DEVELOPMENT AS FREEDOM v AMARTYA SEN Aura A.Kxore 1-2 New York x999THE PERSPECTIVE OF FREEDOM v Tis not unusual for couples to discuss the possibility of ear) money, but a conversation on this subject from around ¢ century B.C. is of some special interest. As that conversation is recounted in the Sanskrit text Brikadaraysaka Upanishad, 2 wom named Maitreyee and her husband, Yainavaly to bigger issuethan the ways and means of becoming moce we How far would wealth go to help them get what they wa Maitreyee wonders whether it could he the case that if “the whole avalkya, But there is no hope of rch people will be your ‘wealth." Maiteeye remarks, “What should I do with that by wi T do not become immortal?” Maitreyee’srhetor in Indian religious philosophy to human predicament and the hhave too much skepticism of otherworldly matters to be led there by ‘Maitreyee's worldly frustration, but there is another aspect of this ‘exchange that is of rather immediate interest fo economies and to understanding the nature of development. This concerns the r tion between incomes and achievements, between commodities 2, besween our economic wealth and our ability to live as kage may or may not be very strong and may mtingent on other circumstances. The issue is not the ability to live forever on which Maitreyee—bless her soul—14 DEVELOPMENT AS FREEDOM us, The gay "wo perspectives (that is, between an exclusive concentration on eco 5 bur because, eygicaly, they are admis ving more freedom ¢o lead the or uniform cher inf The Perspect of Preedom a5 value not only makes our lives richer and more unfettered, but spproach is more ly compared with FORMS OF UNFREEDOM Very many people ae dom. Famines continue to oc iy devastated by fami affect very large numbers of vulnerable human beings. Also, a great fo sanitary arrange: leged advantage in p thesis (often called “the Lee thesis,” aetributed in so former prime minister of Singapore, Lee Kuan Yew) is sometimes ‘comprehensive intercounts firmation of this thesis, ‘arian polities actureceive examination in chapter 6. Furthermore, economic development has other dimensions, includ ing economic security. Quite often economic insecurity can relat the lack of democratic rights and liberties. Indeed, the working of democracy and of political rights can even help to prevent famines her economic cher such economic calamities), ly preventive measures, Demo- ay ively poor (asin postindependence ‘or Zirmbabwe). Famines have tended to occur in rvemed by rulers from elsewhere this book gc the wo countries that seem leading the “famine leage world are North Korea and Sudan—both eminent examples of, rule. While the preven- tion of famine illustrates the incentive advantages with grea clarity and force, the advantages of democratic pluralism do in fac, have » ‘much wider reach, liberty and civil freedoms ‘important on their own, and do not have to be justified terms oftheir effects on the economy. Even when people sights do not lack ad ny favorable economic they are deprived of important freedoms in leading denied the opportunity to take part in crucial dee public affairs. These deprivations restrict social and ps and must be seen as repressive even without the ailitions (such as economic disasters) Since poli The Perspective of Freedom 7 are examined in chapter 6 PROCESSES AND OPPORTUN! Te should be cleat from the preceding dis dom that is being taken here involves both the processes freedom of actions and decisions, and the actual opportunities people have, well as mutual connections between) the aspect and the opportunity aspect of freedom.+ Whi without worrying at from system substantive opportnit cematively, only to adequate opportunities (as so-alled cons ts sometimes do, without worrying about the nature of the processes that bring the opportunities about or the freedom of choice ‘that people have). Both processes and opportunities have importance of their own, and each aspect relates to seeing development as freedom."8 DEVELOPMENT AS FREEDOM ‘The Perspective of Freedom 9 hap ingle on by “penal and whose fale beeen light of someone else's (the TWO ROLES OF FREEDOM they value—and have reason to value. These ‘enhanced by public policy, but aso, policy can be influenced by ‘use of participatory capabilities by he public. The two-way ship is central tothe analysis presented here. sons forthe erucal imporeance of ini- ‘of development, related respectively to vaation and effectiveness. Fist, in the norms the public and varying ‘of governments from the proves o ipatory exercise of polit 1 person’ overall freedom, and fostering the person's opportunity to have mes. Both are celevant to ‘of freedom ofthe members af the ing substantive freedom to be s0 the basis ofthe evaluation of succes ive from those procedures) and so on. The overarching case for 8 different factual base, which focuses on substantive freedoms that people have eason to nj help themselves and also to influence the wor re central tothe process of developmeat, The co ‘what we may call at the risk of some oversimpl the “agency aspect” of the individual ‘as hunger and under ls fora litde clarification, The i mer dneton and be ‘agent” is somtetimes employed in the literature of eco incomes. These connections have to id name theory to denote a person who is acting on some- 4 other influences on the basic capa ly seized. But there are and effective freedoms20 DEVELOPMENT AS FREEDOM individaals enjoy, and thete are good reasons to study the nature and reach of these ints \wealeh—important as itis along. +—has to be integrated into a broader and fuller picture of success and deprivation, POVERTY AND INEQUALITY ‘The implications of ional base for the analysis of pov! ‘examined in chapter 4. There are good rea- sons fr seeing poverty as a de ‘of basic capabilities, rather than merely as low income. Deprivation of elementary capabilities ‘an be reflected in premature:mortalisy, significant undernouti ment (especially of children), persistent morbidity, widespread ceracy and other or example, the terri ‘nly in the developing he more affluent societies. The presence of The Perspective of Freedom teri defen of none tht ane made op eg ses 4 ‘be a very serious bur- ‘group have n0 led have a lower—chance of reaching advanced ages than do people born inthe immensely poorer economies of China of ‘many times richer in income terms than ala (even after correcting it turns out chat men in China and in Kerala decisively ican American men in terms of surviving to older age[FIGURE 1.1: Variations in Male Survival Rates by Region P I. I a i 7 groups. Even African American women end up having a survival pt. teen forthe higher ages similar co that ofthe much poorer Chinese, lower survival rates not only the per hea whites, they also are absolutely more deprived Indians in Kerala (for both women and men}, and the case of mer ving to ripe old ages. The causal fon these contrasts (that is, berween living standards judged by ne per head and those judged by the ability o survive to higher include social arrangements and community relations such as Surviving erenage) Women "The Perspective of Freedom a3 wicune z.2: Variations in Female Survival Rates by Region 3 e 3 school education, law and ordes, 10 worth noting that African Americans inthe United States as a whole include a great many internal diversities. Indeed, if we Took at the black male populations in particulae US. ci wach a8 have a beter chance of living can American men from the Harlem distice of the prosperous city ‘of New York.!* All this ia in spite of the fact that African Americans24 DEVELOPMENT AS FREEDOM imes richer than the people of FREEDOM, CAPABILITY AND THE QUALITY OF LIFE In the foregoing discussion, I have been concentrating on a very ele- cedoms the ability to survive redoms can be very Wi sometimes seen asa problem in ge postpone taking when the foundational approaches to valuation togethe Ie should, however, be noted here thatthe freedom-centered per- spective has a generic similarity tothe common concem with “quality ” which too concentfates on the way human life goes (per- 5 even the choices one hh ‘may look like something ofa departuce tions of economics, and in a sense specially if comp: ‘made with some of the more austere income-centered analysis that can be found in contemporary economics}, But need to study the assessment of, and tunities that people have for good living. A sic use of this idea, similar notions were much used in the early cngs on national accounts and economic prosperity, pioneered by im Petty in the seventeenth century, and followed by Gregory The Perspective of Freedom as King, Frangois Quesnay, Lagrange and others leaders of economic em concept of income, concept. They also saw the importance of income to be and circumstantially contingent. For example, while ety had pioneered both “the income “The role of the ma some reclaiming of26 DEVELOPMENT AS FREEDOM ‘market mechanism or on any exte cof having or not having a m: importance of freedom of exchange and hindrance. ‘This argument forthe markee has to be distinguished from a sec- nd argent which i ery popular igh now: hat makes 9p cally work to expan ‘the consequential effects ions can result when people are and favorable consequences that of the absence of markets. De denied the economic opportuni markers offer and support. the market mechanism, both min some cases. Bu by and large the arket system are now much more widely ree- ‘ognized than they were even a few decades ago. However, this case for the use of markets is altogether different from the argument that people have the right ro undertake transac- and exchange, Even if such rights are not accepted as being, lble—and entirely independent ‘his prima facie presumption in favor of allowing people to trans- act as they like may be sensibly restricted, there is still something ‘The Perspective of Freedom 7 restriction (ev 1 indirect effeers is outweighed by these transactions on ing on the value of freedoms to that of uit ‘This narrowing of focus leads roan underappre ‘Take for example the well-known argument in economics that a itive market mechanism can achieve a type of efficiency that hhave ro know very much) and the person's canny actions can Sider now, contrary to what is get same economic result is brought about by a full.centelized system the decisions of everyone cegarding production and alloca- le by a dictator, Would that have been just as good an in both the scenarios (involving, respective compliance to dictatorial order) a person produces the same com- a jon between “culm tc only final outcomes without taking any note of the process of getting there, including the exercise of freedom} and “comprehensive outcomes" (taking nore of the processes through whi “The sifin the focus of attention of prosmarket economics from feeedon wo utility has been achieved a some cost: the neglect oftheJolin Hicks, one ofthe leading econo- sf was feeedomoriented, did put the issue wi sage on this subject: ‘conomic freedom made for economic eficieney was no more than a secondary support... What do question is whether we are justified in forget completely as most of us have done, the other side of the argument. ‘This point may look somewhat esoteric in the context of eco: the priocity thatthe development li cure cends to give to genérating high incomes, a bigger basket of ‘with the debates surround) nature of slave labor in the southern United States before subject by Robert Fogel and Stanley Engerman (Time on the Gross: The Economics of American Negro ‘Slavery includes a remarkable finding about the relatively high “pe ‘commodity baskets o certainly not unfavorabl laborer the life expectation of countries as advanced as France and Holland,” and “much longer ‘The Perspective of Freedom 2 United States and Europe." And ‘were excellent reasons for presumi was not well seeved by the system of slavery. In fact, even the attempts, after the abolition of slavery, to get work"), but ar high wages, were nor succes Alter the slaves were freed many planters attempted to recon struct their work gangs on the basis of wage payments. But such attempes generally foundered, despite the fact that the ible to maintain the gang system ight vo apply force> once they were deprived of ‘The importance of freedom of employment and rice is crucial tw in working prac- his major study of transition from bonded labor ‘to wage labor i India, V.K, Ramachandran provides an illuminating picture of the empirical importance ofthis question in the contempo- rary agrarian sitwation in southern India: pre-capital freedom of workers to change employers makes him feee in a ‘way not found in earlier modes of production." The study of30 DEVELOPMENT AS FREEDOM ‘of wage labour in agrcultu spective as well. The exe society sell ther labour pow is not parasitic on having to show that productivity of agriculture labor mar ihe debates surrounding the also relate to this question of freedom of ypposed to being free and possibly _ of eed ian integral pat of this vexed question, a VALUES AND THE PROCESS OF VALUATION approach be discussed in chapter 3), even though they are often made ‘Those who prefer a mechanical index, without the need to be that values are being used and why, have a tendency the feedom-bas si be open to public sen strongest arguments in favor of the opportunity The Perspective of Freedom ar Individual freedom is quintessentially is a two-way relation betw individual freedoms and 1 which inflience the specific uses that ir feedoms, depend on social associations— diverse connections. TRADITION, CULTURE AND DEMOCRACY “The issue of participation is also central to some ofthe foundational questions chat reach of development been argued by some that economic ional societies have had for thousands of years), the people directly involved who must have the opportu nity to participate in deciding what should be chosen. The real con- flict is between3a DEVELOPMENT AS FREEDOM 4) the basic value that the people must be Steely what they wish oF not wish to fol tablished traditions be followed (no mat- people must obey the decisions by reli- ies who enforce traditions—real or imagined. ious or secular auth ‘The force of the former prec hhuman freedom, and once that has remarkable reach and powerful impli- ion does not provide ground for any gen- dia freedom, or ofthe rights of communication, and another ical restric- itimacy of adhering today to the views enunciated thas to be decided by those who live today. tion requires knowledge and basic educa ls, denying the opportunity of schooling to any group— ‘The Perspective of Freedom 33 be escaped in 2 freedom-oriented perspective. The approach of devel- ‘opment as freedom has far-reaching implications not only for the -ctves of development, bt also for processes and proce- «have to be respecte. CONCLUDING REMARKS. development sof the substantive freedoms of people “The process Wf development, in erent from the histor} of overcoming history is not by any means unrelated cumulation of physical reach and coverage go much beyond these these unfreedoms, to the process and human capi variables, In focusing on freedoms in evaluating developer suggested that there is some unique and precise “criterion” of devel ‘opment in terms of which che different development experiences can ‘Given the heterogeneity of distinct “development as freedom’ alternative scenarios—into one “complete ordering,” but 10 draw attention to important aspects ofthe process of development, each of34 DEVELOPMENT AS FREEDOM adequately bad view of development is sought in order to foeus the matter, and in cal arguments, ean be pa that characterizes develop this book, to examine the subst cof he process of development. THE ENDS AND THE MEANS OF DEVELOPMENT tcars"—a world in which wisdom demands toughness. it demands cal “sofecheaded” rugged institutional g fied hardship, and favoring—“much to rights and the “lucury” of democracy. These thi this austere attitudinal mode, could be supported development process has borne enough fui: what now is “toughness and discipline.” The different theories this general outlook diverge from one another in poi ing t0 dis- tinct areas of softness that ate particulary to be avoided, varying from financial softness to political relaxation, from ple ienly” process. De- itude, che congeni pending on the particular version o of the process is seen as exemplified by such things as mus36 DEVELOPMENT As FREEDOM the wor fry development—or some cor activities. CONSTITUTIVE AND INSTRUMENTAL ROLES OF FREEDOM ‘The approach of this book is much more comy ter approach than with the former Itis mai process of expanding the re ‘respectively the “constitutive role” and the “in- ‘strumental role" of freedom in development, The constitutive role of freedom relates to the ‘of substantive freedom in enrich- as the freedoms tha are associated with being literate and numerate, cajying polcal participation and uncensored speech and so on In this constiatve perspective, development involves expansion of these and orher basic freedoms, Development, in this view, s the proces of expanding human frdoms, and the assessment of devel. ‘pment has co be informed by tis consideration Let mmple that was belly discussed in developmental analysis, the narrower views of development {in terms of, say, GNP ind often asked whether the freedom of participation and dis- Sent are constitutive parts of development itself. Even avery tich pet- son who is prevented from speaking freely, or fom participating in public debates and decisions, is deprived of something that she has ‘The Ends and the Means of Development 37 reason to value. The process of development, when judged dom as means to development does notin any way reduce the evala- ative importance of freedom as an end of development. 1d thus to promoting development. ious connection that expansion of38 DEVELOPMENT AS FREEDOM The Ends and the Means of Development 39 economic resources for the purpose of INSTRUMENTAL FREEDOMS Tn particu the following types of tal freedoms: freedoms, (2) economic fac tions are central toa filer understanding ofthe i freedom. The claim that freedém is not only the primary abject of rlopment bur also its principal means relates particulary to these in economic and political activites. ages ‘Let me comment alittle on each Political freedoms, broadly c bility co scrutinize and cal expression and and s0 on. They include democracies inthe broadest they are being offered and what they can expect to get In this sens, the sociey operates on some basic presumption of ency guarantees deal with the need for open expect the freedom ro deal with one another under guarantes of Economic faites efer to the opportunities that individuals disclosure and lucidity. When that tust is seriously vilated, the40 DEVELOPMENT A$ FREEDOM of many people—both direct paties and third parties—may be adversely affected by the lack of openness Transparency guacantees the right co disclosure) can thus be an important category freedom, These guarantees have a c icin preventing corruption, financial iresponsibil hand dealings. rho marter how well an economic system operates, some be typically on the verge of vulnerability and ean actual suocumb to great deprivation as a result of material changes adversely affect ther lives. Protective security is needed to provide a Social safety net for preventing the affected population from being reduced (0 abject mi and in some cases even starvation and includes fived institutional 3 unemployment benefits and statutory income indigent ws ad hoe areangements such as employment to generate income ly enhance the capabilities of also supplement one another, and ean furthermore ularly impor- snsactions tends t0 has been widely ‘other connections remain underrecognized, and they have tobe seized more car help not ony in raising private incomes but also in making sible forthe state to finance social insurance and active publ vention, Thus the contribution of economic growth has tobe judged snot merely by the incre incomes, but also by the expan- i lading, in many cases, socal safety nets) ay make ies, through such ser- and the development ofa free te both to economic develope ‘mortality rates. Reduction of mor and energetic press, can co and to signficane reduction ‘The Ends and the Means of Development a tality rates in rum, can help to reduce birth rates, reinforcing the influ ‘ence of basic education—especially female literacy and schooling — ‘on ferry behavior ‘The pioneering example of enhancing economic geowth through eenth century, when in but had gone on for many development was clearly much helped by the human resource dev ‘opment related to the social opport at were generated, The so-called East Asian miracle involving other co toa great extent, based on similar causal conn ‘This approach goes against—and to a gr massive expansion of educa they did, in many cases, before they broke the rsteaints of gen- eral poverty. And they have reaped as they have sown, Indeed, as has pointed out, the priority to human resource devel- ‘The central role of individual freedoms in the process of development sakes it particularly important to examine their determin: 3os DEVELOPMENT AS FREEDOM luenced, on one side, by the social safeguarding of and the possbi Jhuman capabilites. Th determinants of individual feedoms. ‘The contrast between India and China has some illustrative ance in this context, The governments of both China and forts for some time now (China feom 1979 0 move toward a more ope! 0 both types of| ‘education and widely shared healthcare Ketization in 1979, it already had a highly ith good schooling respect, China was not very far in South Korea social commitment ofthe pre-reform regime t0 well as education, Od fora widely shated economi and China does, of course, ‘The Ends and the Means of Development “3 ‘and the much greater such as literacy and hnealth care}; these issues will be addessed later. Bu che relevance of. freedoms, Their respective roles and their specific influ- fences on one another are important aspects of the process of devel ‘opment. In the chapters to follow, GROWTH-MEDIATED SOCIAL ARRANGEMENTS ‘The impact of social arrangements on the freedom to survive can be very strong and may be influenced by quite di ‘connections. The point is sometimes made that this isnot a sep ‘consideration from economic grovith (in te form of raising te level of per capita income) since there isa close relation between income per head and longevity. Indeed, it has been argued that i i a mis- take co worry about the discord between income achievements and4“ DEVELOPMENT AS FREEDOM ‘survival chances, since—in general—the statistical connection between ‘them is observed to be quite close. As a point about intereountrysta- tistical connections, seen some statistical analy- ses that have recently been presented by Sual Ravallion.7 On the bass of tion with GNP per head, b ‘through the impact of GNI been able to raise life expectancy so rapidly through economic growth, ‘The achievements of the East ‘The Ends and the Means of Development 45 wduce us to ignore these cour he fields in whi ‘ountries—such as Brazil—which have had almost comiparable growth (of GNP per head, but also have quite a history f severe social in- ‘equality, unemployment and neglect of public health care. The lon. ‘evity achievements of these other high-growth economies have moved moze slowly, ‘There are two interesting —and interrelated—concrasts here: ‘contrast between: the length and quality other fields cs with bigh success in st between: those with great success in high economic growth (such as South Korea and Taiwan), and 2) those without much suecess i igh economic krovth (such as Sri Lanka, pre-eform China, the Indian sate of Ker sng the length and | have already commented on the fits ontrast (between, say, South Korea and Brazil, but the second ct46 DEVELOPMENT AS FREEDOM ateation. In our book Hunger and Public Action, Jean Dréze and I have distinguished berween ewo types of succes inthe rapid reduc which we called respectively “growth-mediated” cesses. The former process works through and its success depends on the growth ‘conomically broad (strong empl entation has mach to do with this), and also on ut enhanced economic prospe being wide-based the supported process does not ‘operate through fast economic growth, but works through a pro= social support of health care, education and other ‘elevant social arrangements. This process is well exemplified by the suchas Sri Lanka, preseform China, Costs PUBLIC PROVISIONING, LOW INCOMES AND RELATIVE COSTS this relationship are shown in figure GNP per head and life expectancy at birth of six income, the people Lanka enjoy enormously hig ‘expectancy than do much cicher populations of Brazil snd Namibia, not ro mention Gabon, Even the direction of the when we compare Kerala, China and Sri to a variety of central to development (including epide- iological policies, health care, educational facilities and so on), an The Ends and the Means of Development “7 iGuRE 2.1: GNP per Capita (U.S. Dollars) and Life Expectancy at Birth, 1994 4 Po «axa in i ah E so ae 3 sow) i 3 os Sse jag co : i 2009 g i 1000) 4 ecala China Satanka Nanaia Bra Sth income-centered view is in serious need of supplementation, in order to have a fuller under process of development." These clevance, and bring out the the po support-led processes in poor counties, since needed to expand public servi already richer. Where’ oor countries going ‘supporting” these se- vices? This is indeed « good question, but i also has a good answer, ‘hich lies very considerably in the economics of relative costs. Thesoci services suchas healthcare and basic eduction) are intensive, and thus ae relatively inexpensive in poot— | and low-wage—economics. A butt also needs less money to hich would cost mach more in ative prices and costs are important parame- ‘ers in determining what a country can afford. Given tive costs is particularly imporeant for soc education." process has an advantage rly, offer more, since very directly connected with comes (such as being inadequately clothed and shel- clearly better to have high income az well as high ‘other standard indicators of quality of ter This sa point worth emphasizing, si being “overconvinced” to why Kerala has not been able to build on its successes in human development to raise its income levels as well, which would have ‘made nd learning from. And yet th Kerala’s economic pal incentives and investments (“economic facilities,” in gene ‘expectancy and the quality of ie."« shorter in achievement lence and the enhancement of quality of life tend to move together, On the other hand, the success of the supported process as a route does indicate that a country need not wait until itis much Ficher (through what may be-a-long period of economic growth) "The fat that eds tion and health care are also productive in raising economic growtl ‘adds to the argument for putting major emphasis on these socia without having to wait for “getting cess is a recipe for rapid achieve ind this has great policy importance excellent case for moving on from there te broader achievements that include economic growth as well s the ‘ising of the standard features of quality of MORTALITY REDUCTION IN ‘TWENTIETH-CENTURY BRITAIN analyzed by Robert Fogel, Srauel Preston and oth: tem ofthe expansion of life expectancy in this en the last century, even ‘economy—sil had li average life expectancy ‘The expansion of programs of support for nutrition, health care and so on in Britain was not uniformly fast over the decades, There were svo periods of remarkably fast expansion of support-orented Policies in this century: they occursed during the two world wars. Each w: War, there were remarkable developm “sharing” and public policies aimed at achieving that shso DEVELOPMENT AS FREEDOM PIGUNE 2.2: Improvements in Life Expectancy fn England and Wales, 1901-1960 7| 6s ere alrel 7 VAST BA iMO-ST sw Soares. Preton, N. Key, and R. Schoen, Cats of Death: Life Tables for [Natoma Population New York Seninae Pest arrangement to the psychology of sharing in beleaguered Bri ‘which made these radial public arrangements, food and health care acceprable and effect ‘Health Service was born ding chose war years. Did this make any real difference to health and survi infact, a correspondingly faster mo: periods of suppore-led policies in Brit thing had happened duving th ‘World Was Indeed, ic is eemarkable erdecade comparisons, based on The Ends and the Means of Development 5 decadal censuses, show that by a very wide margin the most speedy expansion of life expectancy occurred precisely during those two “war decades” (as shown in figure 2.2, which pres life expectancy the increase in be in the negative. In“fact, the decades of fast expansion expectancy happened tobe periods of slow growth of gross domestic product per head, gs shown in figure 2.3. ‘and a government in a multiparty democracy wih elections and freesa DEVELOPMENT AS FREEDOM FicUne 2.3: Growth of GDP (U.K.) and Decadal tereases in Life Expectancy at Birth (England and Wale 11960 iid ost psi “% Decadal improvement in Life Bpectaney, England and Wales (Left Sale) “# Percentage Decal Growth of GDP per Captain UK. 1901-1960 Rig Sole) Sources: A. Maison, Phases of Capitals Development New Yosk: Oxford Uni Pres 98) 8 Preston et a, Cast of Beth (New York Snes Poy media has strong pol This would indicate arrangements belps to dom from extreme stacvat famine mortality). ‘The security provided by democracy may not be much missed when a country is lucky enough to be ‘when everything curity, a ‘o.undertake famine prevention, The Ends and the Means of Development 33 or from uncorrected mistakes of pol velopment. The o the actual freedoms enjoyed by the people involved. 1nong other things, eco develop and support a plurality of institutions, systems, legal mechanisms, market structures, educational and healt teal for placing the perspective ‘of freedom at the center of the stage. The people have to be seen, ir this perspective, a being actively involved—given the opporeunity— in shaping their own destiny, and the development has some claim to our attention.