victories
in the battles or revolutions. (Toynbee, 1947).
Nevertheless, besides the economic and social
problems the developed Western countries have
been encountering since then, the emergence
of ethnic and religious conflicts in the former
communist the developed terrorism and US
military interventions in the Middle East proved
that the history has not come to an end in the
sense Fukuyama had asserted.
A second and widely discussed thesis belongs
to Huntington, who claims that the history
has not ended with a triumph of a particular
civilization; and indeed the future conflicts are
expected to occur between civilizations and would
be the last chain of conflicts in modern history.
Huntington categorizes the civilizations of the
world into eight as Western, Sinic, Japanese,
Hindu, Islam, Orthodox, Latin-American and
African civilizations. He also leaves space for the
possibility of subdvisions within these categories
(Huntington, 1993). The clash of civilizations
thesis, implicitly mentioning religious identities
as the main division line between communities,
(Fox, Sandler, 2004, p. 6) is based on the
assumption that cultural differences between
the countries from different civilizations will be
the main source of conflict in the international
system in the forthcoming years. Although
cultural differences also resulted in conflict
previously in the course of history, the novelty of
the today’s conflict potential is the contribution of
globalization. Thus not only the assumed border
areas dividing civilizations but also any region
of in the world can become a scene of conflict
(Marx, 2003, p. 202).
International Politics
The clash of civilizations thesis is still being
discussed after 25 years mostly due to the fact that
cultural differences with civilizational and religious
divisions have become more visible in inter and
intrastate conflicts and in the approach of the third
countries to these conflicts in the post-Cold War
world. On the other hand, the recent and ongoing
conflicts in different regions of the world have
come into existence as a result of the combination
of various reasons such as disputes on the sharing
of resources, underdevelopment, political struggles,
class-based divisions, foreign interventions, etc.
Thus, many scholars, intellectuals and politicans
have proposed that instead of regarding conflict as
“the only possibility” for today and for the future,
decision makers should focus on “flowering of
coexisting civilizations for mutual benefit” (Marx,
2003, 204). And the collapse of the bipolar world
system has evolved into a kind of multipolarity
with the survival of a superpower -the United
States, a candidate for this status -China, and
many great powers and emerging powers. Within
this context, many countries have embraced their
civilizational roots not as a source of conflict and
as a marker of differences but as a source of “soft
power” which makes each country unique while
opening the possibility of cooperation among
different countries based on mutual respect with
the acceptance of the uniqueness of the each
country. Today, many countries benefit from
Figure 7.4 Cityscape of Guiyang at night, China
their civilizational roots as a component of their
national identities for peaceful purposes including
but not limited to diplomatic initiatives and nation
branding projects. The Alliance of Civilizations
Initiative as a joint project of Turkey and Spain and
the global promotion of Chinese cultural values
as a soft power tool can be cited as examples. In
presenting itself, China harmonises the spiritual
dimension of its civilization with its socialist
values in combination with the fast pace of the
economic development. Thus this combination of
modern achievements and civilizational values are
promoted both within and outside the country to
increase the “attractiveness” of China as a model
(Glaser, Murphy, 2009, p. 25). Consequently, while
the global resurgence of cultural, civilizational and
religous identities does not seem irreversible, the
main discussion has been revolving around the
question of whether this resurgence inherenly
carries the potential of conflict or this development
can be coverted into an opportunity for the peaceful
conduct of international politics.
3
Can you explain the aims of the Alliance of
Civilizations Initiative and the role of Turkey
within this project?
163
 Cultures, Civilizations and International Politics
From Life
“For thousands of years human lived
and evolved in different parts of the earth
in fairly autonomous entities. Cultures and
whole civilizations appeared and disappeared,
cultures that -- seen from a modern perspective
-- remained largely confined within their own
territories, isolated from one another. If they
knew about each other at all, their contacts were
minimal. In those times, few if any events in the
human world could have had a substantial and
immediate impact on the world as a whole.  the past would mean declaring war on humanity
Nowadays, things are very different. Within
a fairly brief period of time -- no more than a
fraction of human history -- a global civilization
has come into being and spread around the whole
planet, linking the different parts of it together,
absorbing cultures or spheres of civilization
which had so long developed as autonomous
units, and forcing them to adjust. A great
many of the conflicts or problems in our world
today, it seems to me, can be attributed to this
new reality. They can be explained as struggles
of different cultural identities, not against this
global civilization but within themselves, for the
survival and enhancement of what they are and
the ways in which they differ from each other --
struggles for what they appear to be losing. Some
say we are living at a time in which every valley
wants to be independent. Sometimes this really
seems to be the case. This desire for independence
is an understandable reaction to the pressure to
integrate and unify exerted by our civilization.
Cultural entities shaped by thousands of years of
history are resisting this, for fear that within a few
years they might dissolve in some global cultural
neutrality. If we mix all the colors together, we get
gray. Cultures of different colors are apparently
wrestling with the danger of turning gray in the
melting pot of a single civilization.  Transcendent”, talk to the National Press Club,
How can we overcome this contradiction?
Where can we turn for hope? 
164
The solution certainly does not lie in putting
our faith in the essentially atheistic technological
civilization of today. We should not rely on the
assumption that this civilization, supposedly
more progressive than all the multifarious cultures
and civilizations of the past, is more worthy than
they are, or that it is justifiable to suppress and
annihilate traditions in its name because they are
believed to slow the victorious progress of history.
Humanity includes its own past; fighting with
itself. On the other hand, rejecting the present
civilization, abandoning all the good things it
has brought and attempting to return to some
bygone tribal life, is not a solution either. 
The only wise course is the most demanding
one: we must start systematically to transform our
civilization into a truly multicultural civilization,
one that will allow everyone to be themselves while
denying no one the opportunities it offers, one
that strives for the tolerant coexistence of different
cultural identities, one that clearly articulates the
things that unite us and can develop into a set of
shared values and standards enabling us to lead
a creative life together…I see the only chance
for today’s civilization in a clear awareness of its
multicultural character, in a radical enhancement
of its inner spirit, and in an effort to find the
shared spiritual roots of all cultures -- for they are
what unites all people. It is on this basis that we
should articulate anew the standards and practices
that will enable us to open up an entirely new era
of mutual inspiration. The preconditions for this
are genuine openness, the will to understand each
other, and the ability to step beyond the confines
of our own habits and prejudices.”
Václav Havel (former President of the
Czech Republic and playwright), “A Sense of the
Canberra, Australia, March 29, 1995.
Source: http://www.crosscurrents.org/havel.htm
International Politics

Further Reading

Beyer, P. (1994). Religion and Globalization, Salvatore, A. (2007). The Public Sphere:
London: Sage.
 Liberal Modernity, Catholicism, Islam. New York:
Said, E. W. (2003, or. 1978). Orientalism: Palgrave MacMillan.
Western Conceptions of the Orient. Penguin, Todorova, M. (2009). Imagining the Balkans.
London. 
 New York: Oxford University Press.

165
 Cultures, Civilizations and International Politics

Explain how the concepts of culture,

LO 1 religion and civilization are relevant
to international politics

The concepts of culture, religion and civilization are meaningful both at the personal and communal
levels. Firstly, their contribution to the making of personal identity and communal identity is exerted in
the national identity of a country and consequently have effects on the foreign policy decisions of the
states at varying degrees. Secondly, in the recent decades, due to globalization and the transformation of
the international system, non-state actors have gained importance in both the internal affairs of the states
Summary

and their international relations. In this process, subnational or transnational group identites based on
shared cultural, religious and civlizational identities have become manifest resulting in various ways and
degrees of interaction, cooperation and conflict within the scope of international politics.

Explain the emergence of identity

LO 2 politics as a source of conflict in
the post-Cold War world

In the aftermath of the Cold War, due to the extinction of the rivalry between the liberal and communist
ideologies that dominated the blocs, previously repressed cultural, religious and civilizational identities
found an opportunity to express themselves, which, from time to time, resulted in the emergence of
conflicts. This development coincided with an increasing gap between the developed and the developing
South; and due to the non-existence of a repressive bloc leader, the supressed cultural, ethnic and religious
identities in the Global South emerged as a source of conflict in combination with social, economic and
political problems of these underdeveloped or developing countries.

166
International Politics

Comprehend the relationship of

LO 3 globalization and culture

Within the context of globalization, culture is regarded as a representative of religious and civilizational
identities and is associated with the “local” versus the “global” distinction promoted by globalization. However,
the relationship of globalization and culture is complex; and it can be explained through different point of
views sometimes contradicting each other. Globalization implicitly promotes homogenization not only in the
field of economics but also in many aspects of the social life and politics. But it also promotes the assertion of

Summary
the individual identity and the group identity at micro and macro levels, disregarding the limitations imposed
by the nation state. However, whether globalization has paved the way for the “local” to manifest itself or has
constantly been transforming the local into something global, named as “glocal”, is another topic of discussion
just pointing out the complexity of the relationship between globalization and culture.

Analyze the rising importance

LO 4 of the civilizational dimension in
international politics

During the last decades, as a result of the collapse of the bipolar system and the effects of globalization,
national identities have become more manifest due to their assumed uniqueness or shared dimensions
with other nation states based on civilizational roots. Within this context, under the generic term of
civilization, religious and cultural identites have become more manifest in the interactions of states
and non-state actors in international politics. Accordingly, considering the rising importance of the
civilizational dimension, three main theses have been asserted for the future of international politics
The first one is the end of history thesis based on the assumed triumph of the Western civilization over
other civilizations. The second one is the clash of civilizations thesis depending on the conflict potential
carried by this new environment due to the cultural differences among civilizations. The third one, which
can rather be described as an approach instead of a comprehensive thesis, focuses on the possibilities of
peaceful coexistence and cooperation of the differences.

167
 Cultures, Civilizations and International Politics
1 Which one of the following factors can not
be listed as a denominator of a shared culture when
shared by a group of people?
A. Language B. Skin colour
C. Traditions D. Ethical codes
Test Yourself
E. Religion
2 Which one of the following has not
contributed to the emergence of the modern
nation state?
A. Fascism
B. Secularism
C. Enlightenment
D. The emergence of the bourgeoisie
E. Industrial Revolution
3 Which one of the following is not listed
among the civilizations mentioned in the
Huntington’s clash of civilizations thesis?
A. African B. Western
C. Northern D. Islam
E. Sinic
4 Which one of the following is a correct
explanation of the relationship of culture,
civilization and religion?
A. Boundaries of civilizations are based on
religious divisions.
B. Different religious and cultural identities may
exist under a single civilization.
C. Each ethnic group belongs to a different
civilization.
D. All three terms are solely significant at the
communal level.
E. All religions have established their own
civilizations.
5 Which factor differentiates civilizations from
religions and cultures?
A. The long history of civilizations
B. The emergence of civilizational roots as a tool
of soft power
C. The resurgence of the civilizational theme in
international politics
D. The political dimension of civilizations
E. The antiquity of civilizations
168
6 Which is true for cultures, civilizations and
religions?
A. are in permanent interaction
B. contribute to the formation of individual identities
C. contribute to the formation of national identities
D. are concepts which can be used interchangeably
E. have lost their importance in the recent decades
7 Which term has been used to identify the
communities which were assumed to be the
opposite of the “civilized” community?
A. Globalized B. Secular
C. Ancient D. Religious
E. Barbarian
8 Considering the discipline of International
Relations, which one of the following is not true?
A. Recently, some IR theroies, such as
Poststructuralism, have opened the door to the
possibility of integrating the notions of culture
and religion into their analyses
B. The scholarly discussion on the role of religions,
cultures and civilizations in the IR involves an
ontological dimension
C. International Relations rejects the political and
sociological consequences of globalization
D. The main unit of analysis in the discipline of IR
is the nation state
E. IR theory is still distanced from including the
the effects of culture, civilization and religion
in the analysis
9 When and where the term “civilization” was
first used?
A. 3rd century B.C. - Ancient Greece
B. 5th century - India
C. 15th century - Europe
D. 18th century - Europe
E. 21st century – China
10 Which is true for the clash of civilizations thesis?
A. describes cultural differences as a source of
conflict
B. supports the end of history thesis
C. aims to support the Chinese cultural values
D. promotes the cooperation of civilizations
E. focuses on culture as a source of soft power
International Politics

If your answer is wrong, please review

1. B If your answer is wrong, please review the 6. E
the section “The Interaction of Cultures,
section “Culture”.
Religions and Civilizations”.

Answer Key for “Test Yourself”

If your answer is wrong, please review the
2. A 7. E If your answer is wrong, please review the
section “Modernity, Secularism and the
section “Culture”.
Emergence of the Nation State”.

If your answer is wrong, please review the

3. C sectio“The Civilizational Dimension in
8. C If your answer is wrong, please review the
Contemporary International Politics”. section “The Response of the IR Theory”.

If your answer is wrong, please review If your answer is wrong, please review the
4. B 9. D
the section “Conceptual and Historical section “The Invention of Civilization: A
Framework”. Modern Approach”.

If your answer is wrong, please review the If your answer is wrong, please review the
5. D section “The Invention of Civilization: A
10. A
section “The Civilizational Dimension in
Modern Approach”. Contemporary International Politics”.

Suggested Answers for “Your Turn”

Do you think that religion can be described as a form of
culture? Why?/Why not?

When shared by all the members of a group, religious belief is an important

component of group identity. Religion has control over how and in what forms
the members of the group interact with each other; and it also orients how
to conduct relations with the adherents of other religions. Due to this strong
contribution to the making of group identity such as the identity of a nation or
people living in the same civilization, religions might be regarded as forms of
culture. However, the denominators of a shared culture like language, ethnicity
your turn 1 or living in the same geographical area, albeit not necessarily within the
borders of the same nation state, are not relevant for religions most of the time.
Indeed, unlike cultures, potential adherents of a religion theoretically comprise
humanity. However, religions provide an overarching cultural identity for their
adherents from differnet ethnic and cultural origins. Thus it would not be a
mistake to define religion as a form of culture considering the encompassing
but loose culture bonds established among the adhrerents of a certain religion.

169
 Cultures, Civilizations and International Politics

What can be said about the place of culture as an identity

component in a globalizing world?
Suggested answers for “Your turn”

The debate on the spreading of globalization and liberal Western values to

the former communist countries and the developing countries of the Global
South has resulted in a debate on the interaction of the local and the global.
Unfortunately, within this debate, the notions of culture, religion and
civilization have been used interchangeably. These notions most of the time
your turn 2 have been labeled as local. While some approaches such as postmodernism are
based on the acceptance of plurality as a result of the differences in cultural
and religious backgrounds, some others have focused on how the “local” is
being transformed by the global. Nonetheless, in the field of politics, the
debate has been around the triumph of the West and the possible future
challenges for the West.

Can you explain the aims of the Alliance of

Civilizations Initiative and the role of Turkey
within this project?

Alliance of Civilizations Initiative was launched in 2005 by Turkey and Spain;

and it later became a UN initiative. The Initiative focuses on the possibilities
of a multilateral conduct of international politics supported by dialogue and
it carries on activites in a wide range of fields including education, youth,
your turn 3 migration, and media. Turkey’s leading role in the Initiative contributes both
to the overall aims of the project and to the soft power of Turkey, a country
with civilizational roots that has historically achieved the peaceful coexistence
of ethnic, cultural and religious differences.

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II, Glossary. Retrieved from https://unstats.un.org/
unsd/publication/Seriesm/Seriesm_86e.pdf
Waltz, K. (2001, or. 1959). Man, The State and War:
A Theoretical Analysis. New York: Columbia
University Press.
Weltanshauung. (1989). The Oxford English Dictionary
(2nd ed.).
What is Mimetic Theory? (November 7, 2017).
Retrieved from http://violenceandreligion.com/
mimetic-theory/, 07
Zabala, S. (2005). A Religion Without Theists or
Atheists. S. Zabala (Ed.), The Future of Religion.
New York: Columbia University Press.
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 ULI108U-INTERNATIONAL POLITICS
Unit 1: From Conceptualization to Transformation into Global Politics
Introduction
Since globalization is relatively a new concept it is
important to define it. It is considered as a concept that
shrinks the distances among the continents a wider
geographic sense of vulnerability, and a worldwide
interconnectedness of important aspects of human life,
including religion, migration, war, finance, trade, diseases,
drugs, and music. Globalization implies a significant and
obvious blurring of distinctions between the internal and
external affairs of countries and the weakening of
differences among countries. Moreover, it is also defined
as being essentially the historical transformation of the
world especially visible in social, political, economic and
cultural terms. Globalization is thus used to describe
transformations proliferating all kinds of communication
among people living in many different regions of the
world.
Primary Phases of Globalization: Trade Routes,
Empires, Religions
State as we know it today is a new concept. In early
periods, human communities lived in stateless societies.
State has been an apparatus that came into being with the
spread of communal life, in general, civilization. As
agricultural revolution became widespread, the need for
stable residences, properties, and protection of these
properties such as keeping the harvest intact emerged.
However, as a result, this new way of life has caused some
disputes. The idea of an institution to design, protect, and
manage this new lifestyle has shaped the state itself.
Through the following years, with the help of culture,
invasions and religion, it spread all around the world.
Moreover, the oceanic breakthrough led to an age of
discovery and new states emerged afterwords. Also The
bourgeoisie, as a new class, has slowly become the carrier
of new form of wealth accumulation. This class has
become the most important threat to challenge monarchies
while increasing its economic and political influence
gradually. However the bourgeoisie preferred to move as
closely as possible with the monarchies till they reached a
certain degree of influence. Thus, they jointly succeeded
to eliminate the secular power of the Catholic Church on
politics, economy, and society though it was the main
figure of European politics throughout the Middle Age.
French Revolution has made a great impact over world
politics. Not only demolishing the Ancien Régime, but
also the French Revolution has shaped the forthcoming
centuries even decades by replacing value sets of politics,
economics and culture.
Expansion of Europe: European Problems and
Solutions Becoming Global
The General Napoléon Bonaparte became “First Consul”
in 1799; first decade of post-revolutionary France was not
politically stable in essence. Napoléon then changed his
title and became the emperor of France in 1804. It took a
decade to be overthrown. That decade was famous with
the Napoléonic Wars. France waged wars against great
powers of Europe, such as Austria, Prussia, Russia, and
Britain. At the Congress of Vienna (November 1814 –
June 1815), after the defeat of France, the future of Europe
and the order of post-war period were negotiated.
Participants ignored may be the most important issue -
which is newly emerging values of the continent- and
organized congress on problems of whole Europe and
bringing them a solution jointly.
The concept of “border” as mentioned earlier, new social
classes, the idea of nationalism, and the decline of the
Ancien Régime overlapped with each other. The resulting
synthesis was a new mass that could reflect its choices and
will: the Nation. With the French revolution, the concept
has had a new formation: the Nation-State.
The nation-state was the last link in the chain of new
mindset of the modern Western political order -still in
charge although it has been questioned more and more in
time. The earlier steps of industrialization caused the need
for wider cooperation between cities in need of
standardization in language and dialects as well as
commercial elements. Thus, with the economic
partnership of the nearby cities, the evolution of the
peoples into a national identity developed simultaneously.
In this regard, 1830 and 1848 can be accepted as symbolic
dates of the end of Ancien Régime throughout the
European continent.
Nations consolidated in terms of some important events in
the history. Firstly, enrichment of Europe and
technological improvements led to the Industrial
Revolution. This new type of production accelerated labor
markets, augmented industrial city life, and also increased
military expenditures with the newly emerging heavy
military technology. Thanks to the abolition of slavery and
the earlier slave trade through the Atlantic world in 19th
century revealed the need for labor. Parallel with new
labor order, a new social class, proletariat, emerged. It is
such a class that works with low wage, lives in unhealthy
conditions, and “have nothing to lose but their chains.”
Secondly, the French Revolution created the “citizen” who
voted, elected, bore arms, and paid taxes. When military
service became an obligation of citizenship, governments
began saving some of the financing to build an army.
Thus, with the mobilization of a large number of citizens,
the nation-states were able to form great armies easier than
the earlier empires. The financing for the mercenaries
could be devoted to war technology. As a result of the
Industrial Revolution, a rapid and intensive armament race
had already begun among the nations.
With the effect of the World War I, which lasted more
than four years, had two opposing forces. Ironically,
regional or national politics turned into global issues
through a world war at the first hand. The Allied Powers
won the WWI. The period between 1919-1939 was named
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Unit 1: From Conceptualization to Transformation into Global Politics
as “the inter-war period”. The eminently rising
nationalism was the main characteristic of the period
especially for Germany, the most suffered nation of post-
WWI regulations.
Also during the WW1, in the year 1917; Bolsheviks took
the Czar down and started to establish a communist
regime. In 1922, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
(USSR) was founded. The early 20th century witnessed
the decline of liberalism in Europe. As Hobsbawm noted
“Of all the developments in the Age of Catastrophe,
survivors from the nineteenth century were perhaps most
shocked by the collapse of the values and institutions of
the liberal civilization whose progress their century had
taken for granted, at any rate in ‘advanced’ and
‘advancing’ parts of the world.”. On the other hand,
ideologies such as Fascism, Nazism, Marxism, and
Communism have arisen.
The extremist Europe faced with a crisis in the midst of
1930s. Germany asked to get rid of the chains of the
Treaty of Versailles (1919) to become an honourable
member of the continent.
Besides, Italy wanted to expand its influence on colonial
territories. The quite aggressive stance of these two
countries nerved the other nations to stop Germany gently
through the British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain’s
appeasement policy to overcome Hitler employing
diplomatic methods but not threats or sanctions.
United Nations System
United Nations was founded in 1945. But during WW2,
Allied Big Four (China, USA, USSR, UK) accepted the
document of Declaration by United Nations in 1942. The
principle of gathering conferences was still valid even
during war period. They declared to share the same values,
stated in declaration
League of Nations was another organization, founded in
1920, after WW1. But USA’s withdrawal, made it
dysfunctional before its foundation.
The UN based on criteria of international assembly. Each
nation had a chair in UN
General Assembly. Although Security Council, composed
of fifteen members five of whom have permanent seats to
generate a problematic issue about democracy of the
Council; UN is still the most inclusive organization.
Globalization in the Cold War Period and
Thereafter
Bipolar system dominated world politics from 1945 to
1991, until fall of USSR. Western and Eastern blocs had a
leader country in front, USA and USSR, keeping financial,
ideological, and political domination in their hands,
balancing each other. Other countries clustered behind
major powers and maximized their own interests by
bandwagoning. Blocs have founded their own security and
economic cooperation organizations, such North Atlantic
Treaty Organization (NATO) (1949), and Warsaw Pact
(1955), The Council for Mutual Economic Assistance
(COMECON) (1949), Organisation for European
Economic Cooperation (OEEC) (1948).
Cold War was a period interestingly with no armed
conflict happened between major powers.USA and USSR.
Instead, various peripheral territories faced with proxy
wars several times. Thus, states that had lethal nuclear
weapons, managed to avoid such military actions.
Negative outputs of two world wars taught the importance
of interconnection and diplomacy among nations. UN is a
unifying, easy connecting, and negotiating platform
among governments with their permanent representatives
that help nations to deal with international contemporary
issues.
“Proxy wars” is a concept used for Cold War conflicts in
which peripheral states or groups clashed with each other
in peripheral regions with support from the leaders of the
blocs.
Another aspect of UN system was adaptation of new
nations to the international order. Some victor nations of
the WW2 were given responsibility on colonial territories
to fulfill their criteria to become independent under UN
Trusteeship Council.
In 1970s, the world was getting too closer and global with
improving communication technologies. There were not
only positive elements, but also crises were getting global.
1979 was a year of many critical developments in the
world with Iranian Revolution, downfall of Sandinista
government in Nicaragua, and Afghanistan invasion of
USSR. Bloc politics and conflicts intensified. All these
developments started the so called Second Cold War
period since USA and USSR started another armament
period, after the Détente lasted almost 15 years following
the talks of limiting nuclear and conventional weapons of
both nations. USA started another phase of Cold War to
weaken USSR and to get an absolute victory.
Global Problems Need Glaobal Solutions
When Fukuyama (1992) mentioned about the end of
history, Huntington (1993) defended the opinion of new
conflicts will built upon not ideologies but civilizations.
That was true that USA had promoted democratic and
liberal values over the world in 1990s. But, also 11
September 2001 was a date of chaos in USA. Terrorist
attacks hit Pentagon and World Trade Centre. Al Qaeda
undertook the attacks, and Afghanistan intervention of
USA started a couple of days later.
War against terrorism was the motto of the new era, and
USA regarded itself responsible to fight against terrorist
groups all over the world. Terrorism notion has been as a
global issue, which cannot be dealt by any particular
nation.
Trans-boundary movement of people, money, and guns
across states cause the problem to be solved with a global
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Unit 1: From Conceptualization to Transformation into Global Politics

initiative of nations. It requires coordination and joint

mechanisms to struggle with terrorist networks. The other
issue is immigration and refugee problem. Humanitarian
crises generate series of humanitarian tragedies, such as
forced migration and internally displaced people.
Globalisation has set the stage for debates whether nation
state is declining over the world or not. First of all,
neoliberal transformation in 1970s made developmental
state dysfunctional with recessive economic parameters. In
addition, the value set of liberal school of thought
predicted a national and modern developmental state
model to lead welfare economies also for the newly
independent states, but post-1970 period did not verify it.
Global problems need global solutions and that situation
causes states to evolve into post-Westphalian style of
politics.

3
 ULI108U-INTERNATIONAL POLITICS
Unit 2: International Politics and International Organizations
Introduction
Although states maintain their position as the primary
actors in international politics, starting from 19th century,
the number, types and significance of international
organizations as actors in international politics have
gradually increased. The Yearbook of International
Organizations database includes 69,000 international
organizations, 37,000 of which are active and 32,000 are
dormant. Every year 1,200 new organizations are added to
Yearbook’s database (The Yearbook of International
Organizations, n.d.). There are a growing number of
intergovernmental and international nongovernmental
organizations carrying out various functions and roles.
Definitions, roles, Functions and Classification of
International Organizations
International organiztaion is called as a formal continuous
structure established by agreement between members
(governmental and/or nongovernmental) from two or more
sovereign states with the aim of pursuing the common
interest of the membership. an entity can be identified as
an international organization if it carries three main
characteristics classified under three headings:
membership, aim and structure. In terms of membership,
an international organization should draw its membership
from two or more sovereign states, although membership
should not be limited to states or official representatives of
states such as government ministers. With regard to aim,
an international organization should be established to
pursue common interests of the members rather than
pursuing the interests of only one member, regardless of
the desires of others. Regarding structure, an international
organization should have its own formal structure of a
continuous nature, which is established by an agreement
such as a treaty or constituent document, is separate from
the continued control of one member. There has been
many other definitions to international organizations All
of which cover three important characteristics:
• The organization ‘must consist of at least two
qualified members of the international system’
• The organization must hold more or less regular
plenary sessions at intervals not greater than once
a decade.
• The organization should have a permanent
secretariat with a permanent headquarter
arrangement and which performs ongoing tasks.
Roles of International Organizations in
International Politics
International organization generally plays three major
roles in international politics: instrument, arena and actor.
Instrument: International organizations are generally
being used as an instrument by its members for particular
ends. This is particularly the case with intergovernmental
organizations where sovereign states are members,
because they have the power to constrain international
organizations from acting independently
Arena: International organizations provide arenas or
forums where members to come together to discuss, argue,
co-operate or disagree.
Actor: The third role attributed to international
organizations in international politics is that of
independent actor. Here, actorness refers the capacity of
an organization to act independently from its constituent
member states and ability to affect the course of world
events. The actorness of an organization necessitates
having an existence separate from the states that make it
up.
These three roles are not mutually exclusive. An
international organization in different times and settings
can play all three roles. For instance, the UN has played,
and continues to play, each role in different times.
Functions of International Organizations
There are nine major functions that all international
organizations carry out: interest articulation and
aggregation, normative, recruitment, socialization, rule
making, rule application, rule adjudication, information,
operations.
Interest articulation and aggregation:
International organizations as one of the institutionalized
forms of contact between the active participants in the
international system provide those having common
interests a platform where they come together for realizing
their common interests.
Normative: International organizations have made a
considerable contribution to the normative activities
of the international political system through creating
norms, values and norms of behavior and
establishing them worldwide.
Recruitment: International organizations can have an
important function in the recruitment of participants
in the international political system. Since
intergovernmental organizations consist almost
exclusively of representatives of sovereign states, it
gives a further incentive for non-self-governing
territories to achieve their independence.
Socialization: International organizations can act as
agencies of socialization in international system. For
instance, the EU through its institutions such as the
Commission, the Economic and Social Committee,
the Committee of the Regions, the Parliament and
the Court of Justice, can foster a ‘Community spirit’
among the various interest groups dealing with the
Union and among the citizens of the member
countries.
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Unit 2: International Politics and International Organizations
Rule Making: Since there is no central formal rule-
making institution such as a government or a
parliament in the international system, rules are
based on the acceptance of past practice or on ad hoc
arrangements or they may be founded in bilateral
legal agreements between states or they may emanate
from international organizations.
Rule Application: International organizations monitor
the application of rules and in case of a rule
violation, they take necessary measures to enforce
compliance.
Rule adjudication: At the international level, in case
of legal disputes between states concerning the
interpretation of a treaty, any question of
international law, the existence of any fact which, if
established, would constitute a breach of an
international obligation, the nature or extent of the
reparation to be made for the breach of an
international obligation, the function of rule
adjudication is carried out by courts of justice,
arbitration panels and tribunals within the body of
international organizations.
Information: International organizations carry out a
significant function in the field of collecting,
processing, analyzing and disseminating information.
Operation: International organizations undertake a
number of operational functions, including resource
allocation, provision of technical aid, force
deployment, etc.
Classification of International Organizations
International Organizations can be classified under three
main categories defined by sovereignty, membership and
aims.
Sovereignty: According to sovereignty criteria,
international organizations are classified according to
whether member states delegate all or some of their
sovereign rights to an international organization or
not.
Membership: The first distinction between the types
of international organization based on membership is
those which are interstate or intergovernmental and
those whose membership is non-governmental. A
further category is international organizations with
mixed membership. If an international organization
is established with an intergovernmental agreement
and whose members are sovereign states, it is
considered as an interstate or intergovernmental
organization (UN, NATO, WTO, etc.).
Aims and Activities: In terms of aims and activities,
international organizations are classified according to
what they are supposed to do and what they actually
do. If an organization has general aims and carries
out a wide range of activities, they are considered as
international organization with general aims and
activities, such as the UN.
Historical Roots of International Organizations
Although the foundation of international organizations
was built in ancient times, the organizations themselves
did not emerge until the 19th century, when four pre-
conditions were met:
• The existence of a number of states functioning
as independent political units;
• the existence of a substantial measure of contact
between these states;
• an awareness of problems that arise from states’
co-existence;
• state’s recognition of ‘the need for creation of
institutional devices and systematic methods for
regulating their relations with each other’
Theoretical Approaches to International
organizations
Theoretical approaches to international organizations are
classified under two main categories: Traditional
Approaches to International Organizations and Revisionist
Approaches to International Organizations. Traditional
approaches include Realism and Liberalism. They have a
state-centric approach to the analysis of international
organizations. According Realist thinkers, international
politics have an anarchic structure in which there is no
common authority over and above the sovereign state, or a
lack of government at the international level. Realists
claim that in anarchic international system, states cannot
trust each other and they always fear of cheating and thus
this makes interstate cooperation difficult to achieve. For
Realists, main motivation of states in anarchic
international system is survival, i.e. preserving the
existence of the state, because of this, states cannot rely on
other states or international organizations for their defence
and must rely on its own resources for survival, which is
called as self-help.
Liberalism: Liberals claim that international
organizations play a significant role in international
politics. Although liberals do not deny the concerns
about relative gains (because they also accept
assumptions about state egoism), they claim that
states may be more concerned about making absolute
gains (improvement in a state’s position in absolute
terms).
Functionalism: Functionalism is a part of liberal
tradition of International Relations, but it goes
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Unit 2: International Politics and International Organizations

beyond the state-centric view of international politics

and examines international organizations as a
significant actor beside states. It can be classified as
a theory of international integration and a central
component of the study of international and non-
governmental organizations
Neofunctionalism: Neofunctionalism emerged in
order to explain newly emerging European
integration process in the 1950s. The most important
figures of Neofunctionalism are Ernst Haas and Leon
Lindberg. Neofunctionalist approach drew on earlier
functionalism, but in a spirit of friendly critique and
with some significant divergence.
Transactionalism: The most prominent representative
of transactionalist approach to international
integration was Karl Deutsch. Deutsch defined
international integration as being about the
achievement of security within a region or among a
group of states

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 ULI108U-INTERNATIONAL POLITICS
Unit 3: International Politics and Regionalism
Introduction
Some concepts which explain a locally union or unity such
as region, regionalism, regionalization, and integration are
confused with each other. It can be showed some
differences between these concepts despite small nuances.
First of all; while region refers to a defined and clear area
in one geographic space where boundries are lined; with
reference to Frost, regionalism expresses a political
movement, which is based on awareness of and loyalty to
a region, combined with dedication to a region-wide
agenda of some kind in the second phase. The suffix (“-
ism”) in the word of regionalism suggests a conscious set
of related ideas or ideology that is capable of forming the
basis of a political movement or an intellectual trend. It
implies a coordinated action on the part of governments
based on some vision or set of ideas. Thirdly;
regionalization can be defined as the formation or
realignment of transactions and attitudes along regional
lines. It is in some way “a manifestation of globalization”.
According to Frost, “regionalization is driven, brokered,
and carried out primarily by private individuals acting on
their own. Real-life integration requires people-employees
of multinational corporations, small-scale traders,
representatives of civil society organizations, and many
others” In brief, regionalization is a process, and
integration is its fruit. Besides, there are many varieties of
integration.
Conceptual Framework: What is “Region”?
The concept of ‘region’ has generically occupied an
important position in social sciences. It has been defined
first and foremost historically as a space between the
national and the local, primarily within particular states.
These types of ‘regions’ are referred to as micro-regions
and they can exist within a special state or be cross-border
naturally. The concept of region also shows macro-regions
(regions of the world), which are larger territorial (in
contrast to non-territorial) units or sub-systems, between
the state and the level of global system. A Finally, there
are meso-regions: mid-range state or non-state
arrangements and processes between the two levels
A region is basically “a part of the land surface of the
earth”. In the geographical literature, regions can be
defined in three ways as uniform, functional, and
administrative areas, respectively. At this point, most
useful for purposes of economic development are
functional areas combining places that are characterized
by strong degrees of “interdependence and strong
complementarities”.
The concept of region evolved historically to mean a space
between national and local within a state or a nation state.
This meaning can be captured by the terms ‘micro-region’
or ‘sub-national region’ that may refer to either sub-
national or cross-border regions such as the regions of
Flanders and Oresund.
Regionalism and Regionalization
Regionalism which can be defined as a theory or practice
of being regional rather than being central in the level of
system, administration or economic, cultural, or political
affiliation is a prominent trend in the field of regional or
systemic studies.
In terms of Fawcett, there have been many attempts by
different scholars to define regions and regionalism. The
terrain of the definition has always been fluid and
arguably become more complex since the scope of both
these two terms are continually contested and subject to
different interpretations. While the term of region has been
typically defined “as geographically proximate and
interdependent states” and the term of regionalism “as
attempts at formal cooperation between such states”, it is
evident that for many scholars who study on the subject of
region and regionalism “these definitions are today too
narrow”.
International relations specialists and political scientists
are suffering to some extent from confusion in their
vocabulary with the terms ‘regionalism’ and
‘regionalisation’, which are used interchangeably. For
Camroux, regionalisation can be defined as akin to
“nation-building”, and “regionalism” can be defined as a
process of “identity” construction akin to “nationalism”.
The terms “regionalism” and “regionalization”, in this
place, are often used interchangeably to describe the
construction of regional entities in Asia.
It should be looked the definition of ‘federalism’ in the
standard international political science. It should be
reminded that federalism and regionalism are
fundamentally intertwined in both theory and practice.
According to this definition by Brown (2007), “federalism
is a system of government in which authority is
constitutionally divided between central and regional
governments. Many experts who study federalism see
regionalism expressed in direct, political, geographically-
specific ways before it can potentially take on
constitutional significance. This is true at subnational,
supranational and trans-national levels alike.
Regionalism offers such three quite different concepts as
regional cooperation, regional provision of public goods
and services, and regional integration. As a dimension of
regionalism, regional cooperation explains other more
integrated forms of regionalism that strengthen regional
cooperation but on encouraging the region and its
institutions to better integrate cultural norms and practices.
If regional cooperation is to be promoted, therefore, more
emphasis needs to be given to the identical factors.
The concepts of regional integration and regionalism may
theoretically seem contradictory.
Integration brings about the idea of “unification along
legal, political, economic lines” (like between the
members and candidates of European Union). In the
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 ULI108U-INTERNATIONAL POLITICS
Unit 3: International Politics and Regionalism
meantime, regionalism brings about “the idea of
diversification”; regions as actors. However, there is great
deal of coherence and compatibility between these two
processes. Additionally, integration may increase
regionalization and the process of regionalization. New
regionalism is shaped by changes in the international
context and, above all, the emerging international and
continental regimes.
From another point of view, there are three distinct forms
of ‘regionalism’ as social, economic, and cultural. When
social regionalism refers to the fact that “the divergent
electoral behavior of different regions is often simply a
reflection of their different social composition”, economic
regionalism describes the fact that “the geographical
concentration of a particular industry may lead voters in a
region to develop a distinct sense of shared economic
interest”. Finally, the third form of (political) regionalism,
is cultural regionalism that could emerge “if significant
groups of voters come to question the legitimacy of the
state as a provider of public goods”.
The cumulative knowledge has grown with the study of
regionalism during the last two decades, numerous
regional organizations in the institutional design, and the
relationship between regionalism and globalization.
Globalization is a process of interaction and integration
among the people, companies, and governments of
different nations, a process driven by international trade
and investment and aided by information technology
Regional Organizations and Categorization of
Regional Organizations
The term ‘regionalism’ has two connotations in the
negative and positive meaning. In the negative sense,
regionalism implies an “excessive attachment to one’s
region to prefer to the country or the state”. When looked
at its positive sense, it is “a political attribute associated
with people’s love for their region, culture, language, etc.”
by the view of maintaining the independent identity.
The regional organizations have a long history, and they
have become a central feature of international relations in
the last quarter of the century. Since the disintegration of
the Cold War during the late 1980s, and encouraged by the
advent of globalization, these organizations have gradually
grown in number and complexity.
In the present globalized world, we can mention a lot of
regional organizations. As some of them still protect its
entity, some have been obliged to be extinct because of
some economic, financial, and political reasons. The most
effective element in its survival is financial factors. In the
literature, we can see several types of categorization.
However, one of the widespread classification is security,
economy, integration, etc.
Regional Political Organizations
European Union (EU)
European Union, as a political regional organization, is set
up with the aim of ending the frequent and bloody wars
between neighbours in Europe, which culminated in the
Second World War. As of 1950, the European Coal and
Steel Community (ECSC) begins economically and
politically to unite European countries in order to secure
lasting peace. The six founding countries are Belgium,
France, Germany, Italy, Luxembourg and the Netherlands.
The Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC)
The Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), as a
political regional organization, is the second largest inter-
governmental organization after the United Nations with
its membership of 57 states that spread over four
continents. The OIC is the collective voice of the Muslim
world. It endeavours to protect the interests of the Muslim
world within the spirit of promoting international peace,
welfare, and harmony among the peoples of the world.
Council of Europe
The founder fathers of Europe were the people who
launched the process of European construction by
founding the Council of Europe in1949 and setting up the
European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) in 1950 and
the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1957.
Regional Economic (Development) Organizations
Asia-Pasific Economic Organization (APEC)
The idea of APEC was firstly publicly broached by Bob
Hawke -Former Prime Minister of Australia- during a
speech in Korea on 31 January 1989. Ten months later, 12
Asia-Pacific economies met in Canberra (Australia) to
establish APEC. The founding members were Australia,
Brunei, Darussalam, Canada, Indonesia, Japan, Korea,
New Zealand, Malaysia, the Philippines, Thailand,
Singapore, and the United States.
North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA)
The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA)
came into effect in 1994, creating one of the world’s
largest free trade zones and laying the foundations for
strong economic growth and rising prosperity for the
United States, Canada, and Mexico. Since then, NAFTA
has demonstrated how free trade increases wealth and
competitiveness, delivering real benefits to workers,
families, farmers, manufacturers, and consumers.
European Bank for Reconstruction and Development
(EBRD)
The European Bank for Reconstruction and Development
(EBRD) was established to help build a new, post-Cold
War era in the Central and Eastern Europe. It has since
played a historic role and gained unique expertise to foster
change in the region and beyond it.
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Unit 3: International Politics and Regionalism

Regional Security Organizations

North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO)
Security in the present times is key to people’s well-being.
NATO’s purpose is to guarantee the freedom and security
of its members through political and military means, and
in security.
NATO politically promotes democratic values and enables
members to consult and cooperate on defence and
security-related issues to build trust, solve problems, and
prevent conflict in the long run. NATO militarily is
committed to a peaceful resolution of disputes in
international relations.
African Union (AU)
The advent of the African Union (AU) can be defined as
an event of great magnitude in the institutional evolution
of the continent in 1999. The Heads of State and
Government of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU)
issued the Sirte Declaration that calls for the establishment
of an AU to accelerate the process of integration in the
continent to enable it play its rightful role in international
relations and the global economy as addressing some
multifaceted economic, social, and political problems
which were compounded as they are by certain negative
aspects of globalization.
Arab League/League of Arab States (AL)
The Arab League (AL) or League of Arab States (LAS) is,
as a regional security organization, an intergovernmental
organization and a voluntary and independent association
consisted of some African and Middle East countries
whose peoples are mainly Arabic speaking. The founder
objectives of the Arab League were to strengthen links
among the AL’s Member States, to coordinate their
policies under AL, and to promote the common interests
of the member countries.

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 ULI108U-INTERNATIONAL POLITICS
Unit 4: Human Rights in International Politics
Introduction
In the post-1990 world, the concept of human rights has
become one of the most controversial topics. The subjects
such as the history, classification and universality of
human rights have been intensively debated and serious
times have been spent on these issues. The post-Cold War
international order, initially, was embraced with great
optimism, but, shaken by civil wars and genocides, it has
become more controversial over time. Issues such as the
responsibilities of the international community and how
the boundaries between respect for sovereignty and the
responsibility to protect should be drawn are just a few
issues that are on the agenda today.
Human Rights: A Philosophical and Conceptual
Framework
Undoubtedly, the conceptualization of human rights
necessitates a philosophical interrogation. First of all, it is
an important starting point to question what the concept of
the right itself means and whether is possible to have a
common definition of a right on all humanity. The
question of what the source of rights is has been discussed,
in particular, in the literature of law, from past to present.
In this context, it is often argued that a source of rights is
the law of nature.
The acquisition of human rights together with the birth of
man has had a broad philosophical support, especially by
social contractors. However, there are other explanations
with regard to the source of rights.
Another issue pertaining to human rights is the
classification of rights. One of the most important
approaches to the classification of rights belongs to Georg
Jellinek. This classification of negative status rights,
positive status rights, and active status rights can be
roughly described as follows: Negative status rights
emphasize the restrictions of states and personal
immunity. In other words, the conceptualization of
negative rights, which point to a protected area in which
states could not intervene in any way, constituted the basis
for preventing the state’s tyranny. Positive status rights, on
the other hand, emphasize the need for states to take on
various responsibilities and to strengthen social and
economic conditions. In short, the so called positive rights
entitle the state to create an environment in which
individuals can live a life that suits human dignity and
prevents them from falling into poverty. On the other
hand, the third group of rights, active status rights,
includes both the guarantee and the extension of the rights
to vote and to be elected. In other words, these are the
rights that enable political participation Another important
point to be emphasized about human rights is the
consideration that the development of human rights is
largely Western-centric. In that regard, there is a large
body of literature on the universality and locality of
human
Rights. Lastly, it is possible to mention the existence of a
large literature on the causes of human rights violations. In
this framework, the type of the political system
(democratic or authoritarian), the economic structure of
the country, poverty or other ideologies of hatred and
psychopathological characters are used to understand
human rights violations.
Historical Background of Human Rights
Human rights have been expressed in various circles from
ancient Greece to Rome and from institutional belief
systems to non-institutional belief systems. This is
because human rights have been thought as a common
research subject to philosophy and theology.
Revolutionary developments towards fundamental rights
occurred in England in the 17th century. In this period, the
existence of some untouchable rights was vigorously
spoken, and these fundamental rights were defended
against the authorities of that time.
Although the first efforts to establish fundamental rights
pointed to the 17th century, the widening and deepening
of the rights have spread over many years. However, it
was required to wait for the 19th century to build mass
democracies through which political rights are guaranteed.
Within this scope, the liberal and socialist tendencies that
gained momentum in Europe with the 1830 and 1848
Revolutions erupted with the industrial revolution have
become important cornerstone events in obtaining
fundamental rights, in particular, political rights.
Internationalization Process of Human Rights
The internationalization of human rights is the result of a
long period of time. In this context, the first transnational
attempts are some regulations concerning the law of war.
Some efforts to tackle intergovernmental relations through
international legal arrangements and organizations have
been shaped by The Hague Conventions and the Geneva
Protocol. Undoubtedly, all these arrangements served as
an important cornerstone in the formation of the law of
war.
Post-Cold War Developments in the Process of
the Internationalization of Human Rights
The mention and appreciation of human rights in
international texts are largely followed by post-1945 era.
In the post-World War II period, the agony of societies,
especially the genocide, brought with it a number of
measures to ensure that similar conditions would not occur
in the future.
In spite of all these steps, the geostrategic necessities of
the bipolar world during the Cold War prevented
international initiatives on human rights from being
effectively put in place. In other words, the overriding of
security in the security freedom balance prevented to take
steps in the name of liberties in these years.
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 ULI108U-INTERNATIONAL POLITICS
Unit 4: Human Rights in International Politics
Indeed, the period in which human rights were
emphasized much more in international politics was after
the Cold War. Contrary to the widespread optimism that
had arisen, the post-Cold war environment led to new
problems, such as civil wars, genocides, scarcities, natural
disasters, which threaten human life
Globalization and Discussion of the Loss of
Sovereignty in the Development of Human Rights
The importance which human rights have gained in the
international arena is also the cause and consequence of a
new form of sovereignty. In this framework, the absolute
sovereignty, which is attributed to Bodin and Hobbes, has
lost its relevancy today.
Initiatives to protect human rights, which become an
almost universal norm in the globalization process, have
also accelerated. As Brysk shows with globalization,
international organizations, as well as transnational
organizations, have become increasingly visible.
Secondly, the transformation of sovereignty has become
possible not only by the hands of states but also by the
increasing activities of non-state actors from above and
below. Increasing communication opportunities by
lowering the transaction costs through globalization and
blurring the national and international distinction have
brought social movements to gain a transnational
character.
Non-State Actors and Human Rights
Human rights are being tried to be secured by activities
carried out both by states and by non-state actors. In this
context, some countries are in a leading position and play
a leading role. For instance, Brysk (2009) states that some
countries such as Sweden, Canada, Costa Rica, the
Netherlands, Japan and South Africa attach special
importance to human rights in their foreign policies, and
they have noteworthy activities in the protection and
promotion of human rights.
Human Rights in the Agenda of International
Organizations
Although several international organizations exist acting
in the field of human rights such as the European Union,
African Union, ASEAN and UNASUR, the activities and
principles of the United Nations, the European Union, the
Council of Europe, and the Criminal Court of Justice will
be emphasized. The reason for the selection of these
particular organizations, besides the limited space, is that
they are the most visible and the main organizations acting
in this field.
The United Nations
The United Nation (UN) is an international organization
established on 24th October 1945. Following the Charter
of the United Nations was ratified by 50 countries in San
Francisco, the UN has started its activities in the
international field.
Council of Europe:
Founded in 1949, the Council of Europe aims to provide
justice and international cooperation in terms of a closer
unity, to promote democracy through the protection of
individual freedom, political liberty, and the rule of law,
and also to facilitate economic and social progress of its
member states.
The International Criminal Court:
It is a court, which is responsible for the protection of
human rights. Therefore, its functioning way is different
from the United Nations and the European Union in terms
of having sanctions on countries or individuals. The
international Criminal Court (ICC) was firstly created by
the Rome Statute in 1998 and then took effect in 2002,
upon ratification by 60 States to promote and protect
human rights and act against human rights’ violations in
party countries.
Human Rights in the Shadow of Non
Governmental Organizations
According to Edwards, NGO’s are “private, independent,
non-profit, goal-oriented group” which are not affiliated
with any government. Human rights NGO’s, on the other
hand, are organizations that exclusively aim to “raise
human rights issues within a country”. Their increase in
number and effectiveness is related to the rise of non-state
actors as mentioned above. Therefore, it could be
mentioned that, today, NGOs and INGOs (International
Nongovernmental organizations) have become more
effective and visible in world politics by including directly
individuals voluntarily in crucial world affairs such as
human rights issue.
Amnesty International
As being one of the well-known NGOs in the sphere of
human rights, Amnesty International is a non-
governmental organization through which members from
216 countries are gathered on the purpose of ensuring a
world in which human rights are respected, promoting
equality of the basic rights of human, preventing human
rights violations.
Freedom House
Freedom House has been another major nongovernmental
organization in the field human rights. Like the Amnesty
International, it focuses on promoting and defending the
rights of people, but it differs in the sense of its way to
achieve its aims. It realizes these through providing
democratic changes.
Human Rights Watch
Like the previous organizations, Human Rights Watch is
also a non-governmental human rights organizations,
which is therefore based on nonprofit and voluntarily
participants. Human Rights Watch was established in
1978, it is well-known its impartial reporting, effective use
of media, and cooperation with local human rights groups
to protect and advance human rights all over the world.
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Unit 4: Human Rights in International Politics

Theory of International Relations and Human

Rights
It is possible to talk about four diverse theories
approaching the relation of international relations and
human rights: Normative Theory, Liberalism,
Constructivism, and English School.
Normative Theory and Human Rights:
Human rights in international relations are generally
evaluated under the heading of normative theories.
Normative theories that incorporate valuable concepts
such as justice and ethics, argue that theories must be the
catalyst of change beyond simple descriptions. In this
respect, normative theorists are also advocates of a global
order in which respect for human rights becomes a norm.
Centering on what “ought to be done”, normative theory
suggests a reading of values through the use of non-
positivist and non-empirical approaches to international
relations
Liberalism, International Regimes, and Democracy
Unlike realists, who try to read international relations from
a perspective of power and security, liberals question the
possibilities of cooperation in international relations
Liberal theorists, also, emphasize that different entities,
including international organizations and non-
governmental organizations, are influential at certain
levels in the decision-making process of governments.
English School and Humanitarian Intervention:
The English School is located at a difficult point in many
aspects. English School, which shares some principles
with Realism from one side, and with Constructivist
theory by from the other side, has been interpreted in
various forms.
Constructivism, Norms, and Human Rights
It would not be wrong to state that a strong vein reflects a
viewpoint based on ideas and norms, while incorporating
different perspectives within the theory of Constructivist
International Relations. Particularly in foreign policy,
evaluations can be mentioned that interests are shaped by
the norms.

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 ULI108U-INTERNATIONAL POLITICS
Unit 5: International Politics and Security
Introduction
Security sits at the heart of most, if not all, part of daily
practices of inter-state relations in the forms of either talks
or actions. It, thus, takes the most eminent position in the
large academic discipline of International Relations (IR),
particularly in its sub-fields of International Politics,
Strategic Studies, and Security Studies.
It was the carnage of World War I (WWI), between 1914
and 1918 that urged political leaders on the side of
winners to provide security by preventing the occurrence
of a new Great War. Advocates of security failed during
the interwar period between 1919 and 1939, similar to that
of previous centuries for their own time. World War II
(WWII) from 1939 to 1945 and subsequent Cold War
system brought new political and military measures, and
ideas about the question of how to overcome insecurity of
sovereign states. The new international order after the
Cold War is, often, described as disorder because there is
not as clear-cut division in international political system as
it was during the previous era. For academics in
international politics, this has created numerous new
empirical data and new interpretations to the old, but still
existing, arguments regarding the analyses of security in
international politics.
Security as a Contested Concept
Security is a contested concept not because it is difficult to
define as a word, but because it refers to a situation in
which there are numerous referent objects and actors
being in a constant interaction. Security as a word refers to
being relatively safe or free from harm and danger. Actors
of international politics pay utmost attention and devote
huge resources to a condition in which they feel safe or
free from danger and harm. States, the most dominant
actors in the past in international politics, gave priority to
the protection of their sovereignty, territorial integrity, and
political regime to be threatened by an external attack or a
state of war. Constituent elements of security have yet
multiplied since the end of the Cold War in terms of who
or what should be protected and who or what pose threat
to security. State, individual, and group of individuals
belonging to a specific nation, ethnicity, sect, or gender
are considered as security subjects that varied opinions
among politicians, academics, and experts put one or some
or all as their priority to protect or concentrate on.
Contestation of security concept has also been seen in the
discussions of the level of analysis. Level of analysis in
international security discussion in the post-Cold War
period gained prominence for two reasons.
Theoretical Perspectives to Security
The lack of consensus is paramount among, indeed the
reason for the very existence of, different theoretical
perspectives on security in international politics. Different
theoretical schools of thoughts offer different security
definitions in terms of what the security is, what is to be
secured and how. Thus, not just in practice, but in thought,
does security present a contestation in international
politics.
Realist Thinking on Security
Realism provides a wide range of theoretical tools on
security including its both Classical and Neorealist
versions. Although many scholars argue that the time of
Realism should be left to the Cold War era as it was then
the dominant explanatory tool, it is, in fact, not so, for two
reasons. First, the Realism has still been offering
theoretical and practical tools on state security, war and
peace. Second, almost all of the rest of the theories on
security have been in an effort to develop their
perspectives on the critiques of Realism.
First, the Realism points out that international system is
anarchic. Anarchy does not necessarily refer to chaos and
disorder. It means the absence or lack of a common
international authority to regulate the relationships among
constituents of international system.
Second, power is the defining notion of state behaviors in
the anarchic international environment. States always seek
power in order to feel safe against the power increase
efforts of other states.
Third, states are the most important units/ actors in
international politics. Inter-state actions create
international system in which other actors, such as
international institutions, cannot play as important role as
states can.
Fourth, states are unitary and rational actors. For many
Realists, unitary nature of states are not necessarily related
to the issue of whether it is composed of different interest,
population, leadership, bureaucratic and ideological
groups.
Liberalism on Security
Liberal views agree on the key characteristics of
international politics with those of the Realists. Liberalism
sees security in international politics actually the way the
Realism does. Liberal perspectives, however, challenge
the Realist security assumptions in particular, and their
views on functioning of international relations in general,
by putting cooperative examples of international affairs
forward, including in the area of security.
First, the Liberals declare that cooperation, and therefore
security, is possible under anarchy
Second, there are as important and influential actors as
states in the formation and functioning of international
politics
Third, states are not unitary and rational actors. Emphasis
on the existence and separate roles of state and non-state
actors in equally important external and internal realms of
state is a Liberal manifestation that it already challenges
the Realist argument of unitary nature of states.
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 ULI108U-INTERNATIONAL POLITICS
Unit 5: International Politics and Security
Fourth, power is “the ability of a person or group of
persons so to affect outcomes that their preferences take
precedence over the preferences of others”.
Critical Security Approach
Critical security does not indicate a consistent and specific
body of views. There are various Critical theories or
Critical approaches commonly used in the theoretical
analyses in international relations, international politics
and security studies. This makes the Critical approach
heterogeneous reflecting various elements from the
Critical security studies to Feminist and Postmodernist
ones.The key common position of the Critical perspectives
in their opposition to traditional security theories stems
from the way they approach to social sciences. Labels of
Positivism and Postpositivism are two approaches that
offer a different perspective into the social sciences. First,
“there is an objective truth that can be discovered.”
Second, “the means of discovering that truth is reason and
there is only one correct form of reasoning”. Third, “the
tool of reasoning is empiricism, which enables the analyst
to test propositions”. Fourth, “there can be a distinction
between observer and observed”.
Constructivist Security Approach
Similar to the Critical security approach, the
Constructivist Theory does not accept the existence of an
objective reality that it is not problematized. It argues that
there is a socially constructed world by the actors’ actions
which reveal themselves as shared meanings, inter-
subjective understandings, and established reasons. The
Constructivist approach puts forward three main
ontological positions. First, normative and ideational
structures are important and matter as much as those of
material structures do. Second, identities are of great
significance. The Constructivist approach argues that there
are distinct identities of actors which determine
characteristics of their interests. Then, these identity-
informed interests decide, and thus explain, how and why
actors behaved that way and pursued that objective(s).
Third, agents and structures constitute each other
mutually. It means in international politics that, while
international system, whether it is a unipolar, bipolar, or
multipolar one, is the making of states as agents, at the
same time the latter is also the making of the former.
Securitization
Securitisation is a framework for security analysis
developed by the Copenhagen School at the Conflict and
Peace Research Institute in Copenhagen in the 1990s. The
concept of the Securitisation, formulated in the works of
Ole Waever, Barry Buzan and Jaap de Wilde, broadens
content of security by including military and non-military
fields into the security studies. Most importantly, it
introduces the view that a specific matter or security
problem is actually engendered and constructed through
multiple and complex internal processes as being an
existential security threat.
Relevancy of Traditional Security in Great Power
‘Peace’
Wars in previous centuries that shaped the known
international systems were all fought among two or more
most powerful states of the time. Military and ideological
difference between the US and USSR created a bipolar
international system and a Cold War, which disallowed
the two super powers to engage in a direct large-scale
military conflict one against another. War as a political
instrument waged with large scale military arsenals among
great powers lost its relevance. It is because, while there
were about 9,400 combatant deaths per year in the 16th
century, this amount in the same category increased to
290,000 per year in the first half of the 20th century.
Today, as it was during the Cold War years, those states
which have nuclear weapons occupy an exclusive place in
international politics in terms of their military strategic
positions. Nuclear weapons provided military stability for
super power relationship in the past, and the US and the
Russian Federation today. The late comers on this
strategic tool seem to have managed to produce the same
outcome so far. Not only has the nuclear balance provided
a relative peace and security between great powers,
economic benefits of peace is also of great value in the
post-Cold War era.
Complex Security Agenda in the North-South
Context
Fragility, vulnerability, and failure of numerous states in
the South in social, economic, and political developments
are widely seen today as sources of insecurities, which are
influencing stability and security in both the South and the
North.
Furthermore, selective inter-state alignments or
partnerships between great powers and developing states,
and rivalries among, and unilateral actions of, great
powers in the South have, to a considerable degree,
determined not only the framework of what the top
security issues in international arena are, but also their
fates regarding if they are resolved or unresolved. Security
is a prerequisite for development, but development does
not always provide security for many cases in the South
and the North. Development brings about prosperity,
stability, and cohesion, but it also creates inequality, social
stratification, and individual and group estrangement.
Migrants from outside Europe and refugees have occupied
the most important election debates among competing
political parties in recent elections in the North,
particularly in Europe.
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 ULI108U-INTERNATIONAL POLITICS
Unit 6: Radicalization and Terrorism Shaping International Politics
Introduction
Radicalization, violent extremism, and terrorism have
been posing great challenges both at the national, regional
and international levels. After the tragic incident of 9/11
and the ensued Global War on Terror, we have witnessed
a gradually increasing focus on these concepts and how to
cope with them. In order to address these phenomena, it is
essential to make sense of them by having a closer look at
the drivers of radicalization and push and pull factors.
Radicalization, Violent Extremism and Terrorism
Definitions, Conceptualizations, and Push and Pull
Factors (Drivers)
Radicalization refers to a process of ideational
transformation. The individual distinguishes his/her own
position against any alternative explanations of the reality
and adheres to a rigid “us” and “them” dichotomy. How
an individual is radicalized is a major puzzle within this
context. This process can proceed either through
propaganda activities via pamphlets, social media,
messaging applications, biased news coverage, or through
relatives, friends, etc. Therefore, it would be valid to argue
that structural factors (push factors) and individual ones
(pull factors) can accompany each other in an individual’s
journey to radicalization. It should be noted that it is
impossible to attribute radicalization, violent extremism
and terrorism to a particular set of thought or a particular
ethnic/religious/sectarian etc. community. Radical ideas
can be derived from any form of ideational discourse. The
line between radicalization and violent extremism, and
terrorism needs to be drawn in order to avoid
interchangeable use of the terms. Once radical actors
engage in violent acts, the ideational transformation is
already completed and these acts fall under the heading of
“violent extremism”. it is clear that all three concepts with
strong parallels and links among them refer to quite a
complex set of problems with social, political, economic,
security-related, legal, administrative etc. dimensions.
Therefore, in order to tackle them, multidisciplinary,
cooperative, comprehensive, flexible, inclusive and long-
term methods, tools, and measures are required.
Reflecting this broad range of required tools and expertise,
the concept of preventing and countering violent
extremism (P/CVE) is defined as “a broad range of non-
coercive and preventative activities that are united by the
objective of counteracting the drivers of violent extremism
specific to the locations in which these initiatives occur.
History
In this section some most “famous” terrorist groups will
be introduced briefly in order to have some ideas about the
evolution, change, and continuities with respect to
different terrorist groups across the globe over time.
Zealots: The Jewish Zealot movement is regarded as the
first terrorist organization and thus, predecessor of all the
terror groups. It emerged as a reaction to the Roman
Empire’s rule in Palestine during its Imperial period, and
its increasingly oppressive measures against the Jews and
gradual loss of their autonomy within the Empire.
The Assassins (Al Hashasin): The word assassin is
widely believed to be originated from the terror group
active in a wide area from Iran to Syria and Egypt, led by
Hasan-i Sabbah, acting with an ideological motivation
derived from İsmailiyya branch of Shi’ism. Hasan-i
Sabbah was widely regarded as both the propagandist of
its strict sectarian stance, a military and ideological leader
of its organisation, and a strategic mastermind behind
selection of critical targets and capturing almost
unconquerable castles and cities in order to hide its
militants.
Jacobins and the “Reign of Terror” in France: The
French Revolution and the ensued Reign of Terror,
particularly referring to the peak point of the state terror
carried out by the Jacobins from July 1973 to July 1974
following their acquisition of power as a result of the fall
of the Girondins represents a major turning point. It was
not only the first well-documented record of state terror in
the modern era, but also inspired many other regimes in
the future by its methods, discourse, and demonization of
political rivals.
Anarcho-Terrorism in Russia as a Key Turning
Point for Modern Terrorism: The anarcho-terrorism
in Russia in the 19th century is widely regarded as the
predecessor of many modern terrorist organizations. Their
“success” in assassinating quite high level officials, even
including a tsar himself, namely Alexander II, and even
more importantly their use of dynamites which opened up
a new page within the context of the methods of terrorism
made them a very important case in the history of
terrorism.
Different Manifestations of Contemporary
Terrorism
Ethnic Terrorism
Among various motivations and ideological backgrounds
of radical and terrorist groups, ethnically-motivated
discourse occupies an important place. Nevertheless, from
the Zealots to ASALA and from IRA and ETA to PKK, it
should also be noted that religious, ideological, sectarian
etc. motivations were also sometimes used at the same
time by terrorist groups as well as the use of different
motivations over decades to varying degrees.
Ideologically Motivated Terrorism
As stated before, radicalization, and terrorism cannot be
attributed to a particular religion, ideology, nationality,
sect, or any other sort of identity and/or mindset. Both
rightist and leftist ideologies, at their extremes, can lead to
radicalization and even terrorism. Several groups, such as
DHKP-C in Turkey, Baader Meinhof in Germany, and
Red Brigades in Italy can be mentioned under this
category.
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Unit 6: Radicalization and Terrorism Shaping International Politics
Terrorism with Religious Motivations
As stated before, radicalization, and terrorism cannot be
attributed to a particular religion, ideology, nationality,
sect, or any other sort of identity and/or mindset. Both
rightist and leftist ideologies, at their extremes, can lead to
radicalization and even terrorism. Several groups, such as
DHKP-C in Turkey, Baader Meinhof in Germany, and
Red Brigades in Italy can be mentioned under this
category.
Radicalization, Terrorism , and the Cyber World
The relationship between the increasing visibility of
radicalization, violent extremism, and terrorism and new
means of mass communication has been a hot topic
especially in the last decades when access to the virtual
world has become an indispensable part of everyday life.
How this new phenomenon helps such groups to raise
their profile, to recruit people, to fund their activities, to
plan and carry out attacks for propaganda purposes
deserves a great deal of attention. On one hand, the
Internet and more recent innovation of social media tools
help people become more connected, offer the chance to
be more aware of what is going on in the world, make
both social and economic interactions easier, provide a
window for the people who were earlier isolated and had
no chance to be heard globally etc. However, on the other
hand, mostly because of the very same features of the
virtual world which makes life easier, it also provides
quite a bit of advantages to the criminals as well as radical
or violent extremist groups.
The Internet, Social Media, Cyber Crime and
Terrorism
Within the context of radicalization, violent extremism,
and terrorism, the Internet, social media, messaging and
video apps are used for several key purposes, such as
propaganda, recruitment, planning attacks, training, and
collecting financial resources for attacks. Terrorists in
particular and cybercriminals in general have been
involved in acts such as piracy and malware, capture of
bank accounts, human, weapons and drug trafficking using
dark web and deep web over both widely used official
currencies and cryptocurrencies.
Women and Youth as Objects and Subjects of
Radicalization and Terrorism
So far we have seen that radicalization, violent extremism,
and terrorism, in different ways, affect each and every part
of the society regardless of age, gender, social and
economic status, and occupation. Anyone could be either
or both the object and subject of such movements. An
individual can be a target, a victim, a rehabilitator, a
perpetrator or a mastermind. Women, however, as a
unique part of the society, can play all these roles in spite
of the broadly accepted idea that they can only play
passive roles and they are only the victims of the process
of radicalization and the impact of violent extremism, and
terrorism.
For violent extremist and terrorist groups, the youth
constitute an important part of their human capital,
recruitment pool, and active fighting organization. The
youth is widely regarded as a vulnerable part of the
society in the face of radical and extremist propaganda.
The drivers or push and pull factors mentioned earlier are
felt more deeply by the youth most of the time, not only
because of the more sentimental approach the youth can
adopt, but also because they can feel the impact of socio-
political and economic problems more than the elder since
they are mostly in a much more active relationship with
the society.
The Challenge of Rehabilitation and
Reintegration: The Challenging Balance Between
Security and Human Rights
Another key topic in the literature is how to deradicalize,
disengage, rehabilitate and reintegrate people who were
previously radicalized, joined such groups, planned and/or
organized terror attacks. Within this context, provision of
counternarratives and counter-messaging, and devising
effective rehabilitation and re-integration (R&R)
programmes are some important instruments to be
discussed.
De-radicalization is a cognitive process with the goal of
cutting the link between its target audience with radical
ideas. Disengagement refers to the process of making the
individual abandon the active organization in which he/she
either took part in violent acts or not. Rehabilitation is
again a cognitive process which can be reinforced by
social, cultural etc. activities aiming at regaining an
individual in a way that it can move to the next step,
namely reintegration to the society. At the final stage, the
individual, withdrawing from his/her earlier radical
thoughts and/or belief in armed struggle, re-joins the
social structure he/she once belonged to and becomes once
again able to have a healthy communication with the
people from different ethnic/religious/sectarian/ideological
backgrounds.
2
 ULI108U-INTERNATIONAL POLITICS
Unit 7: Cultures, Civilizations and International Politics
Introduction
In the post-Cold War world, the global resurgence of
religion and the return of cultures and civilizations to the
politics in general and to the international politics in
particular have resulted in a discussion on how this so
called resurgence or return has emerged and how it is
expected to affect the foreign policies of the nation states
and international politics in a broader sense. In addition,
day by day, under the general frameworks of identity and
identity politics, the closely related notions of religion,
culture and civilization seem to become more manifest not
only in determining national identities but also in blurring
the boundaries of the nation states in close connection
with the globalization process. That is why the analysis of
the increasing role of cultural and civilizational dimesion
in international politics is related to the effects of
globalization on the nation state.
Conceptual and Historical Framework
The Interaction of Cultures, Religions and
Civilizations
Culture, civilization and religion are among the factors
that contribute to the formation of identity. Each has more
than one definition and each can be regarded as
components of both individual and communal identities.
These concepts are in permanent interaction; and defining
any of them may necessitate reference to the other two.
However, they do not automatically refer to each other
and the division lines among cultures, civilizations and
religions on the world map do not always overlap.
Culture
Culture comprises a variety of factors associated with a
community such as shared language, shared belief
systems, ethical codes, worldview, lifestyle and traditions.
These factors shape the group identity and they mark a
resemblance within the thoughts and behaviours of the
members of a community and differentiate them from
nonmembers. Human agency is a critical factor in the
inheritance and adoption of a culture since the culture of a
community is not biologically inherited but learnt from the
older generations.
At the communal level, the term “culture” has three
meanings sometimes overlapping each other. Firstly,
culture refers to the endeavours of both people and
communities in the artistic and scientific fields such as
fine arts, literature, civil engineering, etc. towards
reaching a point of perfection. Secondly, the term culture
is used to mark the products of these endeavours. While
these products carry the distinctive features of the national
or civilizational cultures they have been produced within,
they are also currently regarded as sources of inspiration
for the humanity in general. Thirdly, culture is used to
mark the common features of the communal life, and
consequently highlights its distinctive features.
Religion
Linguistically, in its traditional framework, the term
“religion” was derived from the Latin word “religio”
which means “the respect for what is sacred”. It was first
used to define the Pagan belief system of the Roman
Empire. Following the adoption of Christianity as the state
religion, the term “religion” started to become associated
with Christianity; and this approach persisted until the end
of the Middle Ages.
The concept of religion does not have a strict definition
and the meaning(s) attributed to religion may also differ
from one religion to the other. Sociologically, religion can
be defined in three ways which do not challenge but
complete each other and which will be helpful for us to
understand the role of religion in international politics.
These three definitions are classified as substantial,
functional and family resemblance model definitions.
The Invention of Civilization: A Modern Approach
Civilization, in its general definition, is “the stage of
human social development and organization which is
considered most advanced”. Either ancient or modern,
civilizations do not extinguish but continue to form or
affect our identities both at the personal and communal
level. The concept of being civilized is meaningful both at
the personal level and at the all encompassing levels of
humanity.
Modernity, Secularism and the Emergence of the
Nation State
The emergence of the idea of secularism in Europe and its
spread to the other regions of the world is a consequence
of the political, economic, religious, cultural and scientific
developments that occured in Europe beginning from the
16th century. First of all, a series of developments in the
fields of economics and politics took place in Europe.
Secularism, as a notion referring to the separation of
religous institutions from the state, resulted in the
seperation of public and private spheres of the human life.
Consequently, religion lost its prominence as an
ideological tool to provide a bond between the state and
the citizen.
Identitiy Politics in the 20th Century
Due to two main reasons “identity building” projects
became long lasting sources of internal and external
conflicts. Firstly, the notion of national identity is a vague
concept and can not be limited to the life span, territority
or developmental policies of a particular nation state. In
addition to civilizational roots, religion, culture and many
other factors such as ethnicity, a common past, the
political system and geopolitics play an important role in
the formation of national identity. Secondly, as Girard
suggests, identities are constructed over “against someone
or something else”. This construction at the individual
level can be extended to the levels of the community and
the nation or the adherents of a religion.
1
 ULI108U-INTERNATIONAL POLITICS
Unit 7: Cultures, Civilizations and International Politics

The Cold War Period nation states and paves the way for the assertion.
Following the World War II, the world was theoretically of subnational, regional or global identities based
seperated into two ideological camps named as the on cultural, religious and civilizational affinities.
Western Bloc led by the United States of America (US) Globalization and Religion: The Global Resurgence
and the Eastern Bloc led by the Union of Soviet Socialist
In contemporary politics, religious activism as a
Republics (USSR).
component of conflict and opponency to the state
However, another classification in terms of their economic mechanism reveals itself in two ways. The first one is the
development divided the countries in the world into three assumed role of religious differences as a source of
groups: First World (Developed Western countries) conflict. However, studies have revealed that even the
Second World (Communist countries) Third World conflicts which are infamously known as conflicts
(Developing countries including but not entirely between the adherents of different religions; activists,
composed of the former European colonies). terrorists or politicians turn to the religious discourse to
support their claims although the sources of conflicts are
The Emergence of Identity Politics as a Source of
mainly about economic benefits, the division of resources
Conflict in the Post-Cold War World
or social recognition. The second feature of contemporary
The ideological rivalry was an important source of conflict religious activism serving as a source of opposition and
during the Cold War period. In the aftermath, divisions conflict is the contradiction between the idea of modern
based on cultural and religious differences immediately nation state as a product of the Enlightenment process and
took the place of the ideological rivalry. Following the the religion.
collapse of the USSR, the world witnessed the “renewed
assertion of national identities” and religious identities The Civilizational Dimension in Contemporary
being featured as distinguished components of national International Politics
identities both in the former USSR territories and in the The very early response to these developments by the
former communist countries in general. Western world was the assumption that the history had
come to an end with the victory of the Western civilization
The first wave occured in the aftermath of the World War
over communism. According to Fukuyama, what was
I due to the dissolution of the Habsburg and Ottoman
witnessed was “not just the end of the Cold War, or the
Empires; and it resulted in the emergence of nation states
passing of a particular period of postwar history, but the
in a wide geography comprising regions from Europe,
end of history as such: that is, the end point of mankind’s
Asia and Africa. The second wave occured due to the
ideological evolution and the universalization of Western
process of decolonization. This process started in the
liberal democracy as the final form of human government
aftermath of the World War II and lasted until the 1970s.
Both of the waves and especially the second one also
contributed to the emergence of the Global South. The
third and the last wave, as mentioned above, was the result
of the dissolution of the bipolar world system of the Cold
War during the 1990s.
The Response of the IR Theory
The main unit of analysis in the discipline of IR is the
nation state which first emerged in Europe during the 17th
century and was disseminated to the other parts of the
world as a role model since then. IR has emerged as a
discipline in social sciences mainly in the early 20th
century and focused on the interaction of nation states
with a strong emphasis on the pervasiveness of the secular
nation state model as a basis of the modern international
system.
Culture and Religion in a Globalized World
Culture and Globalization
There is a complex relationship between culture as a
representative of religious and civilizational identities and
globalization. Globalization, besides the promotion of
economic homogenization based on capitalism, promotes
cultural and social homogenization and supports the
dissemination of the Western values. At the same time, it
blurs both the territorial and political boundaries of the

2
 Sorularla Öğrenelim

ULI108U - INTERNATIONAL POLITICS (ULUSLARARASI SİYASET) -

(İNGİLİZCE)
Ünite 1: From Conceptualization to Transformation into Global Politics

Introduction

1. How does Payne (2016) define globalization?

Cevap: Globalization refers to shrinking distances among the continents, a wider geographic sense of vulnerability, and a
worldwide interconnectedness of important aspects of human life, including religion, migration, war, finance, trade, diseases,
drugs, and music. Globalization implies a significant and obvious blurring of distinctions between the internal and external
affairs of countries and the weakening of differences among countries. (Payne, 2016).

2. How does Pieterse (2012) list the phases of globalization?

Cevap: Pieterse (2012) lists phases of globalization as Eurasian Globalization, Afro-Eurasian, Oriental globalization
1, Oriental globalization 2, Multicentric, Euro-Atlantic, 20th Century globalization, 21st Century globalization

Primary Phases of Globalization: Trade Routes, Empires, Religions

3. When was The Age of Discovery emerged?

Cevap: In 1492, with the expedition of Christopher Columbus to India through western route practiced for the first time,
sponsored by Isabella I of Castile, “The Age ofDiscovery” emerged

4. What was the name of teh social class in Europe emerged after the age of discovery?
Cevap: Although states were conservative when it comes to the customs and trade, the feudal order of Europe has slowly
been transformed into more centralized type of government. Besides, a new social class, bourgeoisie, has arisen; as a
powerfulopponent and challenger of the aristocracy of the dynasties itself. The “bourgeoisie” derived from the word “bourg”
(means citizen, or people of thecity).

5. What was the main reason behind the Thirty Years’ War (1618-1648)?
Cevap: The Thirty Years’ War (1618-1648) started as a conflict between Protestant and Catholic principalities in the former
Holy Roman Empire territories. But in a short time, it evolved into inter European conflict, the main power struggle of France
and Habsburg Dynasty.

6. When was the The Treaty of Utrecht signed?

Cevap: The Treaty of Utrecht (1713) signed during the last period of the War of theSpanish Succession (1702-1714), was a
cornerstone of this determination of making the order permanent. The treaty prevented rising influence of the French Empire
on Europe, with alliance of Britain, United Provinces (Netherlands),Portugal, and Sardinia.

Expansion of Europe: European Problems and Solutions Becoming Global

7. What does the term "umbrella concepts" refer to?

Cevap: Since the beginning, the world history has witnessed the correlation of many symbols, values, emotions, and norms
that function as a glue holding societies together. We can call them “umbrella concepts” which have generally been abstract,
inclusive, collective, and regulative. Ancestor cult, religion, imperial/royal commitment, ethnic bonds, nation, and ideologies
could be classified as examples of that.

8. When was called as the inter-war period?

Cevap: The World War I (WWI) lasted more than four years (from July 1914 to November 1918). There were two opposing
alliances: the Allied Powers versus the Central Powers. Ironically, regional or national politics turned into global issues
through a world war at the first hand. The Allied Powers won the WWI. The period between 1919-1939 was named as “the
inter-war period”.

9. Who were the allied powers in the World War I?

Cevap: The Allied Powers: France, United Kingdom, Russia, Serbia, Belgium, Italy,Japan, Portugal, Romania, China, United
States, Greece
10. When was the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) founded?
Cevap: In 1922, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) was founded.Joseph Stalin, the successor of the leader of
revolution Vladimir Lenin, was in charge until his death in 1953 for almost 30 years

11. What does the term Bolshevik refer to?

Cevap: Bolshevik is the name of faction in Marxist Russian Social Democratic Labour Party in early 20th century, literally
meaning “one of the majority”. Bolsheviks have struggled with Mensheviks in the party. Bolsheviks became dominant
component of the party and led the revolution of 1917 under the leadershipof Vladimir Lenin, the founding leader of Soviet
Union

12. Which states were the central powers in World War I?

Cevap: German Empire, Ottoman Empire, Austria-Hungary, Bulgaria.

13. With the early 20th century, which ideologies began to rise?
Cevap: The early 20th century witnessed the decline of liberalism in Europe. On the other hand, ideologies such as
Fascism, Nazism, Marxism, and Communism have arisen.

14. When was the United Nations founded?

Cevap: We should underline the United Nations (UN) which was founded during 1945. But during WW2, Allied Big Four
(China, USA, USSR, UK) accepted the document of Declaration by United Nations in 1942.

15. What were the shared values declared in the Declaration by United Nations?
Cevap: Being convinced that complete victory over their enemies is essential to defend life, liberty, independence and
religious freedom, and to preserve human rights and justice in their own lands as well as in other lands, and that they are
now engaged in a common struggle against savage and brutal forces seeking to subjugate the world.

16. What was the reason why League of Nations became dysfunctional?
Cevap: League of Nations was another organization, founded in 1920, after WW1. But USA’s withdrawal, made it
dysfunctional before its foundation.

Globalization in the Cold War Period and Thereafter

17. Which system dominated world politics between 1945 and 1991?
Cevap: Bipolar system dominated world politics from 1945 to 1991, until fall of USSR.

18. What does the term "proxy wars" refer to?

Cevap: “Proxy wars” is a concept used for Cold War conflictsin which peripheral states orgroups clashed with each other in
peripheral regions with support from the leaders of the blocs. Several examples are : Greek Civil War (1946-49), Korean
War (1950-53), Cuban Missile Crisis, Vietnam War (1955-1975), Lebanese Civil War (1975, and-1990), etc.

19. When did Mikhail Gorbachev take the presidency of USSR?

Cevap: Mikhail Gorbachev, who took the USSR presidency in 1985, had a policy agenda to reform the country in a liberal
way to overcome economic crises in the country.

20. What did the fall of USSR signify throughout the world?
Cevap: Fall of USSR signified the standardization of ideologies and value sets all over the world, which was Western type of
democracy, human rights, and liberalism

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(948217) 17-(948236) 18-(948274) 19-(948300) 20-(948334)
 Sorularla Öğrenelim

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(İNGİLİZCE)
Ünite 2: International Politics and International Organizations

Definitions, Roles, Functions and Classification of International Organizations

1. How does Clive Archer define international organization?

Cevap: Clive Archer (2001: 33) defined international organization as “a formal, continuous structure established by
agreement between members(governmental and/or nongovernmental) from two or more sovereign states with the aim of
pursuing the common interest of the membership”.

2. What are the common and constitutive characteristics of international organizations according to LeRoy Bennett and
James K. Oliver (2002)?
Cevap: LeRoy Bennett and James K. Oliver (2002: 2) identified common and constitutive characteristics of International
Organizations as:• A permanent organization to carry on a continuing set of functions;• Voluntary membership of eligible
parties;• A basic instrument (a founding document or charter) stating goals, structure and methods of operation;• A broadly
representative consultative conference organ;• A permanent secretariat to carry on continuous administrative, research and
information functions

3. According to Anthony Judge, what is the finance criteria for an entity to be qualified as an international organization?
Cevap: In terms of finance, there should be a substantial contribution to the budget from at least three states and there
should be no attempt to make profits for distribution to members

4. What are the three major roles of international organizations in international politics?
Cevap: International organization generally plays three major roles in international politics: instrument, arena and actor.

5. What does the role of international organizations as an arena refer to?

Cevap: International organizations provide arenas or forums where members to come together to discuss, argue, co-
operate or disagree (Archer, 2001: 73). International organizations provide their members with the opportunity of advancing
their own viewpoints and suggestions in a more open and public forum than that is provided by bilateral diplomacy (Archer,
2001: 74).

6. What are nine major functions that all international organizations carry out?
Cevap: There are nine major functions that all international organizations carry out: interest articulation and aggregation,
normative, recruitment, socialization, rule making, rule application, rule adjudication, information, operations.

7. What does the recruitment function of international organizations refer to?

Cevap: International organizations can have an important function in the recruitment of participants in the international
political system. Since intergovernmental organizations consist almost exclusively of representatives of sovereign states, it
gives a further incentive for non-selfgoverning territories to achieve their independence. This provides an opportunity for
them to represent their own interests in a range of intergovernmental organizations

8. What are the traditional principles most of international organizations’ rule making is based on?
Cevap: The rules are formulated by unanimous ornear-unanimous consensus of members Members have the practical
option of leaving an organization and ending their assent to the existing rules Even within the bounds of membership, a state
can assert the right to interpret unilaterally the rules to which it has consented. The ‘executive-bureaucratic’ structure of the
organization has little or no power to formulate (and implement) rules. Delegates to the organizations’ rulemaking bodies are
instructed by their governments and do not act as independent representatives. The international organization ‘has no direct
relationship with private citizens of the member states’ (Archer, 2001: 103).

9. What does the operation function of international organizations refer to?

Cevap: International organizations carry out a significant function in the field of collecting, processing, analyzing and
disseminating information. For instance, the UN and its associated agencies including World Health Organization (WHO),
Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), etc. have produced a forum for governments – the marketplace where they can
issue and receive information and act as providers of information, as attested by the vast amount of printed material they
produce, particularly statistical data
10. In which categories can international organizations be classified?
Cevap: International Organizations can be classified under three main categories defined by sovereignty, membership and
aims.

Historical Roots of International Organizations

11. What were the four pre-conditions that were met before the emergence of international organizations?
Cevap: the existence of a number of states functioning as independent political units; the existence of a substantial measure
of contact between these states; an awareness of problems that arise from states’ co-existence; state’s recognition of ‘the
need for creation of institutional devices and systematic methods for regulating their relations with each other’ (Archer, 2001:
4).

12. What were the main objectives of Hague Peace Conferences of 1899 and 1907?
Cevap: The objectives of the Hague conferences were to set a limit on progressive increase in arms, and to discuss the
prevention of arm conflict through the peaceful means of settlement at the disposal of modern diplomacy such as arbitration
and mediation (Reinalda, 2009: 65)

13. When was the second Hague Conference convened?

Cevap: The second Hague Conference was convened from 15 June to 18 October 1907 with twohundred-fifty-six delegates
from forty-four states as a result of the US President Theodore Roosevelt’s initiative to continue the discussions of 1899

14. What is International Telegraph Union?

Cevap: International Telegraph Union (ITU) was established by an international agreement signed by twenty states
gathered at a conference in Paris with the aim to develop uniform rules for the worldwide use of the telegraph.

15. Why was the General Postal Union established?

Cevap: The General Postal Union (GPU) was another public international union, which was established to deal with the
problems to which international postal traffic faced owing to the existence of different tariffs, national and local postal
systemswhich were not geared to each other, and the lack of frequency of delivery

Theoretical Approaches to International Organizations

16. What do the traditional approaches to international organizations include?

Cevap: Traditional approaches include Realism and Liberalism. They have a state-centric approach to the analysis of
international organizations. For them, states areboth principal actors of international system and also rational actors making
cost-benefit analysis of every alternative and select the ones that maximize their benefits

17. What do the revisionist approaches to international organizations refer to?

Cevap: Revisionist approaches, including Functionalism, Neo-functionalism and Transactionalism go beyond the state-
centric approach and examine international organizations as significant actors beside states. These are mostlyknown as
international integration theories.

Historical Roots of International Organizations

18. What does Liberalism claim in terms of international organizations?

Cevap: Liberals claim that international organizations play a significant role in international politics. Although liberals do not
deny the concerns about relative gains (because they also accept assumptions about state egoism), they claimthat states
may be more concerned about making absolute gains (improvement in a state’s position in absolute terms).

Theoretical Approaches to International Organizations

19. Who was the most prominent representative of transactionalist approach to international integration?
Cevap: The most prominent representative of transactionalist approach to international integration was Karl Deutsch.
Deutsch defined international integration as beingabout the achievement of security within a region or among a group of
states

20. Who are the most important figures of Neofunctionalism?

Cevap: Neofunctionalism emerged in order to explain newly emerging Europeanintegration process in the 1950s. The most
important figures of Neofunctionalism are Ernst Haas and Leon Lindberg
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 Sorularla Öğrenelim

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(İNGİLİZCE)
Ünite 3: International Politics and Regionalism

Conceptual Framework: What is “Region”?

1. What is the basic definition of region?

Cevap: Region refers to a defined and clear area in one geographic space where boundries are lined; with reference to
Frost.

2. What types of region exist in the literature and what do they stand for?
Cevap: The types of ‘regions’ are referred to as micro-regions and they can existwithin a special state or be cross-border
naturally. The concept of region also shows macro-regions (regions of the world), which are larger territorial (in contrast to
non-territorial) units or sub-systems, between the state and the level of global system. Finally, there are meso-regions: mid-
range state or non-state arrangements and processes between the two levels

Regionalism and Regionalization

3. What does the term regionalism refer to?

Cevap: Regionalism which can be defined as a theory or practice of being regional rather than being central in the level of
system, administration or economic, cultural, or political affiliation is a prominent trend in the field of regional or systemic
studies.

4. What is the relationship between regionalism and federalism? birbirine dolanmış

Cevap: It should be reminded that federalism and regionalism are fundamentally in tertwined in both theory andpractice

5. According to the table presenting the forms of regionalism, what does collaboration aim to achieve?
Cevap: Achievement of economies of scale and equitable benefits that cannot be achieved nationally.

6. what does economic integration require according to the forms of regionalism?

Cevap: Legally binding arrangements, including commitment to national resource allocation; each country commits to
amending their internal laws / requirements to meet the shared regional objectives

7. How can harmonization be achieved according to the forms of regionalism?

Cevap: Entering into specific regional or subregional commitments to common policies,regulations, standards and/or
processes.

8. According to Nishikimi, how many forces does economic integration constitute on industrial location?
Cevap: According to Nishikimi, economic integration constitutes two different forces on industrial ocation: dispersion and
agglomeration forces.

9. What does the term globalization refer to?

Cevap: Globalization is a process of interaction and integration among the people, companies, and governments of different
nations, a process driven by international trade and investment and aided by information technology

Regional Organizations and Categorization of Regional Organizations

10. Which one of the regional organizations are regarded as the most influential ones?
Cevap: It can be stated European Union (EU), North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), Economic Cooperation
Organization (ECO), and North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) as the most influential ones

11. When was the European Union founded and what are its main functions.
Cevap: The European Union was founded in 1957 and its main functions are Identity,Cooperation, Development, and
Economy.
12. When was the NATO founded and what is its main function?
Cevap: North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) was founded in 1947 and its main function is security.

13. What are regional security organizations?

Cevap: North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO), European Union (EU), Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO),
African Union (AU), Arab League / League of Arab States (AL), The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) are
the regional security organizations.

14. How many members does The Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) have throughout the world?
Cevap: The Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), as a political regional organization, is the second largest inter-
governmental organizationafter the United Nations with its membership of 57 states that spread over four continents.

15. What was the major purpose of The Council of Europe in its foundation?
Cevap: The Council of Europe was founded to defend human rights, parliamentary democracy, and the rule of law, develop
continent-wide agreements to standardise the social and legal practices of member countries, and promote awareness of a
European identity that is based on shared values and cutting across different cultures

16. When was North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) founded and what was its major purpose?
Cevap: The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) came into effect in 1994, creating one of the world’s largest
free trade zones and laying the foundations for strong economic growth and rising prosperity for the United States, Canada,
and Mexico.

17. What is Arab League?

Cevap: The Arab League (AL) or League of Arab States (LAS) is, as a regional security organization, an intergovernmental
organization and a voluntary and independent association consisted of some African and Middle East countries whose
peoples are mainly Arabic speaking.

18. What were the founder objectives of Arab League?

Cevap: The founder objectives of the Arab League were to strengthen linksamong the AL’s Member States, to coordinate
their policies under AL, and to promote the common interests of the member countries

19. What were the main objectives of the African Union?

Cevap: The main objectives of the OAU were to rid the continent of the remaining vestiges of “colonization” and “apartheid”,
to promote “unity” and “solidarity” among the African States, to coordinate and intensify cooperation fordevelopment, and to
safeguard the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the AU’s Member States, promoting international cooperation within
theframework of the UN.

20. How many member states does the African Union have?
Cevap: At the present times, there are 55 Member States in the African Union.

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Ünite 4: Human Rights in International Politics

Human Rights: A Philosophical and Conceptual Framework

1. What questions stand as important points to be discussed in human rights theory?

Cevap: The sources of rights, how to classify different rights, and to what extent rights are universal stand as important
questions that must be discussed in human rights theory

2. What do the philosophers such as Bentham and Hume maintain regarding the nature of human rights?
Cevap: A number of names, especially Bentham and Hume, have been advocates of positive law, maintain that human-
beings rather than natural law create rights. (Cranston 1983, 3-4; Freeman 2012, 32-33; Vincent 2010, 78)

Historical Background of Human Rights

3. What is the underlying reason why Human rights have been expressed in various circles from ancient Greece to Rome
and from institutional belief systems to non-institutional belief systems?
Cevap: This is because human rights have been thought as a common research subject to philosophy and theology.
Aristotle’s and Plato’s emphasis on the concept of right, the Stoic’semphasis on the common values of humanity in the
framework of cosmopolitanism, or underlining some moral values, especially compassion, in some interpretations of beliefs
such as Christianity, Judaism and Islam, might be related to human rights in one way or another.

4. Who are called as the founding fathers of forming a constitution in the United States?
Cevap: Founding fathers played an important role in establishing confederacy and forming a constitution in the United
States. Benjamin Franklin, Alexander Hamilton, John Jay,John Adams, James Madison, Thomas Jefferson, and George
Washington are called as the founding fathers.

Internationalization Process of Human Rights

5. When was the first time of regulations made to forbid the trade of slaves?
Cevap: For the first time, in the Congress of Vienna of 1815 regulations were made to forbid trade of slaves, and similarly,
the Slavery Convention of 1926, and afterwards the League of Nations had strictly forbidden the trade of slaves and slavery
itself

6. What was the major obstacle in international initiatives on human rights from being effectively put in place?
Cevap: The geostrategic necessities of the bipolar world during the Cold War prevented international initiatives on human
rights from being effectively put in place.

7. How does European Union contribute to the protection of human rights?

Cevap: Numerous organizations that have introduced the principle of conditionality for the protection of human rights could
be mentioned. For example, the European Union effectively implements this principle in the process of membership, while
encouraging candidate members to take steps in line with democratization and human rights

8. How does the United Nations contribute to the protection of human rights?
Cevap: The UN constitutes commissions to prepare reports on the protection of human rights and to monitor concerned
states at the global level through the Council of Human Rights and the High Commissioner

9. Which organization directly tries individuals due to the individuality of crime?

Cevap: The International Criminal Tribunal, which tries directly individuals due to the individuality of crime, is an important
mechanismin preventing serious human rights violations, especially genocide and war crimes.
10. What are the non-governmental organizations that contribute to the protection of human rights throughout the world?
Cevap: It should be noted that international nongovernmental organizations such as Freedom House, Doctors Without
Borders, Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International have an undeniable precaution in particular on the international
disclosure of widespread human rights violations and the transfer of information, including human rights protection
mechanisms, to local populations.

11. Which countries are in a leading position and play a leading role in the protection of human rights?
Cevap: Some countries are in a leading position and play a leading role. For instance, Brysk (2009) states that some
countries such as Sweden, Canada, Costa Rica, the Netherlands, Japan and South Africa attach special importance to
human rights in their foreign policies, and they have noteworthy activities in the protection and promotion of human rights

12. In the protection of human rights, what is a nonstate actor according to Wagner?
Cevap: According to Wagner, non-state actor is a concept that encompasses all those actors in international relations that
are not state(s) such as “international organizations, corporations, non-governmental organizations, de facto regimes, trade
associations, transnational corporations, terrorist groups and transnational criminal organizations” (Wagner 2009)

13. What are the international organizations acting in the field of human rights?
Cevap: Several international organizations exist acting in the field of human rights such as the European Union, African
Union, ASEAN and UNASUR.

14. When was The United Nation (UN) established?

Cevap: The United Nation (UN) is an international organization established on 24th October 1945.

15. When was the Universal Declaration of Human Rights announced?

Cevap: Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UNDHR) was announced by the United Nations General Assembly in Paris
on 10 December 1948, just after three years of the foundation of the United Nations.

16. What is the major aim of the Council of Europe founded in 1949?
Cevap: Founded in 1949, the Council of Europe aims to provide justice and international cooperation in terms of a closer
unity, to promote democracy through the protection of individual freedom, political liberty, and the rule of law, and also to
facilitate economic and social progress of its member states

17. On what four specific areas is the International Criminal Court jurisdiction granted?
Cevap: The founding Treaty grants the ICC jurisdiction over four specific areas, which are genocide, crimes against
humanity, war crimes, and crime of aggression.

18. How can non-governmental organizations be defined?

Cevap: Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) are units of people who came together voluntarily toward a specified
objective without a citizenship restriction, which meansthat NGOs’ members do not belong to a particular country, and
people can participate in NGOs from anywhere in the world

19. What is Amnesty International?

Cevap: As being one of the well-known NGOs in the sphere of human rights, Amnesty International is a non-governmental
organization through which members from 216 countries are gathered on the purpose of ensuring a world in which human
rights are respected, promoting equality of the basic rights of human, preventing human rights violations

Theory of International Relations and Human Rights

20. Whar are the four diverse theories approaching the relation of international relations and human rights?
Cevap: It is possible to talk about four diverse theories approaching the relation of international relations and human rights:
Normative Theory, Liberalism Constructivism, and English School.

21. What do the normative theorists advocate?

Cevap: Normative theorists are the advocates of a global order in which respect for human rights becomes a norm

Sıra-(Soruid) 1-(917369) 2-(917396) 3-(917407) 4-(917415) 5-(917464) 6-(917501) 7-(917544) 8-(917559) 9-(917574) 10-(917608) 11-(918168) 12-(918629) 13-(918635) 14-(918639) 15-(918647) 16-
(918651) 17-(918657) 18-(918661) 19-(918668) 20-(918670) 21-(918674)
 Sorularla Öğrenelim

ULI108U - INTERNATIONAL POLITICS (ULUSLARARASI SİYASET) -

(İNGİLİZCE)
Ünite 5: International Politics and Security

Introduction

1. When did Cold War end?

Cevap: Cold War ended with the fall of Berlin Wall in November 1989 and the dissolution of the Union of Soviet Socialist
Republics (USSR) in December 1991.

Security as a Contested Concept

2. How would you define security as a contested concept?

Cevap: Security is a contested concept not because it is difficult to define as a word, but because it refers to a situation in
which there are numerous referent objects and actors being in a constant interaction.

3. What were the reasons that the post-Cold War period gained prominence?
Cevap: There were two reasons. First was the end of the bipolar international security system. It was assumed in the early
1990s that relevance of the system level great power rivalry was reduced, if not totally lost, in the explanation of interna-
tional security issues. Second was the rise of security problems around the worldcaused not essentially by great power
rivalry, but by domestic state failures and regional inter-state disagreements.

Theoretical Perspectives to Security

4. What do you know about Realist Thinking on Security?

Cevap: Realism provides a wide range of theoretical tools on security including its both Classical and Neorealist versions.
Although many scholars argue that the time of Realism should be left to the Cold War era as it was then the dominant
explana-tory tool, it is, in fact, not so, for two reasons. First, the Realism has still been offering theoretical and practical tools
on state security, war and peace. Second, almost all of the rest of the theories on security have been in an effort to develop
their perspectives on the critiques of Realism.

5. Why are the states the most important units/ actors in international politics?
Cevap: States are the most important units/ actors in international politics. (Terriff et al., 1999: 33-34). Inter-state actions
create international system in which other actors, such as international institutions, cannot play as important role as states
can. Thus, other actors rather than states have a secondary place in internation-al system.

6. What do the Liberals think about the states?

Cevap: They think that the states are similar to individuals in that they are essentially unspoiled, unselfish, and conjunctive.
States display this positive behavior in numerous ways, such as politics and economics, in wider scope of international
politics.

7. What do international institutions mean for the Liberalists?

Cevap: For the Liberalists, international institutions are other key entities in having and further boosting international
security. International institutions include IGOs, INGOs, and international regimes.International institutions produce four
positiveresults in obtaining international security (Morgan, 2013: 32-34).

8. What is the relationship between identity and security in the Constructivist approach?
Cevap: The Constructivist approach, formed by imported ideas from sociology on construction of national identities, has put
a deep influence in the analyses of security in international politics after the end of the Cold War. On the other hand, Identity
is of key importance for the Constructivist view because it defines who the actor is and what its interests and preferences
are.
9. What are the main criticisms directed towards the Securitisation model?
Cevap: There are criticisms directed towards the Securitisation approach on various grounds. First, the Securitisation
presents a strong subjectivist knowledge because it is exclusively a ‘speech act’ not having a direct correspondence to
realities of external world (Dannreuther, 2007: 43). Second, there is always a blur distinction between the boundaries of
political and security realms. The Securitisation approach inclines to set the security apart as a value, and divide the
domains of politics and security (Ibid). Third, closely linked to blurred distinction between securitisation and politicisa-tion,
the process of securitisation can be abused to legitimise and empower certain bureaucratic or civilian groups in power in
a country. Fourth, the Securitisation is a Eurocentric approach reflecting much of the concerns of postmodern implications of
European integration process.

Relevancy of Traditional Security in Great Power ‘Peace’

10. What does Waltz mean by saying the more nuclear weapons the better?
Cevap: He means to put forward the idea that spread of nuclear weapons would repeat the stability experienced in the
example of the relationship between the USand the USSR.

11. What empirical data suggest similar to economic interdependence model?

Cevap: Similar to economic interdependence model, empirical data suggest that democratic peace argument is largely
relevant to the relationships in the North, particularly in the relationship within the EU and between the US and Europe.

12. What has the nuclear balance provided?

Cevap: The nuclear balance has provided a relative peace and security between great powers. Economic benefits of peace
is also of great value in the post-Cold War era. The Cold War came to an end between the US and the USSR with the
domestic political and economic reform policy of the latter in order to resemble the former.

13. How would you explain economic interdependence?

Cevap: Economic interdependence is one of the basic arguments of the Liberal school of thought. States having adopted
free trade and worked for economic integration, are in a position of win-win with the states they interact in an
interdependentmanner.

14. What did France do about the security guaranties of the US and NATO?
Cevap: France did not even trust the security guaranties of the US and NATO. It left NATO’s integrated military command
structure in 1966, and developed and stockpiled its own nuclear arsenal independently in the years between 1960 and 1996.

15. What is the situation of US and China as an economic power in the world?
Cevap: The US and China as the biggest economic powers in the world are economically interdependent since both states
are second and first trading partners of one another.

16. What does empirical data, similar to economic interdependence model, suggest?
Cevap: Similar to economic interdependence model, empirical data suggest that democratic peace argument is largely
relevant to the relationships in the North, particularly in the relationship within the EU and between the US and Europe.

17. What does Waltz argue about nuclear weapons?

Cevap: Waltz argues that the more nuclear weapons the better. He means to put forward the idea that spread of nuclear
weapons would repeat the stability experienced in the example of the relationship between the US and the USSR.

Complex Security Agenda in the North-South Context

18. What are widespread poverty in the South caused by?

Cevap: Widespread poverty in the South are caused by various negative factors such as environmental degradation, lack of
clean water, absence of enough energy, and so on.

19. What is the relationship between the security and development?

Cevap: Security is a prerequisite for development, but development does not always provide security for many cases in the
South and the North. Development brings about prosperity, stability, and cohesion, but it also creates inequality, social
stratification, and individual and group estrangement.

20. How have many people and political figures in the developing world seen the developed North?
Cevap: Many people and political figures in the developing world have increasingly seen the developed North as a barrier,
exclusive body, and discriminatory in the latter’s efforts to stop the flow of people escaping from poverty, violence, and
prosecution.
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 Sorularla Öğrenelim

ULI108U - INTERNATIONAL POLITICS (ULUSLARARASI SİYASET) -

(İNGİLİZCE)
Ünite 6: Radicalization And Terrorism Shaping International Politics

Radicalization, Violent Extremism and Terrorism

1. What does radicalization refer to?

Cevap: Radicalization refers to a process of ideational transformation. The individual distinguishes his/her own position
against any alternative explanations of the reality and adheres to a rigid “us” and “them” dichotomy.

2. How do The European Commission define violent extremism?

Cevap: The European Commission defines violent extremism (VE) as “The use of and support for violence in pursuit of
ideological, religious or political goals.” The concept of VE is not limited to be part of a violent act. Supporting,
advocating,planning, organizing etc. such kinds of attacks are also regarded as components of VE.

3. How do The United States Department of Defence define terrorism?

Cevap: The United States Department of Defence defines terrorism as “the calculated use of unlawful violence or threat of
unlawful violence to inculcate fear; intended to coerce or to intimidate governments or societies in the pursuit of goals that
are generally political, religious, or ideological.”

4. What is the another major factor in the radicalization process?

Cevap: Another major factor in the radicalization process is the lack of basic knowledge about particular values and
concepts on which the groups base their claims for legitimacy and their need to fight.

5. How would you explain the concept of “Gatekeepers”?

Cevap: “Gatekeepers” are the people who have direct contact with the individuals who are regarded to be relatively
vulnerable and highly possible to be subject to radical propaganda.

6. What do you know about The Jewish Zealot movement?

Cevap: The Jewish Zealot movement is regarded as the first terrorist organization and thus, predecessor of all the terror
groups. It emerged as a reaction to the Roman Empire’s rule in Palestine during its Imperial period, and its increasingly
oppressive measures against the Jews and gradual loss of their autonomy within the Empire.

7. Who is Hasan-i Sabbah?

Cevap: Hasan-i Sabbah was widely regarded as both the propagandist of its strict sectarian stance, a military and
ideological leader of its organisation, and a strategic mastermind behind selection of critical targets and capturing almost
unconquerable castles and cities in order to hide its militants.

8. What are some of the key tactics of the Assassins which inspired the terror groups which would emerge in the following
centuries?
Cevap: The Assassins were thus, quite organized, able to control strategic strongholds, capable of influencing, manipulating
and assassinating key figures, successful in defying several sieges by quite powerful states of their time, and proved to have
a quite a sustainable modus operandi considering their several centuries of presence which is quite uncommon for terror
groups.

Different Manifestations of Contemporary Terrorism

9. What do you know about terrorism with religious motivations?

Cevap: The link argued to be exist between terrorism with religious motivations and Islam and Muslims will also be
challenged after having a brief overview of different terror groups with different religious motivations sometimes attacking
their co-religionists due to sectarian differences, bombing people with chemicals in order to “bring the apocalypse earlier” or
“purify the world”, and killing people just because of their different religious identity.
10. Who and why did Crusaders attack?
Cevap: Crusaders did not only attack their co-religionists due to their adherence to a different sect, namely Orthodox
Christianity, but also Jews in their way to their destination and Muslims regardless of their occupation, age, and gender, too.
The crusades lasted around 200 years from 1095 to 1291, with the direct encouragement of Pope Urban II to recapture the
Holy Land.

Radicalization, Terrorism, and the Cyber World

11. What is the relationship between the increasing visibility of radicalization, violent extremism, and terrorism and new
means of mass communication?
Cevap: The relationship between the increasing visibility of radicalization, violent extremism, and terrorism and new means
of mass communication has been a hot topic especially in the last decades when access to the virtual world has become an
indispensable part of everyday life.

12. What are the internet, social media, messaging and video apps used for, within the context of radicalization, violent
extremism, and terrorism?
Cevap: Within the context of radicalization, violent extremism, and terrorism, the internet, social media, messaging and
video apps are used for several key purposes, such as propaganda, recruitment, planning attacks, training, and collecting
financial resources for attacks.

13. What do the cyber world provide ?

Cevap: The cyber world provides anonymity, speed, cheap ways to convey their message, reinforce their message with
audio and visual content, ability to reach vast amount of public and their supporters at once, and to present themselves even
more influential and powerful than they actually are.

14. How will cybercriminals and terrorist groups and individuals as a sub-section of it use the virtual world?
Cevap: It seems clear that cybercriminals and terrorist groups and individuals as a sub-section of it will keep using the
virtual world as an effective front in their activities and in time, their use would almost certainly witness an increase.

Women and Youth as Objects and Subjects of Radicalization and Terrorism

15. What is the Women’s Role in Radicalization and Violent Extremism?

Cevap: Women, however, as a unique partof the society, can play all these roles in spite of the broadly accepted idea that
they can only play passive roles and they are only the victims of the process of radicalization and the impact of violent
extremism, and terrorism.

16. What is the difference between the role of fathers and brothers and women?
Cevap: Fathers and brothers are more inclined to be more protective regarding family matters and, thus more reactionary to
the efforts to de-radicalize or rehabilitate their relatives, whereas women can be more cooperative, prioritizing “saving” her
relatives over the “family pride”. As another positive role women can play, regarding the “formers” or “returnees”, women’s
privileged role can help rehabilitation process.

17. What roles can be played by women and youth in the fight against radicalization, violent extremism, and terrorism in your
opinion?
Cevap: Women cannot be regarded only as a passive agency as victims of radicalization and violent extremism, and
terrorism, but indeed as an actor that can be part of all stages. In that light, various roles of and the unique status of women
within the context of these phenomena is gradually accepted by the international community which puts emphasis on
formally addressing this necessary broadening of the scope regarding women’s role within this context. We come across a
quite high number of the youth within the context of radicalization, violent extremism, and terrorism. For instance, regarding
violent extremism and terrorism, as high as 20 percent of the suicide attackers are between 15 and 18 ages. It is also
estimated that around 1,500 children evenunder these ages joined ISIS/ISIL/DAESH to fight (Alfred, 2016).

The Challenge of Rehabilitation and Reintegration: The Challenging Balance Between Security and
Human Rights

18. What is the relationship between De-Radicalization and Disengagement?

Cevap: De-radicalization is a cognitive process with the goal of cutting the link between its target audience with radical
ideas. Disengagement refers to theprocess of making the individual abandon the active organization in which he/ she either
took part in violent acts or not.
19. What is Rehabilitation?
Cevap: Rehabilitation is again a cognitive process which can be reinforced by social, cultural etc. activities aiming at
regaining an individual in a way that it can move to the next step, namely reintegration to the society.

20. What do you know about re-integration?

Cevap: We should also note that re-integration is not a one-sided process since the society should also be prepared to
accept those individuals back.

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 Sorularla Öğrenelim

ULI108U - INTERNATIONAL POLITICS (ULUSLARARASI SİYASET) -

(İNGİLİZCE)
Ünite 7: Cultures, Civilizations and International Politics

Conceptual and Historical Framework

1. What are the factors that contribute to the formation of identity?

Cevap: Culture, civilization and religion are among the factors that contribute to the formation of identity.

2. What are the factors culture comprises?

Cevap: Culture comprises a variety of factors associated with a community such as shared language, shared belief
systems, ethical codes, worldview, lifesytle and traditions.

3. Why is human agency a critical factor in the inheritance and adoption of a culture?
Cevap: Human agency is a critical factor in the inheritance and adoption of a culture since the culture of a community is not
biologically inherited but learnt from the older generations (Heywood, 2014, 235).

4. What are the three meanings of the term "culture" at the communal level?
Cevap: Firstly, culture refers to the endeavours of both people and communities in the artistic and scientific fields such as
fine arts, literature, civil engineering, etc. towards reaching a point of perfection. Secondly, the term culture is used to mark
the products of these endeavours. While these products carry the distinctive features of the national or civilizational cultures
they have been produced within, they are also currently regarded as sources of inspiration for the humanity in general
(Fischer, 2006, 28). Thirdly, culture is used to mark the common features of the communal life, and consequently highlights
its distinctive features (Fischer, 2006, 28).

5. What is the general definition of the term "ideology"?

Cevap: Ideology, in its general definition, is “a system of ideas that aspires both to explain the world and to change it”.

6. What is "cultural diversity"?

Cevap: “Cultural diversity” refers to the manifold ways in which the cultures of groups and societies find expression. These
expressions are passed on within and among groups and societies.

7. What is the brief definition of the term "worldview"?

Cevap: Worldview is briefly defined as “a particular philosophy or view of life; a concept of the world held by an individual or
a group” (OED, 1989).

8. What are three classifications of sociological definition of religion?

Cevap: Three definitions are classified as substantial, functional and family resemblance model definitions (Little, 2016).

9. What does substantial definition of religion attempt to define?

Cevap: Substantial definitions attempt to define what a religion is or is not either inclusively or exclusively. Emphasis on the
“belief in the supernatural” is the common feature of substantial definitions.

10. What does the functional definition of religion focus on?

Cevap: Functional definitions focus on the functions of religions in helping the members of a society to solve their problems
or to guide them to live meaningful and purposeful lives.

11. What is the general definition of "civilization"?

Cevap: Civilization, in its general definition, is “the stage of human social development and organization which is considered
most advanced” (OED, 2017).

12. What does the expression "white man's burden" mean?

Cevap: The expression of “White Man’s Burden” is based on the idea of the supremacy of the white race over other races.
This perception puts a burden on the superior white race, namely the Europeans, to civilize other races which were
colonized by European powers since the 15th century; and it was promoted by a range of prominent European politicians,
soldiers and intellectuals such as Arthur de Gobineau and Rudyard Kipling.
13. What is "Industrial Revolution"?
Cevap: “In modern history, industrial revolution is the process of change from an agrarian and handicraft economy to one
dominated by industry and machinemanufacturing. This process began in Britain in the 18th century and from there spread
to other parts of the world” (Encyclopedia Britannica, 2017).

14. What are the developments that had strong effects on the emergence of nation states in Europe?
Cevap: These developments include colonialism, the emergence of bourgeoisie as a strong social class with demands, the
struggle for power between the Church and the state authorities and the Industrial Revolution.

15. What is "secularism"?

Cevap: Secularism is the seperation of religous institutions from the state.

Identity Politics in the 20th Century

16. What factors play an important role in the formation of national identity?
Cevap: In addition to civilizational roots, religion, culture and many other factors such as ethnicity, a common past, the
political system and geopolitics play an important role in the formation of national identity (Tekin, 2015).

17. What are the two ideological camps the world was theoretically seperated into following the World War II?
Cevap: Following the World War II, the world was theoretically seperated into two ideological camps named as the Western
Bloc led by the United States of America (US) and the Eastern Bloc led by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR).

18. What are the three groups the countries in the world are divided into in terms of their economic development?
Cevap: A classification in terms of their economic development divided the countries in the world into three groups:First
World (Developed Western countries)Second World (Communist countries)Third World (Developing countries including but
not entirely composed of the former European colonies)

Culture and Religion in a Globalizing World

19. What is the definition of "globalization"?

Cevap: Globalization can be described, in its narrow definition, in terms of economics as “an increasing internationalisation
of markets for goods and services, the means of production, financial systems, competition, corporations, technology and
industries” (UNSTATS, 2002, p. 170).

20. What is a "Civil Society Organization"?

Cevap: As a non-governmental organization (NGO) refers to the organizations which are not established or coordinated by
a government or any public institution, a civil society organization (CSO) is also an NGO. However, a CSO is also expected
not to be attached to interest groups in the society which gather to secure or promote financial interests, e.g., business
organizations. Consequently, NGOs with religious and cultural orientations or philanthrophic activites belong to the category
of CSOs (Stivachtis, 2007, p. 15).

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 ULI108U - INTERNATIONAL POLITICS (ULUSLARARASI
SİYASET) - (İNGİLİZCE)
Ünite 1 - Alıştırma Soruları
1 ) What were the two main dynamics of the Age of Discovery?
A ) Foreign trade and colonialism
B ) Global exploration and discovery
C ) Inventions and technological advances
D ) Marketing and internationalisation
E ) Independence and emancipation

Çözüm : The Age of Discovery led to a world in which foreign trade and colonialism became the main dynamics.
Doğru cevap A şıkkıdır.
2 ) Which principle created a European order?
A ) Territorial integrity
B ) Confederate unity
C ) Geographical conformity
D ) Geographical uniformity
E ) National solidarity

Çözüm : Territorial integrity principle created a European order, a balance of power within the continent not allowing any
kingdom to be more powerful through complex alliance systems.
Doğru cevap A şıkkıdır.
3)

Which of the following is the symbol of elimination of the secular power of the Catholic Church on politics, economy, and
society?

A)

The Age of Discovery

B ) Peace of Westphalia
C)

The bourgeoisie

D)

The Treaty of Utrecht

E ) The Renaissance

Çözüm : Thus, they jointly succeeded to eliminate the secular power of the Catholic Church on politics, economy, and
society though it was the main figure of European politics throughout the Middle Age. The symbol of that elimination was the
Treaties of Osnabrück and Münster, signed in 1648 after Thirty Years’ War (1618-1648), widely known as the Peace of
Westphalia. No official from the Papacy was invited to negotiations or signatures of the cited agreement. This event has
been considered as an indication of the neglect of the Papacy in political decision-making of the new era.
Doğru cevap B şıkkıdır.

Anadolu Üniversitesi tarafından hazırlanmış olan bu testlerin her hakkı saklıdır. Hangi amaçla olursa olsun, testlerin tamamının veya bir kısmının Anadolu Üniversitesi'nin yazılı izni olmadan
kopya edilmesi, fotoğraflarının çekilmesi, herhangi bir yolla çoğaltılması ya da kullanılması yasaktır. Bu yasağa uymayanlar gerekli cezai sorumluluğu ve testlerin hazırlanmasındaki mali
külfeti peşinen kabullenmiş sayılır.
 4)

North Atlantic Treaty Organization was found in _________.

A)

1920

B)

1945

C)

1948

D)

1949

E ) 1955

Çözüm : Blocs have founded their own security and economic cooperation organizations, such North Atlantic Treaty
Organization (NATO) (1949), and Warsaw Pact (1955), The Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (COMECON) (1949),
Organisation for European Economic Cooperation (OEEC) (1948).
Doğru cevap D şıkkıdır.
5 ) Which one of the following improvements is not one of the primary phases of globalization?
A ) Social and cultural aspects of the earlier hegemonic powers of their age commonly held by local authorities and people
through some variations.
B ) Religions such as Christianity and Islam spread fast and were adopted by masses.
C ) Historically religion has always been an important element of legitimization among people.
D ) Hegemonic cultural motives were tailored as common value sets of the pre-modern empires in the name of legitimacy
before their peoples as well.
E ) The majority of communities started their livestock in a nomadic manner since their geographical conditions were
favourable.
göçebe
Çözüm :

Although some communities had started agriculture, the majority kept their livestock in a nomadic manner since their
geographical conditions were not favourable. The antique empires such as Macedonian, Persian, Rome, Mongols and the
Seljukians, through healthy designed and functioning civilian and military bureaucracy of their era, reached enormous
capacity to spread across many different continents with their cultural influence as well. Social and cultural aspects of the
earlier hegemonic powers of their age commonly held by local authorities and people through some variations. Especially,
religions such as Christianity and Islam spread fast and were adopted by masses.

Doğru cevap E şıkkıdır.

6 ) When was the Iranian Revolution, downfall of Sandinista government in Nicaragua, and Afghanistan invasion of USSR?
A ) 1945
B ) 1960
C ) 1969
D ) 1979
E ) 1989

Çözüm :

1979 was a year of many critical developments in the world with Iranian Revolution, downfall of Sandinista government in
Nicaragua, and Afghanistan invasion of USSR. Bloc politics and conflicts intensified. All these developments started the so
called Second Cold War period since USA and USSR started another armament period, after the Détente lasted almost 15
years following the talks of limiting nuclear and conventional weapons of both nations.

Doğru cevap D şıkkıdır.

Anadolu Üniversitesi tarafından hazırlanmış olan bu testlerin her hakkı saklıdır. Hangi amaçla olursa olsun, testlerin tamamının veya bir kısmının Anadolu Üniversitesi'nin yazılı izni olmadan
kopya edilmesi, fotoğraflarının çekilmesi, herhangi bir yolla çoğaltılması ya da kullanılması yasaktır. Bu yasağa uymayanlar gerekli cezai sorumluluğu ve testlerin hazırlanmasındaki mali
külfeti peşinen kabullenmiş sayılır.
 7 ) Which of the following is not true about bourgeoisie?
A ) Bourgeoisie occurred before aristocracy.
B ) It has challenged monarchies and dynasties.
C ) It increased its political and economic influence gradually.
D ) It moved as closely as possible with monarchies.
E ) It contributed to eliminate the power of the Catholic Church.

Çözüm : Bourgeoisie occurred before aristocracy.

Doğru cevap A şıkkıdır.
8 ) In which phase of globalization and when did Industrialization begin?
A ) Euro-Atlantic/1800
B ) Afro-Eorusian/1000 BCE
C ) 20th century/1950
D ) Multicentric/1500
E ) Oriental globalization/500 CE

Çözüm : It started in the 19th century in the Euro-Atlentic Phase

Doğru cevap A şıkkıdır.
9 ) What might have led to emergence of states in the history the most?
A ) Trade routes
B ) Agricultural revolution
C ) Industrial revolution
D ) Military bureaucracy
E ) Communication technologies

Çözüm : It's agricultural revolution which created need for and shaped states
Doğru cevap B şıkkıdır.
10 ) Which historical event may be associated closely with the end of the Ancient regimes and the rise of nation-states
A ) The French Revolution
B ) The Renaissance
C ) The Discovery of America
D ) The Thirty Years' War
E ) The Westpalian Treaty

Çözüm : The French Revolution triggered the formation of nation states

Doğru cevap A şıkkıdır.

Anadolu Üniversitesi tarafından hazırlanmış olan bu testlerin her hakkı saklıdır. Hangi amaçla olursa olsun, testlerin tamamının veya bir kısmının Anadolu Üniversitesi'nin yazılı izni olmadan
kopya edilmesi, fotoğraflarının çekilmesi, herhangi bir yolla çoğaltılması ya da kullanılması yasaktır. Bu yasağa uymayanlar gerekli cezai sorumluluğu ve testlerin hazırlanmasındaki mali
külfeti peşinen kabullenmiş sayılır.
 ULI108U - INTERNATIONAL POLITICS (ULUSLARARASI
SİYASET) - (İNGİLİZCE)
Ünite 2 - Alıştırma Soruları
1)

Which of the following laid the ground for the establishment of a sovereign state system in Europe?

A)

The Congress of Vienne

B)

Treaty of Münster

C ) Treaty of Utrecht
D)

Berlin Conference

E ) Treaty of Osnabrück

Çözüm : The weakening temporal power of the papacy and the Holy Roman Empire demonstrated the difficulties of unifying
such a diverse geographical area as the continent of Europe, even when the continent was under the threat of the Ottoman
Empire. Thirty Years War ended the idea of a unified Christian Europe. The Peace of Westphalia and then the Treaty of
Utrecht in 1713, concluding the War of the Spanish Succession (1701–14), laid the ground for the establishment of a
sovereign state system in Europe.
Doğru cevap C şıkkıdır.
2 ) Which arena did the Third World countries use as a forum to articulate their trade and economic demands during the
1960s and 70s?
A ) The UN Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD)
B ) The UN Conference on Trade (UNCTA)
C ) The Third World Trade and Development (TTTAD)
D ) The Developing Nations Conference on Trade and Development (DNCTAD)
E ) The Developing Nations Conference on Trade and Advancement (DNCTAA)

Çözüm : During 1960s and 70s, Third World countries utilized the UN Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD)
as a forum at which they could articulate their trade and economic demands.
Doğru cevap A şıkkıdır.
3)

What is the dominant role played by the UN in the late 1940s and early 1950s?

A ) Instrument role
B ) Actor capacity role
C ) Forum role
D ) Arena role
E ) Regulatory role

Çözüm : An international organization in different times and settings can play all three roles. For instance, the UN has
played, and continues to play, each role in different times. While the instrument role was dominant in the late 1940s
and early 1950s, the actor capacity was prominent during Dag Hammarskjold’s term as Secretary-General, and the role as
a forum coming to the front since the 1960s with the increase in membership and the new demands of the Third World
(Archer, 2001:91).
Doğru cevap A şıkkıdır.

Anadolu Üniversitesi tarafından hazırlanmış olan bu testlerin her hakkı saklıdır. Hangi amaçla olursa olsun, testlerin tamamının veya bir kısmının Anadolu Üniversitesi'nin yazılı izni olmadan
kopya edilmesi, fotoğraflarının çekilmesi, herhangi bir yolla çoğaltılması ya da kullanılması yasaktır. Bu yasağa uymayanlar gerekli cezai sorumluluğu ve testlerin hazırlanmasındaki mali
külfeti peşinen kabullenmiş sayılır.
 4 ) Which of the following can be given as an example for the organizations whose members are of about the same weight?
A ) EFTA between 1973 and 1995
B ) EFTA between 1979 and 1999
C ) EFTA between 1983 and 1995
D ) Warsaw Pact before Mikhail Gorbachev
E ) Warsaw Pact before Boris Yeltsin

Çözüm : If an international organization has a membership dominated by one powerful member, that organization is
susceptible to being used as a hegemonic instrument, like the utilization of the Warsaw Treaty Organization (Warsaw Pact)
by the USSR before Mikhail Gorbachev. Organizations whose members are of about the same weight, like the EFTA
between 1973 and 1995, will be more egalitarian by nature and thereby act as a meeting place for equals (Archer, 2001:
92).
Doğru cevap A şıkkıdır.
5 ) What are the two main organs of the Permanent Court of Arbitration in the Hague?
A ) Administrative Bureau and International Council
B ) Federal Bureau and Administrative Council
C ) Justice Bureau and Administrative Council
D ) Inquiry Commission and Administrative Council
E ) International Bureau and Administrative Council

Çözüm : The two main organs of the Permanent Court of Arbitration in the Hague are International Bureau and
Administrative Council.
Doğru cevap E şıkkıdır.
6)

Which of the following is a common and constitutive characteristics International Organizations identified by LeRoy Bennett
and James K. Oliver?

A)

Voluntary membership of eligible parties

B)

A temporary organization to carry on a continuing set of functions

C)

A complex instrument stating goals and methods of operation

D)

A narrowly representative consultative conference organ

E ) A temporary secretariat to carry on continuous research and information functions

Çözüm :

LeRoy Bennett and James K. Oliver (2002: 2) identified common and constitutive characteristics of International
Organizations as:

A permanent organization to carry on a continuing set of functions;

Voluntary membership of eligible parties;
A basic instrument (a founding document or charter) stating goals, structure and methods of operation;
A broadly representative consultative conference organ;
A permanent secretariat to carry on continuous administrative, research and information functions.

Doğru cevap A şıkkıdır.

Anadolu Üniversitesi tarafından hazırlanmış olan bu testlerin her hakkı saklıdır. Hangi amaçla olursa olsun, testlerin tamamının veya bir kısmının Anadolu Üniversitesi'nin yazılı izni olmadan
kopya edilmesi, fotoğraflarının çekilmesi, herhangi bir yolla çoğaltılması ya da kullanılması yasaktır. Bu yasağa uymayanlar gerekli cezai sorumluluğu ve testlerin hazırlanmasındaki mali
külfeti peşinen kabullenmiş sayılır.
 7)

Which of the following is an intergovernmental organization which is given a separate capacity to act on the international
scene by the sovereign will of their founders?

A)

United Nations

B)

NATO

C)

INGOs

D ) European Union
E ) The International Court of Justice

Çözüm : Although some intergovernmental organizations are established by an intergovernmental agreement, they are
given a separate capacity to act on the international scene by the sovereign will of their founders. The International Court of
Justice (ICJ) and the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) are two examples.
Doğru cevap E şıkkıdır.
8 ) Which one of the following cannot be considered as a feature of an international organization based on the definition of
Clive Archer (2001)?
A ) It is formal
B ) It has a continuous structure
C ) It is only established between governmental members
D ) The members are from two or more sovereign states
E ) It has the aim of pursuing the common interest

Çözüm : Clive Archer (2001: 33) defined international organization as “a formal, continuous structure established by
agreement between members (governmental and/or nongovernmental) from two or more sovereign states with the aim of
pursuing the common interest of the membership”
Doğru cevap C şıkkıdır.
9 ) Which one of the following is not among the historical pre-conditions met before the emergence of international
organizations?
A ) The political conflicts arising among certain leading states
B ) The existence of a number of states functioning as independent political units
C ) The existence of a substantial measure of contact between these states
D ) An awareness of problems that arise from states’ co-existence
E ) State’s recognition of ‘the need for creation of institutional devices and systematic methods for regulating their relations
with each other

Çözüm : Although the foundation of international organizations was built in ancient times, the organizations themselves did
not emerge until the 19th century, when four pre-conditions were met:
• the existence of a number of states functioning as independent political units;
• the existence of a substantial measure of contact between these states;
• an awareness of problems that arise from states’ co-existence;
• state’s recognition of ‘the need for creation of institutional devices and systematic methods for regulating their relations with
each other’ (Archer, 2001: 4).
Doğru cevap A şıkkıdır.

Anadolu Üniversitesi tarafından hazırlanmış olan bu testlerin her hakkı saklıdır. Hangi amaçla olursa olsun, testlerin tamamının veya bir kısmının Anadolu Üniversitesi'nin yazılı izni olmadan
kopya edilmesi, fotoğraflarının çekilmesi, herhangi bir yolla çoğaltılması ya da kullanılması yasaktır. Bu yasağa uymayanlar gerekli cezai sorumluluğu ve testlerin hazırlanmasındaki mali
külfeti peşinen kabullenmiş sayılır.
 10 ) Which of the following theoretical approaches are Revisionist Approaches?

I: Realism

II: Liberalism

III: Functionalism

IV: Neo-functionalism

V: Transactionalism

A ) I, II
B ) I, III, V
C ) III, IV, V
D ) IV,V
E ) II,IV,V

Çözüm : Traditional approaches include Realism and Liberalism. Revisionist approaches, including Functionalism, Neo-
functionalism and Transactionalism.
Doğru cevap C şıkkıdır.

Anadolu Üniversitesi tarafından hazırlanmış olan bu testlerin her hakkı saklıdır. Hangi amaçla olursa olsun, testlerin tamamının veya bir kısmının Anadolu Üniversitesi'nin yazılı izni olmadan
kopya edilmesi, fotoğraflarının çekilmesi, herhangi bir yolla çoğaltılması ya da kullanılması yasaktır. Bu yasağa uymayanlar gerekli cezai sorumluluğu ve testlerin hazırlanmasındaki mali
külfeti peşinen kabullenmiş sayılır.
 ULI108U - INTERNATIONAL POLITICS (ULUSLARARASI
SİYASET) - (İNGİLİZCE)
Ünite 3 - Alıştırma Soruları
1 ) Which one of the following types of regionalism is formed by developing and committing to coordinated regional or sub-
regional policies and strategies?
A ) Regional cooperation
B ) Regional integration
C ) Regional harmonisation
D ) Regional coordination
E ) Regional administration

Çözüm : Regional cooperation is formed to achieve an effective and strengthened voice in protecting and sustainably
harnessing the region’s physical, social and cultural assets for the benefit of all. It is formed by developing and committing to
coordinated regional or sub-regional policies and strategies. It requires voluntary agreement to modes of regional
cooperation; services are mainly funded and delivered nationally.
Doğru cevap A şıkkıdır.
2 ) Which one of the following organizations aims at guaranteeing the freedom and security of its members through political
and military means?
A ) North Atlantic Treaty Organisation
B ) North African Free Trade Agreement
C ) European Bank for Reconstruction and Development
D ) Asian-Pacific Economic Cooperation
E ) The Organization of Islamic Cooperation

Çözüm : NATO’s purpose is to guarantee the freedom and security of its members through political and military means, and
in security. NATO politically promotes democratic values and enables members to consult and cooperate on defence and
security-related issues to build trust, solve problems, and prevent conflict in the long run. NATO militarily is committed to a
peaceful resolution of disputes in international relations.
Doğru cevap A şıkkıdır.
3 ) Which school of thought puts a particular focus on the processes of identity formation and learning?
A ) The institutionalist school
B ) The realist school
C ) The post-structuralist school
D ) The structuralist school
E ) The constructivist school

Çözüm : According to the regionalism perspective, some of the most fruitful writing in the discipline of International Relations
comes from the constructivist school that puts a particular focus on the processes of identity formation and learning (Wendt,
1994: 384-396).
Doğru cevap E şıkkıdır.
4 ) According to Nishikimi, economic integration constitutes which two different forces on industrial
location?
A ) Distribution and conglomeration forces
B ) Diffusion and agglomeration forces
C ) Aversion and agglomeration forces
D ) Dispersion and conglomeration forces
E ) Dispersion and agglomeration forces

Çözüm : According to Nishikimi, economic integration constitutes two different forces on industrial location: dispersion and
agglomeration forces.
Doğru cevap E şıkkıdır.

Anadolu Üniversitesi tarafından hazırlanmış olan bu testlerin her hakkı saklıdır. Hangi amaçla olursa olsun, testlerin tamamının veya bir kısmının Anadolu Üniversitesi'nin yazılı izni olmadan
kopya edilmesi, fotoğraflarının çekilmesi, herhangi bir yolla çoğaltılması ya da kullanılması yasaktır. Bu yasağa uymayanlar gerekli cezai sorumluluğu ve testlerin hazırlanmasındaki mali
külfeti peşinen kabullenmiş sayılır.
 5)

Regionalism expresses a political movement which is based on awareness of and __________.

A)

Formation of transactions

B)

Loyalty to a region

C)

A manifestation of globalization

D)

A coordinated action

E ) Clear area

Çözüm : First of all; while region refers to a defined and clear area in one geographic space where boundaries are lined;
with reference to Frost, regionalism expresses a political movement which is based on awareness of and loyalty to a region,
combined with dedication to a region-wide agenda of some kind in the second phase. The suffix (“-ism”) in the word of
regionalism suggests a conscious set of related ideas or ideology that is capable of forming the basis of a political
movement or an intellectual trend. It implies a coordinated action on the part of governments based on some vision or set of
ideas (Frost, 2008: 15). Thirdly; regionalization can be defined as the formation or realignment of transactions and attitudes
along regional lines. It is in some way “a manifestation of globalization”. According to Frost, “regionalization is driven,
brokered, and carried out primarily by private individuals acting on their own. Real-life integration requires people-employees
of multinational corporations, small-scale traders, representatives of civil society organizations, and many others”.
Doğru cevap B şıkkıdır.
6)

Real-life integration requires people-employees of multinational corporations, ___________, representatives of civil society
organizations, and many others.

A)

clear area

B)

loyalty to region

C)

a coordinated action

D ) small-scale traders
E ) a manifestation of globalization

Çözüm : Real-life integration requires people-employees of multinational corporations, small-scale traders, representatives
of civil society organizations, and many others”.

Integration is an act or process or an instance of integrating such as incorporation as equals into society or an organization
of individuals of different groups such as races and coordination of mental processes into a normal effective personality.

Source: Merriam Webster Dictionary, https://www. merriam-webster.com/dictionary/integration.

Doğru cevap D şıkkıdır.

Anadolu Üniversitesi tarafından hazırlanmış olan bu testlerin her hakkı saklıdır. Hangi amaçla olursa olsun, testlerin tamamının veya bir kısmının Anadolu Üniversitesi'nin yazılı izni olmadan
kopya edilmesi, fotoğraflarının çekilmesi, herhangi bir yolla çoğaltılması ya da kullanılması yasaktır. Bu yasağa uymayanlar gerekli cezai sorumluluğu ve testlerin hazırlanmasındaki mali
külfeti peşinen kabullenmiş sayılır.
 7 ) Which one of the following terms can be defined as the formation or realignment of transactions and attitudes along
regional lines?
A ) Region
B ) Regional
C ) Regionalism
D ) Regionalization
E ) Regionism

Çözüm : Regionalization can be defined as the formation or realignment of transactions and attitudes along regional lines. It
is in some way “a manifestation of globalization”.
Doğru cevap D şıkkıdır.
8 ) Which type of region stands for the larger territorial (in contrast to non-territorial) units or sub-systems, between the state
and the level of global system?
A ) Micro-regions
B ) Macro-region
C ) Meso-regions
D ) Sub-national region
E ) Single-region

Çözüm : The concept of region also shows macro-regions (regions of the world), which are larger territorial (in contrast to
non-territorial) units or sub-systems, between the state and the level of global system
Doğru cevap B şıkkıdır.
9 ) Which one of the following cannot be mentioned as a type of regionalism?
A ) Participatory
B ) Soft
C ) Normative
D ) Process-based
E ) Sub-national

Çözüm : The options is A,B,C,D can be regarded as the types of regionalism. However, sub-national is a type of region.
Doğru cevap E şıkkıdır.
10 ) Which of the following statements is true for regionalization?

I. It can be defined as the formation of transactions and attitudes along regional lines.

II. It is in some way “a manifestation of globalization”.

III. It is a political demand to form a formal arrangement among states on a geographically restricted basis.

IV. It is driven, brokered, and carried out primarily by private individuals acting on their own.

A ) I, II, III, IV
B ) I, II, IV
C ) I, II, III
D ) II, III, IV
E ) III, IV

Çözüm : Regionlization can be defined as the formation of transactions and attitudes along regional lines. It is in some way
“a manifestation of globalization”. It is driven, brokered, and carried out primarily by private individuals acting on their own.
Doğru cevap B şıkkıdır.

Anadolu Üniversitesi tarafından hazırlanmış olan bu testlerin her hakkı saklıdır. Hangi amaçla olursa olsun, testlerin tamamının veya bir kısmının Anadolu Üniversitesi'nin yazılı izni olmadan
kopya edilmesi, fotoğraflarının çekilmesi, herhangi bir yolla çoğaltılması ya da kullanılması yasaktır. Bu yasağa uymayanlar gerekli cezai sorumluluğu ve testlerin hazırlanmasındaki mali
külfeti peşinen kabullenmiş sayılır.
 ULI108U - INTERNATIONAL POLITICS (ULUSLARARASI
SİYASET) - (İNGİLİZCE)
Ünite 4 - Alıştırma Soruları
1 ) Which of the following is not one of the areas over which the founding Treaty grants the International Criminal Court
jurisdiction?
A ) Genocide
B ) Crimes against humanity
C ) War crimes
D ) Crime of aggression
E ) Religious crimes

Çözüm : Genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes and crime of aggression are the four areas over which the founding
Treaty grants the International Criminal Court jurisdiction. Religious crimes are not one of these areas.
Doğru cevap E şıkkıdır.
2 ) Which of the following is described as the consequence of contacts that lead to convergence among rational actors on
certain issues?
A ) Regime
B ) Non-state actor
C ) Norm cycle
D ) Amnesty
E ) Charter-based body

Çözüm : Regimes are defined by Keohane as the consequences of contacts that lead to convergence among rational actors
on certain issues. Thus, the correct answer is A.
Doğru cevap A şıkkıdır.
3 ) Which of the following centres on what ‘ought to be done’ and suggests a reading of values by the use of non-positivist
and non-empirical approaches to international relations?
A ) Normative Theory
B ) English School Approach
C ) Liberal Theory
D ) Humanitarian Approach
E ) Constructivist Theory

Çözüm : Normative Theory centres on what ‘ought to be done’ and suggests a reading of values by the use of non-positivist
and non-empirical approaches to international relations. The correct option is A.
Doğru cevap A şıkkıdır.
4 ) Which two scholars maintain that human-beings rather than natural law create rights?
A ) Bentham and Hume
B ) Locke and Paine
C ) Locke and Jefferson
D ) Bentham and Locke
E ) Hume and Locke

Çözüm : The acquisition of human rights together with the birth of man has had a broad philosophical support, especially by
social contractors. However, there are other explanations with regard to the source of rights. In this line, a number of names,
especially Bentham and Hume, have been advocates of positive law, maintain that human-beings rather than natural law
create rights. (Cranston 1983, 3-4; Freeman 2012, 32-33; Vincent 2010, 78)
Doğru cevap A şıkkıdır.

Anadolu Üniversitesi tarafından hazırlanmış olan bu testlerin her hakkı saklıdır. Hangi amaçla olursa olsun, testlerin tamamının veya bir kısmının Anadolu Üniversitesi'nin yazılı izni olmadan
kopya edilmesi, fotoğraflarının çekilmesi, herhangi bir yolla çoğaltılması ya da kullanılması yasaktır. Bu yasağa uymayanlar gerekli cezai sorumluluğu ve testlerin hazırlanmasındaki mali
külfeti peşinen kabullenmiş sayılır.
 5 ) In which conference was the first comprehensive relativity-universality debate with a discussion of the role of rights in the
development of economy held?
A ) World Conference on Human Rights
B ) International Conference on People's Rights
C ) International Conference on Democratic Rights
D ) International Conference on Rights
E ) World Conference on Human and Animal Rights

Çözüm : The Vienna Declaration on Human Rights realized at the World Conference on Human Rights (1993) is important
because apart from the fact that the first comprehensive debate within the framework of relativity-universality debate was
conducted here, the role of rights in the development of economy has been discussed as well (Brown 2006, 700; Freeman
2012, 55; Patricia 1993, 218).
Doğru cevap A şıkkıdır.
6)

Which of the following has been the advocates positive law which maintains that human-beings rather than natural law
create rights?

A)

Georg Jellinek

B ) Bentham and Hume

C)

John Lock

D)

Hugo Grotius

E ) Bodin and Hobbes

Çözüm :

The question of what the source of rights is has been discussed, in particular, in the literature of law, from past to present. In
this context, it is often argued that a source of rights is the law of nature. The acquisition of human rights together with the
birth of man has had a broad philosophical support, especially by social contractors. However, there are other explanations
with regard to the source of rights. In this line, a number of names, especially Bentham and Hume, have been advocates of
positive law, maintain that human-beings rather than natural law create rights. (Cranston 1983, 3-4; Freeman 2012, 32-33;
Vincent 2010, 78).

Doğru cevap B şıkkıdır.

Anadolu Üniversitesi tarafından hazırlanmış olan bu testlerin her hakkı saklıdır. Hangi amaçla olursa olsun, testlerin tamamının veya bir kısmının Anadolu Üniversitesi'nin yazılı izni olmadan
kopya edilmesi, fotoğraflarının çekilmesi, herhangi bir yolla çoğaltılması ya da kullanılması yasaktır. Bu yasağa uymayanlar gerekli cezai sorumluluğu ve testlerin hazırlanmasındaki mali
külfeti peşinen kabullenmiş sayılır.
 7)

Which of the following shaped the intergovernmental relations through international legal arrangements and organizations?

A)

Congress of Vienna

B ) The Hague Conventions

C)

Vienna Declaration on Human Rights

D)

Charter of the United Nations

E ) Helsinki Final Act

Çözüm : The internationalization of human rights is the result of a long period of time. In this context, the first transnational
attempts are some regulations concerning the law of war. Some efforts to tackle intergovernmental relations through
international legal arrangements and organizations have been shaped by The Hague Conventions and the Geneva Protocol.
Undoubtedly, all these arrangements served as an important cornerstone in the formation of the law of war. With these
arrangements, it was aimed to protect the civilians and rules to be followed in the war based on the jus in bello principle
within the framework of just war theory (Abele 2011; Brown 2006, 694; Nabulsi 1999, 25).
Doğru cevap B şıkkıdır.
8)

Which of the following is not an aim of the Council of Europe?

A)

aims to promote democracy

B)

aims the protection of individual freedom

C)

aims the protection of political liberty

D ) aims to protect world peace and security

E ) aims the protection of the rule of law

Çözüm : Council of Europe

Founded in 1949, the Council of Europe aims to provide justice and international cooperation in terms of a closer unity, to
promote democracy through the protection of individual freedom, political liberty, and the rule of law, and also to facilitate
economic and social progress of its member states.
Doğru cevap D şıkkıdır.

Anadolu Üniversitesi tarafından hazırlanmış olan bu testlerin her hakkı saklıdır. Hangi amaçla olursa olsun, testlerin tamamının veya bir kısmının Anadolu Üniversitesi'nin yazılı izni olmadan
kopya edilmesi, fotoğraflarının çekilmesi, herhangi bir yolla çoğaltılması ya da kullanılması yasaktır. Bu yasağa uymayanlar gerekli cezai sorumluluğu ve testlerin hazırlanmasındaki mali
külfeti peşinen kabullenmiş sayılır.
 9)

Which of the following is not an outcome of the World Conference on Human Rights, held in Vienna in 1993?

A)

universal issue of human rights

B ) the development of human rights is Western-centric

C)

the indivisibility of rights

D)

the indivisibility of women’s rights

E ) first conference in the post-Cold War era

Çözüm : The World Conference on Human Rights, held in Vienna in 1993, emphasized issues such as the universal issue of
human rights, the indivisibility of rights and women’s rights, as well as being a first conference in the post-Cold War era.
Doğru cevap B şıkkıdır.
10 )

Which of the following is includes regulations about human rights and to which Soviet and the US are involved as parties?

A)

Helsinki Final Act

B)

Vienna Declaration on Human Rights

C)

World Conference on Human Rights

D)

The Hague Convention

E ) Geneva Protocol

Çözüm : In spite of all these steps, the geostrategic necessities of the bipolar world during the Cold War prevented
international initiatives on human rights from being effectively put in place. In other words, the overriding of security in the
security-freedom balance prevented to take steps in the name of liberties in these years. However, it is possible to talk about
some exceptional initiatives as a product of the détente period during the Cold War. In this context, a move that needs to be
underlined has been the Helsinki Final Act which includes regulations about human rights, and to which Soviet and the US
are involved as parties.
Doğru cevap A şıkkıdır.

Anadolu Üniversitesi tarafından hazırlanmış olan bu testlerin her hakkı saklıdır. Hangi amaçla olursa olsun, testlerin tamamının veya bir kısmının Anadolu Üniversitesi'nin yazılı izni olmadan
kopya edilmesi, fotoğraflarının çekilmesi, herhangi bir yolla çoğaltılması ya da kullanılması yasaktır. Bu yasağa uymayanlar gerekli cezai sorumluluğu ve testlerin hazırlanmasındaki mali
külfeti peşinen kabullenmiş sayılır.
 ULI108U - INTERNATIONAL POLITICS (ULUSLARARASI
SİYASET) - (İNGİLİZCE)
Ünite 5 - Alıştırma Soruları
1 ) According to Terriff, Positivism shows four connected characteristics in social sciences. Which of the following is not of
these characteristics?
A ) There is an objective truth that can be discovered.
B ) The means of discovering that truth is reason and there is only one correct form of reasoning.
C ) The tool of reasoning is empiricism, which enables the analyst to test propositions.
D ) There can be a distinction between observer and observed.
E ) There is no distinction between observer and observed.

Çözüm : According to Terriff, Positivism shows four connected characteristics in social sciences. First, “there is an objective
truth that can be discovered.” Second, “the means of discovering that truth is reason and there is only one correct form of
reasoning”. Third, “the tool of reasoning is empiricism, which enables the analyst to test propositions”. Fourth, “there can be
a distinction between observer and observed”. The post-positivists argue that there is no distinction between observer and
observed.
Doğru cevap E şıkkıdır.
2 ) Which one of the following events led the end of the Cold War?
A ) The fall of Berlin Wall
B ) Clash of Civilisations
C ) Emergence of European Union
D ) Democratic Peace
E ) Zero-Sum-Game

Çözüm :

Cold War ended with the fall of Berlin Wall in November 1989 and the dissolution of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
(USSR) in December 1991. This meant the plethora of views, actions, and debates on security in international politics from
the stance points of both intellectuals and officials in the post-Cold War era.

Doğru cevap A şıkkıdır.

3)

Which scholar supplies ten different definition of security that contains national, individual, and group security in terms of
material and non-material threats against their core values?

A ) Robert Cox
B ) Barry Buzan
C ) Alan Collins
D ) Alexander Wendt
E ) John Berger

Çözüm :

Alan Collins supplies ten different definition of security that contains national, individual, and group security in terms of
material and non-material threats against their core values (Collins, 2013: 1-9). Collins touches upon wide range of security
issues in the context of security studies. He deepens and broadens the subject of security by including topics of military,
regime, societal, environmental, and economic security.

Doğru cevap C şıkkıdır.

Anadolu Üniversitesi tarafından hazırlanmış olan bu testlerin her hakkı saklıdır. Hangi amaçla olursa olsun, testlerin tamamının veya bir kısmının Anadolu Üniversitesi'nin yazılı izni olmadan
kopya edilmesi, fotoğraflarının çekilmesi, herhangi bir yolla çoğaltılması ya da kullanılması yasaktır. Bu yasağa uymayanlar gerekli cezai sorumluluğu ve testlerin hazırlanmasındaki mali
külfeti peşinen kabullenmiş sayılır.
 4 ) What did create a bipolar international system and a Cold War?
A ) Military and ideological difference between the US and USSR
B ) Military and ideological difference between the US and Europe
C ) Military and ideological difference between the USSR and Korea
D ) Military and ideological difference between the US and Turkey
E ) Military and ideological difference between the Europe and USSR

Çözüm :

Wars in previous centuries that shaped the known international systems were all fought among two or more most powerful
states of the time. Military and ideological difference between the US and USSR created a bipolar international system and a
Cold War, which disallowed the two super powers to engage in a direct large-scale military conflict one against another.

Doğru cevap A şıkkıdır.

5)

The new international order after the Cold War is, often, described as ________because there is not as clear-cut division in
international political system as it was during the previous era.

A)

disorder

B)

peace

C ) order
D)

stability

E ) calm

Çözüm : The new international order after the Cold War is, often, described as disorder because there is not as clear-cut
division in international political system as it was during the previous era. For academics in international politics, this has
created numerous new empirical data and new interpretations to the old, but still existing, arguments regarding the analyses
of security in international politics. Neither have states in their behaviors limited themselves with the sharp division of old
international security thinking. These do not, however, suggest that intellectuals and statesmen have all given up old way of
security thinking and practices. They exist and are very much alive today in international politics. The end of the Cold War
with the increasing globalisation has brought about changes and processes in international relations, all of which together
have given additional new meanings to, and produced implications for, security in international politics.
Doğru cevap A şıkkıdır.

Anadolu Üniversitesi tarafından hazırlanmış olan bu testlerin her hakkı saklıdır. Hangi amaçla olursa olsun, testlerin tamamının veya bir kısmının Anadolu Üniversitesi'nin yazılı izni olmadan
kopya edilmesi, fotoğraflarının çekilmesi, herhangi bir yolla çoğaltılması ya da kullanılması yasaktır. Bu yasağa uymayanlar gerekli cezai sorumluluğu ve testlerin hazırlanmasındaki mali
külfeti peşinen kabullenmiş sayılır.
 6)

Which of the following is not considered as security subjects?

A)

State

B)

Ethnicity

C ) Politicians
D)

Sect

E ) gender

Çözüm : Constituent elements of security have yet multiplied since the end of the Cold War in terms of who or what should
be protected and who or what pose threat to security. State, individual, and group of individuals belonging to a specific
nation, ethnicity, sect, or gender are considered as security subjects that varied opinions among politicians, academics, and
experts put one or some or all as their priority to protect or concentrate on.
Doğru cevap C şıkkıdır.
7)

The Cold War that had lasted between ___________ ended peacefully.

A)

1945 and 1988

B ) 1945 and 1989

C)

1945 and 1990

D)

1945 and 1991

E ) 1945 and 1992

Çözüm : The Cold War that had lasted between 1945 and 1989 ended peacefully. Peaceful end of it in the sense of the
absence of a world war between superpowers, however, does not guarantee that there will not be any in the future.
Nevertheless, currently, there has been a great power peace, which has been producing its own security implications.
Doğru cevap B şıkkıdır.
8 ) Which of the following events was followed by the end of the Cold War?

I. After WWI II. After WWII III. The fall of the Berlin Wall IV. The dissolution of the USSR

A ) I & II
B ) I & IV
C ) II & IV
D ) I & III
E ) III & IV

Çözüm : The fall of the Berlin Wall and the dissolution of the USSR led to the end of the Cold War.
Doğru cevap E şıkkıdır.

Anadolu Üniversitesi tarafından hazırlanmış olan bu testlerin her hakkı saklıdır. Hangi amaçla olursa olsun, testlerin tamamının veya bir kısmının Anadolu Üniversitesi'nin yazılı izni olmadan
kopya edilmesi, fotoğraflarının çekilmesi, herhangi bir yolla çoğaltılması ya da kullanılması yasaktır. Bu yasağa uymayanlar gerekli cezai sorumluluğu ve testlerin hazırlanmasındaki mali
külfeti peşinen kabullenmiş sayılır.
 9 ) Which of the following are characteristics in social sciences that positivism shows?

I. there is an objective truth that can be discovered

II. there is only one correct form of reasoning

III. the tool of reasoning is empiricism

IV. there can be a distinction between observer and observed

A ) I & II
B ) II & IV
C ) II, III, & IV
D ) I, II, & II
E ) I, II, III, & IV

Çözüm : According to Terriff, Positivism shows four connected characteristics in social sciences (Ibid: 100). First, “there is an
objective truth that can be discovered.” Second, “the means of discovering that truth is reason and there is only one correct
form of reasoning”. Third, “the tool of reasoning is empiricism, which enables the analyst to test propositions”. Fourth, “there
can be a distinction between observer and observed”.
Doğru cevap E şıkkıdır.
10 ) When was the democratically elected government in Egypt overthrown by a military coup?
A ) 2000
B ) 2005
C ) 2010
D ) 2013
E ) 2018

Çözüm : They have also kept quite the overthrow of a democratically elected government by a military coup in Egypt in
2013.
Doğru cevap D şıkkıdır.

Anadolu Üniversitesi tarafından hazırlanmış olan bu testlerin her hakkı saklıdır. Hangi amaçla olursa olsun, testlerin tamamının veya bir kısmının Anadolu Üniversitesi'nin yazılı izni olmadan
kopya edilmesi, fotoğraflarının çekilmesi, herhangi bir yolla çoğaltılması ya da kullanılması yasaktır. Bu yasağa uymayanlar gerekli cezai sorumluluğu ve testlerin hazırlanmasındaki mali
külfeti peşinen kabullenmiş sayılır.
 ULI108U - INTERNATIONAL POLITICS (ULUSLARARASI
SİYASET) - (İNGİLİZCE)
Ünite 6 - Alıştırma Soruları
1)

Which of the following is a pull factor in terms of radicalization, violent extremism, and terrorism?

A)

Unemployment

B ) Sense of purpose
C)

Discrimination

D)

Access to weaponry items

E ) An absence of family support

Çözüm :

Table 6.1

Repression, corruption, unemployment,

inequality,

Structural motivators /Push factors discrimination, a history of hostility

between identity groups, external state
interventions in the affairs of other
nations

Sense of purpose, adventure, belonging,

need for acceptance, status, material
Individual incentives/Pull factors enticements, fear of repercussions from
violent groups, expected rewards in the
afterlife.

Extremist mentors (extremist religious

figures, right or left-wing charismatic
leaders), access to extremist online
communities, social networks with VE
Enabling factors
associations, access to weaponry or
other relevant items, lack of state
influence, an absence of family support

Doğru cevap B şıkkıdır.

Anadolu Üniversitesi tarafından hazırlanmış olan bu testlerin her hakkı saklıdır. Hangi amaçla olursa olsun, testlerin tamamının veya bir kısmının Anadolu Üniversitesi'nin yazılı izni olmadan
kopya edilmesi, fotoğraflarının çekilmesi, herhangi bir yolla çoğaltılması ya da kullanılması yasaktır. Bu yasağa uymayanlar gerekli cezai sorumluluğu ve testlerin hazırlanmasındaki mali
külfeti peşinen kabullenmiş sayılır.
 2)

Which of the following is an enabling factor in terms of radicalization, violent extremism, and terrorism?

A)

Repression

B)

Inequality

C ) Extremist mentors
D)

Adventure

E ) Sense of purpose

Çözüm :

Table 6.1

Repression, corruption, unemployment,

inequality,

Structural motivators /Push factors discrimination, a history of hostility

between identity groups, external state
interventions in the affairs of other
nations

Sense of purpose, adventure, belonging,

need for acceptance, status, material
Individual incentives/Pull factors enticements, fear of repercussions from
violent groups, expected rewards in the
afterlife.

Extremist mentors (extremist religious

figures, right or left-wing charismatic
leaders), access to extremist online
Enabling factors communities, social networks with VE
associations, access to weaponry or
other relevant items, lack of state
influence, an absence of family support

Doğru cevap C şıkkıdır.

Anadolu Üniversitesi tarafından hazırlanmış olan bu testlerin her hakkı saklıdır. Hangi amaçla olursa olsun, testlerin tamamının veya bir kısmının Anadolu Üniversitesi'nin yazılı izni olmadan
kopya edilmesi, fotoğraflarının çekilmesi, herhangi bir yolla çoğaltılması ya da kullanılması yasaktır. Bu yasağa uymayanlar gerekli cezai sorumluluğu ve testlerin hazırlanmasındaki mali
külfeti peşinen kabullenmiş sayılır.
 3)

Which of the following is not an ideologically motivated terrorist group?

A)

Ku Klux Klan

B)

Neo-Nazi movements

C)

Baader Meinhof in Germany

D ) Eta
E ) Red Brigades in Italy

Çözüm : Ideologically Motivated Terrorism

As stated before, radicalization, and terrorism cannot be attributed to a particular religion, ideology, nationality, sect, or any
other sort of identity and/ or mindset. Both rightist and leftist ideologies, at their extremes, can lead to radicalization and even
terrorism. Several groups, such as DHKP-C in Turkey, Baader Meinhof in Germany, and Red Brigades in Italy can be
mentioned under this category. However, it should be noted that neither primarily ideologically-motivated terror groups can
be limited to these groups, nor the groups which are not clearly designated as terrorist groups internationally, such as Ku
Klux Klan and neo-Nazi movements that can be identified as extreme-right groups occasionally resorting to violence (and
thus can be classified as violent extremists, too, if not full-fledged terrorist organizations) do not carry out ruthless terror
attacks against people coming from different ideological, ethnic, and religious backgrounds, including assaults, murders,
burning homes and refugee camps etc. s
Doğru cevap D şıkkıdır.

4 ) Lacking basic knowledge about:

I. a particular ideology,
II. religion,
III. historical enmity,
IV. science

Which of the above can be the reasons for finding meaning in radical discourses?

A ) I-II-III
B ) II-III-IV
C ) I-III-IV
D ) I-IV
E ) II-IV

Çözüm : The answer is A.

Doğru cevap A şıkkıdır.
5 ) Which of the following is one of the branches The Assassins spread to?
A ) Syria
B ) Iraq
C ) France
D ) Spain
E ) Lebanon

Çözüm : The answer is A.

Doğru cevap A şıkkıdır.

Anadolu Üniversitesi tarafından hazırlanmış olan bu testlerin her hakkı saklıdır. Hangi amaçla olursa olsun, testlerin tamamının veya bir kısmının Anadolu Üniversitesi'nin yazılı izni olmadan
kopya edilmesi, fotoğraflarının çekilmesi, herhangi bir yolla çoğaltılması ya da kullanılması yasaktır. Bu yasağa uymayanlar gerekli cezai sorumluluğu ve testlerin hazırlanmasındaki mali
külfeti peşinen kabullenmiş sayılır.
 6 ) Which one of the followings is the first terrorist organization and thus, predecessor of all the terror groups?
A ) The Assassins
B ) PKK
C ) The Zealots
D ) ASALA
E ) IRA

Çözüm :

The Jewish Zealot movement is regarded as the first terrorist organization and thus, predecessor of all the terror groups. It
emerged as a reaction to the Roman Empire’s rule in Palestine during its Imperial period, and its increasingly oppressive
measures against the Jews and gradual loss of their autonomy within the Empire.

Doğru cevap C şıkkıdır.

7 ) Which one of the following terrorist groups was led by Hasan-i Sabbah?
A ) Salafi-Wahhabi
B ) Ku Klux Klan
C ) Aum Shinrikyo
D ) Hasan-i Sabbah
E ) Ulrike Meinhoff

Çözüm :

The word assassin is widely believed to be originated from the terror group active in a wide area from Iran to Syria and
Egypt, led by Hasan-i Sabbah, acting with an ideological motivation derived from İsmailiyya branch of Shi’ism. Hasan-i
Sabbah was widely regarded as both the propagandist of its strict sectarian stance, a military and ideological leader of its
organisation, and a strategic mastermind behind selection of critical targets and capturing almost unconquerable castles and
cities in order to hide its militants.

Doğru cevap D şıkkıdır.

8 ) Which of the following is one of the structural motives in radicalization?
A ) corruption
B ) adventure
C ) belonging
D ) status
E ) purpose

Çözüm : Corruption is one of the structural motives and adventure, belonging, status, and purpose are among individual
incentives.
Doğru cevap A şıkkıdır.
9 ) Which of the following is one of the individual incentives in radicalization?
A ) inequality
B ) status
C ) corruption
D ) repression
E ) unemployment

Çözüm : Status is one of the individual incentives in radicalization and inequality, corruption, repression, and unemployment
are among structural motivators
Doğru cevap B şıkkıdır.

Anadolu Üniversitesi tarafından hazırlanmış olan bu testlerin her hakkı saklıdır. Hangi amaçla olursa olsun, testlerin tamamının veya bir kısmının Anadolu Üniversitesi'nin yazılı izni olmadan
kopya edilmesi, fotoğraflarının çekilmesi, herhangi bir yolla çoğaltılması ya da kullanılması yasaktır. Bu yasağa uymayanlar gerekli cezai sorumluluğu ve testlerin hazırlanmasındaki mali
külfeti peşinen kabullenmiş sayılır.
 10 )

Which UNSC resolution emphasizes the important roles that women can play against violent extremism, it directly refers to
violent extremism for the first time, calls for more active participation of women into both struggle against it and for
preventing the negative effects of terrorism on women?

A ) 1325
B ) 2122
C ) 2255
D ) 2242
E ) 2354

Çözüm :

UNSC Resolution 2242 emphasizes the important roles that women can play against violent extremism, it directly refers to
violent extremism for the first time, calls for more active participation of women into both struggle against it and for
preventing the negative effects of terrorism on women.

Doğru cevap D şıkkıdır.

Anadolu Üniversitesi tarafından hazırlanmış olan bu testlerin her hakkı saklıdır. Hangi amaçla olursa olsun, testlerin tamamının veya bir kısmının Anadolu Üniversitesi'nin yazılı izni olmadan
kopya edilmesi, fotoğraflarının çekilmesi, herhangi bir yolla çoğaltılması ya da kullanılması yasaktır. Bu yasağa uymayanlar gerekli cezai sorumluluğu ve testlerin hazırlanmasındaki mali
külfeti peşinen kabullenmiş sayılır.
 ULI108U - INTERNATIONAL POLITICS (ULUSLARARASI
SİYASET) - (İNGİLİZCE)
Ünite 7 - Alıştırma Soruları
1 ) Which of the following does culture not include?
A ) Language
B ) Lifestyle
C ) Etical codes
D ) traditions
E ) economy

Çözüm : The answer is E

Doğru cevap E şıkkıdır.
2 ) Where did the Industrial Revolution begin in the 18th century?
A ) France
B ) Germany
C ) Russia
D ) Britain
E ) Spain

Çözüm :

In modern history, industrial revolution is the process of change from an agrarian and handicraft economy to one dominated
by industry and machine manufacturing. This process began in Britain in the 18th century and from there spread to other
parts of the world.

Doğru cevap D şıkkıdır.

3 ) Which information below is not true about "the cold war period"?
A ) There was a harsh rivalry between the US and the USSR.
B ) Following the World War II, the world was theoretically seperated into two ideological camps.
C ) The horizontal division line between the North and South symbolized the ideological defferences.
D ) There were many examples of repressive identity politics in Cold War.
E ) In terms of their economic development, the countries are classified as First World, Second World and Third World.

Çözüm : Following the World War II, the world was theoretically seperated into two ideological camps named as the Western
Bloc led by the United States of America (US) and the Eastern Bloc led by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR).
However, another classification in terms of their economic development divided the countries in the world into three groups:
First World (Developed Western countries), Second World (Communist countries), Third World.
Within this context and under the shade of the harsh rivalry between the US and the USSR, it had become extremely
important that which ideological camp the Third World countries would choose to be associated with.

While the vertical division line of the iron curtain symbolized the ideological differences between the West and the East, the
horizontal division line
between the North and the South symbolized the differences in the level of development.
Doğru cevap C şıkkıdır.

Anadolu Üniversitesi tarafından hazırlanmış olan bu testlerin her hakkı saklıdır. Hangi amaçla olursa olsun, testlerin tamamının veya bir kısmının Anadolu Üniversitesi'nin yazılı izni olmadan
kopya edilmesi, fotoğraflarının çekilmesi, herhangi bir yolla çoğaltılması ya da kullanılması yasaktır. Bu yasağa uymayanlar gerekli cezai sorumluluğu ve testlerin hazırlanmasındaki mali
külfeti peşinen kabullenmiş sayılır.
 4 ) ı. The USSR under the presidency of Stalin II. Turkish identity in Bulgaria
III. China under the name of Cultural Revolution Which one/s is/are the
example(s) of repressive identity politics?
A ) I and II
B ) I and III
C ) II and III
D ) I, II and III
E ) III

Çözüm : -Numerous examples of repressive identity politics can be given as they were implied in the Second World during
the Cold War such as the USSR under the presidency of Stalin.

-Specific projects to construct a national culture based on repressive policies were implemented in China, under the name of
Cultural Revolution, and in Cambodia.

-Another specific example of the repression of the religious and ethnic identities from the 20th century involves the
repression of the Turkish identity in Bulgaria during the 1980s.
Doğru cevap D şıkkıdır.

5 ) I. The armed conflict was between Orthodox Serbs, Catholic Croats and Muslim Bosnians.
II. It was between 1990 and 1997. III. It came to an end
with the signing of Dayton Agreement. IV. Croats employed systematic genocidal actions against the Muslim
and Serbs. Which information above is true about the
identity war that emerged following the dissolution of Yugoslovia?
A ) I and II
B ) I and III
C ) I and IV
D ) II and III
E ) II and IV

Çözüm : A striking example of such an identity war based on strong religious, sectarian and cultural differences was the
armed conflicts that emerged following the dissolution of Yugoslavia. The armed conflict between the Orthodox Serbs,
Catholic Croats and Muslim Bosnians started in 1992 and came to an end in 1995 with the signing of the Dayton Agreement.
During the period of conflict, Serbian forces employed systematic genocidal actions against the Muslim and Croat population
including mass killings, rape and siege in order to clear the future independent state of Bosnia mainly from its Muslim
population and gain authority on a larger territory.
Doğru cevap B şıkkıdır.
6 ) I. IR has emerged as a discipline in social sciences mainly in the early 20th century.
II. Liberalism and Realism are the mainstream IR theories. III. IR itself is based on religious
assumptions. Which information above is true about IR Theory?
A ) Only I
B ) Only III
C ) I and III
D ) II and III
E ) I and II

Çözüm : -The main unit of analysis in the discipline of IR is the nation state which first emerged in Europe during the 17th
century and was disseminated to the other parts of the world as a role model since then. IR has emerged as a discipline in
social sciences mainly in the early 20th century.

-The mainstream IR theories, namely Liberalism and Realism, have regarded the religion as a private issue that should be
dealt at the individual level.

- IR itself is based on “areligous” assumptions and (the issue of) ethics might not be relevant to it (Laustsen, Wæver, 2003,
p. 170).
Doğru cevap E şıkkıdır.

Anadolu Üniversitesi tarafından hazırlanmış olan bu testlerin her hakkı saklıdır. Hangi amaçla olursa olsun, testlerin tamamının veya bir kısmının Anadolu Üniversitesi'nin yazılı izni olmadan
kopya edilmesi, fotoğraflarının çekilmesi, herhangi bir yolla çoğaltılması ya da kullanılması yasaktır. Bu yasağa uymayanlar gerekli cezai sorumluluğu ve testlerin hazırlanmasındaki mali
külfeti peşinen kabullenmiş sayılır.
 7 ) I. It is a governmental organization. II. It is not established or coordinated by any
public institutions. III. It is expected not to be attached to any interest groups in the society. Which information
above is true about Civil Society Organizations?
A ) Only III
B ) Only II
C ) I, II and III
D ) II and III
E ) I and III

Çözüm : Civil Society Organizations: As a non-governmental organization (NGO) refers to the organizations which are not
established or coordinated by a government or any public institution, a civil society organization (CSO) is also an NGO.
However, a CSO is also expected not to be attached to interest groups in the society which gather to secure or promote
financial interests, e.g., business organizations. Consequently, NGOs with religious and cultural orientations or
philanthrophic activites belong to the category of CSOs (Stivachtis, 2007, p. 15).
Doğru cevap D şıkkıdır.
8 ) During the French Revolution, ideology used to mean “science of ___________ .”
A ) ideas
B ) beliefs
C ) traditions
D ) customs
E ) conflicts

Çözüm : During the French Revolution used to mean “science of ideas” and was used by the French philosopher Destutt de
Tracy.
Doğru cevap A şıkkıdır.
9)

Which of the following has/have contributed to the emergence of the modern nation state?

I. Fascism II. Industrial Revolution III. Secularism

A ) I.
B ) II.
C ) III.
D ) I & II
E ) I, II & III

Çözüm : Along with enlightenment, fascism, the Industrial Revolution and secularism have contributed to the emergence of
the modern nation state.
Doğru cevap E şıkkıdır.
10 ) Where did the first civilization emerge?
A ) Africa
B ) Latin-America
C ) Scotland
D ) China
E ) Mesopotamia

Çözüm : The first civilization emerged in Mesopotamia.

Doğru cevap E şıkkıdır.

Anadolu Üniversitesi tarafından hazırlanmış olan bu testlerin her hakkı saklıdır. Hangi amaçla olursa olsun, testlerin tamamının veya bir kısmının Anadolu Üniversitesi'nin yazılı izni olmadan
kopya edilmesi, fotoğraflarının çekilmesi, herhangi bir yolla çoğaltılması ya da kullanılması yasaktır. Bu yasağa uymayanlar gerekli cezai sorumluluğu ve testlerin hazırlanmasındaki mali
külfeti peşinen kabullenmiş sayılır.
 INTERNATIONAL POLITICS
2018 BAHAR ARA - A
A
1. The peace treaties of Osnabrück and Münster, 5. Given the Transatlantic Triangular Trade
signed in 1648 after the Thirty Years’ War, are between Africa, Europe, and Americas, from the
collectively known as the -------. 15th century to the early 19th century Europeans
generally exported manufactured goods, textiles,
Which of the following options correctly and guns to Africa to be exchanged for -------.
completes the sentence above?
Which of the following options correctly
A) Concert of Europe completes the sentence above?
B) Treaty of Utrecht
A) tobacco
C) Peace of Westphalia
B) sugar
D) Old Regime
C) cotton
E) Age of Enlightenment
D) slaves
E) rum

2. Which of the following is not an example of a 6. Which of the following is the major role of an
proxy war? international organization that refers to its
capacity and ability to act independently
A) The Vietnam War
from its constituent member states and affect
B) The Korean War the course of world events?
C) The Greek Civil War
D) The Second World War A) Actor
E) The Lebanese Civil War B) Arena
C) Instrument
D) High authority
E) Public forum

3. Ideologies such as Fascism, Nazism, Marxism,

and Communism threatened democracy in the
1930s and 1940s. In fact, Eric Hobsbawm’s 7. Which of the following is an international
seminal work captures the essence of this era non-governmental organization?
that has been entitled the -------.
A) World Trade Organization (WTO)
Which of the following options correctly B) North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO)
completes the sentence above? C) Amnesty International (AI)
D) European Union (EU)
A) Age of Extremes
E) United Nations (UN)
B) Ancien Régime
C) End of History and the Last Man
D) Age of Enlightenment
E) Age of Discovery
8. The European Union through its institutions can
foster a ‘community spirit’ among the various
interest groups dealing with the organization and
among the citizens of the member countries.

Which of the following best characterizes

4. Which of the following two states achieved this function of the European Union as an
national unity in the early 1870s? international organization?

A) Belgium and the Netherlands A) Information

B) England and France B) Socialization
C) Italy and Germany C) Operation
D) The United States and Canada D) Rule adjudication
E) Portugal and Spain E) Recruitment

1 Hangi amaçla olursa olsun, testlerin tamamının veya bir kısmının

Anadolu Üniversitesi tarafından hazırlanmış olan bu testlerin her hakkı saklıdır.
Anadolu Üniversitesi'nin yazılı izni olmadan kopya edilmesi, fotoğraflarının çekilmesi, herhangi bir yolla çoğaltılması ya da kullanılması yasaktır.
Bu yasağa uymayanlar gerekli cezai sorumluluğu ve testlerin hazırlanmasındaki mali külfeti peşinen kabullenmiş sayılır.
 2018 BAHAR ARA - A
A
9. Which of the following is not one of the 13. The early debate on regionalism in the 1960s
common and constitutive characteristics of and 1970s focused on the -------.
international organizations identified by
LeRoy Bennett and James K. Oliver? Which of the following options correctly
completes the sentence above?
A) A permanent secretariat to carry on
administrative and information functions A) United Nations system
B) A permanent organization to carry on a B) Decolonization process in Africa
continuing set of functions C) Ideological confrontation between the blocs
C) A broadly representative consultative D) European integration process
conference organ
E) Economic cooperation in Southeast Asia
D) Voluntary membership of eligible parties
E) A permanent court to settle legal disputes
between the members

14. Which of the following regional

organizations may be seen as an exclusively
political organization?

A) The North Atlantic Treaty Organization

10. Which of the following theoretical
approaches grants a marginal role to B) The Council of Europe
international organizations? C) The African Union
D) The European Union
A) Transactionalism
E) The Arab League
B) Neofunctionalism
C) Liberalism
D) Functionalism
E) Realism

15. If some states take regional collective action that

gives priority to coordination, then, these states
are surely trying to achieve -------.

Which of the following options correctly

completes the sentence above?
11. Which of the following is an example of an
ecoregion? A) open consultation and access to information
A) Øresund B) a secure and pacific region pledged to
upholding regional values
B) The Norwegian fjord valleys
C) economies of scale and equitable benefits
C) The European Union
D) shared institutional and legal objectives
D) Southern Africa
E) greater economic prosperity founded on
E) Flanders economic integration

16. Which of the following theories promotes an

12. Which of the following is not a member of the understanding of justice and human rights
Arab League? that transcends national borders?

A) Jordan A) International regimes

B) Djibouti B) The English School
C) Kuwait C) Cosmopolitan approach
D) Tunisia D) Democratic peace
E) Iran E) Communitarian approach

2 Hangi amaçla olursa olsun, testlerin tamamının veya bir kısmının

Anadolu Üniversitesi tarafından hazırlanmış olan bu testlerin her hakkı saklıdır.
Anadolu Üniversitesi'nin yazılı izni olmadan kopya edilmesi, fotoğraflarının çekilmesi, herhangi bir yolla çoğaltılması ya da kullanılması yasaktır.
Bu yasağa uymayanlar gerekli cezai sorumluluğu ve testlerin hazırlanmasındaki mali külfeti peşinen kabullenmiş sayılır.
 2018 BAHAR ARA - A
17. The milestone document in the history of human
rights adopted by the United Nations General
Assembly in 1948 that sets out the basic rights
and freedoms to which all human beings are
entitled is -------.
A
20. Which of the following international bodies
has been granted jurisdiction by the Rome
Statute of 1998 over genocide, crimes
against humanity, war crimes, and the crime
of aggression?

Which of the following options correctly A) The European Court of Human Rights
completes the sentence above? B) The International Criminal Court
C) The Court of Justice of the European Union
A) The Declaration of the Rights of Man and of
the Citizen D) The Committee on the Elimination of Racial
Discrimination
B) International Covenant on Civil and Political
Rights E) The International Court of Justice
C) The Helsinki Final Act
D) The Universal Declaration of Human Rights
E) International Covenant on Economic, Social,
and Cultural Rights

18. Which of the following categories of rights

urges the state to create an environment
where individuals can pursue a dignified life
as well as a life free from poverty?

A) Active status rights

B) Western-centric rights
C) Negative status rights
D) Social-contract rights
E) Positive status rights

19. The founding fathers such as Benjamin Franklin,

Alexander Hamilton, James Madison, and
Thomas Jefferson were desirous of a limited and
a controlled government. These founding fathers
are associated with -------.

Which of the following options correctly

completes the sentence above?

A) The American Revolution

B) Magna Carta (The Great Charter)
C) The French Revolution
D) The English Revolution
E) The Emancipation Proclamation

3 Hangi amaçla olursa olsun, testlerin tamamının veya bir kısmının

Anadolu Üniversitesi tarafından hazırlanmış olan bu testlerin her hakkı saklıdır.
Anadolu Üniversitesi'nin yazılı izni olmadan kopya edilmesi, fotoğraflarının çekilmesi, herhangi bir yolla çoğaltılması ya da kullanılması yasaktır.
Bu yasağa uymayanlar gerekli cezai sorumluluğu ve testlerin hazırlanmasındaki mali külfeti peşinen kabullenmiş sayılır.
 2018 BAHAR ARA - A

A Grubu Cevap Anahtarı

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20
C D A C D A C B E E B E D B A C D E A B

4 Hangi amaçla olursa olsun, testlerin tamamının veya bir kısmının

Anadolu Üniversitesi tarafından hazırlanmış olan bu testlerin her hakkı saklıdır.
Anadolu Üniversitesi'nin yazılı izni olmadan kopya edilmesi, fotoğraflarının çekilmesi, herhangi bir yolla çoğaltılması ya da kullanılması yasaktır.
Bu yasağa uymayanlar gerekli cezai sorumluluğu ve testlerin hazırlanmasındaki mali külfeti peşinen kabullenmiş sayılır.
 INTERNATIONAL POLITICS
2019 BAHAR ARA - A
A
1. Which of the following states can be 5. Which of the following is not considered one
considered as the latecomer in the race for of the newly emerged global problems that
colonialism and exploitation? require global solutions?

A) Italy A) Educational issues

B) Spain B) Immigration
C) France C) Terrorism
D) Portugal D) Humanitarian crises
E) England E) Climate change

2. Which of the following was one of the Axis 6. Which of the following treaties ended the
Powers in the Second World War? Thirty Years War in 1648?

A) The United Kingdom A) The Treaty of Versailles

B) The USA B) The Treaty of Vienna
C) The USSR C) The Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle
D) Japan D) The Treaty of Hague
E) China E) The Treaty of Westphalia

7. Which of the following was a general

3. Which of the following is not a specialized international organization in the world
agency of the UN? political system before the Second World
War?
A) The Food and Agriculture Organization
(FAO) A) The United Nations
B) The Organisation for European Economic B) The Central Commission for the Navigation
Cooperation (OEEC/OECD) of Rhine
C) The International Maritime Organization C) The Organization for Economic Cooperation
(IMO) and Development
D) The United Nations Development D) The European Council
Programme (UNDP)
E) The League of Nations
E) The International Monetary Fund (IMF)

8. I. Fund-raising
4. ------- is a concept used for Cold War conflicts, in II. Recruitment
which peripheral states or groups clashed with III. Socialization
each other in peripheral regions with support IV. Rule making
from the leaders of the blocs. V. Rule application

Which of the following options correctly Which ones of the above are among the main
completes the sentence above? functions of international organizations?

A) Religious war A) I and II

B) Border war B) I and III
C) Colonial war C) I, II and IV
D) Range war D) II, III, IV and V
E) Proxy war E) I, II, III, IV and V

1 Hangi amaçla olursa olsun, testlerin tamamının veya bir kısmının

Anadolu Üniversitesi tarafından hazırlanmış olan bu testlerin her hakkı saklıdır.
Anadolu Üniversitesi'nin yazılı izni olmadan kopya edilmesi, fotoğraflarının çekilmesi, herhangi bir yolla çoğaltılması ya da kullanılması yasaktır.
Bu yasağa uymayanlar gerekli cezai sorumluluğu ve testlerin hazırlanmasındaki mali külfeti peşinen kabullenmiş sayılır.
 2019 BAHAR ARA - A
A
9. Which of the following approaches emerged 13. Which of the following concepts refers to a
to explain the European integration process group of countries located in the same
in the 1950s? geographical area?

A) Supranationalism A) Harmonization
B) Liberal Institutionalism B) Coordination
C) Neo-realism C) Region
D) Transactionalism D) Cooperation
E) Neofunctionalism E) Institution

14. Which of the following organizations was

established to contribute to the construction
of the post-Cold War era in the Central and
Eastern Europe?
10. Which of the following is the key figure of the
Functionalist Theory? A) The European Economic Area
B) The Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation
A) Ben Rosamond
Hans Morgenthau C) The Commonwealth of Nations
B)
Leon Lindberg D) The European Bank for Reconstruction and
C)
Development
D) David Mitrany
E) The Organization of the Black Sea
E) Karl Deutsch Economic Cooperation

15. According to Nishikimi, economic integration

constitutes two different forces on an industrial
location: -------.
11. Which of the following is not a founding
member of the Arab League? Which of the following options correctly
completes the sentence above?
A) Qatar
A) universal and effective recognition
B) Egypt
B) public goods and pooled services
C) Jordan
C) dispersion and agglomeration forces
D) Iraq
D) voluntary consultations and aggrements
E) Yemen
E) open colsultation and access to information

16. Which of the following agreements is the

legal basis for the jurisdiction of the
European Court of Human Rights?
12. Which of the following is an example of
regional security organizations? A) The Universal Declaration of Human Rights
B) The Helsinki Final Act
A) The League of Nations
C) The European Convention on Human Rights
B) The North Atlantic Treaty Organization
D) The International Covenant on Civil and
C) The North American Free Trade Agreement Political Rights
D) The European Coal and Steel Community E) The Declaration of the Rights of Man and of
E) The Organisation of Islamic Cooperation the Citizen

2 Hangi amaçla olursa olsun, testlerin tamamının veya bir kısmının

Anadolu Üniversitesi tarafından hazırlanmış olan bu testlerin her hakkı saklıdır.
Anadolu Üniversitesi'nin yazılı izni olmadan kopya edilmesi, fotoğraflarının çekilmesi, herhangi bir yolla çoğaltılması ya da kullanılması yasaktır.
Bu yasağa uymayanlar gerekli cezai sorumluluğu ve testlerin hazırlanmasındaki mali külfeti peşinen kabullenmiş sayılır.
 2019 BAHAR ARA - A
A
17. Which of the following is one of the 20. Which of the following theorists is one of the
well-known non-governmental organizations leading figures of the English School?
that aim at promoting human rights?
A) Robert O. Keohane
A) The Amnesty International B) Hedley Bull
B) The International Criminal Court C) Karl Marx
C) The International Court of Justice D) Friedrich Engels
D) The European Court of Human Rights E) Max Weber
E) The Organization for Security and
Co-operation in Europe

18. Which of the following categories of rights is

specifically related to protecting and
extending political rights through political
participation such as the right to vote and
the right to be elected?

A) Social-contract rights
B) Positive status rights
C) Active status rights
D) Western-centric rights
E) Negative status rights

19. Which of the following is a leading figure of

the English Enlightenment who made a
significant contribution to promoting liberal
human rights through his intellectual works
that especially defend liberty, the right to life,
and the right to property?

A) Jean Bodin
B) John Locke
C) Alexander Hamilton
D) Thomas Hobbes
E) Thomas Jefferson

3 Hangi amaçla olursa olsun, testlerin tamamının veya bir kısmının

Anadolu Üniversitesi tarafından hazırlanmış olan bu testlerin her hakkı saklıdır.
Anadolu Üniversitesi'nin yazılı izni olmadan kopya edilmesi, fotoğraflarının çekilmesi, herhangi bir yolla çoğaltılması ya da kullanılması yasaktır.
Bu yasağa uymayanlar gerekli cezai sorumluluğu ve testlerin hazırlanmasındaki mali külfeti peşinen kabullenmiş sayılır.
 2019 BAHAR ARA - A

A Grubu Cevap Anahtarı

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20
A D B E A E E D E D A B C D C C A C B B

4 Hangi amaçla olursa olsun, testlerin tamamının veya bir kısmının

Anadolu Üniversitesi tarafından hazırlanmış olan bu testlerin her hakkı saklıdır.
Anadolu Üniversitesi'nin yazılı izni olmadan kopya edilmesi, fotoğraflarının çekilmesi, herhangi bir yolla çoğaltılması ya da kullanılması yasaktır.
Bu yasağa uymayanlar gerekli cezai sorumluluğu ve testlerin hazırlanmasındaki mali külfeti peşinen kabullenmiş sayılır.
 INTERNATIONAL POLITICS
2018 BAHAR DÖNEM SONU - A
A
1. Christopher Columbus launched an expedition in 5. Which of the following is not one of the forms
1492 with the support of Isabella I of Castile in an of regional collective action?
attempt to reach ------.
A) Coordination
Which of the following options correctly B) Collaboration
completes the sentence above? C) Globalisation
A) Portugal D) Harmonisation
B) The United States E) Cooperation
C) Canada
D) India
E) Spain

6. Which of the following UN main organs

adopted and proclaimed the Universal
2. Which of the following states can be Declaration of Human Rights (UNDHR)?
considered as the latecomer in the race for
colonialism and exploitation? A) Security Council
B) General Assembly
A) France
C) Economic and Social Council
B) Egypt
D) International Court of Justice
C) Portugal
E) Secretariat
D) Great Britain
E) Germany

3. Which of the following is the most prominent 7. Which of the following is an Enlightenment
representative of the transactionalist philosopher who defended that people have
approach to international integration? natural rights at birth?

A) Ben Rosamond A) Karl Marx

B) David Mitrany B) John Locke
C) Ernst Haas C) Francis Bacon
D) Leon Lindberg D) Friedrich Engels
E) Karl Deutsch E) George Berkeley

4. Which of the following international

organizations is a partially supranational
organization? 8. Which of the following states has its own
nuclear military capability?
A) The European Union (EU)
B) The North Atlantic Treaty Organization A) Spain
(NATO) B) Slovenia
C) The United Nations (UN) C) France
D) The World Trade Organization (WTO) D) The Netherlands
E) The Amnesty International (AI) E) Portugal

1 Hangi amaçla olursa olsun, testlerin tamamının veya bir kısmının

Anadolu Üniversitesi tarafından hazırlanmış olan bu testlerin her hakkı saklıdır.
Anadolu Üniversitesi'nin yazılı izni olmadan kopya edilmesi, fotoğraflarının çekilmesi, herhangi bir yolla çoğaltılması ya da kullanılması yasaktır.
Bu yasağa uymayanlar gerekli cezai sorumluluğu ve testlerin hazırlanmasındaki mali külfeti peşinen kabullenmiş sayılır.
 2018 BAHAR DÖNEM SONU - A
A
9. According to ------- Theory, there is not an 13. Which of the following is a cognitive process
objective truth because culture and specific that aims to cut the link between radical
values shape it; as Robert Cox proposes "theory ideas and their target audience?
is always for someone and for some purpose".
A) De-capitalization
Which of the following options correctly B) De-radicalization
completes the sentence above? C) Reintegration
A) Constructivist D) De-localization
B) Functionalist E) Rehabilitation
C) Critical
D) Liberal
E) Realist

14. Which of the following U.S. presidents

declared the "Global War on Terror"?

10. According to Kenneth N. Waltz, which of the A) George W. Bush

following is the primary objective that states B) Jimmy Carter
try to achieve in international relations? C) Barack Obama
A) Respect D) Bill Clinton
B) Prestige E) Richard Nixon
C) Influence
D) Peace
E) Security

15. The role of parents, relatives, teachers, sports

coaches, community leaders, religious figures
may be characterized as -------.
11. Which of the following options correctly
gives the Realist approach's definition of Which of the following options correctly
"anarchy"? completes the sentence above?

A) Proliferation of weapons of mass destruction A) law-enforcement officials

B) Alarming prospect of climate change B) zealots
C) Absence of a leading international political C) gatekeepers
figure D) radicals
D) Absence of a common international authority E) jacobins
E) Lack of international financial resources

12. Which of the following is a structural 16. Which of the following theories or ideologies
motivator (push factor) of radicalization and contributed to the emergence of the modern
terrorism? nation state?

A) Lack of state influence A) Secularism

B) Fear of repercussions from violent groups B) Fascism
C) Sense of purpose C) Communism
D) Extremist mentors D) Regionalism
E) A history of hostility between identity groups E) Constructivism

2 Hangi amaçla olursa olsun, testlerin tamamının veya bir kısmının

Anadolu Üniversitesi tarafından hazırlanmış olan bu testlerin her hakkı saklıdır.
Anadolu Üniversitesi'nin yazılı izni olmadan kopya edilmesi, fotoğraflarının çekilmesi, herhangi bir yolla çoğaltılması ya da kullanılması yasaktır.
Bu yasağa uymayanlar gerekli cezai sorumluluğu ve testlerin hazırlanmasındaki mali külfeti peşinen kabullenmiş sayılır.
 2018 BAHAR DÖNEM SONU - A
A
17. Which of the following is not a true statement 20. Which of the following scholars mainly
about NAFTA? employed the three-level analysis method in
his studies on foreign policy ?
A) Its members are Nicaragua, Argentina, and
the United States. A) David Mitrany
B) It is basically a formal free trade agreement B) Samuel Huntington
among three countries. C) Hans Morgenthau
C) It created one of the largest free trade zones D) Kenneth Waltz
in the world.
E) Maurice Cranston
D) Its benefits are not extended to goods from
non-NAFTA countries.
E) It forgoes tariffs on imported goods from the
member states.

18. In modern history, ------- is the process of change

from an agrarian and handicraft economy to one
dominated by the process of manufacture with
machines.

Which of the following options correctly

completes the sentence above?

A) Enlightenment
B) Cultural diversity
C) French Revolution
D) Industrial Revolution
E) Nationalism

19. According to ------- the end of history is "the end

point of mankind’s ideological evolution and the
universalization of Western liberal democracy as
the final form of human government."

Which of the following options correctly

completes the sentence above?

A) Immanuel Wallerstein
B) Francis Fukuyama
C) Winston Churchill
D) Vaclav Havel
E) Samuel P. Huntington

3 Hangi amaçla olursa olsun, testlerin tamamının veya bir kısmının

Anadolu Üniversitesi tarafından hazırlanmış olan bu testlerin her hakkı saklıdır.
Anadolu Üniversitesi'nin yazılı izni olmadan kopya edilmesi, fotoğraflarının çekilmesi, herhangi bir yolla çoğaltılması ya da kullanılması yasaktır.
Bu yasağa uymayanlar gerekli cezai sorumluluğu ve testlerin hazırlanmasındaki mali külfeti peşinen kabullenmiş sayılır.
 2018 BAHAR DÖNEM SONU - A

A Grubu Cevap Anahtarı

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20
D E E A C B B C C E D E B A C A A D B D

4 Hangi amaçla olursa olsun, testlerin tamamının veya bir kısmının

Anadolu Üniversitesi tarafından hazırlanmış olan bu testlerin her hakkı saklıdır.
Anadolu Üniversitesi'nin yazılı izni olmadan kopya edilmesi, fotoğraflarının çekilmesi, herhangi bir yolla çoğaltılması ya da kullanılması yasaktır.
Bu yasağa uymayanlar gerekli cezai sorumluluğu ve testlerin hazırlanmasındaki mali külfeti peşinen kabullenmiş sayılır.
Bahar Dönemi Dönem Sonu Sınav soruları ve çözümleri 27-28-29 Mayıs 2019 tarihlerinde eKampüste. Soru çözümleri eKampüs’te canlı olarak yayınlanacaktır.

INTERNATIONAL POLITICS
2019 BAHAR DÖNEM SONU - A
A
1. Which of the following organizations can be 5. Which of the following has served as a
classified as an international organization founding myth for the European states to be
with general aims and activities? the respective global hegemonic powers in
the coming centuries?
A) The North Atlantic Treaty Organization
B) The United Nations A) The Treaty of London
C) The International Monetary Fund B) The Berlin Conference
D) The World Trade Organization C) The Treaty of Paris
E) The Council of Europe D) The Congress of Vienna
E) The Peace of Westphalia

2. Which of the following theorists authored the

"Age of Extremes"? 6. Which of the following is an example of
regional economic organizations?
A) Hans Morgenthau
A) The Council of Europe
B) Thomas Hobbes
B) The European Bank for Reconstruction and
C) Edward H. Carr Development
D) Eric Hobsbawm C) The African Union
E) Thucydides D) The Arab League
E) The North Atlantic Treaty Organization

3. Which of the following institutions is

established to promote and protect human 7. Which of the following can be categorized as
rights that are based on the principles of the a non-governmental organization that
UN? supports human rights in the world with its
voluntary members?
A) The Organization for Economic Cooperation
and Development A) The European Council
B) The United Nations Security Council B) The European Union
C) The United Nations High Commissioner for C) The International Court of Justice
Human Rights
D) The Freedom House
D) The European Union
E) The United Nations Trusteeship Council
E) The United Nations Trusteeship Council

8. Which of the following concepts can be

4. Which of the following political scientists defined as the formation or realignment of
suggested the concept of "security transactions and attitudes along regional
community"? lines?

A) Stephen Krasner A) Regionalization

B) David Mitrany B) Coordination
C) Karl W. Deutsch C) Cooperation
D) Ernst B. Haas D) Globalisation
E) Joseph Nye E) Integration

1 Hangi amaçla olursa olsun, testlerin tamamının veya bir kısmının

Anadolu Üniversitesi tarafından hazırlanmış olan bu testlerin her hakkı saklıdır.
Anadolu Üniversitesi'nin yazılı izni olmadan kopya edilmesi, fotoğraflarının çekilmesi, herhangi bir yolla çoğaltılması ya da kullanılması yasaktır.
Bu yasağa uymayanlar gerekli cezai sorumluluğu ve testlerin hazırlanmasındaki mali külfeti peşinen kabullenmiş sayılır.
Bahar Dönemi Dönem Sonu Sınav soruları ve çözümleri 27-28-29 Mayıs 2019 tarihlerinde eKampüste. Soru çözümleri eKampüs’te canlı olarak yayınlanacaktır.

2019 BAHAR DÖNEM SONU - A

A
9. Which of the following concepts is used by 13. Which of the following can be regarded as
Realists to communicate a situation in which the predecessor of the Soviet and Nazi
power gain of a state results absolute loss of applications of state terror directed at
the other? internal political rivals and external enemies
at the same time?
A) Relative depravation
B) Invisible hand A) Jacobins
C) Relative gains B) Narodniks
D) Zero-sum game C) Kahane Chai
E) Absolute gains D) Ku Klux Klan
E) Assassins

10. According to Thomas Hobbes, what does

anarchy mean? 14. Which of the following is the Japanese
terrorist organization that carries out attacks
A) A war of all against one with primarily religious motivations?
B) A war of one against all
A) Aum Shinrikyo
C) A war of all against all
B) ETA
D) A war of pre-emptive defence
C) Al-Qaeda
E) A war of collective punishment
D) Tamil Guerillas
E) ASALA

11. Which of the following approaches argues

that security is an ideological device for
promotion, prioritisation, and prolongation 15. Which of the following concepts defines as
of the interests of states and dominant "advocating, engaging in, preparing, or
powers? otherwise supporting ideologically motivated
or justified violence to further social,
A) Liberalism economic or political objectives" by the
B) Neorealism United States Agency for International
C) The Critical Theory Development?
D) Realism A) Anarcho terrorism
E) Constructivism B) Anarchism
C) De-radicalization
D) Violent extremism
E) Xenophobia

12. I. France
II. China
III. India
IV. Pakistan
16. Which of the following is regarded as the
Which ones of the above have their own first terrorist organization and the
nuclear military capability? predecessor of all the terror groups?

A) I and II A) IRA
B) II and III B) Zealots
C) I, II and III C) Al-Qaeda
D) II, III and IV D) Tamil Guerillas
E) I, II, III and IV E) ASALA

2 Hangi amaçla olursa olsun, testlerin tamamının veya bir kısmının

Anadolu Üniversitesi tarafından hazırlanmış olan bu testlerin her hakkı saklıdır.
Anadolu Üniversitesi'nin yazılı izni olmadan kopya edilmesi, fotoğraflarının çekilmesi, herhangi bir yolla çoğaltılması ya da kullanılması yasaktır.
Bu yasağa uymayanlar gerekli cezai sorumluluğu ve testlerin hazırlanmasındaki mali külfeti peşinen kabullenmiş sayılır.
Bahar Dönemi Dönem Sonu Sınav soruları ve çözümleri 27-28-29 Mayıs 2019 tarihlerinde eKampüste. Soru çözümleri eKampüs’te canlı olarak yayınlanacaktır.

2019 BAHAR DÖNEM SONU - A

A
17. In the post-Cold War period, a striking example 20. Which of the following concepts defines as
of such an identity war based on strong religious, “our legacy from the past, what we live with
sectarian and cultural differences was the armed today and what we pass on to future
conflicts that emerged following the dissolution of generations” by UNESCO?
-------.
A) Cultural heritage
Which of the following options correctly B) Agriculture
completes the sentence above? C) Community
A) Cambodia D) Society
B) North Korea E) Personality
C) USSR
D) Algeria
E) Yugoslavia

18. The ------- thesis, implicitly mentioning religious

identities as the main division line between
communities, is based on the assumption that
cultural differences between the countries from
different civilizations will be the main source of
conflict in the international system in the
forthcoming years.

Which of the following options correctly

completes the sentence above?

A) Industrial Revolution
B) End of History
C) Three Levels of Analysis
D) Alliance of Civilizations
E) Clash of Civilizations

19. Which of the following civilizations has

coined the term “barbarian” based on a
“civilized-barbarian division”?

A) Indian civilization
B) Ancient Greece
C) Mesopotamia
D) African civilization
E) Ancient Egypt

3 Hangi amaçla olursa olsun, testlerin tamamının veya bir kısmının

Anadolu Üniversitesi tarafından hazırlanmış olan bu testlerin her hakkı saklıdır.
Anadolu Üniversitesi'nin yazılı izni olmadan kopya edilmesi, fotoğraflarının çekilmesi, herhangi bir yolla çoğaltılması ya da kullanılması yasaktır.
Bu yasağa uymayanlar gerekli cezai sorumluluğu ve testlerin hazırlanmasındaki mali külfeti peşinen kabullenmiş sayılır.
Bahar Dönemi Dönem Sonu Sınav soruları ve çözümleri 27-28-29 Mayıs 2019 tarihlerinde eKampüste. Soru çözümleri eKampüs’te canlı olarak yayınlanacaktır.

2019 BAHAR DÖNEM SONU - A

A Grubu Cevap Anahtarı

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20
B D C C E B D A D C C E A A D B E E B A

4 Hangi amaçla olursa olsun, testlerin tamamının veya bir kısmının

Anadolu Üniversitesi tarafından hazırlanmış olan bu testlerin her hakkı saklıdır.
Anadolu Üniversitesi'nin yazılı izni olmadan kopya edilmesi, fotoğraflarının çekilmesi, herhangi bir yolla çoğaltılması ya da kullanılması yasaktır.
Bu yasağa uymayanlar gerekli cezai sorumluluğu ve testlerin hazırlanmasındaki mali külfeti peşinen kabullenmiş sayılır.
Açıköğretim Sistemi ile ilgili merak ettiğiniz her şey AOSDESTEK Sisteminde. AOSDESTEK Sistemine aosdestek.anadolu.edu.tr adresinden ulaşabilirsiniz.

INTERNATIONAL POLITICS
2019 YAZ OKULU - A
A
1. In modern history, ------- is the process of change 4. Which of the following theories or ideologies
from an agrarian and handicraft economy to one contributed to the emergence of the modern
dominated by the process of manufacture with nation state?
machines.
A) Fascism
Which of the following options correctly B) Constructivism
completes the sentence above? C) Regionalism
A) Enlightenment D) Secularism
B) French Revolution E) Communism
C) Industrial Revolution
D) Cultural diversity
E) Nationalism

2. At international organizations members come

together to discuss an issue, to agree or
disagree on a matter as well as to co-operate
with one another. As such, organizations provide
their members with the opportunity of advancing
their own viewpoints and making suggestions in
a more open fashion than that of bilateral
diplomacy. This role of international
organizations is referred to as -------.
5. The ------- theorists hold that cooperation and
therefore security is possible under anarchy. The
------- conception on cooperation under anarchy
stems from its optimism on the nature of human
being.
Which of the following options correctly
completes the sentences above?

Which of the following options correctly A) Marxist

completes the sentence above? B) Liberal
C) Realist
A) capacity
D) Post-positivist
B) instrument
E) Structuralist
C) arena
D) actor
E) high authority

3. If some states take regional collective action that

gives priority to coordination, then, these states
are surely trying to achieve -------. 6. The United States of America listed all the
following among the “axis of evil states” EXCEPT
Which of the following options correctly -------.
completes the sentence above?
Which of the following options correctly
A) open consultation and access to information completes the sentence above?
B) greater economic prosperity founded on
economic integration A) Venezuela
C) economies of scale and equitable benefits B) Iran
D) a secure and pacific region pledged to C) North Korea
upholding regional values D) Libya
E) shared institutional and legal objectives E) Syria

1 Hangi amaçla olursa olsun, testlerin tamamının veya bir kısmının

Anadolu Üniversitesi tarafından hazırlanmış olan bu testlerin her hakkı saklıdır.
Anadolu Üniversitesi'nin yazılı izni olmadan kopya edilmesi, fotoğraflarının çekilmesi, herhangi bir yolla çoğaltılması ya da kullanılması yasaktır.
Bu yasağa uymayanlar gerekli cezai sorumluluğu ve testlerin hazırlanmasındaki mali külfeti peşinen kabullenmiş sayılır.
Açıköğretim Sistemi ile ilgili merak ettiğiniz her şey AOSDESTEK Sisteminde. AOSDESTEK Sistemine aosdestek.anadolu.edu.tr adresinden ulaşabilirsiniz.

2019 YAZ OKULU - A

A
7. International organizations have contributed to 11. Which of the following organizations is not
eliminating slavery, minimizing war’s impact, and only a security and political organization but
promoting human rights, social progress as well also an alliance?
as better standards of life worldwide.
A) The North Atlantic Treaty Organization
Which of the following best characterizes (NATO)
this function of international organizations? B) The Council of Europe (CE)
C) The Organization of Islamic Cooperation
A) Rule adjudication
(OIC)
B) Security
D) The Association of Southeast Asian Nations
C) Interest aggregation (ASEAN)
D) Rule making E) The Organization of American States (OAS)
E) Normative

12. Which of the following is not an individual

8. The attempt at formal cooperation between incentive (pull factor) of radicalization and
geographically proximate and interdependent terrorism?
states is called ------.
A) Sense of purpose
Which of the following options correctly B) Material enticements
completes the sentence above?
C) Expected rewards in the afterlife
A) intergovernmentalism D) Need for acceptance
B) collaboration E) Inequality and discrimination
C) regionalism
D) harmonisation
E) region

13. Which of the following international

organizations is a partially supranational
organization?
9. Under which category does the terrorist A) The European Union (EU)
group DAESH/ISIS primarily fall under?
B) The North Atlantic Treaty Organization
A) Drug trafficking (NATO)
B) Religiously motivated terrorism C) The Amnesty International (AI)
C) Cyber crime D) The United Nations (UN)
D) Ethnic terrorism E) The World Trade Organization (WTO)
E) Ideologically motivated terrorism

14. Which of the following theories promotes an

10. Which of the following was not one of the understanding of justice and human rights
Allied Powers in the First World War? that transcends national borders?

A) The United Kingdom A) Democratic peace

B) The United States B) International regimes
C) Russia C) Communitarian approach
D) The Ottoman Empire D) The English School
E) France E) Cosmopolitan approach

2 Hangi amaçla olursa olsun, testlerin tamamının veya bir kısmının

Anadolu Üniversitesi tarafından hazırlanmış olan bu testlerin her hakkı saklıdır.
Anadolu Üniversitesi'nin yazılı izni olmadan kopya edilmesi, fotoğraflarının çekilmesi, herhangi bir yolla çoğaltılması ya da kullanılması yasaktır.
Bu yasağa uymayanlar gerekli cezai sorumluluğu ve testlerin hazırlanmasındaki mali külfeti peşinen kabullenmiş sayılır.
Açıköğretim Sistemi ile ilgili merak ettiğiniz her şey AOSDESTEK Sisteminde. AOSDESTEK Sistemine aosdestek.anadolu.edu.tr adresinden ulaşabilirsiniz.

2019 YAZ OKULU - A

A
15. Which of the following main organs of the 19. The Critical Theorists use views of ------- in
United Nations adopted the Universal understanding the ideological context of
Declaration of Human Rights in 1948? conventional political discourses. By doing so,
they describe the conventional approaches as
A) The Security Council
being unjust and legitimizing the use of force,
B) The Economic and Social Council power as well as oppression.
C) The General Assembly
D) The Secretariat Which of the following options correctly
E) The International Court of Justice completes the sentence above?

A) Auguste Comte and Karl Popper

B) Hans J. Morgenthau and Kenneth N. Waltz
C) Adam Smith and Jeremy Bentham
D) Antonio Gramsci and Michael Foucault
E) Antony Giddens and Alexander Wendt
16. Which of the following two states achieved
national unity in the early 1860s and 1870s,
respectively?

A) Portugal and Spain

B) Italy and Germany
C) The United States and Canada
D) England and France
E) Belgium and the Netherlands

17. Which of the following U.S. presidents

declared the "Global War on Terror"?

A) Bill Clinton
B) Jimmy Carter
C) Richard Nixon
D) George W. Bush
E) Barack Obama

18. All the following crimes, over which the

International Criminal Court has jurisdiction, are
considered crimes against humanity
EXCEPT-------.
20. Which of the following scholars mainly
Which of the following options correctly employed the three-level analysis method in
completes the sentence above? his studies on foreign policy ?

A) aggression A) Hans Morgenthau

B) murder B) Kenneth Waltz
C) sexual slavery C) Maurice Cranston
D) imprisonment D) Samuel Huntington
E) torture E) David Mitrany

3 Hangi amaçla olursa olsun, testlerin tamamının veya bir kısmının

Anadolu Üniversitesi tarafından hazırlanmış olan bu testlerin her hakkı saklıdır.
Anadolu Üniversitesi'nin yazılı izni olmadan kopya edilmesi, fotoğraflarının çekilmesi, herhangi bir yolla çoğaltılması ya da kullanılması yasaktır.
Bu yasağa uymayanlar gerekli cezai sorumluluğu ve testlerin hazırlanmasındaki mali külfeti peşinen kabullenmiş sayılır.
Açıköğretim Sistemi ile ilgili merak ettiğiniz her şey AOSDESTEK Sisteminde. AOSDESTEK Sistemine aosdestek.anadolu.edu.tr adresinden ulaşabilirsiniz.

2019 YAZ OKULU - A

A Grubu Cevap Anahtarı

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20
C C A D B E E C B D A E A E C B D A D B

4 Hangi amaçla olursa olsun, testlerin tamamının veya bir kısmının

Anadolu Üniversitesi tarafından hazırlanmış olan bu testlerin her hakkı saklıdır.
Anadolu Üniversitesi'nin yazılı izni olmadan kopya edilmesi, fotoğraflarının çekilmesi, herhangi bir yolla çoğaltılması ya da kullanılması yasaktır.
Bu yasağa uymayanlar gerekli cezai sorumluluğu ve testlerin hazırlanmasındaki mali külfeti peşinen kabullenmiş sayılır.