JOURNAL OF RESEARCH ON ADOLESCENCE, 4(4), 503-518 Copyright © 1994, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc. The Place of Emotion in Identity Jeannette M. Haviland, Robin B. Davidson, Charles Ruetsch, Janet L. Gebelt, and Cynthia Lancelot Rutgers—The State University of New Jersey ‘Two studies are presented that examine the place of emotion in self-construct models. The first study (N = 20 female subjects; age range: 15 to 25 years) presents the three categories of adolescent identity types produced with the self-construct models: connected, contracted, and expanded. The second study (N= 49 male and female subjects; age range: 10 to 17 years) verifies that the contracted and expanded categories are more typical of adolescents than of children or adults. Contracted models of adolescent identity do not contain active negative emotion. Both the connected and expanded models contain both negative and positive emotion, but the expanded models contain more negative. Within the identity constructs, there is an indication of emotional change accompanying identity change in adolescence. The cross-sectional studies presented in this article examine the place of subjective emotion in self-descriptions of adolescent identity. We propose that the place of emotional traits in identity is related to the type and complexity of identity structures during the adolescent iden- tity transition (Haviland & Kahlbaugh, 1993). Recent work has begun to explore the interplay between identity status and autobiographical memory (Josselson, 1982; Neimeyer & Rareshide, 1991). Much of this research stems from Kelly’s (1955) sug- gestion that early memories play an important organizing role in self- structure and identity. However, autobiographical memory is not completely stable. Those memories that are most salient can be ex- pected to change as a person’s identity develops and changes (Kelly, 1955; Neimeyer & Rareshide, 1991). Although autobiographical memo- Requests for reprints should be sent to Jeannette M. Haviland, The Department of Psychology, Rutgers University, New Brunswick, NJ 08903.504 HAVILAND ET AL. ries may serve as the building blocks of self-structure or identity, the direction of influence works both ways. Just as memories serve to contribute to and build a sense of self, one’s identity can mold the way in which personal experiences are remembered (McCabe, Capron, & Peterson, 1991). People may have better access to memories that are most congruent with their immediate self-image. There is some evidence that emotion is one of the crucial organizers of autobiographical memory. Just as autobiographical memory is im- portant in structuring identity, affect is a crucial factor in autobio- graphical memory. For example, McCabe et al. (1991) found almost no emotionally neutral autobiographical memories in a study asking adults to report childhood and adolescent memories. Similarly, memo- ties that last for a long time tend to occur during crisis or transition and to be emotionally intense (Pillemer, Goldsmith, Panter, & White, 1988). More generally, an extensive body of research has explored the rela- tionship between affect and memory (recall and recognition), largely through studies that have manipulated mood (see Blaney, 1986, for review). This work is guided by network theory (Bower, 1981), which postulates an associative network of emotions and memories and a reciprocal relationship between them. The activation of an emotion activates memories that are close to it in the network. In reviewing the literature on identity and emotion, Haviland and Kahlbaugh (1993) postulated that emotion is the glue of identity (p. 328); that is, identity issues are associated within a differentiated net- work of many different emotions. Consequently, a relationship or a role becomes more or less salient when its emotional association changes, changing access to its network of memories, and thus chang- ing ils place in identity. In adolescence, developmental changes in the emotional salience of core issues and relationships would therefore be likely to be related to major changes in adolescent identity. Identity development in adolescence, as conceptualized by Erikson (1950, 1968) and Marcia (1966), refers to identity as a sense of self, integrating the past with the present and the future to provide continu- ity or consistency. Marcia (1966) described four stages that mark the adolescent's progression through the identity crisis or transition. Re- search on identity statuses has concentrated on assessing cognitive, social, or personality variables that may be associated with each type. It has been demonstrated, for example, that one stage (foreclosure) is related to higher levels of authoritarianism (Marcia, 1966). The differ- ent identity statuses have been linked, also, to factors like differences in cognitive style (Marcia, 1966; Slugoski, Marcia, & Koopman, 1984), decision making style (Waterman & Waterman, 1974), and coping strat- egies (Berzonsky, 1992). Only studies of anxiety directly suggest thata& IDENTITY 505 identity and emotion might also vary. Adolescents in one stage (mora- torium) show a high level of anxiety, whereas those in another (foreclo- sure) show the lowest levels (Marcia, 1967). Marcia’s model can be interpreted as predicting change in the actual structure of identity. During one stage (foreclosure) identity is tight, rigid, and restricted to few viable roles, but lacking in negative emo- tionality; during another (moratorium), it is incorporating new roles, but has little place for differentiating minor roles from major ones. There is no commitment to placing higher value on some facets of identity. Other models of adolescent identity do not emphasize the change in the structure of identity in the same way as the Eriksonian model. However, they do suggest stage shifts in the attributes, such as emo- tional traits, associated with self-perception (e.g., Damon & Hart, 1982). Indirectly, they support our claim that the emotional network changes during adolescence. Specifically, with respect to adolescent mood reports, a survey study (Stapley & Haviland, 1989), a diary study (Haviland & Kramer, 1991), and a study of emotional display (Kahlbaugh & Haviland, 1994) suggest that there are age shifts in how moods are related to events, roles, relationships, and styles of cogni- tion during adolescence. When asked to tell about times when they were happy, sad, and so forth, children relate family events, whereas in early adolescence, emotional experience is associated with opposite sex peer events. Similar findings indicating age shifts in the correlates of mood reports come from Csikzentmihalyi and Larson (1984). It should be possible, if emotion is a central aspect of the identity network through its role in autobiographical memory, to demonstrate the link. A method (for review, see De Boeck & Rosenberg, 1988) that has been developed to study the structure and content of beliefs about the self is well-suited to the task of mapping the place of emotional traits onto identity. The method has been validated for normal as well as clinical populations (e.g., Ashmore & Ogilvie, 1992; Rosenberg & Gara, 1985, 1992). It permits the subject to generate a vocabulary of terms that describe various aspects of the self in two realms, one of traits and one of roles. The traits include emotions or other personality terms, and the roles can be idiosyncratic. A statistical program maps the traits onto the roles revealing the organization of roles, the organi- zation of traits, and the relationship between these two domains. It shows which roles are grouped together because they elicit certain qualities (traits) of the self and do not elicit others. Some roles are identified by many traits, and other roles are connected to them be- cause they share some, but not all, of those traits. When a role is identified by many traits and contains subclusters of other roles, each506 HAVILAND ETAL. of which is identified by a few of those traits, then the more elaborated role is more salient to the individual. It contains a more complex network of associations. All combinations of roles and traits may, in the abstract, occur. In reality, very few combinations actually do occur in the identity self-structure for adults. In general, the adults’ self-struc- tures assume a hierarchical configuration, with a major role and asso- ciated subroles (e.g., Ashmore & Ogilvie, 1992). Structural properties are then derived from the data and subjected to standard statistical analyses. The traditional structural (e.g, Rosenberg & Gara, 1985) approach to self-identity presumes that each person has several roles (e.g., sister, girlfriend, visual artist, etc.) that are essential to the idiosyncratic struc- ture of the self. Two people may generate different roles, yet both people may have equivalent self-structures. This is a useful approach for studying people who are actually presumed to have different roles, such as adolescents at different ages. Each role is associated with similarly idiosyncratic self-traits. Even though some children describe themselves concretely (age, height) and others describe themselves psychologically (sincere, hard-working), as long as both generate the same number of traits and associate them with roles in equivalent ways, the method is blind to the actual content of the roles or the traits. In the pilot study, we validate the hierarchical clustering method for adolescents and generate self-structural models for different types of identity. In the second study, we expand the age range used down- ward, add boys to the study, and increase the number of participants. Basing our hypotheses on the work of Erikson (1968) and Marcia (1966), we predict that overly contracted, tight identity structures will be defensive and, hence, positive in emotional tone. Identity structures that are expansive have many roles, but little elaboration of each one, and few associations among them. Here, there is little coherence to the roles; none are very emotionally elaborate; none have a complex net- work associated with them. Structures that have a balance of emotional traits will be differentiated but still have a coherent structure, with emotions connected to a variety of roles, and the most complex net- works of traits will be associated with major roles. PILOT STUDY Method Subjects. The subjects in the pilot study were four groups of never-married, childless female subjects, 15, 17, 19, and 25 years of age. There were a total of 20 subjects, 5 per age group. Those in the 15-, 17-,he IDENTITY 507 and 19-year-old groups were participants in a larger two-study project (Davidson, 1988). Those in the 15- and 17-year-old groups were col- lege-bound students recruited from a summer arts program on the university campus. Subjects in the 19-year-old group were college freshmen selected from the larger project to be comparable to the high school sample with respect to academic expectations, religiosity, and sexual experience. The five female subjects in the 25-year-old group were never-married psychology graduate students ranging in age from 23 to 27 years. They did not participate in the larger study. This group was used to confirm that our procedure /interview produced the same type of data as previous studies (e.g., De Boeck & Rosenberg, 1988). Procedure. All subjects met individually with a female inter- viewer. Subjects were asked to generate a list of roles important to them in their lives. Past, present, or future roles could be used. They were given an example of a high school teacher who might be a math teacher, aunt, reader of novels, and guitarist. The interviewer entered the generated roles on a role x feature (identity) matrix recording sheet along with a set of provided roles. The provided roles were relevant to sexuality, the good self, and the bad or undesired self (Ogilvie, 1987). ‘After producing roles, subjects were asked to generate a list of individual traits. The interviewer recorded these and a set of provided traits onto the matrix. The provided traits included Izard’s (1971) fun- damental emotions (interest, joy, surprise, shyness, guilt, sadness, fear, anger, disgust, and contempt), along with embarrassed. A set of nonemo- tional general traits was provided, based on concepts central to issues in the developing identities of adolescents (e.g., Damon & Hart, 1982; Erikson, 1968). Both positive and negative aspects uf emotion traits and other psychological traits were provided so that a general disposi- tion to be negative or positive would not bias the results. By negative emotions, we mean those emotions usually deemed hedonically nega- tive, such as sadness, as opposed to happiness. By negative traits we mean negated traits (e.g., we provided not good-looking as well as good-looking, not committed as well as committed, and so forth). When the subject indicated she had no more traits or roles to volun- teer, the interviewer created a matrix of the roles and traits. Subjects completed the matrix by indicating, for each role, the degree to which each trait applied to her in that role. After the interviewer helped the subject with the first one or two columns, the subject was left alone to complete the identity matrix. Subjects in the high school sample were given customized painter’s caps, whereas those in the two older sam- ples were paid $4.00. The session lasted approximately 11/4 to 21/4 hr.508 HAVILANDET AL. Derivation of role structures. The computer analysis program for hierarchical class analysis (HICLAS; De Boeck, 1986; see also De Boeck & Rosenberg, 1988) uses a series of algorithms to transform each role x feature matrix into a hierarchical role and trait structure for each sub- ject. Results Descriptive data on the role x feature matrices. The mean num- ber and the ranges of roles and features volunteered for each of the age-groups were similar. The mean numbers of self-generated roles for the high school students, college students, and adults were 10.67 (range: 8 to 20), 13.10 (range: 9 to 19), and 11.80 (range: 10 to 14), respectively. The mean numbers of features generated were 15.00 (range: 7 to 30), 15.40 (range: 11 to 22), and 16.80 (range: 11 to 22), respectively. Structural categories. The models of identity produced in our studies are set-theoretical models for each subject (Ashmore & Ogilvie, 1992; De Boeck & Rosenberg, 1988; Ogilvie, 1987). After the self-struc- tures for each subject group were determined to have equivalent num- bers of data points (equal numbers of roles and traits were generated), they were compared on complexity of structure. The individual matrix hierarchies were sorted so that all the structures with the same form (see Figure 1) were in the same category. This resulted in three catego- ries. The more complex and hierarchically differentiated structure we called connected. This hierarchical structure is usual for adults. It con- forms to a simple hierarchy such that most roles are connected in a sub- or superordinate way to other roles, and it contains more than one such subset/superset grouping of roles. The second type is a contracted structure. All the roles are connected in a sub- or superordinate manner, but whole ranks /levels are missing, making the hierarchy unexpectedly small. (This implies a large resid- ual category of roles and traits generated by the subject, but not actu- ally associated with each other.) The third type is an expanded structure. It contains multiple roles that do not have unifying superordinate roles (one or no subset/super- set groupings). Jeannette Haviland and a research assistant (blind to the goals of the study) independently sorted the self-structures into the three catego- ries with 100% agreement. The connected hierarchies applied to three of the 15-year-olds, one each of the 17- and 19-year-olds, and all of the older students. The expanded hierarchies applied to two of the 15-IDENTITY 509 Connected Structure Contracted Structure Expanded Structure FIGURE 1 Prototypes of the three self-structures discovered in the pilot study: connected, contracted, and expanded. *Some expanded structures were flat sets with only this bottom level year-olds, two of the 17-year-olds, and one 19-year-old. The contracted structures applied to none of the 15-year-olds, two 17-year-olds, and three 19-year-olds. Because of the small sample size, and because of zero categories for the expanded and contracted structures, no statisti- cal test of categorical differences by age group is reliable. The pilot study shows that the structural method is appropriate for this age group. Though the first sample was too small for thorough statistical analyses, the data suggest that the connected structure is more common among the younger subjects. Contracted and expanded structures are more common among the 17- and 19-year-olds. The adults all had connected structures, as expected from previous re- search (e.g., Ashmore & Ogilvie, 1992). STUDY TWO-REPLICATION AND EXTENSION Method Subjects. A packet containing information about the study, as well as student and parental permission slips, was sent home with 60 ran- domly selected students from each of four grade groups (N = 240) at a middle-class suburban middle school and senior high school. A total of 49 subjects returned completed packets. The subject breakdown by510 HAVILANDET AL. grade and gender is as follows: Grade 5 (n = 12; 7 male, 5 female subjects); Grade 7 (n = 12; 7 male, 5 female subjects); Grade 9 (n = 14;7 male, 7 female subjects); and Grade 12 (n = 11; 6 male, 5 female sub- jects). Procedure. A male interviewer met with each student on at least two occasions. During the first meeting, the roles and features to be used in the HICLAS matrices were generated (other information was gathered that is not included here). During the second meeting, the identity matrix was completed. Instructions for role and feature generation were similar to those in the pilot study. The examples of roles were son or daughter and stu- dent. Instructions for the completion of the HICLAS matrix were the same as those in the pilot study. As in the pilot study, roles and features germane to adolescent development were added. Unlike the pilot study, sexual roles were not used. The HICLAS program was used to generate the hierarchical role and trait structure for each subject. Results Descriptive data on the role x feature matrices. The mean num- bers of roles generated by the fifth, seventh, ninth, and twelfth graders are 22.75 (range: 14 to 37), 23.83 (range: 14 to 39), 20.78 (range: 13 to 29), and 20.9 (range: 14 to 29), respectively. The mean numbers of traits generated are 25.41 (range: 20 to 40), 28.83 (range: 19 to 72), 25.78 (range: 14 to 36), and 25.45 (range: 14 to 34), respectively. The size of the role x trait matrices reported in this study does not differ by age group. Structural categories. Global role structures are sorted according to the prototypes that were derived in the pilot study. The experi- menter and a research assistant blind to the goals of the study indepen- dently sorted all the role structures into the three categories with 100% agreement. The frequencies of the connected, contracted, and ex- panded categories are 18, 16, and 15, respectively. As shown in Table 1, role structure varies by grade, 7°(6) = 15.557, p = .016. The connected structure is overrepresented among the fifth and seventh graders. It appears that the contracted structures are over- represented among ninth graders, and the expanded structures are overrepresented among twelfth graders. The relationship between gender and role structure is not significant, y7(2) = 1.825, ns. It appears that the younger groups have more complex self-struc- tures (ie., the connected structures) than the older groups. WithoutIDENTITY 511 TABLE 1 Grade by Structure Type Structure Type Grade Connected Contracted Expanded Fifth* 7 2 3 Seventh* 6 3 3 Ninth? 3 9 2 Twelfth® 2 2 z longitudinal information, it is impossible to know whether the change from one transitional type to another is simple or linear. It is also impossible to know whether these represent diverging individual dif- ferences or are simply static presentations of alternating patterns that usually occur in the same individual. Evaluative aspects of traits. Because we provided both positive and negative emotion traits and general adolescent traits, we used these provided traits, which are common to all subjects, to check on the emotional and evaluative nature of the identity structures. Overall, the connected structures have both more emotion traits and more general traits associated with the roles, F(2, 46) = 16.59, p < .0001, for the emotions, and F(2, 46) = 6.65, p < .003, for the other traits. The post hoc Scheffé tests show that, for the provided emotions, the connected and expanded structures contain more emotion than the contracted struc- tures. For the general traits, the connected structures contain more nonemotion traits than the contracted structures. Given that the contracted structures contain fewer provided traits overall, we asked whether the structures differ according to whether the traits are positive or negative. As shown in Part A of Figure 2, the structures do differ in the number of positive traits included. There are significant differences with respect to positive emotion traits, F(2, 46) = 6.15, p < .004. Post hoc Scheffé tests indicate that the connected struc- tures have more positive emotion traits than either the contracted or expanded. There are no differences in positive emotion traits between the contracted or expanded structures. There are also significant differences with respect to positive general traits, F(2, 46) = 6.15, p < .004. Post hoc Scheffé tests indicate that the connected structures contain more positive general traits than the ex- panded structures. No other comparisons are significant. As shown in Part B of Figure 2, the structures also differ in terms of the number of negative traits included. There are significant differ-Positive General a {Positive Emotion 5 4 § 3 é 2 1 ° Connected Contracted Expanded Structure Type 7 [Negative General : Negative Emotion 5 8 4 a Zs 2 1 ° Connected Contracted Expanded Structure Type FIGURE 2 (A) Average number of provided positive traits connected to roles in each of the structure types (for emotion traits, F(2, 46) = 6.15, p < 004; for general traits, F(2, 46) = 6.15, p < .004). Connected structures contain more positive emo- tion traits than the contracted or expanded structures. Connected structures also contain more positive general traits than the expanded structures. (B) Average number of provided negative traits connected to roles in each of the structure types (for emotion traits, F(2, 46) = 18.06, p < 0001; for general traits, F(2, 46) = 4.89, p <.01). Contracted structures contain fewer negative emotion and general traits. 512IDENTITY 513 ences with respect to negative emotion traits, F(2, 46) = 18.06, p < .0001. Post hoc Scheffé tests indicate that the connected structures contain more negative emotion traits than the contracted but not more than the expanded, and that the expanded also contain more negative emotion traits than the contracted. There are also significant differences with respect to negative general traits F(2, 46) = 4.89, p < -01. Post hoc Scheffé tests indicate that the connected structures contain more nega- tive general traits than the contracted structures. These results suggest that coherent, connected self-structures are more common in childhood or early adolescence, whereas adolescence is associated with more diverse structures. The connected structures seen mostly in children and younger adolescents (fifth and seventh graders) contain more traits overall than either of the other two transi- tional structures, which are more common in adolescents. This is ex- pected just because the structures contain more roles and have fewer self-descriptors in residual, nonrole associated positions. However, as shown in Figure 2, adolescents with contracted structures have almost no negative emotions or other negative general traits in the self-struc- ture. The only ones used are positive. Adolescents and children with expanded structures have fewer positive and more negative traits than expected. In both cases, the affective valence of the self-structure is unbalanced. Discussion As predicted by an Eriksonian (Erikson, 1950, 1968; Marcia, 1966) model of adolescent identity, there are changes in the self-structural models of identity during the adolescent period. Also, as predicted (Haviland & Kahlbaugh, 1993), the emotional context of each model is different. The contracted models, those with few roles, contain very few emotional associations. The emotions and traits remaining are positive. The expanded models, which have several roles but little overlap among roles, are marked by both positive and negative emo- tion, but the number of negative traits in the network is higher than expected. Such associations were predicted because changes in the autobiographical memories that compose identity structures are likely to be part of an associative network of emotional associations (e.g., Neimeyer & Rareshide, 1991). This network of emotions probably changes during adolescence (Csikszentmihalyi & Larson, 1984; Stapley & Haviland, 1989) and may even be occurring prior to changes in identity (Haviland & Kramer, 1991), a concept that our studies support. In a clinical sense, even though the participants are not suffering from any pathological condition, the deconstruction of identity, or the514 HAVILAND ET AL. change from a fully connected identity to one that is small and con- tracted, or expanded, but with one role unconnected to another, is related to several theories in which the self becomes alienated. Al- though Erikson largely addressed the growth and construction of iden- tity, other clinicians, such as Horney (1950), have addressed self-alienation as well as self-realization. Of the neurotic person who is alienated from his true self, Horney wrote “Chameleon like, they al- ways play some role in life ... and, like good actors, produce the feelings that go with the roles ... (T)heir alienation from self makes it possible for them to change their personality according to the require- ments of the situation” (p. 165). Such a person is much like our expan- sive adolescent. But an equally likely outcome of alienation is “ ... people who, in a streamlined way, are bent on self-glorification, on ambitious pursuits ... with the mastery of life through intelligence and will power” (Horney, 1950, p. 192). These individuals “eliminate from awareness ... all traces of self-accusations, self-doubt, self-contempt” (Horney, 1950, p. 197). Horney’s streamlined, alienated person is, of course, much like our contracted adolescent. To the degree that the loss of a childhood self, the childhood roles, and the childlike traits that accompany them might produce an alienated feeling, then the adolescents’ (perhaps temporary) solutions to this identity loss might be mirrored in Horney’s descriptions. In this sense, as well as in the less introspective views of a network approach to emotion and mem- ory, the adolescents’ self-perceptions seem understandable and mean- ingful. The advantage of Erikson’s (1950, 1968) theory is that he anticipated that the seeds of the adult identity emerge from this period of confusion. The phenomenological implication of expansion in structure is that children and adolescents have many roles, but each role has a different cluster of traits aligned with it—friend role, sexual role, family role— and each is associated with different traits and emotions. There are no roles or sets of roles that provide unity. About 40% of the older adoles- cents (ninth and twelfth graders) provide the expanded model. There are just as many older adolescents with contracted structures. They provide one superset/subset structure and are restricted to two or three tightly associated role sets. The phenomenological implication of the contracted model is that the adolescents have only two or three acceptable, tightly organized roles, all of which are associated with a small set of positive traits. These adolescents generate a rich variety of characteristics or traits, but then have no actual experience or image of them to report. Therefore, traits that the contracted adolescents pro- vide when generating their self-descriptions are disassociated from their models. In particular, they tend to dump hedonically negativeIDENTITY 515 emotional and negated psychological traits out of the structure into a residual category, or disassociate them from roles in the structure. For example, being angry (hedonically negative) or not good-looking (a negation of good-looking) are very rare traits in contracted structures. The designation of positive and negative traits was not based on the participants’ personal evaluation, but on a priori definition. An indi- vidual could consider anger to be a valuable part of identity, even though it is defined as a negative emotion. Because the negative he- donic traits, or negated psychological traits, are likely to have import- ant meaning for most individuals, it is notable that the contracted identities omit them so completely. It is only in the adult age group (pilot study) that self-structures show signs of reconstruction. Being in the role of son might be associ- ated with both fun-loving traits and angry traits, among children and adults, for example, but not among adolescents. In the expanded model, one set of traits will define each role separately. In the con- tracted model, the role will either show up as residual—with no asso- ciations—or it will show up with positive traits alone. It is tempting to relate the three patterns of role x trait matrix structures to adolescent crisis categories developed by Marcia (1966): the expanded to diffusion, or moratorium; the contracted to foreclo- sure; the connected to identity achievement. They have seemed to be overlapping, and our previous interpretation of the phenomenology rests, to a degree, on Erikson’s clinical descriptions. However, we hesitate to claim that the structures correspond, even though there are suggestive parallels. Our age group is younger than that expected in Eriksonian hypotheses about the identity crisis. Although the partici- pants in the pilot study and in the main study were recruited from different populations, the rate of volunteering was low. In this study, as in previous research (e.g., Stapley & Haviland, 1989), we have noted that our research on emotion is not appealing to young adolescents. It is possible that the sample is in some as yet unknown way, biased, even though the results have been replicated in separate groups with differ- ent interviewers. It is possible, for example, that only more mature students volunteered. This would account for the appearance of iden- tity crisis in the young sample. On the other hand, previous research (Haviland & Kramer, 1991) suggests that emotional associations pre- cede cognitive associations. This study may be another example of that phenomenon, such that younger adolescents exhibit loss of associa~ tions to emotions before they can describe their thoughts about the experience. Our studies add to the conceptualization of children’s identities. The younger participants in our studies tended to have more elabora-516 HAVILANDET AL. tion and connection in their self-structures than the older ones. Their structures also contained more emotional terms, both positive and negative. Because the typical roles generated were family, school, and play roles, this did not imply exploration and commitment to adult roles. Older adolescents included friend, best friend, boy or girl friend, as well as hobby or career interests in their roles; however, their addi- tion did not lead generally to a more complex identity structure, but to a less complex one. The new methodological approach in our studies suggests that dur- ing the adolescent transition, some adolescent identity structures show evidence of contraction and some show evidence of expansion, but both are fairly simple identity structures. The roles in these structures are emotionally impoverished. Childhood identity may be deconstructed by the adolescent at first, so that a new structure can emerge. The saliency, or the emotional value, of the childhood roles may decrease, whereas the value of new roles is constructed slowly through experience. This may be similar to other dynamic develop- mental systems. For example, Adolph, Eppler, and Gibson (1993) show that, in locomotion, the young child’s ability to move down a slope is well organized in the crawling phase, but the organization is lost when the child learns to walk. The child must relearn how to negotiate a slope. The child does not bring old skills to bear on a new problem; rather, he or she seems unable even to assess the problem. Unexpect- edly, there are not continuities in locomotor ability, but a series of constructions and deconstructions. Perhaps there are similar dis- continuities in identity. The methods used here are promising for questions about both normative and dysfunctional adolescent development. Although the matrix modeling involves lengthy interview and mathematical proce- dures, it provides elegant results and eliminates some problems that occur with other methods. It is obviously sensitive to unique, subject- generated categories of information. Due to the matrix format it is difficult to intellectualize (see Freud, 1968) in producing the structure of the material. On the other hand, there are caveats and questions that arise. Be- cause the transitional models are detected in cross-sectional samples, it is not clear whether there is a sequential, directional process of expan- sion and contraction or whether these are just shifting, nondirectional organizations, or even whether they are alternate paths trod by differ- ent children. There is also no information about the stability of these structures (Hauser, 1975). In summary, although our studies are cross-sectional, they suggest identity discontinuities in adolescence in which affective or evaluativeIDENTITY 517 processes are integral. Future research will demonstrate whether this dynamic model is germane only to the emotional adolescent period or whether it is a general model of psychological transition. 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