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The Fragmentation of Urban Landscapes: Global Evidence of A Key Attribute of The Spatial Structure of Cities, 1990-2000
The Fragmentation of Urban Landscapes: Global Evidence of A Key Attribute of The Spatial Structure of Cities, 1990-2000
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What is This?
expansion”,(2) and since then many writers have bemoaned the ill-effects the Lincoln Institute of
Land Policy. The authors are
of scattered or “leapfrogging” development and the costs it imposes both
grateful to Gregory Ingram,
on the built environment(3) and on the rural fringe of cities: Alejandro Blei, John Volin,
Ralph Gakenheimer, Robert
“[P]arcelization of farmlands leads to a checkerboard distribution of Buckley, Alain Bertaud,
farmlands, i.e. many non-contiguous fields. Farming such scattered Mike de Smith, Claudio
plots is problematic.”(4) Acioly, Michael Teitz,
George Martine, Lucy Gitlin
Landscape ecology studies also maintain that settlements developed near and Daniella Gitlin for their
support, comments and
a forest or prairie affect vegetation and wildlife along their edges, often suggestions; and to Chul Il
in a belt up to 100 metres wide.(5) The fragmentation of urban landscapes Kim for his help with the
is therefore an important concern both in terms of the efficiency of the multiple regression models.
built environment and in terms of the ecology of the open spaces in and 1. Gottmann, J and R A Harper
around cities. (1990), Since Megalopolis:
Discontinuous development has been explained by urban economists The Urban Writings of Jean
as the result of the operation of market forces. Ewing, paraphrasing Gottmann, Johns Hopkins
University Press, Baltimore,
Lessinger and Ottensman, explains: page 101.
“Expectations of land appreciation on the urban fringe cause some 2. Clawson, M (1962), “Urban
sprawl and speculation in
landowners to withhold land from the market... The result is a urban land”, Land Economics
discontinuous pattern of development.”(6) Vol 38, May, page 99.
3. Heim, C E (2001),
And some economists have observed that while fragmentation may “Leapfrogging, urban sprawl
be inefficient in the short term, it leads to more efficient development and growth management:
patterns in the long term: Phoenix 1950−2000”, American
Journal of Economics and
“[C]ontrary to conventional wisdom, a freely functioning land market Sociology Vol 60, No 1, pages
245−283; also Carruthers, J
with discontinuous patterns of development inherently promotes
I and G F Ulfarsson (2001),
higher density development.”(7) “Fragmentation and sprawl:
evidence from inter-regional
Such views suggest that fragmentation is indeed an inherent feature of the analysis”, Growth and Change
urban expansion process and that it is not the result of the failure of land 33, Summer, pages 312−340.
markets on the urban fringe, a failure that would have to be addressed by 4. Pfeffer, M J and M B Lapping
ameliorative action on the part of the state. (1995), “Prospects for a
sustainable agriculture in the
While it would be difficult to dispute that some fragmentation on the urban northeast’s rural/urban fringe”,
fringe is necessary for the proper functioning of land markets, and is indeed an Research in Rural Sociology and
inherent feature of the urban landscape, there is a quantitative aspect to this Development Vol 6, page 85.
assertion that is left unexplored: how much fragmentation would be necessary 5. Chen, I, J F Franklin and T
and sufficient for the smooth functioning of the urban development process, A Spies (1992), “Vegetation
responses to edge
and when can we determine that fragmentation is excessive and requires environments in old growth
ameliorative action to reduce it? In fact, we may ask a number of questions Douglas fir forests”, Ecological
regarding fragmentation that require quantitative answers: Applications Vol 2, No 4, pages
387−396; also Winter, M, D H
• How fragmented are cities and metropolitan areas and what is the Johnson and J Faaborg (2000),
“Evidence for edge effects
minimum observed level of fragmentation at the present time? on multiple levels in tallgrass
• Are cities becoming more or less fragmented over time? prairie”, Condor Vol 102, No
• What level of fragmentation needs to be taken as a planning norm 2, pages 256−266, available
at http://www.npwrc.usgs.
when projecting the area needed for urban expansion in a given city,
gov/resource/birds/edgeffct/
say 20−30 years ahead? index.htm; and Brand, L A and
T L George (2001), “Response
We can also ask more specific empirical questions about levels of of Passerine birds to forest
fragmentation in particular countries and cities: edge in coast Redwood forest
fragments”, The Auk Vol 118,
• Are Chinese metropolitan areas, as few observers have suspected,(8) No 3, pages 678−686.
more fragmented than other metropolitan areas and if so, why? 6. Ewing, paraphrasing
• Has urban containment in Portland, Oregon reduced fragmentation Lessinger (1962) and
Ottensman (1977); see Ewing,
within its strictly enforced urban growth boundary over time? R (1994), “Characteristics,
250
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causes and effects of These are all empirical questions that have not been properly addressed
sprawl: a literature review”,
in the literature, be it in landscape ecology or in urban studies, and it is
Environmental and Urban
Issues Vol 21, No 2, page 2; also precisely those questions that we seek to address here.
Lessinger, J (1962), “The case Analyzing satellite images for 1990 and 2000 for a global sample of
for scatteration”, Journal of the 120 cities, we find that cities typically contain or disturb vast quantities of
American Institute of Planners
Vol 28, No 3, pages 159−169; open space equal in area, on average, to their built-up areas. We also find
and Ottensman, J R (1977), that fragmentation, defined as the relative share of open space in the urban
“Urban sprawl, land values and landscape, is now in decline. Using multiple regression models, we find that
the density of development”,
Land Economics Vol 53, No 4,
larger cities are less fragmented, that higher-income cities are more fragmented,
pages 389−400. that higher levels of car ownership tend to reduce fragmentation, and that
7. Peiser, R B (1989), “Density cities that constrain urban development are less fragmented than cities that
and urban sprawl”, Land do not. We recommend that making room for urban expansion in rapidly
Economics Vol 65, No 3, page growing cities should take into account their expected fragmentation levels.
193.
8. Bertaud, A (2007),
“Urbanization in China: land II. DATA AND METRICS
use efficiency issues”, available
at http://www.alain-bertaud.
com/AB_Files/AB_China_land_
The unit of investigation in this study is the metropolitan area, typically a
use_report_6.pdf, page 17. central city surrounded by suburbs and secondary cities that form a relatively
contiguous whole. The urban landscape in cities and metropolitan areas is
occupied by urban uses that include all land in residential, commercial,
industrial and office use, land used for transport, parks and public facilities,
protected land and vacant land. It does not include cultivated lands, pasture
lands, forests, farms and villages, intercity roads and nature areas that are
not in the immediate vicinity of, or fully contained by, urban built-up
areas. The terms “city” and “metropolitan area” are used interchangeably.
The database for the study is a set of digital maps based on satellite
images of 120 cities and metropolitan areas in two time periods, one circa
9. See Angel, S, J Parent, D L 1990 and one circa 2000.(9) In an earlier 2005 study,(10) we identified a total
Civco and A M Blei (2011), The of 3,945 large cities with populations of 100,000 or more that were home
Atlas of Urban Expansion, The
Lincoln Institute of Land Policy,
to a total of 2.12 billion people, or three-quarters of the world’s urban
Cambridge MA, available at population in the year 2000. The global sample of 120 cities (Figure 1 and
http://www.lincolninst.edu/ Table 1 in the Appendix) is a stratified sample from this universe, including
publications/atlas.
cities from nine geographic regions, four population size classes and four
10. Angel, S, S C Sheppard and per capita income classes. The nine region classification approximates
D L Civco, with A Chabaeva,
L Gitlin, A Kraley, J Parent, M that of UN−Habitat,(11) except that developed countries were regrouped
Perlin and R Buckley (2005), into two regions: land-rich developed countries that had more than 0.6
The Dynamics of Global Urban hectares of arable land per capita in 2000 (US, Canada and Australia − 13
Expansion, The World Bank,
Washington DC, Chapter 2, 199
cities in the sample); and Europe and Japan (19 cities in the sample).
pages, available at http://www. For each sample city we obtained two medium-resolution Landsat
worldbank.org/urban. satellite images, one for each time period. These images were classified into
11. See reference 10, Chapter 2. built-up and non-built-up 30×30-metre pixels using a thematic extraction
12. See reference 10, Chapter 3. algorithm.(12) Using 10,000 Google Earth validation sites, Potere et al.(13)
13. Potere, D, A Schneider, S reported that pixels identified as built-up in our sample were found to be
Angel and D L Civco (2009), built-up in Google Earth 91 per cent of the time, and those identified as
“Mapping urban areas on
a global scale: which of the
built-up were identified in our sample 89 per cent of the time, confirming
eight maps now available is a relatively high level of accuracy. This data set allowed us to estimate
more accurate?”, International and explain variations in fragmentation and in the rate of change in
Journal of Remote Sensing Vol
fragmentation during the 1990s. It also allowed us to analyze variations
30, No 24, December, pages
6531−6558. in density(14) and in urban land cover.(15)
14. Angel, S, J Parent, D L Landscape ecology studies have long been concerned with measuring
Civco and A M Blei (2010a), fragmentation.(16) Unfortunately, the measures proposed in the literature
“The persistent decline in proved inappropriate for the comparative study of the fragmentation
urban densities: global and
of urban landscapes on a global scale. Thus for this study, we have
251
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E N V I R O N M E N T & U R B A N I Z AT I O N Vol 24 No 1 April 2012
historical evidence of sprawl”,
Lincoln Institute Working
Paper, Lincoln Institute of Land
Policy, Cambridge MA, 151
pages, available at http://www.
lincolninst.edu/pubs/1834_The-
Persistent-Decline-in-Urban-
Densities.
15. Angel, S, J Parent and
D L Civco (2010b), “The
fragmentation of urban
footprints: global evidence of
sprawl 1990−2000”, Lincoln
Institute Working Paper,
Lincoln Institute of Land Policy,
Cambridge MA, 114 pages,
available at http://www.
lincolninst.edu/pubs/1835_The-
Fragmentation-of-Urban-
Footprints.
FIGURE 1
16. Riiters, K H, R V O’Neill,
The global sample of 120 cities and nine world regions
C T Hunsaker, J D Wickham,
D H Yankee, S P Timmins,
SOURCE: The authors. K B Jones and B L Jackson
(1995), “A factor analysis
of landscape pattern and
structure metrics”, Landscape
constructed two new fragmentation metrics (the first one following Ecology Vol 10, pages 23–39;
also Haines-Young, R and M
Burchfield et al.(17)) and three subsidiary ones: Chopping (1996), “Quantifying
landscape structure: a review
• the openness index is the average share of open space pixels in the of landscape indices and
walking distance circle around each built-up pixel in the city; their application to forested
• the urban landscape ratio is the ratio of the urban landscape area landscapes”, Progress in
Physical Geography Vol 20, No
and the built-up area in the city; 4, pages 418−445; O’Neill, R
• infill is defined as all new development that occurred between two V, J R Krummel, R H Gardner,
time periods within the urbanized open space of the earlier period, G Sugihara, B Jackson, D
excluding exterior open space; L DeAngelis, B Milne, S W
Christensen, V H Dale and R
• extension is all new development that occurred between two time L Graham (1988), “Indices of
periods in contiguous clusters that contained exterior open space in the landscape pattern”, Landscape
earlier period and that were not infill; and Ecology Vol 1, pages 153−162;
Hargis, C D, J A Bissonette
• leapfrog development is all new construction that occurred between and J L David (1998), “The
two time periods in the open countryside, entirely outside the exterior behaviour of landscape metrics
open space of the earlier period. commonly used in the study
of habitat fragmentation”,
The intermediary metrics used for calculating these fragmentation metrics Landscape Ecology Vol 13,
pages 167−186; Hurd, J D, E H
(shown in italics above) are defined as follows:
Wilson, S G Lammey and D L
Civco (2001), Characterization
• the walking distance circle is a circle with an area of one square
of Forest Fragmentation and
kilometre around a given built-up pixel; Urban Sprawl using Time
• urban built-up pixels are pixels that have a majority of built-up Sequential Landsat Imagery,
pixels within their walking distance circle; Proceedings of the ASPRS
Annual Convention, St Louis
• suburban built-up pixels are pixels that have 10–50 per cent of MO, 23–27 April, 12 pages,
built-up pixels within their walking distance circle; available at http://www.resac.
• rural built-up pixels are pixels that have less than 10 per cent of uconn. edu/publications/tech_
papers/index.html; Brabec, E
built-up pixels within their walking distance circle; and C Smith (2002), “Agricultural
• fringe open space consists of all open space pixels within 100 land fragmentation: the spatial
metres of urban or suburban pixels; effects of three land protection
• captured open space consists of all open space clusters that are strategies in the eastern
United States”, Landscape and
fully surrounded by built-up and fringe open space pixels and are less Urban Planning Vol 58, pages
than 200 hectares in area; 255−268; Civco, D L, J D Hurd,
252
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FIGURE 2
E H Wilson, C L Arnold and M The urban landscape of Bandung, 1991 and 2001
Prisloe (2002), “Quantifying
and describing urbanizing
landscapes in the northeast SOURCE: The authors.
United States”, Photogrammetr.
Eng. Remote Sens. Vol 68, No
10, pages 1083–1090; and • exterior open space consists of all fringe open space pixels that are
McGarigal, K, S A Cushman, less than 100 metres from the open countryside;
M C Neel and E Ene (2002),
“FRAGSTATS: spatial pattern • urbanized open space consists of all fringe open space, captured
analysis programme for open space and exterior open space pixels in the city; and
categorical maps”, available • the urban landscape area consists of all the built-up area of the
at http://www.umass.edu/
landeco/research/fragstats/
city and all its urbanized open space.
fragstats.html.
The reader should note that we have given common words such as
17. Burchfield, M, H G Overman,
“urban”, “suburban” and “rural” very specific quantitative meanings
D Puga and M A Turner (2006),
“Causes of sprawl: a portrait here, which − while corresponding to our intuitive understanding of
from space”, Quarterly Journal these terms − do not necessarily correspond to the unique manifestations
of Economics Vol 121, No 2, of these terms within specific cities.
pages 587−633.
The urban landscapes of Bandung in 1991 and 2001 are shown in
Figure 2. In 1991, Bandung had a built-up area of 108.7 square kilometres,
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E N V I R O N M E N T & U R B A N I Z AT I O N Vol 24 No 1 April 2012
of which 64 per cent was “urban”, 34 per cent was “suburban” and two
per cent was “rural”. Fringe open space added 103.2 square kilometres
and captured open space added 5.1 square kilometres, respectively, to its
built-up area. The urban landscape area thus amounted to 217 square
kilometres, roughly double its built-up area. The openness index in the
city was 0.41 and the urban landscape ratio was 2.0. The area of new
development in Bandung between 1991 and 2001 amounted to 45.1
square kilometres, of which 23 per cent was infill, 60 per cent was
extension and 17 per cent was leapfrog. By 2001, the built-up area of
Bandung was 153.8 square kilometres and its urban landscape area was
284.9 square kilometres; its openness index declined to 0.37 and its urban
landscape ratio declined to 1.85 as it became less fragmented.
Burchfield et al. follow Clawson(18) in perceiving urban sprawl simply as 18. See reference 17; also see
the fragmentation of the urban landscape. They define fragmentation as reference 2.
the average share of a one-square kilometre urban neighbourhood that
is occupied by open space. This definition does not distinguish between
open space in permanent public or private use and open space that is
vacant land that will be built on eventually. Clearly, the remote sensing
of open space pixels cannot distinguish between these different categories
of open space. As noted earlier, we measure fragmentation with two
complementary metrics: the openness index and the urban landscape
ratio. The first, following Burchfield et al.,(19) measures the average share 19. See reference 17.
of open pixels within the walking distance circle of every built-up pixel
in the city. It is a neighbourhood scale measure of fragmentation. The
second is the urban landscape ratio, which is a citywide measure of
fragmentation. Both are area metrics, not per-person metrics, and are
therefore independent of the density of built-up areas.(20) 20. Cities can be less sprawled
What, one may ask, is the share of open space in a typical city in terms of built-up area density
and more sprawled in terms
neighbourhood? Our key findings regarding fragmentation in the 1990s of fragmentation at the same
can be summarized as follows: the average value of the openness index time. For example, in 2000,
in the global sample of 120 cities was almost one-half; that is, typical Kolkata in India ranked seventh
in built-up area density in the
neighbourhoods contained as much open space as their built-up areas.
global sample of 120 cities but
Similarly, urban landscapes, on average, were double the size of the had the sixth highest urban
built-up areas of cities; on average, open space added an area to the city landscape ratio. In contrast, Los
equivalent to its built-up area − at a minimum, it added 36 per cent to the Angeles in California ranked
103rd in built-up area density
built-up areas of cities. while its urban landscape ratio
More specifically, urban landscapes circa 2000 added 93±7 per cent,(21) ranked 117th.
on average, to the built-up areas of cities, a surprisingly high figure with 21. ±7 denotes the 95 per
rarely a reference to it in the literature. They added only 40 per cent to cent confidence interval of the
average.
the built-up area of Los Angeles, California (the fourth lowest value),
nearly 90 per cent to the built-up area of Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam (the
median value) and 180 per cent to the built-up area of Zhengzhou, China
(the second highest value) (Figure 3).
The mean value of the openness index for a typical city was 0.47±0.02
in 1990 and 0.42±0.02 in 2000, and these values were very similar to the
values found by Burchfield et al.(22) for the United States. They reported a 22. See reference 17, page 602.
value of 0.43 in 1976 and 0.42 in 1992. The openness index values appear
to be normally distributed about their mean (Figure 4, top). Two cities
254
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FIGURE 3
The urban landscapes of Los Angeles, California (2000) (top),
Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam (1999) (centre) and Zhengzhou,
China (2001) (bottom)
had values lower than 0.2 in 2000: São Paulo, Brazil and Accra, Ghana.
Four cities had values in excess of 0.7 in 2000: Rajshahi and Saidpur in
Bangladesh; Yulin in China; and Ilheus in Brazil. Cities in developing
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45
1990
40
2000
35
Number of cities in range
30
25
20
15
10
0
0 0.1 0.2 0.3 0.4 0.5 0.6 0.7 0.8 0.9
Upper bound of openness index range
35
1990
30
2000
Number of cities in range
25
20
15
10
0
1.4 1.8 2.2 2.6 3.0 3.4
Upper bound of range of city footprint ratio
FIGURE 4
The frequency distribution of the openness index and urban
landscape ratio for 120 cities, 1990−2000
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E N V I R O N M E N T & U R B A N I Z AT I O N Vol 24 No 1 April 2012
would suggest that cities in countries with high levels of car ownership
per capita would be more fragmented than cities in countries with low
levels of car ownership.
On the other hand, private automobiles facilitate door-to-door travel
and can move with great ease along roads both narrow and wide, both
paved and unpaved, in almost all weather conditions. In the absence of
private automobiles, people must combine walking and public transport
to get from place to place. Public transport, especially rail transport in its
variety of forms, involves a much larger investment per kilometre than
is required for a kilometre of road, especially a narrow, unpaved one. It
is more expensive, therefore, to cover an urban area on the urban fringe
with a dense network of public rail transport or with wide arterial roads on
which buses can travel comfortably than it is to cover the area with a dense
network of cheap, narrow, unpaved roads. And this is especially true when
such fringe areas are built at low densities. This suggests that the private
automobile better supports infill development than public transport, and
that it is easier to infill the urban fringe with homes that rely on private
automobiles than with homes that rely on an efficient system of public
transport. If this were the case, then the prevalence of private automobiles
would be associated with higher levels of infill and consequently with
lower levels of fragmentation. It was difficult to determine in advance
which factor would be more powerful in determining whether levels of
automobile ownership and fragmentation would go hand in hand or in
opposite directions. Empirical results suggest that the second effect is
more powerful than the first one.
Access to well water also increased fragmentation: A doubling of the
share of the population that obtained its water from wells was associated
with a 12 per cent increase in the openness index. Burchfield et al. note
that: “…in places where water-yielding aquifers are pervasive, developers can
sink a well instead of connecting to the municipal or county water supply.”(25) 25. See reference 17, page 611
This makes them more footloose and less likely to develop sites that are
immediately adjacent to built-up areas. Hence, we can expect cities where
people can obtain water from wells to be more fragmented than cities where
water can only be obtained by connecting to the municipal water supply.
The density of built-up areas did not affect the spatial fragmentation
of cities one way or another. In principle, the density of built-up areas
and their levels of fragmentation are not necessarily related. Levels of
fragmentation measured, for example, by the urban landscape ratio were
quite independent from built-up area densities. That said, can there be a
causal relationship between density and fragmentation? We can think of
cities or parts of cities, like the Kasbah in Fez, Morocco, for example, with
dense built-up areas that are also contiguous to each other, leaving very
little open space between them. In such places, high density and a low
level of fragmentation go hand in hand. Alternatively, we can think of
cities or parts of cities where land is ample and cheap and where people
live in large plots that are scattered across the land, leaving plots of vacant
open spaces between them. In both these types of cities, density and
fragmentation pull in opposite directions: high density and low levels
of fragmentation go hand in hand, and low density and high levels of
fragmentation go hand in hand. We can hypothesize that in these types
of cities, maturity may be the overpowering factor: it determines both
the average built-up area density and the average level of fragmentation.
When cities are fully mature and have gone through many cycles of
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that cities in countries with large amounts of arable land per capita
are likely to be more fragmented than cities in countries with limited
supplies of arable land. In the former, land is more likely to be cheaper
and conversion of agricultural lands to urban use easier than in the latter.
The empirical evidence does not support this contention.
Finally, planning restrictions were associated with a decline in
fragmentation. A doubling of the area of the metropolitan plan where
no development was allowed was associated with a six per cent decline
in the openness index. Several researchers have noted that: “…urban
growth boundaries are a successful tool in preventing urban incursions into
agricultural areas.”(26) As we shall see later, the urban growth boundary in 26. Peiser (1989), see reference
Portland, Oregon, for example, has significantly reduced fragmentation 7, pages 201−202, paraphrasing
Knapp (1985) and Nelson
as measured by all indices, including the openness index. More generally, (1986); see Knapp, Gerrit J
limits on the conversion of land from rural to urban use, and zoning (1985), “The price effects of
regulations that prevent urban development in parts of the metropolitan urban growth boundaries
area restrict the possibilities for leapfrog development and thus encourage in metropolitan Portland,
Oregon”, Land Economics No
infill. To the extent that these planning policies are effective, we would 61, February, pages 27−35; and
expect them to increase the share of infill in new development and thus Nelson, Arthur (1986), “Using
reduce fragmentation. land markets to evaluate urban
containment programmes”,
Journal of the American
Planning Association Vol 52,
IV. THE DECLINE IN FRAGMENTATION, 1990–2000 Spring.
260
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FIGURE 5
Dense affordable housing in urban villages demolished to
make way for urban expansion, while cultivated land remains
vacant − Tianjin, China, 2004−2009
limit the conversion of cultivated land to urban use, in line with China’s presented at the Workshop
food security policies: on China Housing Policy,
Lincoln Institute of Land Policy,
“The Chinese government has given a high priority to agricultural Cambridge MA, 18 May, 19
pages.
land preservation in its food security policies, among them the Basic
Farmland Protection Regulation of 1994, the 1998 Land Management
Law and the New Land Administration Act of 1999.”(32) 32. Angel et al. (2009),
see reference 31, page 7,
They also estimated that fragmented cultivated land in Zhengzhou, paraphrasing Lichtenberg and
for example, is only half as productive as land in larger fields in the Ding (2008); see Lichtenberg, E
and C Ding (2008), “Assessing
surrounding Henan province, as most farming families have other farmland protection policy in
sources of income (e.g. from the rental of rooms or city jobs). They China”, Land Use Policy Vol 25,
observed that strict central government limitations on land conversion No 1, January, pages 59−68.
have forced the municipality of Zhengzhou, for example, to appropriate
the built-up areas of several of its surrounding villages while leaving
their cultivated lands intact, then to demolish dense affordable housing
there and redevelop the areas for urban use (Figure 5). Similar actions
are taking places in other Chinese cities. These policies, they claim,
exacerbate the fragmentation of cities in China, fragmentation that
results in inefficient infrastructure networks, longer commutes, inland
supply bottlenecks that lead to exorbitant land and housing prices
and in unproductive agriculture. What is more, shying away from
cultivated land exacerbates forced evictions from − and demolitions
of − rural structures.
A report released in March 2010 by the Chinese Urgent Action
Working Group, a China-based rights lobby, claimed that:
“China risks growing social instability and even violence if the 33. Reuters (2010), “China’s
government does not take effective action to address rising public forced evictions cause
anger about forced evictions and demolitions.”(33) instability”, 28 March, available
at http://www.reuters.com/
article/idustre62r13u20100328.
262
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In 1973, the state of Oregon enacted Senate Bill 100 that mandated
every urban area in the state, including Portland, to create an urban
growth boundary. In 1979, a regional government, Metro, was created by
Portland voters to manage the urban growth boundary in a three-county
metropolitan area. Metro was charged with enforcing the boundary and
with extending it every five years to ensure a 20-year supply of residential
land. It is not at all clear from the available documentation whether this
20-year supply includes all vacant land within the boundary or whether
it assumes that a significant share of urbanized open space, say of the
order of at least 40 per cent of the built-up area, is to remain vacant at all
34. Cox, Wendell (2004), times. If it does not, as some observers(34) suspect, there is good reason to
“Portland: economic growth expect that land supply in Portland will eventually be constrained, with
noose loosened: Portland
concomitant effects on housing affordability.
backtracks on urban growth
boundary”, The Public Purpose The chief aim of the boundary was to contain urban sprawl and to
Vol 74, February, 3 pages. preserve the natural beauty of the surrounding countryside. Sprawl was
not precisely defined, but we can take it to mean sprawl as low density
development as well as sprawl as fragmentation. We have examined the
change in built-up area density and in the urban landscape ratio within
the boundary between 1973, when the boundary was enacted, and 2005.
To our surprise, we found that average built-up area density did not
increase during this period. In fact, it declined from 23.5 to 21.9 persons
per hectare. By comparison, between 1990 and 2000, average built-up
area density declined from 35.0 to 34.3 per hectare in Los Angeles and
from 23.2 to 20.0 persons per hectare in Houston.
Density aside, the creation of Portland’s urban growth boundary
was associated with a rapid decline in fragmentation. Figure 6 shows
the increase in the built-up area within Portland’s urban growth
boundary between 1973 and 2005. During this period, Portland’s urban
landscape ratio declined from 2.20 to 1.51 at an average rate of -1.2 per
cent per annum. If this decline continues, it will soon reach the level
of fragmentation in Los Angeles, the fourth lowest among the cities in
the global sample of 120 cities. The urban landscape ratio of Los Angeles
declined from 1.47 to 1.40 in the 1990s, at an annual rate of 0.5 per cent.
Given the results of our foregoing analysis, we can begin to answer some of
the questions posed at the outset. On average, the inclusion of open space
in the urban landscape doubles the area of that landscape. If that average
were to be considered a global norm, we would advise urban planners,
policy makers and concerned environmentalists not to be surprised to
find half of their city’s landscape occupied by open space; and that they
should be surprised if it varied substantially from that norm. In planning
and preparing for urban expansion, they may assume that in the absence
of active intervention, future urban landscapes can also be expected to
continue to be half empty. They should also be advised that, as a minimum
global norm, they should expect urbanized open space to add no less than
40 per cent to the built-up area of their city unless it was a highly atypical
263
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E N V I R O N M E N T & U R B A N I Z AT I O N Vol 24 No 1 April 2012
FIGURE 6
The decline in fragmentation within Portland’s urban growth
boundary, 1973−2005
264
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T H E F R A G M E N TAT I O N O F U R B A N L A N D S C A P E S, 1 9 9 0 – 2 0 0 0
265
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266
A P P E N D I X TA B L E 1
Basic data on the global sample of cities, 1999−2000
Ansan Korea, Republic of Eastern Asia & the Pacific 17-May-1989 23-Sep-2001 12.35 37.3145 126.8389
Astrakhan Russian Federation Europe & Japan 8-Aug-1989 20-Aug-1999 10.03 46.3612 48.0565
Aswan Egypt Northern Africa 15-Nov-1986 10-Sep-2000 13.82 24.0945 32.9098
Bacolod Philippines Southeast Asia 21-Dec-1992 22-Sep-2000 7.75 10.6698 122.9504
Baku Azerbaijan Western Asia 31-Jul-1988 15-Aug-1999 11.04 40.3762 49.8325
Bamako Mali Sub-Saharan Africa 14-Nov-1986 25-Oct-1999 12.94 12.6387 –7.9992
Bandung Indonesia Southeast Asia 28-Jul-1991 12-May-2001 9.79 -6.9208 107.6043
Bangkok Thailand Southeast Asia 25-Oct-1994 8-Jan-2002 7.21 13.7432 100.5435
Banjul Gambia Sub-Saharan Africa 9-Feb-1986 6-Nov-2000 14.74 13.4371 –16.6811
Beijing China Eastern Asia & the Pacific 25-Dec-1988 1-Jul-1999 10.51 39.9044 116.3807
Chonan Korea, Republic of Eastern Asia & the Pacific 2-May-1992 8-May-2000 8.02 36.8160 127.1382
Cincinnati United States Land-Rich Developed Countries 6-Jun-1988 16-Aug-1999 11.19 39.1101 –84.5126
Coimbatore India South and Central Asia 21-Nov-1989 9-Nov-1999 9.97 11.0193 76.9624
Dhaka Bangladesh South and Central Asia 4-Nov-1989 24-Nov-1999 10.05 23.7131 90.4038
Fukuoka Japan Europe & Japan 15-May-1993 13-May-2001 7.99 33.5903 130.4195
Gorgan Iran South and Central Asia 16-Jul-1987 30-Jul-2001 14.04 36.8368 54.4376
Guadalajara Mexico Latin America & the Caribbean 7-Mar-1990 3-Nov-1999 9.66 20.6763 –103.3469
Guangzhou China Eastern Asia & the Pacific 13-Oct-1990 14-Sep-2000 9.92 23.1355 113.3191
Guaruja Brazil Latin America & the Caribbean 22-Jun-1993 20-Apr-2002 8.83 –23.9989 –46.2623
Guatemala City Guatemala Latin America & the Caribbean 12-Feb-1993 23-Jan-2000 6.94 14.6126 –90.5165
Harare Zimbabwe Sub-Saharan Africa 19-May-1989 30-Sep-2000 11.37 –17.8300 31.0469
Ho Chi Minh City Vietnam Southeast Asia 16-Jan-1989 22-Dec-1999 10.93 10.8016 106.7113
Hong Kong China Eastern Asia & the Pacific 20-Nov-1989 31-Dec-2001 12.11 22.1710 114.0932
Houston United States Land-Rich Developed Countries 8-Dec-1990 6-Oct-1999 8.83 29.7576 –95.3567
Hyderabad India South and Central Asia 21-Nov-1989 29-Oct-2001 11.94 17.3850 78.4843
Ibadan Nigeria Sub-Saharan Africa 18-Dec-1984 6-Feb-2000 15.13 7.3761 3.8967
Ilheus Brazil Latin America & the Caribbean 11-Sep-1986 23-May-2001 14.70 –14.7980 –39.0366
Ipoh Malaysia Southeast Asia 23-Apr-1990 20-Sep-2001 11.41 4.5970 101.0748
Istanbul Turkey Western Asia 5-Jun-1987 2-Jul-2000 13.08 41.0090 28.9520
Jaipur India South and Central Asia 9-Oct-1989 13-Sep-2000 10.93 26.9206 75.7945
267
T H E F R A G M E N TAT I O N O F U R B A N L A N D S C A P E S, 1 9 9 0 – 2 0 0 0
268
A P P E N D I X TA B L E 1 ( C O N T I N U E D )
Basic data on the global sample of cities, 1999−2000
London United Kingdom Europe & Japan 28-May-1989 19-Jun-2000 11.06 51.5070 –0.1274
Los Angeles United States Land-Rich Developed Countries 28-Jun-1989 1-May-2000 10.84 34.0508 –118.2536
Madrid Spain Europe & Japan 25-May-1989 22-Aug-2000 11.24 40.4328 –3.6865
Malatya Turkey Western Asia 31-Aug-1990 17-Jul-2000 9.88 38.3513 38.3147
Manila Philippines Southeast Asia 2-Apr-1993 3-Apr-2002 9.00 14.5922 120.9731
Marrakech Morocco Northern Africa 6-Jan-1987 3-Feb-2000 13.08 31.6228 –8.0044
Medan Indonesia Southeast Asia 13-Jun-1989 22-Feb-2001 11.70 3.5929 98.6688
Mexico City Mexico Latin America & the Caribbean 7-Mar-1989 21-Mar-2000 11.04 19.4326 –99.1333
E N V I R O N M E N T & U R B A N I Z AT I O N
Milano Italy Europe & Japan 31-Aug-1989 21-Jun-2001 11.81 45.4438 9.1787
Minneapolis United States Land-Rich Developed Countries 22-Sep-1992 5-Jul-2001 8.78 44.9751 –93.2705
Modesto United States Land-Rich Developed Countries 20-Jul-1992 18-Jul-2000 7.99 37.6382 –121.0000
Montevideo Uruguay Latin America & the Caribbean 19-Mar-1989 6-Dec-2000 11.72 –34.9062 –56.2243
Moscow Russian Federation Europe & Japan 8-Oct-1991 14-Oct-2002 11.02 55.4502 37.3742
Mumbai India South and Central Asia 9-Nov-1992 25-Oct-2001 8.96 18.9577 72.8319
Ndola Zambia Sub-Saharan Africa 2-Jun-1989 13-May-2002 12.94 –12.9691 28.6512
Oktyabrsky Russian Federation Europe & Japan 29-May-1986 19-Sep-2001 15.31 54.4891 53.4724
Ouagadougou Burkina Faso Sub-Saharan Africa 18-Nov-1986 14-Jul-2001 14.65 12.3694 –1.5233
Palembang Indonesia Southeast Asia 15-Apr-1989 13-Jul-2001 12.24 –2.9796 104.7475
Palermo Italy Europe & Japan 4-Jun-1987 1-May-2001 13.91 38.1153 13.3622
San Salvador El Salvador Latin America & the Caribbean 12-Jan-1990 28-Oct-1999 9.79 13.6980 –89.1914
Sanaa Yemen Western Asia 20-Sep-1989 13-May-2000 10.64 15.3473 44.2063
Santiago Chile Latin America & the Caribbean 17-Mar-1989 31-Mar-2000 11.04 –33.4382 –70.6507
Sao Paulo Brazil Latin America & the Caribbean 12-Sep-1988 17-Jun-2000 11.76 –23.5330 –46.6330
Seoul Korea, Republic of Eastern Asia & the Pacific 17-May-1989 23-Sep-2001 12.35 37.5534 126.9745
Shanghai China Eastern Asia & the Pacific 11-Aug-1989 3-Jul-2001 11.89 31.2378 121.4850
Sheffield United Kingdom Europe & Japan 18-May-1992 11-Sep-2002 10.32 53.3809 –1.4702
Shimkent Kazakhstan South and Central Asia 26-Oct-1989 14-Sep-2000 10.89 42.3206 69.5884
Singapore Singapore Southeast Asia 17-Apr-1990 11-Nov-2002 12.57 1.2824 103.8461
Songkhla Thailand Southeast Asia 1-Jun-1990 20-Apr-2001 10.89 7.1989 100.5906
Springfield United States Land-Rich Developed Countries 28-Sep-1989 8-Sep-2002 12.94 42.1046 –72.5943
St. Catharines Canada Land-Rich Developed Countries 12-Jun-1992 12-Sep-1999 7.25 43.1795 –79.2486
Sydney Australia Land-Rich Developed Countries 25-Jul-1993 7-May-2002 8.78 –33.7981 151.0706
Tacoma United States Land-Rich Developed Countries 22-Sep-1990 25-Sep-2000 10.01 47.2553 –122.4407
Tebessa Algeria Northern Africa 5-Mar-1987 7-Jun-2001 14.26 35.4007 8.1172
Teheran Iran South and Central Asia 19-Sep-1988 18-Jul-2000 11.83 35.7013 51.4194
Tel Aviv Israel Western Asia 14-Aug-1987 21-May-2000 12.77 32.0798 34.7740
Thessaloniki Greece Europe & Japan 19-Jul-1987 30-May-2001 13.86 40.6456 22.9361
Tijuana Mexico Latin America & the Caribbean 2-Apr-1989 24-Apr-2000 11.06 32.5349 –117.0417
Tokyo Japan Europe & Japan 21-May-1987 24-Sep-2001 14.35 35.6752 139.7719
269
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270
A P P E N D I X TA B L E 1 ( C O N T I N U E D )
Basic data on the global sample of cities, 1999−2000
City Built-Up Built-Up Urban Built-Up Urban Built-Up Suburban Suburban Rural Built-Up Rural Built-Up
Area T1 Area T2 Area T1 Area T2 Built-Up Area T1 Built-Up Area T2 Area T1 Area T2
City Built-Up Built-Up Urban Built-Up Urban Built-Up Suburban Suburban Rural Built-Up Rural Built-Up
Area T1 Area T2 Area T1 Area T2 Built-Up Area T1 Built-Up Area T2 Area T1 Area T2
271
T H E F R A G M E N TAT I O N O F U R B A N L A N D S C A P E S, 1 9 9 0 – 2 0 0 0
272
A P P E N D I X TA B L E 1 ( C O N T I N U E D )
Basic data on the global sample of cities, 1999−2000
City Built-Up Built-Up Urban Built-Up Urban Built-Up Suburban Suburban Rural Built-Up Rural Built-Up
Area T1 Area T2 Area T1 Area T2 Built-Up Area T1 Built-Up Area T2 Area T1 Area T2
273
T H E F R A G M E N TAT I O N O F U R B A N L A N D S C A P E S, 1 9 9 0 – 2 0 0 0
A P P E N D I X TA B L E 1 ( C O N T I N U E D )
274
Basic data on the global sample of cities, 1999−2000
City Population T1 Population T2 Urbanized Urbanized Open Captured Open Captured Open Urban Urban
Open Space T1 Space T2 Space T1 Space T2 landscape T1 landscape T2
City Population T1 Population T2 Urbanized Urbanized Open Captured Open Captured Open Urban Urban
Open Space T1 Space T2 Space T1 Space T2 landscape T1 landscape T2
275
T H E F R A G M E N TAT I O N O F U R B A N L A N D S C A P E S, 1 9 9 0 – 2 0 0 0
276
A P P E N D I X TA B L E 1 ( C O N T I N U E D )
Basic data on the global sample of cities, 1999−2000
City Population T1 Population T2 Urbanized Urbanized Open Captured Open Captured Open Urban Urban
Open Space T1 Space T2 Space T1 Space T2 landscape T1 landscape T2
City Population T1 Population T2 Urbanized Urbanized Open Captured Open Captured Open Urban Urban
Open Space T1 Space T2 Space T1 Space T2 landscape T1 landscape T2
277
T H E F R A G M E N TAT I O N O F U R B A N L A N D S C A P E S, 1 9 9 0 – 2 0 0 0
278
A P P E N D I X TA B L E 1 ( C O N T I N U E D )
Basic data on the global sample of cities, 1999−2000
City Urban landscape Urban landscape Openness Openness New Infill Extension Leapfrog
Ratio T1 Ratio T2 Index T1 Index T2 Development T1– T2 T1–T2 T1–T2 T1–T2
City Urban landscape Urban landscape Openness Openness New Infill Extension Leapfrog
Ratio T1 Ratio T2 Index T1 Index T2 Development T1 - T2 T1–T2 T1–T2 T1–T2
279
T H E F R A G M E N TAT I O N O F U R B A N L A N D S C A P E S, 1 9 9 0 – 2 0 0 0
280
A P P E N D I X TA B L E 1 ( C O N T I N U E D )
Basic data on the global sample of cities, 1999−2000
City Urban landscape Urban landscape Openness Openness New Infill Extension Leapfrog
Ratio T1 Ratio T2 Index T1 Index T2 Development T1 -T2 T1–T2 T1–T2 T1–T2
281
T H E F R A G M E N TAT I O N O F U R B A N L A N D S C A P E S, 1 9 9 0 – 2 0 0 0
national-data-tables.aspx.
E N V I R O N M E N T & U R B A N I Z AT I O N Vol 24 No 1 April 2012
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