Voice, Aspect and Aktionsart Middle and Passive in Ancient Greek bert J. Bakker University of Leiden 1. Introduction! Studies in grammar may take two diestons. One may start from “form” find proceed from there to “function”, or ove may work inthe opposite tdrection. In some eases, both approaches amount to one and the same thing, and a researcher may not even be aware if she is defining the fune- tion of gven form or determining what forms are performing a given fone tion, But often there is a diflerence. Language-specfc description will ‘often take aform-funetion orientation, whereas work in diseoure-pragma- Ses or language universal will normally adopt the funtionform-approach, Inthe first case, “function” soften equated with the meaning a form or set ‘of forms has in 9 given language, whereasin the second case, “form” isseen ‘a “coded fonction”, that i, not as something that expresses meaning, but 1 meaning “become form" Mie voice in Ancient Greek ita case in which both perspectives may be taken. Adopting the functionform approach in a typological framework, Kemmer (this volume) describes middle voice as «semantic. category, considering middle morphology tobe a ersslingusti coding of Spealed “middle stuaton-yper", Le. events with inherent “mile” ‘haractersies, On tis acount, the Andont Greek middle isa function oded by a speifie clas of verbal morphology, and, as such, an instante tion ofa languageindependent phenomenon, In traditional Greek ram mar (ef. Kuhner-Gerth 189%: 1001), on the other hand, “middle” i4 [BORERT BAKKER primarily a form, expressing that the subject ofthe ve has special intrest Inthe action described bythe verb? 1 will argue that both approaches are necessary to account for the ‘Ancient Greek middle, The form-fanction approach of tational grammar is warranted insofar as the Greck middle is a morphosyntactic etepor) ‘with a meaning to be accounted fr. But mesning is also present in the ver ‘al stem of any verb in so far ait denotes properties of the event, or event- type (Alsionsart), designated by the verb. To these properties, the basic ‘meaning ofthe Greek middle i related in interesting ways: mide mor- phology may just reflec whats inherently present na given even-ype; or it may ad meaning that i nor inherently present in the event. Ths the overall meaning ofthe Greek mide can be deseibed asthe Interaction of two opposed force: () coding (ofthe inerent properties ofan event) and (expression (of meaning by form), 2 Middle Voice and Affectednest Middle as a form is an inflectional eategory of te Greek verb. Middle mor- phology is consistently diferent fom active morphology, both in the finite and noo-inite Gfnitve, participle) forms ofthe ver, for example (1) a. pormkeuss-in repare-ne ace ae i. paraskeutsesthat repare-nr aD ‘prepare (for) once In terms of meaning, mile woe can be sid tobe marked with respect to active (Ruljgh 1975: 359. Is specie feature isthe affecednens ofthe s0b- {et of the verb in, or by, the event denoted bythe verb. Active inflectional ‘morphology, by contrast, signals the absence of this notion, "The notion of "affectedaes in of by the even” isin line with the way the Greek middle is usualy discussed (KahnerGerth 189889; Smyth 1920 389-08) However, there reason to suppose that by itself “afetedness” annot go all the way fo explaining why the Greek middle means what ‘means, Since middle morphology only part ofthe verbal word, afected- ress a5 such is no more than an abstract ever term i acquires ts specific ‘VOICE, ASPECT AND AKTIONSART 2s ‘lus only in interaction with the esc valve of the ver, a wll shown in Section 5. In other word, middle voice cannot be studied in isolation ftom Aktonsrt, the inherent nature of the event-ype denoted bythe verb, fn the next section, a typology of event-ypes i presented tht is relevant for the study of middle voice in Greck, “Tramsivity and Aktionsart [Bventtypes may sitfr in tanstvty. Hopper and Thompson (1980) have introduced “transitivity” a «composite notion, consisting ofa number of interacting but basically separate parameters. Some ofthese refer to mor- phosyntactc coding (eg. "modabty"), others refer to semantic enites, Faherent properties ofthe event denoted. Of these, some refer othe ageat inthe event (mot often coded as the subject). Ii agenthubjectrelated ttansvity features that have to serve as parameters of a typology of event {ypes that may serve asthe framework for the analysis ofthe Greck mile Topper and Thompson distinguih Volionaly and Agency; for my pur- ose third has tobe added: Causation. ‘Voltonality applies tothe “tee wil” of the participant coded asthe subject volitional event (e.g. He jumped) is higher in transitivity than any vent in which volionality i lacking (He fel), see Hopper & Thompson (1980252), ‘The second parameter agency, applies when vlitonal action is tected toward some goal. This goal may be the subjec'genthimMese fr a genuinely second participant in the event, coded asthe object. Tn Causative event, finaly, agency turns fo external causation which pro duces an eect (iypialy physi) on a pation (mostly human) The three parameters together form a scale @) Volitionatty > Agency => Causation low << transitivity > high In this scale each item implies the presence of the item to the let. Ths, for example, any vent thats agentve is volitional aswel, by definition. Events may be located onthe scale, by degree of increasing transitivity on the bass ofthe role a thei subjeeagent. "Returning tothe notion ofafectedness, we may say that sometimes the nature of the event is such that affectedness of the subjecvagent nrby itis an inherent feature and sometimes i isnot. For example, a low-trans26 EGRERT BAKKER tivity, -partcipant event consisting of physical process (8. “grow up’) has inherent (infers) affectednes ofthe Subject inthe event. High-rans- tivity causative events ke “il, on the other hand, Ick inherent afleced- nest of the subjecdagent the event consis in an effect produced on a objecPpatient, the subjecvagent sanding, as an extemal cae, outside the [Now when afectdness is the specifi feature of idle morphology, 1s opposed to “active” (see Section 2), as well ar s posible feature of events, i follows that “middle” is « mixed notion, applying both to proper ties of events and 10 semantic properties ofa certain clas of verbal mor: ‘phology This has consequences forthe relation between mide morphol ‘ogy and events: when an cvent-ype has inherent affectedness, middle ‘marking on the verb merely reflects this fact (coding) In this ease, id= le is basically & semantic phenomenon and roughly coincides with Kem- mer’ ((his volume) middle sitvation-ypes. When an eventsype lacks inherent affecteness, on the other hund, middle morphology has a quite Afferent function. Here affectednes is wot morly reflected; since is not inherently present inthe event denoted, it has to be actually expressed by the middle forms, 4. Tramstvity, Aspect and Aktionsaet Voice as discussed inthe present paper, in connection with transivity and Aktionsart,erucialy interacts with aspect in Anciont Greek. By “aspect” in this paper T mean the fundamental aspestusl opposition between the ait and the imperfect form ofthe verb. Aorist tenelespect ie the instantiation in Greek of perfective aspect; imperfective aspect comprises both the imperfect and the presen tenses The opposition between aorst and pre- senvimpertect is morphologically expressed bythe form ofthe stem ofthe verb andor by the presence/absence of eatain sulies, “Aktionsert acs asa coastraint on aspectal morphosytaxin Greek in that the question as to wheter the sorist othe presentmpertect form of ' given verbs the normal (most frequent) case depends on the event-type. Eventtypes like ‘ie’ or ‘rcv’, fr example, ate inherently punctual, 30 that verbs denoting these eventypes in discourse are overwhelmingly otis The sors stam ofthese verbs is morphologically unmarked and ay VOICE, ASPECT AND AKTIONSART a ‘le and as sch the prefered realization ofthe verb in discourse; the pre- entlimperfet stem of such verbs, on the other hand, is morphologically ‘marked and complex, for example* @)& aphikeéshal bi. apihllntesal In other cases, when the event-ype i inherently duratve, isthe presen limpriect forms that are the unmarked, default case, whereas the aorst needs special morphology (see 5.3 below) ‘Since the specific nature of @ given eventype ean often be stated in terms of ransitvity features, aspect slated to tansy aswel (e680 CCooremin, this volun). Infact, ome salient markers of aorist pect, the sizes -50-(or +) and-he- (or), cannot be propely studied in soation from transitivity. The suffix =a) combines both with midale and with active inflectional morphology; and tel with active inflection oly (8) paresheudsat Drepare-AORNE ACT ‘prepare’ be. paraskeutsasthat repare-aor-iNF aD ‘prepare (fr) onesel paraskeuas thé nal brepare-ARNFAcr "he prepared “The (a)-rulfc i, morphologically, the ditinctve feature ofthe so-called igmatic acre." Verbal forms with -z-are always higher in transit than the covresponding forms lcking the suffix. Accordingly, can be tdeseribed as a tranativizng sui. Verbal forms with th (a in (4), of ‘Zin other eases (lor my. purposes inthis paper there is no diflerence ‘between ts and >), on the ather hand, have tobe associated with ow transtvity. In Grek linguists, they re sometimes referred to as “pas: sive” aorsts, This characterization, however, i inappropriate insofar a the “thee stn signals passvencss only in certain class of verbs, and itis {incorrect to generalize this fonction (se below, Section 5). Its more pet2% [BGBERT BAKKER nent to say at this janctur that the active morphology with which he combines has to be conceived of in the wimarked sense as non mile his rmeans tht ~he/- i sed when affetednes, the rpeifi feature of “id dle” 36 marked ters, doesnot apply. Thus le Is wed when affected ness snot inherent in a fow-transivity event, or when ti tppresed, for some reason oF another (ce below). "To say that sea tansiiies and thea non-midle low transi ity suis, however, doesnot exhaust the semantic aspects ofthe two su fixes in terms oftansvty. The two elements ae also tansy elated in that whether or not they may occur on given verb is determined bythe Poston of the verb on seale (2), and thus by the nature ofthe event ype. Furthermore, when ~a- or hee is present on aver, its contribution fo ‘the meaning of the vcbal word varies from event type to event-ype. This ‘transitivity acts a «constraint on both the dsibuton andthe meaning of ‘he two aspectualsufies. An tis the intrclation of aspect an transi ity in connection with voice that one of the main points made in the pe sent paper. 5. Volee, Aspect andthe Ordering of Events have broken down the tansivtycontinsum (ee (2) above) into the lowing 11 eventsypes:I-partipant evens (5.1), objective states (5.2), physical process (5.3), ()motion, cogition (5.4), +/~ votionality (5.5), Inherent reciprocals (5.6, agont affected (5.7), -patcpant events (58). causatives (6.9), patent-drected actvtis (5.10) and “kil” (5.11). Across these eventypes,thece i steady inreat in transitivity according to the thre parameters “volitional”, “agency” and “causation” (ee Section 3). 1 do not lam that these 11 types are necessarily the only one, or that they scommodate any Greck verb: they are meant to bring out the inter- relationship between Aktinsart on the one hand and four voierelated parameters onthe other: the posible presence of mile morphology on 4 verb; (i) inerent subjecv'agent afectedness in the event; i) the poe be occurrence of a ona verb, and (i) the posible occurrence of ale ‘Specify, it wil appear that Aktionsart fetions asa constraint onthe meaning andor dstabuton of the four parameters sets the event fypes. ‘The pattern that this distebution conforms to wil be discussed and inter- preted in Section 6 VOICE, ASPECT AND AKTIONSART 2» 5.1 Objective intransitive Iparteipant evens [A the lowest extcme ofthe tant sale we ind evens hat involve nly one prt and that ck loth wana tures which the Seale comnit (©) (@po}-hanetn ie’, pee a “Tse evens ar inherently puta! and this isthe Eason why they have teen presented her, conaty to the usual practice of casi (note 5), their enmarked, morphology spl, soit for. The forms in (5 content have active (Le. noni) iestion (bt see ex. () Selo). This morpologa inormation mst mean tha ing ad aling Tack iaherentalfevedness. This may soundstage, for dying and falling ane cay associated ofcourse, with serous physical afletednes of ths jest However, thir afectedne is ot the srt of affectednes that is coded by mile morphology es not inside bat ouside the dying fling ‘ret. Te afocednes ascited with dying these fein deal. But tha state the consequence ofthe dog-veat, nt the cvent Hac. We ‘oul ay tat ‘mo more than the transitional point between the sate eng alive athe tat of eing dead, not an vent iy which some- one is affected. In other words, the punta, instantaneous ature ofthe Ayingoventprecidsaffeadnes and hens be posly of idle mor photo. “There is one exception to the lck of stv forms of vers in he pe sent eventype: the future, where morphology i conte mide: (8) thane sha ie’ (9, psetstal al” (0. “he affinity between future and middle, here ad in oter cases, has uz ed phlloi, but infact easy explain. Pater ese, mexpholog tally sn unstable category (lechnan 1982). In Geck, fate morphol: oy fs bated on the erie wooly marker eso (6 abo Eaghsh sp, On acount of conestion with volonalty, future tense present fo erent as u mental diposon, a intention, and this naturally explains fhe afnty between “mile” and “tue”, sce votionaity es the sole transit featre ofan eset (Le. when gene and causation re absent) involve tfectednes (ce ox (8) and Secon 58 beow).0 EQBERT BAKKER 52 Objective states ‘A second class of verbs denoting I-participant events consists of denomina tives with a meaning that is equivalent “copula + nominal predicate” Examples ar: (1) basen be baile - king’, douleiein "be doo - slave! ‘These verbs Jenoté objective states, membership in categories that do not Involve affectedness. Consequently, they have active (non-middle) mor ‘hology only.* Some verbs in this cass, however, have mide forms as ‘wel, wth lear meaning of ther own, Characteristic pits are (@) _polteicein ‘be pottes- citizen’ vs. poiteivestha behave (. exert one's rights) as a cizens ‘amie "oe amas ~ ease’ ve, taied-sthal behave as ‘wcasurer, manage’ ‘The semantic contribution of middle moephology here ie that it expresses affecedness the subject is not merely @ member (objects) ofthe ete ‘ory denoted by the verb, bute is actively engaged inthe type of activity associated with the catagory. Thus the actual “coloring” of the absiract cover term “affestedness inthis eventype, thai til ery low in ran itvty and lacks inherent voltionalty, bas toe state in term of olitonal partpaton? 5.3 Physica proceses ‘The third eventtype consists of inherently daraive process which involve the physical internal), non-volitionalaetedness of «ste: (©) phicestha ‘row, régh-esthai ‘grow up sép-esthal rt he ‘thal ‘melt’, shegmsthl “rea ‘The inherent affectednes of the subject in these event is coded by mide ‘morphology. Notice the important diferene withthe mide marking in (®), where the midale forms expres the voltonality that is ot inherently present inthe eventype denoted ‘The middle verbs in) are presente in their presentimperoct form the verbs in (5), om the other hand, are aris, This difference the conse quence ofan aspectal difference in even¢ype dying and falling ae pune- ‘VOICE, ASPECT AND AKTIONSART at ‘val, while physical process are inberenty dura, so that he imperfoc- tive middle verb is their preferted realization in discourse, Bu the verbs in {@) do have soret forms, However, these come, significantly, with setive (01on-middle) morphology andthe sii 2 (10) phu-éna grow’, raph-t-nat “grow up, sape-nal ‘oak 2. ‘aml haga “beak” “The suppression of mide morphology in the aorist forms of the physical process rerbs i one ofthe morphological reflexes ofthe interrelation of ‘Voice and aspect. The durative character of th event-ype normally implies {heonstrual on the pare of the language user in which there isan entity ‘undergoing a proces that affects t physically (internally) But the sme vent a alo be construed, nota process with inherent daration and Mecteess, bu ax punctual event, tansitionsl pont between vo tates, FFor example, meling’ may be constr a a process with ameling sobject that i inrenty, physically alected byfin that event but it may also be construed ae an objective case of meng, the transitional point between the slate of being slid andthe sate of being meted. This second contra implies linguistic coding ofthe event 8a perfective (ait) verbal form, in which the afectedness of the subject is eft out of account. And this is signaled, I suggest, by the fos i (10) the active inflectional morphology Signals absence of affectedness, nd lndeates that this absence reslts from a suppression of whats inherently pat ofthe event. Thus what in (5) isinherent inthe event-ype ((. puntiaiy and non-affectedness) most in (40) be actoally expresed by special morphology. The forms in (10) thus testify to the intricate tlatoaship of voice, aspeet and Aktonsart in Ancient Greek ‘Physical proceses often have an external cause (eg: a eat source in te cae of meling, This source may be out of sight in construas a in (2), ete the (oe) parisipan is presented as undergoing Giaternal) the pro ese, But conceptually the external cause is pt faraway. This appears from the fet that most ofthe verbs in (9) have causative active counterparts (11) phicen “oke) grow’, néph-in ‘prow, tise', hein ‘mel, henna ‘break’ “These verbs denote the activity ofan external agent that causes physical clfct on patient, In being causative, they represent an event type that is tently diferent from the verbs in (8), and which beloags tothe higher2 EORERT BAKKER ‘areas of tho tansivty continuum (se 5.9 below), And yt thet ie sini lant in that the affected entity in (9) isidemtical wth te locus of he eect. inthe evont-ype exempiie by (11). This similarity between even-iypes that are situated at opposite extremes ofthe transitivity continuum suggests that in terms of voie and affectednes the two extremes ofthe transitivity continuum have something in common. More about symmetry inthe ane idvty continuum wil follow in the discussion in Section 6. 54 Motion, emotion and cognition “Typical categories for middle marking (ee also Kemmer, this volume) are ‘evenbtypes consisting of motion or mental activity. Verbs denoting these ‘events are ypially middle in Ancient Greek: (2). Motion; Klin-sthai “lean, rép-esthal “ar, kathicsthai ‘sit down’, poretesthal ‘match’, kominesthat ‘ave, apalitesthal move away’, ekdvestha "2 ', Emotioneogntion: héestha ‘ejoice’,p-esthal ‘enjoy’, obesthal think, boLeathai want. ‘The middle forms code the affectedness that is inherent in the event: ‘motion and emotion are eventypes of which the subject cannot but be an inherent part “The verbs in (12) have two features in common wit tose in). Fist, ‘most ofthe motion verbs have ensative active counterparts, jot athe proces verbs do: (23) Mintn “make lean, bend’, pen ‘make tur, out (in bat) Komisein “ring ‘Again, the subject of the mide low-ranivty verb i identical withthe ‘objec ofthe active high-ransvty verb; se further Section 6. Te second ‘ommon feature is that just asthe process vers, many verb in this lass have an active (non-midale) sori, this ime with the sufi he (18) hesshOnal ‘rejoice’, boulehbnal “want, epellakh-shé-nal‘de- part, ‘The explanation of “ha + active morphology’ simlar to that of én (10). The constual of motion event, not ax something with inherent Jura tion, but as a punctual event, entails the suppresion of affectednes. Likewise, the aorist forms of emotion verts present the emotional state 4 LVOICE, ASPECT AND AKTIONSART % subjects in as an objective punctual event, To look at an emotion fom the ‘utsde, ae language user des in using the aorist frm, entails, again, the supprossion of afetednes, It appears, then, that inthis area of low transitivity there ita close connection between afectednes of subject invby the event and duative Altonsart,s0 that voice morphology (middle oF ‘on-midle) is eonstained by aspect. This coanection wil disappear when Sve got higher up the wanstivity continuum; se the next subsection. 5.5 Voltionalty and the so-sufis “The following verbs denote events that sre as durative as those of (2) and (2): (15) oiméstha be asleep’, pak-esthai ‘come t0 an end’ pte sthai‘make a fale statement, aidtstha "be ashamed” Justa in the case ofthe process and (emotion verbs (5.3 and 5), these ‘ents may be constued and presented, notin their inherent duration, but 4s punctual events. The sleep event, fr instance wil then be costrud as the transitional pont between the sates of being awake and being asleep. ‘Again, this construl (which vies forms allowing of an “ingressive™ interpretation implies the soppression ofthe affestednss ofthe subjec in! by the event, Hence, again, the active (non-middle) morphology and the sul th the ait forms (16) oime-shé-nal “all esleep paus-hénal “top’,prewsshe-nal "be mistaken, adesthé-nal “eel ashamed ‘But there ie stil another construal possible, yielding a second yet of sonst. forms, thi ime with the transition sa suffix and middle inflectional morphology (17) oimés-stha oto bed’, pat-ensthat stop (volitional), pee shai “cheat” (speak fabsty deliberately’, aidéseha ‘te spect. ‘These verbs denote volitional punctual events. The volition feature is what stinguishes them rom the soit forms in (16), (14) snd (10). Now vo ton ashe oly subject related tasty parameter (agency and enusation ee Seiton 3— being excluded) imphisatfectedness ofthe subject inhby the event (seals ex (8) in 5:2), Ar such, volition a a semantic feature igh compatible with mile morphology, and this is signaled by the4 BORERT BAKKER forms in (17), where volition is marked by the transtvizer sand affec- ‘edness by the middle morphology. We may say, then, that so (must be) ‘sed when the nature ofan event-ype it sich that the construal asa pune- tual event doesnot, or aeed not, imply the suppression of the affects ofthe subject infby the event "Notice that in (8) above, vlitonaiy i expressed by middle morpho ogy a8 such, whereas in (17) its expressed by the aorst-nidle (= mide “Fs. This specication i, again, a morphological reflex ofthe interac jon between voice, aspect and Aktionsart. 5.6 Inherent reiprocls In the next event-ype,iahorent reciprocal events verbs have a mide sonst with the sai, whereas on mile ait forms with hele do not occur. Tis morphological facts due tothe nature ofthe events inthis, {ypes they all have inherent affectdnese ar well ae voltion,iespective of Whether they are presented as drative or as punctual (18) agontve-shailapintsasthat “compete” mikhesthalmakese- thai ight, philetsthilphilé-a-stai ks. "The faneton of -sa- here is quite diferent from that in (17). In (17) it ‘expresses voltionality, adding feature to the verbal form tat sat inber- ‘enti the event-ype. I (18), om the other hand, thi feature isan essential part of the event-type anyway, s0 that it need not be expressed overtly. ‘Consequently, inthe present cvent-type, aspect and woice have become independent of one another: the verbs here have middle morphology ies pectve oftheir being ait or presennperfet 5.7 Affectdnass and agency ‘We now arive at an aea onthe transitivity continuum in which the second of the thre subjectrelated transivty features, agency (see Section 3), comes into play inthe present even-ype, volitional action ofthe subject sirected toward some goal. However, the subject isl inhereatly affected bythe action, which means thatthe goal i never a tue patent thai acted ‘pon by an extemal agent. The goa is either “close” to the subject or essentially unatected and relatively unimportant as an entity 38 such, Three subtypes may be distinguished: VOICE, ASPECT AND AKTIONSART 3s 1) Inherent sl iected action. Here the gol is identical with the sub ject itself. Some examples are: (19) loie)sthat was’, aleiph-esthal ‘anoint onesei,kosmet tha ‘adorn oneself’, parakeuds-e-thi ‘prepare oneself for bate’, titeesthai‘aeange onset in bate order ‘Al ofthese verbs are middle: the subject cannot but be affected by the ‘ction, Tredtionally, the verb are examples of the “dec reflexive” use of the Grock middle. 'b) Gaal in he sphere ofthe subj. An event has inherent afecteness (retested by middle morphology) when the goal i part of the subject's body oF when itis owned by himher (se already Kiner-Gerth 1898:105): (20) a. inalienable posession: lou-esthat ts Khetras “wash one's hands’ epoklipt-eathai tn kephalen cover one's head b,.dresing perbdleahaiphdrs “pu ona cloak’ (it. "throw it round onesel?), dé athal peda "bind sandals (under one's feet) property handing: pasta tn akindkea raw one's sword’ helo sképiron the took bis seepae’, Homer, liad 2,46). ©) Goal profits ori inkerenty unaffected. An event may have inherent aectodnes ofthe subject even wien the goals physically and concepta- al separate, Soch event consist in what an agent does, rather than in what happens toa gost The following verbs are all "middle deponents" (Ql) phetdesthal ‘spare dékh-esthal‘soep, isha ‘heal mimet: ‘thai ‘itate, impersonate’, lgtsethat “count, Kirdsthai “ame, k-th “obtain “The goal of many ofthese verbs i coded as a genitive, rather than an accusative, abject. This may be interpreted a8 an index of (til) relatively low transitivity Gee also Hopper and Thompson 1980:262°3), Al of the verbs in (19-24) have mide aorss with the so suti (loa-srsthai “wash ete), while forms with the thle safix do not ooeut, Bust asin the case ofthe inherent reciprocal ia (18) (e2 5.6), the aspectual ‘oppoiion between aorst and imperfecypreent has no consequences foe ‘voice: in the aot construa of the event, affectednes ofthe subject need rot and cannot, be suppressed,36 PGBERT BAKKER ‘A borderline case between this group andthe next i contnuted by verbs of perception. A perception event can be construed ether as a rela tion between an agent and a goal (Patient) or as an experiencer and a source. In the latter case there is inherent alectedness, of couse, and, Inevitably, mide marking nthe former ese there is active morphology. Inthe oldest, Homeric, Greck, both consruals may be rely expresied, by the active and middle form, respectively. In Atic Greek, on the other hand, this frocom is grammatiied away: most verbs of perception a active (eg. hordn, det 'see', except inthe future. 58 Transive participant events The eventype to be diteused now consists of agentivesction upon (anos inanimate) patient that i outside the sphere ofthe subjectlagent. Consequently, afecedsess snot iahezetin the event anymore, and active morphology, forthe fist time, signal (high) tansivty in its own righ, rather than “non-midle” (22) poi-etn ‘ake, parasheuds-cn ‘prepare’, ddéstein educate’ 1In the constusl of the ovens in this class, the language user may adopt either an objector a subjectorented perpecsive on the event. The fist as yields ative morphology on the verb, while inthe second case middle forms have tobe used the ageat is presented as involved in, affected by, the tractive event. ~. Tn this event-1ype, then, thre ia genuine choke: «language ser may use either the aeive othe mide for It follows from this that the fe ‘ion of mide morphology has changed: inthe even-types discussed in 5.3 through 5.7, “middle” coded (etlected) what was inberent inthe event in the present even-type, onthe other hand, it optionally expresses an aff: edness ofthe subject thats not inherent in the event. Whether or not a ‘mide frm is used fs notin any way constrained by aspet it depends on the perspective chosen bythe speaker ‘Midale forms in this event-type express what i known tadtionaly ax the “indirect reflexive” meaning ofthe Greck middle: the subject said to do something “for hmbersll. In other words, the subjet i ot only the agent, but ls the beneficiary of the ation, The dference between active 1nd middle forms inthis event-sype canbe illustrated with the fllowing examples: VOICE, ASPECT AND AKTIONSART 7 (2) parakeet ‘pee hi paraheie th nain ‘Freya one PDtetiphor bats pee’ pots! spon bik nee pobetnsirtren ‘wing pac (ote) vps en “ake pec’ vith on one) Alf the verbs nde in this up have mile soit wit he wuts We tthe mening a ae coring he ar tte even p:n 3. exposed volitonay wien .6and 7 had {pues fam Tn th rset eye ay ay Seutes wanted ave, Sometimes cence ont 1 antve oven one fn nts tone ho ge onde a {ven to happen a whch she hasan reste cont sa ssp Symp oy ths gy gente st alee expe Oy he sis (20) pars se0 nash ha (i) stipe pare inion chipset he had cureney cone (todos, Ht Ses tae so hd bis soe cnet: ‘This phenomenon i Sometimes (Smyth 120 372) cl the “eae” toro te midis, Tabstatament comet song swe i pl ono hs prin evn pe and inept mie “mio "Te seta ces, to (ir having ten sient In and 37) and hv a ast it beg to do osc to tena by which veel ore witht e now in Grek mar piv sors, The set aot be he agent oft tents mend thas tobe te paca The foo thes haves yste ean 5) ponsteaarthna "be prepare, poeta be adnan octet But aie thatthe “pase fm wit th dente oben at ot paentood wih inkerem dune, Osea mie form i Sut) tos may haves ase easing. rh ott wees tat in ib eeanpe, wher te golf the acon ely ian, then relate neuen phenomenon tha iy mares fn Conve and cto punt fw tenant bj eng fom , the ves in (27) are high-ransivty enusatives, whereas their alleped sels Tinperfecipresent counterparts denote low-transitvity events that have (0 be situated atthe other end of the sale. Again it appears thatthe usual paradigmatic treatment ofthe verb in Greek linguistics ee note Sand 12) fs illadjustd to the eventtype)s underlying the’ verb: iéphesa-sthal (raise) i nor the aorist alternative fo ndpl-e-sha (grow wp’), in spite of the fact that nother eases (eventAypes) the presenceabsenceof sa signals an aspectual opposition. S510 Patentiected action We now anive at the eventtype which consist of inherently patient directed scion, mostly violent or harmfl, on the part of «human agent, the patient is human, too (28) poliork-et besiege’, Kolin ‘punish’, adie wrong’ Blpt- fn har “The events denoted by these verb are sach thatthe agent is nt aected by it Just asin the cae of the caustives ofthe previous eventtype (5.9), the agent is an, extemal foe; the loas of the action ison the side of the patient. However, unlike the previous even-type, the patient is neither Interaly affected, nor reacting more or les volitional to pressure from ‘outside In other words i tre patient, or even a vit. ‘On account ofits external position, the agent of events in tis ass can never be affected (in any of the ways T have discussed) by the att tet, Consequently, it ean never be coded atthe subject ofa verb expressing fects, that, # mide ver, Instead, i the patent that coded this way, asthe subject ofa mide verb with “passive” meaning: (29) poliorket-stha be besioge’,kols-eathal'be punished’ ales thai be wronged’, Blpre-sthai ‘be harmed. ‘The passive meming ofthese verbs isthe consequence ofthe fut that at this end of the transitivity sale, the affectedness of partcpant nb the treat takes the for af ton-vltonalpatientbood. 1 appears, then tat “passive” isnot so much a posible "meaning" ofthe Greek mide (a8 &0 [EQRERT BAKKER ‘often suggested in Greek linguistics) asthe interplay of the basic meaning ‘of mide (ue, affectedness of subject) and the mature of thi potclar highransitiy eventaype ‘None ofthe verbs in (29) have mile aorss with the sa- suffix. The absence of -a-i eay to explain. Given that in this eventypo iti only patients that canbe subjects of mie vers, then tis eae tht 8 tans Invzing suffix expresing, for example, volionalty (se (17), i ur incompatible with the patient sats of middle subjects, Voitonaity would ply thatthe subject lets self be harmed or punished, a situation that is ‘obtiously too contary to normal human impulse to receive linguist eo ing, ‘The sutix se, by conteat, is abundantly present in the present eventyp. It invariably has a pasive meaning, just asthe mle forms (00) blaphthé-na be harmes,kolas-th-na be punishes’, dike al be wronged "The relation between thee forms and the mids in (29) is exactly the ‘same as that between the physical process mds in (8) othe (e)otion ides in (12) and their aoristcountesparts in (10) and (14), rep. Being the paticnvetim of any ofthe activites incded in the cuerent event ype is an inherently durative aft. Therein les the affectedness coded by the passive middle form, Now when the pasiveeveat is construed, na in its Inherent duration, but as an objective punctual event (eg. punishment es ‘he transitional pint betwees che state of being guilty andthe state of hay ing been punished), the affectedness disappears, and thit is signaled by "thes stive (= non-middle) morphology ft Sat ‘Kur ‘There one eventype that is even more triniie than the events dseus- sed in the previo subsection: “kil”. The verb denoting this event ((apo)tietnen) ater rom the verbs inthe previous Sections i intresting ways fist, it does n0t have forms with the the sfx, and, second it does fot have presenvimperfect mile forms either. The explanation for this ouble morphological difference canbe found inthe nature of the killing event. Killing produces the umate effect ona patient and his why kil! |s more transitive than any ofthe other high-transiity verbs. Unlike the events denoted by the passive mids in (29), the effet of killing is inhe- rently instantaneous and punctual. This explains the absence of both id VOICE, ASPECT AND AKTIONSART a dle passive and a she passive: a middle form, with its concomitant afec- tedaess would imply duration, while the non-middle te form would imply the suppression of what is inherently there: ffectedness and duration. ‘The interesting consequence ofthe preceding characterization of xl! Isthat the properties ofthe effect ona patient prodced bythe kling-event (ce. punctuality and absence of sffectedness) are precisely those that 1 atibated to the dieevent (Ge 5.1). In fet, the regular passive form af ‘ll in Ancient Greck isthe very verb “ie ((po}thanetn In other swords, the effect produced on the patient inthe most transitive event is [dential to what happens to the only participant in the least tansive event, Tie observation has to be added to that made in 5.9, where it was “ated thatthe effect of exten causation is identical to ether physical pro ‘cases (5:3) or motion events (5.8). Thus when we foes onthe participant tht is patient andor affected iby the event and is coded as subject of the verb, we notice asymmetry inthe transitivity continuum. This symmetry willbe the main topic inthe next section. 6 Discussion In the above survey of the eventtypes relevant for voice semantics and ‘morphology, the following four parameters have played a rol: () the pos- sible presence of midle morphology; (i) inherent alfetedness ofthe sub- ject ofa mide verb infby the event (i) the possible occurrence of s0- land (i) the possible oscurrece of -#hé. The distribution of these four characteristics ver the IL eventypes discussed ean be presented as fo- Joe (1) Byentiype Mid Inherent sa the- tof 1. {participant evens ee . 2, Objective states oe 3, Physi processes oe 4 motion, cogriion = +t 5. ‘hi= volitionality + + 4 + 5 Taherent reciprocals + oF oR SF 1. Aifectednessandagency + FO 8. Zpartcpant evens boo 9. Causative + ee Ft 10, Pationtdiected activity + - + 11,"2 GBERT BAKKER From this schema, it appears thatthe two extremes of the continuum ate similar i licking al four features. Mile voice may oocur inal but the event-types that are lowest andthe highest in transit. Inherent aflected- ‘nes of subject inv the event (and hence a coding function fr middle mor- phology, see Sections {and 3) ours inal the event types in which mide morphology may occur, except for eventtype 8 (2partiipant events), whete mile expressed the interest ofthe agent in the event (“indirect reflexive, see 5.8). The possible occurence of -10- occupies roughly speaking, the middle area 'on the sele. The -thlé- suffix, on the other hha, comes in two separate blocks, ‘This distribution of semantic and morphological features over the 11 event-types suggests 2 certain symmetry between the lower andthe upper portion ofthe scale. Starting from the assumption that morphology is not abitrary, but codes properties of the events denoted, we may ask what ves rise co this symmety. To begin with, the ttsitivty-scae of Section 3 above, with its three parameters of volitional, ageacy and casiton, ‘continaum, ranging ftom the total absence of tansy to events charac terized by a violent transfer of energy. Graphically, this may be presented 1 follows (where the orizontl axis represents the ctent-ypes and the vert cal axis the role of the subject parteipant in toms of degree of transit): @ 1, at 10. patient directed activity 9. causatves 8. 2paricipant event 7. agency 6. inherent reciprocal 5.41 voiionalty 4. (@hmotion, cognition 3. physical process 2. objective state die P234567890u ‘VOICE, ASPECT AND AKTIONSART 6 However, this graph applies ony to the total amount of transitivity inthe ‘event and ignores the inleracion of transitivity withthe affectedness pmrameter tate crcl for the semantics and morphology of voice. When tre add the ole of the affected participant (coded a the subject of «mide ‘orb in relation wih transitivity, we get am enely different picture: the role of the affected participant steadily rss in transtvty, along withthe incresze in transivity in the event a8 whole, but midway on the con finuur i suddenly drop, roturing (0 the lower ransitviy values it bad passed before. This reversal is die to the fact that a piven pot on the Fontan, affetednes takes the form of being the locus ofthe fet of transitive ne, and the more trasive this at, the more the aflected pat pant becomes non-oltonal patient and the lower thas to be ranked in terms of transit (G3)rerensiionta sey ros ase7 ton In this graph, the left vertical axis represents the roe ofthe affected partic: ipant as experencer in less transitive events ad the right vertical axis is role as patient in more transitive events, The graph brings ou that in tems of alfectedness,low-ransiivity events are mirrored by high-transvty fvents: for example, the intemal afectednes due to 8 physical process (Gg. ‘mele) amounts to the same thing a the effect ofan extemal cause, tnd the de-event on the one extreme ofthe sae is exactly the effet f the ‘most transitive event onthe other side. The high point ofthe curve, where alfectdnese is mort transitive, le in the evene-ypes 8 and 9 (tworpartici= pant evens (5.8), and enusatves (5.9), whore affectednes takes the form fof being the beneficiary of ones own agentive ats. Higher values than this fare not possible, since the agentive parcpant would then become an extemal agent tht cannot be affected Dyfi the event“ [EGBERT BAKKER ‘The wavetike, symmetrical quality of the affectednes curve fits in well with the dissibution ofthe four voice related parameters presented in diag am (31). The tansiiingsxpectl sfx -0- occurs where allectedaess const in voional andor ageative behavior and this s precisely the top ofthe wave, where affectednes reaches the highest transitviy values. The top ofthe wave i lg the area where the affctednss ofthe subject f the ‘mide ver isnot inherent inthe event, and has to be expresiod by mide ‘morphology (.. indtet reflexive” asthe vale ofthe Greek mide high ‘tin transvity, se 5.8 and 5.9), "The sufi -th/e,on the other hand, occurs where affctednes takes the aspectal value of inherent duration, Inherent duration implies lower transitivity valves (physical processes, emotional states or non-voitionl patlesthood) and according fo the wave diagram, these lower values come {in mitored pits situated on opposite ends ofthe wansvity continaum, roughly speaking the lover portions of oth sides of the wave. This would seem tobe the explanation ofthe fact thatthe distribution of en ding am (31) i discontinuous. The meaning of middle and the distebution of sa- and the, then, is constrained by the nature of the eventtype, and this points tothe consistent interaction of verbal morphology snd Alctonsart Semmary In this paper I have argued that mide voice in Ancient Greek is eon strained by Aksonsart, Both as to is meaning, and as to its relation with aspect. Ihave shown thatthe meaning of mide im Ancient Greek has to be stated in terms ofa base valve (affecednes) that acquires its specific ‘valve only in combination withthe eventype denoted by the verb (event types having been diereatiated on the ba ofthe tunsvtyrelated fea tures of volition, agency and causation) I the same way, the wicerelated aspecual suffixes thé and varyin meaning according to the degree of tansitiity ofthe eventsype in question, ‘The relation of voice and transitivity appears from the fact that in terms of voice and affectednes, low-transtity event re ientcl thigh: transitivity events: being internally affected as the single participant in 9 Jow-sransivity event (-. melt) amounts to the same thing as being the locus of the effect of «causative high-teansivty act. In Between these extemes, middle verbs are highest intranstvity: hee, affectednss takes ‘VOICE, ASPECT AND AKTIONSART 4s the form of being the beneficiary of one's own agentive behavior (eg ‘make for onsel). Tha, in term of transits, voice semantics displays regular symmetial pater acess the eventtypes arranged by increase ‘ng transitivity: fom low to highback to low tranivity. That the distribu tion and mesning of voice-lated sufines is sensitive to this pattern ter tiles once agin to the nom arbitrary nature of verbal morphology NOTES 1. Broa ii pn fee Rp Nett Ande {forthe Alp comment on eur verans of hs paper, and Wallace Cate, Juck De cs, Marie Mun an Seay Topo or eosin sone! with The (oes iverson prod much fon commen of Baar 2. Knr-erth (18108:20 the rion mon of he Grek ile, Us {Si ao Sh (Sus9 8), Rec daemon of Asan Cre wae as iw Rah 7), (od Rn (051, Rn sone pig i Barter (97S) sd os (87) Bart Cae ie Sa ees a if) ena ‘eco snes ng ota wie messy eas pe tes een Kin (8) ta Kee (0) 4. Seva he rane fo crepe dese Cot (i lame) Fr ot, ‘Sec aie in te pay neg) at Soyaninclaeme se ates oes SRSe etaaen ts Seem 4. seetes ops pee gu emo reese eee eaters ExSanshe pennants 1 Scum mpg nn tee aes am et Seacirsat ee + Races ett caine scoursEGBERT BAKKER ‘Sorel ope nth nat Kener Gers (8113) ‘Sinise ne epee ore ey ep raph (ep Oe Fer mor ts cpt wpe of eb sete cml fee) en same idem) eee. “pct hi ey me one rte ‘he and fanconal po of ew hs Bowed: hich fam ate or mide ort of rien st frm and sl prem cel dpe oh ‘epee qunson eso wer Sad ce @) Son 8 {Engin hs opens tome fi tty bjt ot rove eb ae Re (Bjeot theca va ot hs bara cogs me eno hee ‘Ages efron, let dhe mange ion pin vo, ech many. Fare drs tween (16a (1) sa Ripe (848, 154). ‘Not ha fort expen ees tht they osc, Genk toe thera ith i erty ep ene ls (ech oer) Nott i nominee ee aco Carl nese) he oe ree Frenne, hit) ho ee Goes Kame he) and Faun fe 543503), Moree, i ti al ie hte nt nc ‘Gopeay men "tr" coos of ineton es) above) Papen te ying ee ding Tere en atc sp or ae Nn ey > Sho wihest met aeaconar obi mpanis Caneel ii pe ‘rte vmintaton we set fo coxa of ae. For exalt ‘peti eR tot am ng ee Op Spe re, bt ng tenia, 0 uy Sade om “Fhe are dre by Chi shrek pse ert meni ver eed ‘Sn tae ent, hn in je ed man gel ‘Sonal, Costrn at omaanon ose ot nemo ee {itn conan Lesa 9-20, wes pn at he meng oie ‘pty orbs en ue par pesos, Rian (9818. Se ao Rion (98112). (Apt as man eae of «pie ee ‘Some mn bosoms yet Gc exon fr he apa a [ae apencny te ppotion ap wth epee eh pb lesb Fe: ener, ‘VOICE, ASPECT AND AKTIONSART ” REFERENCES Aer, Foun ya er ol Loe Gotees 1987, Ie and otf the prion ‘Derrek: For Barber, BW. 175, “Voke: beyond the pasve" Brey Lingus ace 11628 Coa, ACM. 18 "Pasha: plen. Sor es etre terminate cho exe Tat pin te moje pola” Mody ‘cin, Stra, 19D." ate im Og end lange: croc evidence ‘rom Romance Cari: Cambie Un Pes ‘chan, Surana. 1950 Tete ond nana. Prom Medieval perfomance 0 mod fon. Aust: Uni of Tea ree, ‘sian, fom abd Sade A Tompson (c). 96. Cue combining prammar end “docu, Amtednn a Pilg: en Bes ‘Hoppe, Pal ad Sandra A. Thomas. 1980. “Tras rama ad di ure" Lanuape 2558 tsiman, HCH. DAE" Aetodnes and con poo of wie seen” tan (ot), 258. oer, Rigel, “Geth, 156-04, Aube Gramma der preci ‘Sprcke Satire, Hannover Letmnan, Che 185. “Tower » gplogy o€ caweltnge.” In Hainan and "Thompoe (et), 1.25, ‘sao, Alb 198, The a and sonics of he verb i Clic Grek Ried, Rodi, 1H "Voice in Ancient Greek; relives and pasines*Tn Van det "Auer sn Goons 13156 Raigh C1. 1975. Review of ©. Gat Gu site dice ene vero re “gua 3639.70 Shibata Med) 988, Poe and ole, Amsterdam tod Pipi: bn Rena ie. Smyth Herbert Wel, 190 (185). Geek grammar. Cmte, Ma: Hard Un