C/e: KR C/e QA: xx

HUMAN RESOURCE DEVELOPMENT INTERNATIONAL

https://doi.org/10.1080/13678868.2018.1495406

ARTICLE

A relational perspective on gender equality and

mainstreaming
Jawad Syed and Faiza Ali
Suleman Dawood School of Business, Lahore University of Management Sciences, Lahore, Pakistan 5

ABSTRACT ARTICLE HISTORY

This paper offers a relational, multilevel perspective on gender Received 10 September 2017
equality and mainstreaming. It argues that single-level conceptua- Accepted 26 June 2018
lizations of equality within organizational or legal policy domain KEYWORDS
may not fully capture the multilevel and contextual nature of Female empowerment; 10
gender equality and mainstreaming. Based on a review of gender equality and
macro-level factors (e.g. laws, policies, and culture), meso-level mainstreaming; Pakistan;
factors (e.g. organizational interventions), and micro-level factors relational and multilevel
(e.g. intersection of gender with social class and family status) in perspective; women’s
Pakistan, the paper develops a contextual perspective on gender employment 15
mainstreaming to achieve gender equality at multiple levels.

Introduction
Gender equality has been a subject of international debates and deliberations since the
mid-20th century (Akram-Lodhi 1996; Faisal 2011; Karam and Afiouni 2015; Liff and 20
Dale 1994; Metcalfe 2011). Different approaches and strategies for advancement of
equality have emerged over time, under the influence of dominant public policy
paradigms of each country and era. Gender mainstreaming is one such approach for
attaining gender equality (Sinha 2013). It seeks to ensure that gender perspectives and
attention to the goal of gender equality are central to all activities, i.e. policy develop- 25
ment, research, advocacy, dialogue, legislation, resource allocation, planning, imple-
mentation, and monitoring (Sinha 2013; UN Women 2015).
There are, however, issues of contextual suitability as well as multilevel nature of
gender mainstreaming and equality when it comes to their implementation.
Particularly in developing countries in Asia, such as Pakistan and Bangladesh, that 30
are different not only in terms of economic and political landscape but also culture
and religion, such issues are rather relevant (Ali 2010; Syed and Metcalfe 2017).
Such differences are explained by the fact that gender gap is usually wider in
developing and underdeveloped economies (Shen and Williamson 1999). Similarly,
some religious and cultural traditions, such as Islamic practices of female seclusion 35
and gender segregation, may restrict women’s mobility and participation in public
spaces including employment (Moghadam 2003; Smolin 1995). In the words of
Miwa Kato, country director of United Nations Women in Egypt, real empower-
ment for women only happens when we place the issues affecting women in the

CONTACT Jawad Syed jawad.syed@lums.edu.pk

© 2018 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group
 2 J. SYED AND F. ALI

context of overall development and progress (reported in Khater 2016). Rantalaiho 40

(1997, 16) asserts that to understand ‘the gender that is constructed in the practices,
you must be able to place it in its local and historical context.’
This paper argues that single-level conceptualizations of equality within the domain
of organizational or legal policy may not fully capture the contextual and multilevel
nature of gender equality. A relational approach is therefore needed so that gender 45
equality is examined and tackled at three interrelated levels, i.e. macro-national, meso-
organizational, and micro-individual. The paper develops and offers a relational, multi-
level perspective on this issue and situates it in the context of Pakistan, a developing
Muslim majority country in South Asia.
The idea behind ‘gender mainstreaming’ is that all policies should address the needs 50
of women who remain disadvantaged or marginalized across the world and particularly
in developing states (for example, South Asia and Africa). The aim is to draw attention
to gender equality into the mainstream or core of development activities (Cornwall and
Rivas 2015; Vijaya 2014). The paper adds to the human resource development literature
by providing a relational account of gender equality and mainstreaming in a South 55
Asian context.
Gender mainstreaming is of great significance in Pakistan given that 22.3% of its
people are living under poverty line and 40% of women are poor, many of whom may
be categorized as economically and socially poor (Rehman, Moazam & Ansari, 2015).
Through increased access to education, health, and employment, women may be 60
expected to better their economic circumstances and improve their productive con-
tributions in their family and society. Owing to a myriad of structural, cultural, and
other contextual factors, women in Pakistan remain disempowered and disadvantaged
in employment and other domains of life (Ali and Kramar 2015; Ashraf and Ashraf
1993; UNDP, 2014; WEF, 2017). In terms of wage equality for similar work, women 65
earn only 55% of men’s average salary. Estimated earned income (PPP US$) for women
is only 1610 as compared to 8695 for men, i.e. only 19%. Women represent only 3% of
legislators, senior officials, and managers, and 28% of professionals and technical
workers (WEF (World Economic Forum) 2017).
Gender stereotypes in the wider society generally tend to disadvantage women and 70
also proliferate into workplaces (Özbilgin 2000; Özbilgin et al. 2012). Culturally, women
may be treated as inferior to men (Maqsood et al. 2005), assigned gender-specific roles in
AQ1 the jobs assigned to them (Ayub & Tahir, 2005), objectified and discriminated against
(Mirza et al. 2012), or considered the property and responsibility of men (Weiss 2006).
Female participation in top management may be limited or, in some extreme cases, non- 75
existent (Mirza et al. 2012). Along with limited occupational opportunities and choices,
structural barriers such as poor commutation facilities, lack of childcare (Ali 2013), and
absence of female role models or mentors (Arifeen 2010) are additional constraints that
working women in developing countries have to face.
Given the complex and interrelated influences of national laws, local culture, and 80
organizational policies, as well as intersecting and heterogeneous nature of women’s
identity, this paper uses a relational perspective to develop a holistic and multilevel view
of gender equality and mainstreaming. Previous research suggests that theorizing and
confining equality and diversity within the domain of law and organizational policy is
problematic because there are several interrelated factors at multiple levels (e.g. societal, 85
 HUMAN RESOURCE DEVELOPMENT INTERNATIONAL 3

organizational, and individual level factors) that affect equality or lack thereof
(Forstenlechner, Lettice, and Özbilgin 2012; Johns, Green, and Powell 2012). The
relational perspective is explained next.

Relational perspective
This paper uses a relational perspective (Kyriakidou and Özbilgin 2006; Syed and 90
Özbilgin 2009) to take into account the inter-related multilevel factors, at macro-
national, meso-organizational, and micro-individual levels, when developing a con-
text-specific approach to gender equality. At the macro-national level, the relational
framework considers national structures and institutions, e.g. laws, socio-cultural
structures and norms, and their impact on gender relations. At the meso-organizational 95
level, it considers organizational interventions and environment for gender equality or
lack thereof. At the micro-individual level, issues related to identity, intersectionality,
and agency are considered.
Scholars have called for multilevel studies on diversity-related issues (Tatli 2011;
Theodorakopoulos and Budhwar 2015) arguing that inequalities are shaped by the 100
historical, social, organizational, and individual factors and the interactions among
them. The three interrelated levels of analysis are explained in more depth below.
At the macro-level, issues related to socio-cultural context and religious norms
and practices are relevant (Inglehart and Norris 2003; Syed and Pio 2010). This level
focuses on the interplay of cultural norms, religious traditions, and legal interven- 105
tions. Culture, religion, and laws shape the status of women in a society and
economy and influence gender equality (Baki 2004). Men are considered to be
superior and more capable of paid employment than women who are considered
to be dependent and more suited to household activities (Elamin and Omair 2010).
Despite governmental policies, the socially conservative values and traditions may 110
form a barrier for female labour participation and hinder equal pay and career
development opportunities.
The meso-organizational level focuses on organizational structures and routines that
affect gender equality in the workplace and also takes in account the effect of macro-
societal factors, outlined above, on organizational level factors. Gender inequality may 115
be visible on this level, for example, by the organizational failure to provide family-
friendly policies and structures such as maternity leave and day care facilities, pushing
AQ2 women out of the labour force once they have children (Metcalfe, 2007). Thus, given a
AQ3 patriarchal mind-set prevalent in the wider society, induction and development of
women as leaders and senior managers may be a real challenge in organizations. In 120
such a scenario, it is crucial for employers to pay special attention to designing and
implementing programmes for mentoring and professional development of female
employees. From a multilevel perspective, it is important to consider the interrelated
nature of the macro- and meso-level factors as the barriers hindering gender equality
cannot be understood by looking at those factors separately. Moreover, while govern- 125
mental policies may exist to encourage female employment, such policies may not lead
to greater gender equality if these fail to recognize other macro-level influences (Al-
Asfour and Khan 2014).
4 J. SYED AND F. ALI

At the micro-individual level, the relational framework takes into account issues of
individual identity, intersectionality, and agency of employees. As is true for the meso- 130
level factors, the micro-level factors also reflect culture and laws. Women have learnt or
are expected to behave in accordance with the norms and values of the society they live
in. In strictly patriarchal societies, they may learn at an early age that they do not have
the same rights as men and are expected to act in line with their ‘role’. While some of
them are able to exercise their own agency through resilience and resourcefulness, they 135
nonetheless experience challenges in their career due to their gender. Moreover,
opportunities, or lack thereof, facing them are also shaped by the intersection of their
gender with other forms of identity such as ethnicity and social class (Crenshaw 1991).
Instead of ‘race’, we refer to ‘ethnicity’ in this paper because this is a relevant marker in
Pakistani context where access and opportunities available to individuals are (amongst 140
other factors) affected by their ethnic identity such as Punjabi, Pakhtun, Sindhi, Baloch,
etc. It may be noted that ethnic identity in Pakistan is often closely related to linguistic
or provincial identity (Syed 2008).

Gender mainstreaming through a relational lens

Gender mainstreaming is a public policy concept that assesses implications for women 145
and men of any planned policy action, laws, and programmes. The concept has origins
in development policies and was adopted by the UN at the 1995 conference on women
in Beijing. According to Walby (2005), it is a form of gendered political and policy
practice and gendered strategy for theory development. As a practice, it is a process to
promote gender equality and also to make policies more effective by exposing the 150
gendered nature of assumptions, processes, and outcomes. It seeks to institutionalize
gender equality and empowerment reform by the restructuring of all processes, pro-
grammes, and organizations emanating from public policy. The approach requires
gender concerns to be made a part of governmental and organizational policies and
processes (Faisal 2011). 155
Rees (2005) identifies three principles that underlie gender mainstreaming initia-
tives in Europe, i.e. treating the individual as a whole person; democracy; and justice,
fairness, and equity. The three principles, identified by Rees (2005) in a European
context, can also be explained more generically from a multilevel perspective. For
example, at the micro-level, a focus on woman as a whole person may be helpful to 160
consider how important dimensions of social class, urban/rural status, family status,
ethnicity, and age intersect with gender and may have implications for opportunities
for empowerment and development. It may thus enable attention to the non-homo-
geneity of women, such as based on their rural/urban status and social class. The
focus on democracy may be seen as the macro-national and meso-organizational 165
mechanisms for individual participation and voice, e.g. opportunities for women in
national elections and industrial democracy. The focus on equity may be related to
equality laws and interventions at the macro-national level and their impact at the
meso-organizational level, such as by creating inclusive workplaces for women.
Indeed, some of these issues may be more challenging in developing countries 170
owing to low literacy rates, lack of democracy, and gender discriminatory traditions
(Beer 2009; Inglehart and Norris 2003).
 HUMAN RESOURCE DEVELOPMENT INTERNATIONAL 5

From an intersectional perspective, scholars have urged to examine the complex

ways that gender interacts with other systems of oppression and discrimination, such as
social class, urban/rural background, and race (Brah and Phoenix 2013; Lorde 1984; 175
AQ4 Mohanty, 1998). It is therefore important to recognize gender and intersectionality-
AQ5 related issues in their particular environment and location. Next, the paper offers a
contextual overview of gender in Pakistan.

Contextual review: the gender gap in Pakistan

There is no equivalent term for ‘gender mainstreaming’ in Urdu, Pakistan’s national 180
language. Terms such as ‘sinfi musawat’ or ‘sinfi tafreeq’ are used to refer to gender
equality and gender discrimination, respectively. However, in response to pressures by
foreign donors, Pakistan government has been using this term ‘gender mainstreaming’
in its programmes to achieve the goals of gender equality. Informed by a relational
perspective, the issue of gender mainstreaming and equality can be discussed at three 185
interconnected and at times overlapping levels.

Macro-level
At the macro-level, we examine issues of economy and labour force participation,
literacy, culture, religion, and laws and their impact on gender. These factors are
discussed in detail below. 190

Economy
With a population exceeding 182 million, $1360 GNI per capita, and less than 13%
share of women’s employment in non-agricultural sector (World Bank 2014), Pakistan
faces multilevel challenges of low economic growth and low social development indi-
cators including women’s participation in education and employment. In terms of total 195
population, the male and female percentage in the country is 51.7% and 48.3%,
respectively, while over 63% of these people live in rural areas (GOP, 2010). Thus,
the majority of women and men live in rural areas, often involved in agriculture and
other informal sectors of economy. Formal employment is often available in urban
centres in the shape of public and private organizations. 200
In terms of labour force participation rate, Pakistan has a female to male ratio of
labour force participation ratio of 0.29, which is quite low when compared with
Bangladesh (0.68), Sri Lanka (0.46), Bhutan (0.86), and India (0.36) (cited in Janjua
2014). Women’s access to employment, education, and other opportunities is differ-
entiated on the basis of their social class and urban/rural background. Usually women, 205
and also men, of lower socio-economic order or rural backgrounds do not have access
to quality education or decent formal employment.
Agriculture has a major share in Pakistan’s economy. Its contribution to GDP is
nearly 21%, and 45% of total employment is generated from agriculture (Hassan, Ali,
and Naeem 2014). According to the 2014–15 Pakistan Labour Force Survey, women 210
constitute only 23.2% of total workers (10 years and up). Out of these women, 73% are
involved in the agriculture sector, 14% in services, and 12% in industries. In contrast,
6 J. SYED AND F. ALI

men are more involved in the service sector (43%), followed by agriculture (33%) and
industries (23%) (PBS 2016).
According to a UN’s (2002) report on gender mainstreaming, governments ought to 215
pay attention and assign value to the activities where women are numerically dominant,
such as agriculture and domestic work. Women’s agricultural contribution in Pakistan
has received less attention than that of men in policies and programmes to improve
productivity. Moreover, the productive input of domestic and ‘caring’ work is often
ignored and undervalued (Syed 2010a). 220

Literacy
In terms of education, only 19.3% of adult women in Pakistan reach a secondary level of
education compared to 46.1% of their male counterparts (UNDP (United Nations
Development Program) 2014). There are important regional and gender variances
with respect to literacy rate in Pakistan. For example, female and male literacy rates 225
were recorded, respectively, at 54% and 59% in Punjab, 44% and 67% in Sindh, 36% and
72% in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, and 24% and 56% in Balochistan. There are also
significant rural/urban differences. For example, female and male literacy rates were
recorded, respectively, at 44% and 66% in rural areas of Punjab, 73% and 82% in urban
areas of Punjab; 19% and 51% in rural areas of Sindh and 65% and 80% in urban areas 230
of Sindh; 33% and 70% in rural areas in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and 52% and 77% in
urban areas of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa; and 15% and 48% in rural areas of Balochistan
and 44% and 76% in urban areas of Balochistan (Haq 2017). There access to education
varies on from one province to another (usually a marker of ethnic identity), which
have long-term implications for gender mainstreaming. 235
These important variances not only indicate differences in economic development
across provinces and regions but also suggest that patriarchal and gender discrimina-
tory traditions are not uniform across the country (Easterly 2001; Latif 2009). Thus,
female literacy rates remain particularly low in rural areas of Sindh and Balochistan
where patriarchal and feudal traditions continue to inhibit women’s access to education 240
and employment.
Ironically, public sector spending on education as percentage of the gross domestic
product (GDP) remains very low at 2.3% (compared with 3.5% in Sri Lanka, for
example). Educationists and activists have been campaigning for the allocation of at
least 4% of GDP to education (Haq 2017; World Bank 2017). Low female literacy rates 245
and law participation in economic activities and employment may in turn be attributed
to patriarchal and gender discriminatory cultural and religious traditions.

Culture and religion

In addition to labour force participation and literacy, it is important to consider the
impact of local culture and religion on gender. Thus, on a societal level, we consider 250
such interventions that promote gender egalitarian interpretations of religious princi-
ples to alleviate the contextual and other challenges facing female employees. From an
Islamic perspective, certain interpretations and practices of religion can be described as
patriarchal or discriminatory. For example, during General Zia-ul-Haq’s military dicta-
torship in Pakistan (1977–1988), an Islamic Law of Evidence (Qanoon-e-Shahadat) was 255
enforced according to which a woman’s testimony in a court of law was not weighed
 HUMAN RESOURCE DEVELOPMENT INTERNATIONAL 7

AQ6 equally to that of a man (Ali, 2006). Thus, if a woman did not have male witnesses but
did have female witnesses, their testimony would not satisfy the evidence requirement.
However, there are also some passages in the principal Islamic texts that support gender
equality. For example, the Quran (4:1) treats diversity as a product of God and 260
renounces discrimination against human beings. Moreover, the Quran (3:195) prohibits
discrimination on the basis of gender and suggests that women and men possess equal
rights and compensation for work.
In practice, nevertheless, gender discriminatory social stereotypes and norms tend to
disadvantage women. Akram-Lodhi (1996) and Coleman (2004) show that the gender 265
division of labour may be an explicit function of the dominant religious or cultural
ideology in at least some areas of Pakistan. Ullah and Skelton (2013) show that
textbooks in Pakistan are ideologically invested, contributing to the perpetuation of
AQ7 gender inequality. Abbas’s (2013) study of science textbooks for grade 8 shows that
there is a lack of female images and role models doing science-related activities. 270

Laws
In addition to religious and cultural traditions, it is important to examine laws and
policies that enable or disable gender equality in the workplace and beyond. The 1973
national constitution of Pakistan gives equal rights to both women and men. Article 25
of Pakistan’s national constitution ensures equality before the law and states that there 275
shall be no discrimination on the basis of sex alone. Articles 26 and 27 provide for equal
access and equality of employment in the public and private sectors (Ali 2000). In 1996,
Pakistan ratified the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination
against Women (CEDAW). Pakistan ratified ILO Convention 100 in 2001 and
Convention 111 in 1961. Both the Conventions require policies and plans of action to 280
ensure there is no gender discrimination in terms of wages and provision of equal
opportunities for employment and occupations.
In 2000, Pakistan government declared a devolution plan and positive action, giving
women 17% quota in the parliament. In 2002, Pakistan government announced the
National Policy for Advancement and Empowerment of Women after a countrywide con- 285
sultative process. The Policy laid down guiding principles and measures, particularly focusing
on women’s empowerment in social, economic, and political fields. These measures were
drawn from the national health policy, education sector reforms, labour policy, access to
justice programme, police reforms, and poverty alleviation programme (UN, 2005).
In 2012, the parliament established a commission to improve women’s status under 290
the National Commission on the Status of Women Act. The Commission is the first
forum established under a statute to ensure that issues faced by women in Pakistan are
formally addressed. The Commission may be seen as a governmental response to the
demands of local feminists and rights activists and also to the international pressures
with regards to the enforcement of CEDAW. The major functions of the Commission 295
are to examine the policies and programmes initiated by the Federal Government for
gender equality and women empowerment, to examine all Federal laws and rules that
are against the interests of women and make recommendations to redress any concerns
and gaps. It also functions as an oversight body to ensure that the voices of women and
their concerns are brought to the attention of policy and decision-makers. The 300
Commission is, however, faced with immense challenges to empower women owing
8 J. SYED AND F. ALI

to the socio-economic dynamics of Pakistan (UNODC, 2014). For example, during

2010–2013, there were 18,037 cases of violence against women. However, the conviction
rate is very low at approximately 3% (UNODC (United Nations Office on Drugs and
Crimes) 2014). Moreover, in view of low female literacy rate and low conviction rate, it 305
may be assumed that many similar cases remain unreported.
Furthermore, it may be noted that the National Commission is a recommending
body and as such its recommendations are not binding on the Federal Government.
Indeed, the macro-economic evidence suggests that women in Pakistan continue to be
under-utilized and are largely concentrated in unpaid, informal work in agriculture and 310
hold low-paid, low-skill jobs in industries (WEF, 2014).
In 2016, the provincial government of the Punjab passed a new law to give unpre-
cedented protection to female victims of violence. The law criminalizes all forms of
violence against women, whether domestic, psychological, or sexual, and calls for the
creation of a toll-free abuse reporting hot line and the establishment of shelters 315
(Hashim 2016). In 2013, more than 5800 cases of violence against women were reported
in Punjab alone. While the law has been welcomed by women and society at large, there
is some backlash from a section of conservative Islamists. For example, Mufti Naeem, a
senior Deobandi (an ultraorthodox sub-sect of Sunni Islam) cleric and head of the
Jamia Binoria seminary, denounced the new law and claimed that it was in conflict with 320
the Quran (Hashim 2016).
In 2010, the parliament passed another new law, i.e. The Protection against
Harassment of Women at Workplace Act. The Act defines harassment as any unwel-
come sexual advance, request for sexual favours or other verbal or written communica-
tion or physical conduct of a sexual nature or sexually demeaning attitudes, causing 325
interference with work performance or creating an intimidating, hostile or offensive
work environment, or the attempt to punish the complainant for refusal to comply to
such a request or is made a condition for employment. Pakistan government has also
set up a Federal Ombudsman Secretariat for Protection Against Harassment of Women
at Workplace (FOS 2011). As of February 2016, the Secretariat had received 339 cases 330
since its inception in 2011.1
While legal interventions for gender equality may be seen as necessary to eradicate
gender inequality, there is some resentment about such laws within certain ultraortho-
dox Islamist circles. For example, in 2016, Deobandi Islamist groups in Pakistan
opposed the Women’s Protection Act, passed by the Punjab Assembly. The law gives 335
legal protection to women from domestic, psychological, and sexual violence. The
clerics asserted that the ‘controversial law’ to protect women was promulgated to
accomplish the Western agenda to destroy the family system in Pakistan (Gabol 2016).
In practice, the anti-discrimination laws are characterized by gaps and ambivalence,
enabling equality and discrimination at the same time. For example, there are restrictions 340
on women’s work in the afterhours (Dawn 2010), as well as there is evidence of positive
action in terms of minimum quota for women in employment (Business Recorder 2017).

Global gender reports and indices

The female disadvantage is amply captured in social indicators and indices. Gender
Inequality Index (GII) is an important indicator used by the UN to measure and reflect 345
gender inequalities in three dimensions, i.e. empowerment, economic activity, and
 HUMAN RESOURCE DEVELOPMENT INTERNATIONAL 9

reproductive health. In the GII, empowerment is measured by the share of parliamen-

tary seats held by women and the attainment in secondary and higher education, while
economic activity is measured by the labour market participation rate. Pakistan has a
very low GII value of 0.563, ranking 126 out of 149 countries in 2013. In terms of 350
empowerment, 19.7% of parliamentary seats are held by women. In terms of economic
activity, female participation in the labour market is only 24.4% compared to 82.9% for
men (UNDP (United Nations Development Program) 2014).
Similarly, the Global Gender Gap Report (WEF (World Economic Forum) 2017)
ranks Pakistan at 136 (out of 144) in terms of education attainment, 143 in terms of 355
economic participation and opportunity for women, 140 for health and survival, and 95
for political empowerment (WEF (World Economic Forum) 2017; also see Table 1).
The report reveals that Pakistani women have limited access to economic and social
resources, restricted rights and mobility, and muted voice in decision-making. The
report also notes that women are increasingly joining the workforce but often in the 360
informal economy dominated by low paying and poorly protected jobs that adversely
affect their personal health and well-being of their families.

Meso-level
At the meso-level, it is important to consider how macro-level socio-cultural and
economic factors permeate into meso-organizational space and routines. Indeed, the 365
issue in Pakistan is not only the low participation of women in the productive work-
force but also a lack of adequate recognition and valuation of their work, both in formal
and informal sectors. Women’s participation as unpaid workers in the informal eco-
nomic sector such as agriculture and domestic employment remains undervalued or
ignored in macro-national statistics (Gender bias hinders, 2001). Their work in formal 370
employment is often deemed of lower value due to employers’ stereotypes and percep-
tions of women as homemakers (Pakistani women out, 2004; Syed and Ali 2013). The
stereotypical perceptions tend to restrict women’s role to the secondary sector, resulting
in work that is low paid, of lower value, and lacking upward mobility.
Rehman and Roomi (2012) point towards two macro-level factors that especially 375
influence women’s occupational roles in Pakistan, i.e. the cultural norm of purdah (veil)
and the notion of izzat (honour). Purdah serves as an instrument of sexual segregation

Table 1. Gender gap in Pakistan.

Measure Global Rank Female Male Female to Male Ratio
Labour force participation 139 26 86 0.30
Wage equality for similar work 115 - - 0.55
Estimated earned income (PPP US$) 139 1610 8695 0.19
Legislators, senior officials, and managers 125 3 97 0.03
Professional and technical workers 122 22 78 0.28
Women in parliament 75 21 79 0.26
Women in ministerial position 139 0 100 0
Literacy rate 127 44 69 0.64
Enrolment in primary education 127 68 79 0.86
Enrolment in secondary education 134 39 49 0.79
Enrolment in tertiary education 106 9 11 0.87
Healthy life expectancy 137 58 57.5 1.01
AQ21 (Adapted from WEF (World Economic Forum) 2017)
 10 J. SYED AND F. ALI

and seclusion based on spatial boundaries, while izzat is the notion that women
represent a family’s honour and that their chastity and good reputation must be
guarded (Shaheed 1990). In patriarchal or traditional families, women are protected 380
and discouraged by their families from moving around freely or doing things on their
own (Roomi and Harrison 2010).
Syed and Ali’s (2013) study of female employees in Lahore suggests that contextual
emotional labour is an integral part of their work in the formal employment sector
resulting from an on-going tension between the display rules of the workplace (which 385
may require them to be confident and assertive) and Islamic female modesty (which
encourages gender segregation and headscarf). The study suggests that organizations
may consider placing Muslim women in those roles in which there is lesser likelihood
of conflict between their organizational and societal display rules, while not compro-
mising their career. 390
Patriarchal cultural and religious norms coupled with a lack of the application of law,
lack of organizational policies, and other factors continue to inhibit women’s participa-
tion in economy and other domains (Ali and Kramar 2015). Ali’s (2013) study of
working women in Pakistan shows that the glass ceiling is a key challenge which
women face in formal organizations as an obstacle to career growth. Participants in 395
Ali’s study suggest that women get employment opportunities at lower level jobs in
organizations but moving up the ladder becomes difficult for them. In particular, they
faced obstacles in their promotion. The study highlights that a structural challenge
unique to the Pakistani context is the issue of daily commute to work. Women in their
study reveal how important transport facilities are for them to remain active in 400
employment. Due to adverse cultural and structural issues, women do not feel secure
using public transport and prefer to work where transport facility is provided by the
company. The absence of adequate means of commutation tends to impede working
women’s mobility. Moreover, women are reported to face issues such as harassment, a
sense of discomfort in seating arrangements and other facilities in office, and an absence 405
of separate rest rooms (Khan, Begum, and Shaheen 2015).
There is also an important issue of lack of childcare (Ali and Kramar 2015). In the
absence of childcare facilities and adequate flexible work policies, women are often
more disadvantaged than their male counterparts. Anecdotal evidence suggests that
women in Pakistan are kept from key decision-making jobs in the public and private 410
sectors (Ali and Kramar 2015; Gender bias hinders women’s career 2001).
AQ8 A possible strategy is to focus on the ‘process’ of gender equality within and without
organizations in a context-sensitive manner. Protz (2001) reports that the International
Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD) in Pakistan adopted a ‘process’ rather than
a ‘reform’ approach to gender equality ad mainstreaming. A ‘process’ approach focuses 415
on working within local culture to initiate a process of change. It refrains from
aggressively imposing external values, even though some of such values may be valu-
able. This approach targets and involves both women and men with an aim to reduce
opposition and minimize the social risk of change. Protz (2001) notes that efforts to
mainstream gender in conservative societies are more likely to be received and have 420
some impact if they are sensitive to local context and culture. In practice, this may
mean a multistep or slower pace. In other words, gender mainstreaming and equality
strategies will need to be structured in multilevel stages. One reason for the gradual
 HUMAN RESOURCE DEVELOPMENT INTERNATIONAL 11

pace is that, in a conservative sociocultural context, it may be necessary to take a

multistep approach to achieve gender equality in organizations. For instance, technical 425
and vocational training may be designed in consideration of prevailing gender sensitiv-
ities and accommodating women’s existing roles and responsibilities.
Legal gaps and cultural limitations continue to affect gender equality in organizations.
For example, Ali & Kramar’s (2015) study of working women and human resource
managers in Pakistan demonstrates that even when there are formal policies designed 430
to prevent sexual harassment, cultural factors influence policy implementation. The study
identifies three major factors, which influence sexual harassment, i.e. socio-cultural
factors (e.g. female modesty), institutional factors (e.g. inappropriate redress procedures),
and managerial expertise or bias. The study indicates a tension between traditional
culture and behaviour consistent with sexual harassment policies in the workplace. 435
Similarly, women entrepreneurs in Roomi and Harrison’s (2010) study reported
difficulties in finding opportunities in the ‘traditional’ market, given their restricted
mobility and permission to interact with men. A major challenge is to deal with the
labour force, most of which consists of uneducated men who are often not ready to
accept the authority of women. Syed (2010b) reports that women-owned businesses in 440
Pakistan are mainly in the informal sector with low turnover rates, with limited
resources to reach new markets. Such businesses also lack market-oriented contacts
and other related skills needed for growth and expansion.
Several initiatives for gender equality in Pakistan are sponsored by international
organizations, e.g. United Nations (UN), European Union (EU), International Labour 445
Organization (ILO), and the United States Agency for International Development
(USAID). For example, the USAID (2016) monitors success in promoting citizen
involvement and women’s empowerment in all of its projects with a variety of key
indicators. In the last few years, it has trained more than 5400 rural women in animal
husbandry and livestock management, resulting in an average earning of $132 per year. 450
It also provides access to education through building girls schools and higher education
scholarships targeted at women. Moreover, there are examples of resilience and com-
mitment to gender equality. For example, in some organizations, there is evidence of
attention to and policy interventions for gender equality in employment. Syed (2016)
reports the case of a gaming firm in Islamabad, ‘We R Play Studios’, that has an 455
impressive 42% female workforce. Founded in 2010, the studio has coded a popular
game, Dream Chaser, that was one of the top 10 free games in 11 countries in the Apple
App Store. Pakistan’s software export industry employs around 24,000 people, while at
least 14% of the country’s IT sector workforce is female. In contrast, the firm ‘We R
Play’ achieved near gender-parity through its attention to gender diversity right from its 460
inception. Launched in 2010, the first five hires were men. Its founder, a Pakistani male,
then recognized the need to recruit women to develop a female-friendly work culture as
the firm grew. The firm regularly monitors and enables the diversity of its teams. The
firm offers paid maternity leave (3 months) and also allows female staff to work from
home for as long as they wish after the maternity leave. The firm also has separate 465
women’s bathrooms and offers off-campus retreats for the female employees for
networking, mentoring, and bonding (Syed 2016). While Pakistan is still mostly an
agricultural country, future developments such as the growth of IT and services sectors
present a myriad of opportunities as well as challenges facing women.
12 J. SYED AND F. ALI

In another recent example of organizational interventions for gender equality, the 470
Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP), in 2016, set up a first-ever Gender and
Disability Electoral Working Group (GDEWG) section at its secretariat. The working
group is aimed at enhancing women’s participation in the electoral process as voters,
candidates, electoral administrators, and observers. Initially, a one-year initiative, the
group will work as a platform for gender reforms in electoral processes in 2016 wherein 475
ECP will work with government ministries and NGOs to achieve its objectives to
encourage and enable increased participation of women and disabled person in the
election process and its administration (ET 2016).

Micro-level
At the micro-individual level, it is important to consider that women in Pakistan, like in 480
other countries, are not a homogeneous group and their lives and experiences vary
depending on their age, social class, urban/rural background, ethnicity, and religion.
For example, urban women from upper-middle class are more likely to have access to
elite institutions of education and are usually well networked to find decent employ-
ment. In contrast, women from rural or poor backgrounds may be lacking in education 485
and may work as casual or low-skilled workers at lower levels in the organizational
hierarchy (Syed and Ali 2013).
Roomi and Harrison (2010) point toward the heterogeneity of status of women in
the society, shaped by their class, and the presence of networking in the economically
prosperous or highly educated strata of society. Given that Pakistan is an agrarian 490
society, the bulk of the female labour force, particularly in rural areas, is employed in
the informal economy, mostly in agriculture, and is not covered under legal and labour
welfare mechanisms (Syed 2010a). In the urban informal sector, the majority of female
employees work as home-based or casual workers on low wages, or as domestic workers
with extremely low remuneration. Siddiqui (2009) notes that despite an increase in 495
women’s employment in unskilled jobs and real wage income in recent years, class
differences have affected women in relatively poor households by increasing their
workload, while women in the richest group of households have benefited from
government’s policies on trade liberalization.
Social perceptions and expectations of women as homemakers compel some of these 500
women to become entrepreneurs in order to have greater control on their work and
personal life. For example, in their study of women entrepreneurs in Pakistan, Rehman
and Roomi (2012) note that among other motivational drivers to start their own
businesses, achieving work–life balance is one of the most significant ones. Their own
businesses give these women the flexibility, control, and freedom to address their family 505
and social responsibilities. In another study, Rehman, Moazzam, and Ansari (2015)
note that Pakistani entrepreneur women tend to spend most of their income on their
families. From a relational lens, this indicates how a woman’s individual identity (family
responsibilities) may affect her career choice and trajectory.
There is also an element of intersectionality of gender and ethnicity. Ethnic identity 510
in Pakistan is generally shaped by linguistic and cultural differences. For example, in the
Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province, women’s unemployment rate in urban areas is 36.4%
 HUMAN RESOURCE DEVELOPMENT INTERNATIONAL 13

while for men, this figure is 8.5%. In contrast, in the Punjab province, unemployment
rate for women and men is 18.4% and 6.9%, respectively (PBS 2016).
Women in urban areas have a relatively higher rate (6.08%) of college or university 515
level qualification as compared to women in rural areas (1.18%). The tiny percentage of
women who have higher education qualifications is a major problem and potential for
change. The literature suggests that women’s participation in education, particularly at
the higher levels, leads to lower birth rates, better economic participation, and
improved gender equality (Bauer, 1992; Mikulecky 1982). 520
While majority of economically active women in informal sector are engaged in
agriculture, their work is often undervalued and neglected. Urban areas are a hub of
public sector and corporate employment. However, women there face much higher
AQ9 unemployment rate (19.4%) than men (6.4%) (PBS, 2015).
AQ10 At the micro-individual level, it is equally important to consider issues of individual 525
agency and resilience at work. For example, in her study of Pakistani female develop-
ment practitioners, Grünenfelder (2013) notes that these women develop physical
strategies as well as discursive strategies to negotiate gender relations in a way that
enables them to participate and progress in formal employment. Such strategies could,
for example, include women paying greater attention to education, vocational training, 530
and employment, while not necessarily violating local norms of female modesty (The
Express Tribune 2015; Iqbal 2015). Of course, women often have to negotiate several of
these opportunities with a superior male, e.g. head of family, instructor, or employer.
There are quite a few examples of women’s resilience and resourcefulness in
Pakistan. In 1989, Benazir Bhutto (1953–2007), Pakistan’s former Prime Minister, 535
established the First Women Bank Limited with a twin aim of providing women access
to credit and to employment opportunities (FWBL 2012). Another such example is
Fatima Jinnah (1893–1967), a dentist by profession and a political activist who tirelessly
worked with her brother, the founder of Pakistan, Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali
Jinnah. She actively participated and led other women in the political struggle for 540
Pakistan’s independence (Ziring 1994). Although both women (Fatimah Jinnah and
Benazir Bhutto) belonged to well-established political families, they still faced backlash
and adverse stereotypes for being women and were able to overcome these challenges.
Another Pakistani role model woman is Roshaneh Zafar, who founded Kashf
Foundation in 1999, Pakistan’s first micro-finance institution to specifically target 545
women from low-income communities. Today, Kashf has more than 306,000 clients
and has disbursed hundreds of millions of dollars in small loans to poor women. Kashf
pays special attention to gender equality in its own employment structure. Its total staff-
count in 2015 stood at 1687 and the female gender ratio at the organizational level was
50% (Kashf 2016). 550

Discussion
The review shows that despite legislative and policy interventions for gender main-
streaming, Pakistan continues to face significant gender gaps in employment and other
aspects of gender equality. From a relational perspective, multilevel factors including
the societal norms and attitudes, legal environment, organizational policies and inter- 555
ventions, and individual identity and intersectionality influence gender empowerment
14 J. SYED AND F. ALI

and development (Figure 1). In other words, gender mainstreaming cannot be realis-
tically achieved unless the interrelated factors of macro-national environment, meso-
organizational interventions, and micro-individual heterogeneity are simultaneously
taken into account. Thus, national and international legal interventions and cultural 560
reforms for gender equality at the macro-level, along with organizational policies and
positive action at the meso-level, are of paramount importance in addition to con-
sideration of women’s heterogeneity due to their urban/rural background, social class,
literacy, ethnicity, and agency. The relational lens enables a holistic and contextual
approach focusing on the interaction of gender, organization, and system while inves- 565
tigating the inequality-related issues (Fagenson 1990; Jabeen 2001).
Figure 1 shows that the goals of gender equality and mainstreaming may be achieved
through simultaneous consideration and interventions at multiple levels. It highlights
the interconnected nature and the bidirectional interplay of macro, meso, and micro-
level factors of gender mainstreaming as a means to gender equality. 570
The relational perspective may also address some of the problems identified in the
piecemeal approach that confines equality to the domain of organizational or legal
policy. Lamprell, Greenfield, and Braithwaite (2015) note that gender mainstreaming
has faced criticism for its technocratic application and also for its alleged role in the de-
politicization and neutralization of the women’s movement in gender policy-making. 575
Through its simultaneous focus on technological as well as social aspects of main-
streaming, a relational perspective may help in addressing this challenge and also in
examining the numerous factors that facilitate or impede women’s empowerment
(Jabeen 2009, 2012).
The relational perspective may also assist in forecasting and mapping the effects of 580
cultural and legal factors including discriminatory laws and traditions against women.

Macro-national factors
Laws, policies, international conventions,
economy, culture, religion

Micro-individual factors
Education and training
Meso-organisational factors Family status
Urban/rural status
Gender equality policies Social class
Positive action Religion and ethnicity
Individual agency

Figure 1. A relational perspective on gender equality and mainstreaming.

 HUMAN RESOURCE DEVELOPMENT INTERNATIONAL 15

Any gaps in the implementation of existing laws on harassment and equality may be
examined and explained through such an approach, such as the disconnection between
the law (in theory) and its actual compliance in organizations and wider society (in
practice). Other societal factors including political and religious constraints may explain 585
the effects of the national context and prevailing socio-cultural norms and expectations
that generally assign more prominent roles to men in the public arena. Moreover, the
low female literacy rates across Pakistan’s various provinces and the low participation of
women in higher education are a major problem and merit urgent attention. As
discussed, women’s access to education may lead to lower birth rates and an improve- 590
ment in their economic participation, empowerment, and mainstreaming.
Future scholars may study the role of business in issues of state governance and the
influence of international agencies (e.g. UN, ILO, and World Bank) to critically
examine the ways by which business–civil society–government relations can enable or
impede economic, social, and political rights through policy issues that affect women’s 595
status, participation, or exclusion (Grosser and Moon 2005; Lombardo and Forest
2015). Equally they may consider the complexities of stakeholders involved (Metcalfe
2011), and the potential for variations of governance organization in diverse geo-
political contexts (Pollack and Hafner-Burton 2000).
Indeed, gender mainstreaming in a patriarchal and conservative society such as 600
Pakistan is a gradual process. People’s perceptions and approaches towards gender
roles cannot be reformed overnight. Government policies and initiatives ought to
concentrate on increasing female education and vocational training, providing employ-
ment and other forms of involvement in the public sphere, offering flexibility to
accommodate family and cultural norms, and enabling participation through better 605
transport, childcare, and harassment-free workplace and society. Improvement in
women’s literacy, training, and skills will increase their ability to participate in formal
employment (ILO 2011). One useful avenue for policy makers is to constructively
engage with religious clerics and local community leaders to promote egalitarian
interpretations and practices of Islam and local customs to enable full participation of 610
women in education and economic activities. For that to happen, government officials
and business leaders will need to promote enlightened and modernist views on Islam
and culture with an emphasis on values of diversity, equality, and inclusion (Spierings,
Smits, and Verloo 2009; Syed 2010a).

Conclusion 615
This paper has addressed an important issue in development, namely progress towards
gender equality and the use of gender mainstreaming as a strategy to achieve this. It has
presented a rationale – with reference to key theoretical stances – for the use of a
relational lens in analysing gender mainstreaming, with a particular focus on employ-
ment. The multilevel perspective discussed in the text highlights the necessity of 620
building an understanding of the range of influences, at macro-, meso-, and micro-
levels, that can affect policy, practice, and outcomes of gender mainstreaming. Pakistan
presents an important case to illustrate this analysis.
The paper has argued that women’s productive contribution and empowerment may
be enabled by adopting a relational and contextual approach, creating an inclusive 625
 16 J. SYED AND F. ALI

environment and providing skills to women to improve their careers. Women will have
free mobility and access to employment and other opportunities if their physical safety
or social reputation is not at risk outside their homes. A focus on individual identity
will enable specific organizational interventions to address issues of ethnicity, class, and
family and their intersection with gender. 630
However, it is a fact that gendered power relations exist across multiple levels and
institutions, from the family to the market, and are highly resistant to change (Tiessen
2007). Of course, there are still gaps ‘in dismantling institutionalised male privilege’
(Staudt 1997, 3). Conservative men – and women – and the increasing power of various
political and economic actors and religious fundamentalism too impede the project of 635
gender equality and mainstreaming. However, in the shape of Pakistani female role
models, there is evidence of enduring and incredible agency and resilience of women to
realize the vision of leadership and personal fulfilment. Efficacy and relevance of such
role models may be enhanced through multilevel interventions and may also serve to
reduce social opposition to gender mainstreaming and equality. 640

Note
1. Among these, 124 cases were registered from the federal capital (Islamabad), 120 from
Punjab, 44 from Sindh, 31 from Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, 11 from Balochistan, and 2 from
Federally Administered Tribal Areas (Imran 2016). In terms of relative population, there
is very high frequency of complaints from the federal capital which may be attributed to 645
increased awareness of the law given the higher literacy rate and generally higher social
class structure of that area. Interestingly, at least 83 of total complainants happened to
be men which indicates that men too may be a victim of harassment at work although
some of these cases may also indicate backlash against women in employment and
leadership. 650

References
Akram-Lodhi, A. H. 1996. “You are Not Excused from Cooking: Peasants and the Gender
Division of Labor in Pakistan.” Feminist Economics 2 (2): 87–105. doi:10.1080/
AQ11 13545709610001707666.
Al-Asfour, A., and S. A. Khan. 2014. “Workforce Localization in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia: 655
Issues and Challenges.” Human Resource Development International 17 (2): 243–253.
doi:10.1080/13678868.2013.836783.
Ali, F. 2010. “A Comparative Study of EEO in Pakistan, India and Bangladesh.” In Managing
Gender Diversity in Asia: A Research Companion, eds. M. Özbilgin and J. Syed, 32–53.
Cheltenham: Edward Elgar. 660
Ali, F. 2013. “A Multi-Level Perspective on Equal Employment Opportunity for Women in
Pakistan.” Equality, Diversity and Inclusion: an International Journal 32 (3): 289–309.
doi:10.1108/EDI-12-2012-0110.
Ali, F., and R. Kramar. 2015. “An Exploratory Study of Sexual Harassment in Pakistani
Organizations.” Asia Pacific Journal of Management 32 (1): 229–249. doi:10.1007/s10490- 665
014-9380-1.
Ali, S. S. 2000. Gender and Human Rights in Islam and International Law: Equal before Allah,
AQ12 Unequal before Man? Brill Academic Publishers.
Arifeen, S. R. 2010. “The Significance of Mentoring and Its Repercussions on the Advancement
of Professional, Managerial Women in Pakistan.” Global Business Review 1 (2): 221–238. 670
doi:10.1177/097215091001100207.
 HUMAN RESOURCE DEVELOPMENT INTERNATIONAL 17

Ashraf, J., and B. Ashraf. 1993. “Estimating the Gender Wage Gap in Rawalpindi City.” The
Journal of Development Studies 29 (2): 365–376. doi:10.1080/00220389308422279.
Baki, R. 2004. “Gender-Segregated Education in Saudi Arabia: Its Impact on Social Norms and
the Saudi Labor Market.” Education Policy Analysis Archives 12 (28): n28. doi:10.14507/epaa. 675
v12n28.2004.
Bauer, J., W. Feng, N. E. Riley, and Z. Xiaohua. 1992. “Gender Inequality in Urban China:
Education and Employment.” Modern China 18 (3): 333–370. doi:10.1177/
009770049201800304.
Beer, C. 2009. “Democracy and Gender Equality.” Studies in Comparative International 680
Development 44 (3): 212. doi:10.1007/s12116-009-9043-2.
Brah, A., and A. Phoenix. 2013. “Ain’t I a Woman? Revisiting Intersectionality.” Journal of
International Women’s Studies 5 (3): 75–86.
Business Recorder 2017. Government to Increase Job Quotas for Women. March 16. http://fp.
brecorder.com/2017/03/20170316154798/ 685
Coleman, I. 2004. “Gender Disparities, Economic Growth and Islamization in Pakistan.” In
Islamization and the Pakistani Economy, eds. R. M. Hathaway and W. Lee, 79–90. Washington
D.C.: Woodrow Wilson International Centre.
Cornwall, A., and A. M. Rivas. 2015. “From ‘Gender Equality and ‘Women’s Empowerment’ to
Global Justice: Reclaiming a Transformative Agenda for Gender and Development.” Third 690
World Quarterly 36 (2): 396–415. doi:10.1080/01436597.2015.1013341.
Crenshaw, K. 1991. “Mapping the Margins: Intersectionality, Identity Politics, and Violence
AQ13 against Women of Color.” In Stanford Law Review, 1241–1299.
Dawn 2010. The Pakistani Woman`S Crusade against the System. April 15. https://www.dawn.
com/news/879183 695
Easterly, W. 2001. The Political Economy of Growth without Development: A Case Study of
Pakistan. Paper for the Analytical Narratives of Growth Project, Kennedy School of
Government, Harvard University.
Elamin, A. M., and K. Omair. 2010. “Males’ Attitudes Towards Working Females in Saudi
Arabia.” Personnel Review 39 (6): 746–766. doi:10.1108/00483481011075594. 700
ET 2016. Working Group: Poll Body Embraces Gender Reforms. The Express Tribune, March 2.
http://tribune.com.pk/story/1057486/working-group-poll-body-embraces-gender-reforms/
The Express Tribune 2015. Meet Pakistan’s First Female Truck Driver. September 19. https://
tribune.com.pk/story/959657/pakistans-first-female-truck-driver/
Fagenson, E. 1990. “At the Heart of Women and Management Research: Theoretical and 705
Methodological Approaches and Their Biases.” Journal of Business Ethics 9: 267–274.
doi:10.1007/BF00380326.
Faisal, F. 2011. “Public Policy and Gender Mainstreaming Strategy: Redressing Gender
Inequality.” Interdisciplinary Journal of Research in Business 1 (7): 8–16.
Forstenlechner, I., F. Lettice, and M. F. Özbilgin. 2012. “Questioning Quotas: Applying a 710
Relational Framework for Diversity Management Practices in the United Arab Emirates.”
Human Resource Management Journal 22 (3): 299–315. doi:10.1111/hrmj.2012.22.issue-3.
FOS 2011. Federal Ombudsman Secretariat for Protection against Harassment of Women at
Workplace. http://www.fos-pah.gov.pk/
FWBL 2012. 21st Anniversary of First Women Bank Ltd. First Women Bank Limited. http:// 715
www.fwbl.com.pk/?p=3586
Gabol, I. 2016. Religious Parties Denounce Law Protecting Women from Abuse as ‘Un-Islamic’.
Dawn, March 15. https://www.dawn.com/news/1245835
Gender bias hinders women’s career. 2001. Daily Dawn, National Page. Karachi section. (29
AQ14 Nov). 720
GOP (Government of Pakistan) 2010. Sub Group II on Population Projections for the 10th Five
Year People’s Plan 2010-15.
Grosser, K., and J. Moon. 2005. “Gender Mainstreaming and Corporate Social Responsibility:
Reporting Workplace Issues.” Journal of Business Ethics 62 (4): 327–340. doi:10.1007/s10551-
005-5334-3. 725
 18 J. SYED AND F. ALI

Grünenfelder, J. 2013. “Negotiating Gender Relations: Muslim Women and Formal Employment
in Pakistan’s Rural Development Sector.” Gender, Work & Organization 20 (6): 599–615.
Haq, R. 2017. Literacy Rate in Pakistan Slips by 2%. The Express Tribune, May 26. https://tribune.
com.pk/story/1419396/economic-survey-literacy-rate-pakistan-slips-2/
Hashim, A. 2016. Pakistan Province Passes Landmark Law Protecting Women against Violence. 730
Reuters. Daily Mail, February 25. http://www.dailymail.co.uk/wires/reuters/article-3463774/
Pakistan-province-passes-landmark-law-protecting-women-against-violence.html
Hassan, M. Z. Y., T. Ali, and M. R. Naeem. 2014. “Obstacles to Gender Mainstreaming in
Agricultural Extension in the Punjab, Pakistan.” International Journal of Agricultural
Extension 2 (2): 95–99. 735
ILO 2011. Gender Equality & Mainstreaming/International Labour Organization, Toolkit for
Pakistan. ILO Country Office for Pakistan, Towards Gender Parity in Pakistan (TPG) Project.
Islamabad: ILO.
Imran, M. 2016. Ombudsperson Secretariat Initiates Online Hearing of Cases. The News,
February 24. http://www.thenews.com.pk/print/100559-Ombudsperson-secretariat-initiates- 740
online-hearing-of-cases
Inglehart, R., and P. Norris. 2003. Rising Tide: Gender Equality and Cultural Change around the
World. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Iqbal, F. 2015. 14 Pakistani Women Who Help Us Hold Our Heads up High. The Express
Tribune, March 8. http://blogs.tribune.com.pk/story/26507/14-pakistani-women-who-help-us- 745
hold-our-heads-up-high/
Jabeen, N. 2001. “Gender, Organization, System: A Framework for Research on Women in
Management.” Asian Profile 29 (6): 93–501.
Jabeen, N. 2009. “Gender and Local Governance in Pakistan: Representation Vs. Participation.”
International NGO Journal 4 (5): 264–276. 750
Jabeen, N. 2012. Gender Equity and Governance in Pakistan: Looking through Leventhal’s
Concept of Organizational Justice. http://www.iss.nl/fileadmin/ASSETS/iss/Documents/
Academic_publications/9_jabeen.pdf
Janjua, H. M. 2014. Female Labour Force Participation in Pakistan. Daily Times, July 14. http://
www.dailytimes.com.pk/opinion/14-Jul-2014/female-labour-force-participation-in-pakistan 755
Johns, N., A. Green, and M. Powell. 2012. “Diversity in the British NHS: The Business versus the
“Moral” Case.” Equality, Diversity and Inclusion: an International Journal 31 (8): 768–783.
doi:10.1108/02610151211277626.
Karam, C. M., and F. Afiouni. 2015. “Gender, Governance and Patriarchy: Married Women’s
Perceptions of Their (Un) Employment Legitimacy.” Academy of Management Proceedings 760
2015 (1): 17310. doi:10.5465/ambpp.2015.17310abstract.
Kashf 2016. Kashf Foundation. http://kashf.org
Khan, N., S. Begum, and A. Shaheen. 2015. “Sexual Harassment against Staff and Student Nurses
in Tertiary Care Hospitals Peshawar KP Pakistan.” International Journal of Innovative
Research and Development 4: 1. 765
Khater, M. 2016. Women Empowerment Occurs When Gender Issues are Placed within
Context of Development: UN Women. Daily News, October 4. https://dailynewsegypt.
com/2016/10/04/women-empowerment-occurs-gender-issues-placed-within-context-devel
opment-un-women/
Kyriakidou, O., and M. Özbilgin, Eds. 2006. Relational Perspectives in Organizational Studies: A 770
AQ15 Research Companion. Edward Elgar Publishing.
Lamprell, G., D. Greenfield, and J. Braithwaite. 2015. “The Paradoxes of Gender Mainstreaming
in Developing Countries: The Case of Health Care in Papua New Guinea.” Global Public
Health 10 (1): 41–54. doi:10.1080/17441692.2014.959541.
Latif, A. 2009. “A Critical Analysis of School Enrollment and Literacy Rates of Girls and Women 775
in Pakistan.” Educational Studies 45 (5): 424–439. doi:10.1080/00131940903190477.
Liff, S., and K. Dale. 1994. “Formal Opportunity, Informal Barriers: Black Women Managers
within a Local Authority.” Work, Employment and Society 8 (2): 177–198. doi:10.1177/
095001709482002.
 HUMAN RESOURCE DEVELOPMENT INTERNATIONAL 19

Lombardo, E., and M. Forest. 2015. “The Europeanization of Gender Equality Policies: A 780
Discursive–Sociological Approach.” Comparative European Politics 13: 222–239.
doi:10.1057/cep.2013.18.
Lorde, A. 1984. Sister Outsider. Freedom, CA: Crossing Press.
Maqsood, R., B. Chaudry, Q. Zia, and A. Cheema. 2005. “Problems of Employed Women at
Faisalabad-Pakistan.” Journal of Agriculture & Social Sciences 1 (3): 245–257. 785
Metcalfe, B. D. 2011. “Women Empowerment and Development in Arab Gulf States: A Critical
Appraisal of Governance, Culture and National Human Resource Development (HRD)
Frameworks.” Human Resource Development International 14 (2): 131–148. doi:10.1080/
13678868.2011.558310.
Mikulecky, L. 1982. “Job Literacy: The Relationship between School Preparation and Workplace 790
AQ16 Actuality.” In Reading Research Quarterly, 400–419.
Mirza, H. H., S. Mahmood, S. Andleeb, and F. Ramzan. 2012. “Gender Diversity and Firm
Performance: Evidence from Pakistan.” Journal of Social and Development Science 3 (5): 161–166.
Moghadam, V. M. 2003. Modernizing Women: Gender and Social Change in the Middle East.
AQ17 Lynne Rienner Publishers. 795
Mohanty, C. T. 1995. “Feminist Encounters: Locating the Politics of Experience.” In Social
AQ18 Postmodernism: Beyond Identity Politics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Özbilgin, M. F. 2000. “Is the Practice of Equal Opportunities Management Keeping Pace with
Theory? Management of Sex Equality in the Financial Services Sector in Britain and Turkey.”
Human Resource Development International 3 (1): 43–67. doi:10.1080/136788600361939. 800
Özbilgin, M. F., J. Syed, F. Ali, and D. Torunoglu. 2012. “International Transfer of Policies and
Practices of Gender Equality in Employment to and among Muslim Majority Countries.”
Gender, Work and Organization 19 (4): 345–369. doi:10.1111/j.1468-0432.2010.00515.x.
AQ19 Pakistani women out in the cold in labour market. 2004. OneWorld South Asia. 14 January. New Delhi.
PBS 2016. Labour Force Survey 2014–15 (Annual Report). Pakistan Bureau of Statistics. http:// 805
www.pbs.gov.pk/content/labour-force-survey-2014-15-annual-report
Pollack, M. A., and E. Hafner-Burton. 2000. “Mainstreaming Gender in the European Union.”
Journal of European Public Policy 7 (3): 432–456. doi:10.1080/13501760050086116.
Protz, M. 2001. Gender Impact Analysis of the Mansehra Village Support Project and the Neelum
and Jhelum Valleys Community Development Project. Rome: IFAD. http://www.ifad.org/gen 810
der/learning/role/decision/pk_conservative.htm.
Rantalaiho, L. 1997. “Contextualising Gender.” In Gendered Practices in Working Life, eds. L.
Rantalaiho and T. Heiskanen, 16–30. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.
Rees, T. 2005. “Reflections on the Uneven Development of Gender Mainstreaming in Europe.”
International Feminist Journal of Politics 7 (4): 555–574. doi:10.1080/14616740500284532. 815
Rehman, H., A. Moazzam, and N. Ansari. 2015. “Role of Microfinance Institutions in Women
Empowerment: A Case Study of Akhuwat, Pakistan.” South Asian Studies 30 (1): 107–125.
Rehman, S., and M. A. Roomi. 2012. “Gender and Work-Life Balance: A Phenomenological
Study of Women Entrepreneurs in Pakistan.” Journal of Small Business and Enterprise
Development 19 (2): 209–228. doi:10.1108/14626001211223865. 820
Roomi, M. A., and P. Harrison. 2010. “Behind the Veil: Women-Only Entrepreneurship Training
in Pakistan.” International Journal of Gender and Entrepreneurship 2 (2): 150–172.
doi:10.1108/17566261011051017.
Shaheed, F. 1990. Pakistan’s Women: An Analytical Description. Lahore: SANJH.
Shen, C., and J. B. Williamson. 1999. “Maternal Mortality, Women’s Status, and Economic 825
Dependency in Less Developed Countries: A Cross-National Analysis.” Social Science &
Medicine 49 (2): 197–214. doi:10.1016/S0277-9536(99)00112-4.
Siddiqui, R. 2009. “Modeling Gender Effects of Pakistan’s Trade Liberalization.” Feminist
Economics 15 (3): 287–321. doi:10.1080/13545700902964295.
AQ20 Sinha, M. 2013. The Gender-Mainstreaming: Bridging Gender Inequality in India. GRIN Verlag. 830
Smolin, D. M. 1995. “Will International Human Rights Be Used as a Tool of Cultural Genocide?
the Interaction of Human Rights Norms, Religion, Culture and Gender.” Journal of Law and
Religion 12 (1): 143–171. doi:10.2307/1051613.
20 J. SYED AND F. ALI

Spierings, N., J. Smits, and M. Verloo. 2009. “On the Compatibility of Islam and Gender
Equality.” Social Indicators Research 90 (3): 503–522. doi:10.1007/s11205-008-9274-z. 835
Staudt, K. 1997. “Gender Politics in Bureaucracy: Theoretical Issues in Comparative Perspective.”
In Women, International Development, and Politics: The Bureaucratic Mire, eds. K. Staudt, 3–
36. Philadelphia: Temple University Press.
Syed, J. 2008. “The Representation of Cultural Diversity in Urdu-Language Newspapers in
Pakistan: A Study of Jang and Nawaiwaqt.” South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies 31 840
(2): 317–347. doi:10.1080/00856400802192937.
Syed, J. 2010a. “Reconstructing Gender Empowerment.” Women’s Studies International Forum
33 (3): 283–294. doi:10.1016/j.wsif.2010.03.002.
Syed, J. 2010b. “Women and Small Business Entrepreneurship in Pakistan.” In International
Research Handbook on Successful Women Entrepreneurs (Pp. 117–131), edited by S. Fielden 845
and M. Davidson eds. Cheltenham & New York: Edward Elgar.
Syed, J., and F. Ali. 2013. “Contextual Emotional Labor: An Exploratory Study of Muslim Female
Employees in Pakistan.” Gender in Management: an International Journal 28 (4): 228–246.
doi:10.1108/GM-01-2013-0007.
Syed, J., and B. D. Metcalfe. 2017. “Under Western Eyes: A Transnational and Postcolonial 850
Perspective of Gender and HRD.” Human Resource Development International 20 (5): 403–
414. doi:10.1080/13678868.2017.1329367.
Syed, J., and M. Özbilgin. 2009. “A Relational Framework for International Transfer of Diversity
Management Practices.” The International Journal of Human Resource Management 20 (12):
2435–2453. doi:10.1080/09585190903363755. 855
Syed, J., and E. Pio. 2010. “Veiled Diversity? Workplace Experiences of Muslim Women in
Australia.” Asia Pacific Journal of Management 27 (1): 115–137. doi:10.1007/s10490-009-9168-x.
Syed, R. 2016. In Pakistan, Some Gaming Studios Have Made Gender Equity a Priority. Al
Jazeera, January 10. Available at: http://america.aljazeera.com/articles/2016/1/10/gender-
equity-in-pakistans-gaming-industry.html 860
Tatli, A. 2011. “A Multi-Layered Exploration of the Diversity Management Field: Diversity
Discourses, Practices and Practitioners in the UK.” British Journal of Management 22 (2):
238–253. doi:10.1111/bjom.2011.22.issue-2.
Theodorakopoulos, N., and P. Budhwar. 2015. “Guest Editors’ Introduction: Diversity and
Inclusion in Different Work Settings: Emerging Patterns, Challenges, and Research Agenda.” 865
Human Resource Management 54 (2): 177–197. doi:10.1002/hrm.2015.54.issue-2.
Tiessen, R. 2007. Everywhere/Nowhere: Gender Mainstreaming in Development Agencies.
Bloomfield, CT: Kumarian Press.
Ullah, H., and C. Skelton. 2013. “Gender Representation in the Public Sector Schools Textbooks
of Pakistan.” Education Studies 39 (2): 183–194. doi:10.1080/03055698.2012.702892. 870
UN (United Nations) 2002. Gender Mainstreaming: An Overview. http://www.un.org/women
watch/osagi/pdf/e65237.pdf doi: 10.1044/1059-0889(2002/er01)
UN (United Nations) 2005. Consideration of Reports Submitted by States Parties under Article
18 of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women:
Pakistan. CEDAW/C/PAK/1-3 http://daccess-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N05/454/37/ 875
PDF/N0545437.pdf?OpenElement
UN Women 2015. Gender Mainstreaming. http://www.un.org/womenwatch/osagi/gendermain
streaming.htm
UNDP (United Nations Development Program) 2014. Human Development Report. Country
Notes: Pakistan. http://hdr.undp.org/sites/all/themes/hdr_theme/country-notes/PAK.pdf 880
UNODC (United Nations Office on Drugs and Crimes) 2014. Women Development Issues in
Pakistan: Mainstreaming Gender in Development Responses. October 22. http://www.unodc.
org/pakistan/en/women-development-issues-in-pakistan—mainstreaming-gender-in-develop
ment-responses.html
USAID 2016. Gender Equality and Female Empowerment. United States Agency for 885
International Development. https://www.usaid.gov/pakistan/cross-cutting-themes-good-gov
ernance-and-gender-equity
 HUMAN RESOURCE DEVELOPMENT INTERNATIONAL 21

Vijaya, K. 2014. Gender Mainstreaming and Human Resource Development. Proceedings of the
Indian History Congress, 75, 1224–1231. doi: 10.4088/JCP.14f09535
Walby, S. 2005. “Gender Mainstreaming: Productive Tensions in Theory and Practice.” Social 890
Politics 12 (3): 321–343. doi:10.1093/sp/jxi018.
WEF (World Economic Forum) 2014. Pakistan: Global Gender Gap Report. http://reports.
weforum.org/global-gender-gap-report-2014/economies/#economy=PAK
WEF (World Economic Forum) 2017. Global Gender Gap Report. http://reports.weforum.org/
global-gender-gap-report-2017/ 895
Weiss, A. M. 2006. “Pakistan.” In Peoples and Cultures of Asia -Exploring Cultures Series, edited
by R. Scupin, eds. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall.
World Bank 2014. Gender Data on Pakistan. http://datatopics.worldbank.org/gender/country/pakistan
World Bank 2017. Government Expenditure on Education, Total (% of GDP). https://data.
worldbank.org/indicator/SE.XPD.TOTL.GD.ZS 900
Ziring, L. 1994. “Political Connections: Fatima Jinnah and Benazir Bhutto.” Asian Affairs: An
American Review 21 (2): 67–79. doi:10.1080/00927678.1994.9933685.