Impact of Racism on Ethnic Minority Mental Health

Author(s): Sumie Okazaki

Source: Perspectives on Psychological Science, Vol. 4, No. 1, Improving Psychological
Science (Jan., 2009), pp. 103-107
Published by: Sage Publications, Inc. on behalf of Association for Psychological Science
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40212301
Accessed: 25-01-2018 11:09 UTC

REFERENCES
Linked references are available on JSTOR for this article:
http://www.jstor.org/stable/40212301?seq=1&cid=pdf-reference#references_tab_contents
You may need to log in to JSTOR to access the linked references.

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide
range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and
facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at
http://about.jstor.org/terms

Sage Publications, Inc., Association for Psychological Science are collaborating with
JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Perspectives on Psychological Science

This content downloaded from 125.18.33.148 on Thu, 25 Jan 2018 11:09:35 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 PERSPECTIVES ON PSYCHOLOGICAL SCIENCE

Social Issues

Impact of Racism on Ethnic

Minority Mental Health
Sumie Okazaki

Department of Applied Psychology, New York University

ABSTRACT- A problem in ethnic minority mental health about the psychological processes of White individuals who
that
hold
can be solved in the foreseeable future is understanding varying levels of racial bias than about the psychological
how
subtle and covert forms of racism affect psychologicalprocesses
health of non- White individuals who are directly or indi-
of racial minorities. Although scientific psychology has
rectly affected by racism. Although it can be argued that un-
generated a large body of literature on racial prejudice,
derstanding and intervening with racism in those who hold the
stereotypes, intergroup attitudes, and racial bias andpower
theirin our society can have significant social benefits, it is also
often implicit and automatic nature, relatively little isimportant
known to understand and intervene with effects of racism
among
about the effects of these subtle racial bias on minority indi-those who hold relatively less power in our society.
viduals. Following a selective review of recent developments
Second, even though both psychologists and the lay public likely
in experimental psychology and multicultural psychology,
agree that extreme and overt racism is harmful, there continues
to be
I suggest some promising approaches and opportunities scholarly and public debates as to whether racial minori-
for
future integration that would advance the field. ties who perceive racism in subtle forms are psychologically
harmed or whether they are simply being "too sensitive." For
example, in reaction to Sue et al.'s (2007) paper on racial
What is the biggest question in ethnic minority mental health
microaggression - everyday, invisible encounters that racial
research that I would like to see the field solve in the foreseeable
minorities perceive as racism - one scholar (Thomas, 2008)
future? What question will most advance our field? Ethnic mi-
suggested that much of what Sue and his colleagues presented
nority psychology is a field that is still relatively young (Jenkins
were "macrononsense," that the strong negative emotional re-
et al., 2003), and it is difficult to select one question - or even a
action to an encounter that Sue felt was racially discriminatory
few questions - given the many unknowns and pressing needs.
"seems excessive," and that some of the racial stereotypes "may
However, with the election of the first biracial African American
be inappropriate, but they hardly necessitate the hand-wringing
candidate to the presidency of the United States, conversations
reactions" (p. 274). Given the various advances that I review in
about race and race relations have never been timelier. Given
this article, there is a good deal of promise that the future of
the ongoing discussions about racism and racial bias in the
scientific psychology will answer this "hot topic" question that
public discourse and given the recent developments in various
has significant societal consequences.
subfields in psychology, I believe that there is a great potential
for scientific psychology to make a substantial progress toward WHAT DO WE ALREADY KNOW?
understanding the following question: How do subtle and covert
forms of racism affect psychological health of racial minorities?
My encouragement to take up the question of the effect of racism
on racial minorities is not to suggest that the scientific psy-
WHY IS THIS QUESTION IMPORTANT? chology community has ignored questions surrounding racism,
racial bias, racial prejudice, and racial attitudes. To the con-
My reason for selecting this question as critical to the future of
trary, we know much about the social and cognitive processes
scientific psychology of ethnic minorities is twofold. First, there
surrounding White racism toward Blacks. There is a large body
is an imbalance in the knowledge base: We know much more
of psychological literature on the complex and multifaceted
nature of racism that intersect the psychology of stereotypes,
Address correspondence to Sumie Okazaki, Department of Applied
prejudice, and discrimination (Jones, 1997). Racism is under-
Psychology, New York University Steinhardt School of Culture,
Education, & Human Development, 239 Greene Street, 5thstood
Floor,asNew
not just as the expression of individual negative atti-
York, NY 10003; e-mail: sumie.okazaki@nyu.edu. tudes, beliefs, and acts against minorities, but as a system of

Volume 4- Number 1 Copyright © 2009 Association for Psychological Science 103

This content downloaded from 125.18.33.148 on Thu, 25 Jan 2018 11:09:35 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 Impact of Racism
cultures and institutions involving social power and resulting in
inequitable outcomes for various racial groups. Psychological
research has accumulated vast evidence that personal or insti-
tutional racism in contemporary life often occurs implicitly,
automatically, without intent to harm member of minority groups
or any awareness of one's role in a system that disadvantages
member of minority groups (Henkel, Dovidio, & Caertner,
2006). We also know a great deal about cognitive processes
involved in racial face recognition among adults as well as in-
fants. Research has shown how the own-race effect (the tendency
to be more accurate in recognizing faces from one's own race)
can be affected by multiple factors such as contextual infor-
mation, individual differences in racial bias and motivation to
respond without prejudice, and so on (e.g., Kelly et al., 2007;
Richeson & Trawalter, 2008). With the advances in social
neuroscience, there is also an active research on cognitive,
affective, and neural mechanisms involved in race perception
and regulation of anti-Black prejudice among Whites (e.g.,
Amodio, Devine, & Harmon-Jones, 2007; Eberhardt, 2005).
Recent research suggests that interracial encounters exact
psychosocial toll on Whites. For example, Mendes, Gray,
Mendoza-Denton, Major, and Epel (2007) found that when
White Americans were being evaluated by Black interviewers,
those with lower implicit racial bias showed lower stress re-
sponses (i.e., lower threat appraisals, lower observed anxiety,
and more adaptive neuroendocrine reactivity) than did those
who had higher implicit racial bias.
However, in comparison with how much we know about cog-
nition and behavior of White individuals who hold varying levels
of racial bias, we know relatively little about how being an actual
or potential target of those racially biased encounters affect
racial minorities9 mental health. To be sure, psychology and
other social sciences have shown a long-standing interest in -
and have made major contributions to- the understanding of
the deleterious effects of race and racism on racial minorities
(primarily Blacks). For example, psychological research has
documented that racial bias and racial stereotypes matter in
high-stakes contexts such as in employment (e.g., Dovidio &
Gaertner, 2000) and criminal justice (e.g., Eberhardt, Davies,
Purdie- Vaughns, & Johnson, 2006). In worst case scenarios,
racial bias can have deadly consequences such as in the case
with police officers9 tendencies in computer simulations to shoot
at unarmed Black criminal suspects more frequently than at
unarmed White suspects (Plant & Perusche, 2005). A myriad of
ill-health effects of racism has also been documented. For exam-
ple, a recent study showed that perceived racism by African
American pregnant women over their lifetime as well as during
their childhood predicted their infants9 birth weight, above and
beyond the effects of medical and sociodemographic factors
(Dominguez, Dunkel-Schetter, Glynn, Hobel, & Sandman, 2008).
There have been a handful of efforts by ethnic minority re-
search scholars to address the question of racism's effect on
racial minorities. In surveying the literature on physiological
104 Volume
This content downloaded from 125.18.33.148 on Thu, 25 Jan 2018 11:09:35 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
responses to racism and discrimination among Blacks, Harrell,
Hall, and Taliaferro (2003) reviewed four types of research
designs used in physiological research: self-report correlational
studies, basic psychophysiology, moderated psychophysiology,
and mediated psychophysiology. In correlational studies, racism
and discrimination are assessed by self-report recall of past
encounters and correlated with physiological indices (typically
blood pressure and/or heart rate). In the other three designs,
laboratory analogues of bias treatment are presented and
physiological reactions to the encounters are assessed. Harrell
et al.9s review, which included only research involving Black
participants with or without White counterparts, found some
inconsistent results among correlational studies but found more
uniform results among experimental studies. Generally, the
experimental studies found that exposure to subtle or overt forms
of racism in laboratory had measurable physiological arousal
that mirrored other forms of social stress.
Clark, Anderson, Clark, and Williams (1999) framed the ef-
fects of impact of racism on African Americans within a con-
textual model, suggesting that a race-based encounter - when
perceived as racism - act as a stressor that elicit coping
responses as well as psychological and physiological stress re-
sponse, which in turn can lead to negative health outcomes
among African Americans. Clark et al.9s model is based on ex-
isting literature linking racial stress and health (particularly
cardiovascular reactivity and higher rates of hypertension)
among African Americans, in which chronic perceptions of
racism and passive coping responses are thought to lead to
elevated and prolonged activation of sympathetic responses
(e.g., higher resting systolic blood pressure) that then lead to
hypertension in this population. In results consistent with this
view, Blascovich, Spencer, Quinn, and Steele (2001) have shown
that even subtle racism, such as stereotype threat, can elicit
increases in mean arterial blood pressure among African
Americans.
In a more clinical vein, Comas-Diaz and Jacobsen (2001)
argued that past exposure to historical and contemporary racial
trauma can result in ethnocultural allodynia or "an abnormally
increased sensitivity to ethnocultural dynamics associated with
past exposure to emotionally painful social and ethnocultural
stimuli99 (p. 246). They maintained that some racial minority
individuals may sustain a lasting psychological injury from a
traumatic racial victimization, which results in hypervigilance
and hypersensitivity toward potential racial re-victimization in
ambiguous social situations.
More recently in an integrative review of the literature on
psychological and emotional effects of racism on people of color,
Carter (2007) suggested that it is important for the field to better
facilitate recognition of "systematic, covert, subtle, and un-
conscious forms of racism99 (p. 17) to assess the potentially
traumatic impact of racism. Cartels model of race-based trau-
matic stress injury proposed that an event - whether at an in-
dividual, cultural, or institutional level, or whether it is racial
4- Number 1
 Sumie Okazaki

discrimination, racial harassment, or discriminatory harass-

In addition to the test of these general mechanisms, I would
ment - must be experienced by the targeted individual as like
neg-to pose two more specific questions. First, is the perception
ative, sudden, memorable, and uncontrollable for the traumatic
of racism by a racial minority individual necessary for an en-
counter or an environmental factor to have a deleterious effect?
stress reactions to occur and for the PTSD-like symptom clusters
to emerge. Carter did note that because of the potentiallyMuch
cu- of the existing studies associating racism with psycho-
logical distress rely on reports of perceived racism. However,
mulative nature of racism, a seemingly innocuous or minor event
scholars have also noted that contemporary racism can take on
may trigger a stress reaction. Based on his survey of the existing
literature, Carter concluded that there is ample evidence subtle
that and attributionally ambiguous forms, and Sue et al.
racism has negative impact on the mental health of ethnic
(2007) argued that some of the adverse effects of racial micro-
minorities. aggression derive from its ambiguous nature. A recent study on
Sue et al. (2007) presented a taxonomy of racial microag-
effects of attributional ambiguity on stigmatized groups suggests
gressions, which they defined as "brief and commonplace that
dailyattributional ambiguity in some situations can allow soci-
verbal, behavioral, or environmental indignities, whether in- stigmatized individuals (such as Latinos and other racial
etally
minorities) to attribute negative encounters to discrimination
tentional or unintentional, that communicate hostile, derogatory
or negative racial slights and insults toward people of color"
and thus have self-protective effect, albeit at some psychologi-
(p. 271). Some of the examples included an Asian Americancal cost (Hoyt, Aguilar, Kaiser, Blascovich, & Lee, 2007).
being questioned "Where are you from?", an African American
However, another study found that Black men who perceived
being described as "clean cut and articulate," or a person of
higher levels of racism in an attributionally ambiguous scenario
involving unfair treatment showed increased cardiovascu-
color being mistaken as a service worker. Sue and colleagues
argued that because racial microaggressions are often dismissed
lar reactivity in a subsequent stressful task (Merritt, Benett,
as being innocent and innocuous, those who respond with Williams,
neg- Edwards, & Soller, 2006). More research is needed to
ative reactions are labeled as being overly sensitive or paranoid.
resolve these apparent contradictions regarding the particular-
The reviews of existing evidence provided by Carter (2007), ities of the attributionally ambiguous contexts and individ-
Clark et al. (1999), Harrell et al. (2003), and Sue et al. (2007)
ual factors that act as risk or protective factors in interracial
converge to suggest that perceived racism is associated encounters.
with
negative psychological states including symptoms of depression
Second, it would also be important to interrogate the historica
and sociological contexts that may give rise to different re
and anxiety, lower well-being, lower self-regard, and ill health.
However, the majority of the evidence (with the exception of
sponses among racial minority individuals. As have already
psychophysiology studies) come from correlational studies,
been mentioned, much of the existing research on racism in
primarily with African Americans, which relied on self-reported
volve Black-White race relations, which is not surprising give
the long history of anti-Black racism in the United States.
and recalled past experiences with racism. These methodolog-
ical issues leave some unanswered questions regarding how
The biopsychosocial model of racial stressor on health among
African
subtle and covert forms of racism affect psychological health of Americans (Harrell et al., 2003) also makes sense be
racial minorities. cause of the documented high rates of high blood pressure an
hypertension in this population. However, to what extent is th
REMAINING QUESTIONS proposed mechanism of racial stress and racial traumatic injur
(Carter, 2007) applicable to Latinos, Asian Americans, Nativ
In documenting the vast disparities in knowledge, access,Americans,
uti- or Pacific Islanders? How do the different individua
and racial group histories with racism matter? And how does th
lization, and quality of mental health care for racial and ethnic
minorities, the Surgeon General's supplement report on mental
complex and dynamic nature of racial positionality among var
health (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2001)
ious minority groups, in which Asian Americans are valorized a
commented on the role of racism in mental health disparities.
model minorities at the cost to other minority groups (see, e.g.
Kim, 2004), affect psychological health of minority individuals
The report noted that racism and discrimination adversely affect
Certainly, there is emerging evidence that racism toward
health and mental health of racial minorities and likely place
Asian Americans takes on a different tone than does racism
them at risk for mental disorders. The report proposed three
possible pathways through which racism and discrimination
toward African Americans. For example, Lin, Kwan, Cheung,
and Fiske (2005) showed that anti-Asian prejudice and dis-
adversely impact the mental health of minorities: (a) through
crimination by Whites is based on resentment and envy for
internalization of negative racial stereotypes that harm their
Asian Americans' competence, work ethic, and success-orien-
self-worth, (b) through the effects of chronic stressors of poorer
living conditions as a result of institutional and historicaltation
rac- as well as derision for their perceived social ineptitude.
Similarly,
ism, and (c) through the effects of chronic or discrete stressors of Maddux, Galinsky, Cuddy, and Polifroni (2008)
encounters with racism and discrimination. Each of theseshowed
pos- that the stereotypes of Asian Americans as the "model
sible pathways generates a number of testable hypotheses.minority" (e.g., intelligent, hard-working, serious) aroused

Volume 4- Number 1 105

This content downloaded from 125.18.33.148 on Thu, 25 Jan 2018 11:09:35 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 Impact of Racism

negative attitudes and emotions among other Americans toward mutual investments across subfields of psychology, and they
them because Asian Americans were perceived as threats to must be guided by sound theories. However, the potential dis-
their own opportunities and resources. At the same time, ex- coveries of similar and dissimilar ways in which subtle forms of
posure to racial stereotype of one group is not necessarily helpful racism may impact the mental health of minorities would make
to other groups. A recent study by Kim-Prieto, Goldstein, socially significant contributions.
Okazaki, & Kirschner (in press) found that individuals who were Diversification of methods and paradigms in future research
primed with an image or a text about an American Indian sports on racism effects on minorities should also extend beyond
mascot were more likely to endorse stereotypes about Asian experimental methods. Although laboratory methods can mirror
Americans than were those who were primed with nonracial or some of the critical elements of race-based (or racially ambig-
neutral symbols. Many questions still remain as to the condi- uous) social encounters that may be psychologically distressing,
tions under which psychological injuries occur for minority they are - by design - limited in temporality to examining rel-
individuals being exposed to racism against in-group or out- atively immediate reactions to discrete events. To answer
group minorities. questions about the potentially cumulative effects of subtle or
covert forms of racism, one could employ daily ecology studies
WHAT SHOULD PSYCHOLOGICAL SCIENCE DO TO spanning days and weeks using experiential sampling methods
ANSWER THESE QUESTIONS? (e.g., Cole & Yip, 2008) or longitudinal methods (e.g., Greene,
Way, & Pahl, 2006). Mixed methods that incorporate qualitative
Scientific psychology can make major progress toward answer-and narrative approaches (e.g., Bauer, McAdams, & Pals, 2008)
ing the questions about impact of racism on racial minorities in may also be fruitful in discovering the characteristics of mi-
the next decade by forming new intellectual and methodological norities who are relatively resilient or vulnerable in face of
collaborations. One of the critical new alliances would be with various forms of racism.

multicultural psychology scholars in applied subfields (such as Discussing race and racism in scholarly discourses and in lay
clinical and counseling psychology) who have begun to lay theconversations can be challenging, but scientific psychology can
conceptual groundwork on the impact of racism on mental healthdo much to contribute to potential solutions. By paying atten-
(e.g., Carter, 2007; Sue et al., 2007). Carter's extensive survey of tion - and investing resources - to examine the "other side" of
the existing literature suggested that much of the existing the well-researched coin of White racial bias against minorities,
knowledge concerns anti-Black racism and that correlationalpsychology can begin to address the insidious effects of racism
designs with self-reports of past racism and current distresson individuals in our society.
symptoms has been the dominant methodology, which has made
it difficult to explicate the causal relationship between per-
REFERENCES
ception of being a target of racism and mental health.
Some of the laboratory-based methods to study race-based
Amodio, D.M., Devine, P.G., & Harmon-Jones, E. (2007). A d
encounters used in recent studies may be especially useful to
model of guilt: Implications for motivation and self-regulat
apply to the studies of racial minorities' reaction to subtle or the context of prejudice. Psychological Science, 18, 524-5
ambiguous racial encounters. Recent studies have demon-Bauer, J.J., McAdams, D.P., & Pals, J.L. (2008). Narrative iden
strated that laboratory conditions that simulate real-life, subtle eudaimonic well-being. Journal of Happiness Studies. 9, 8

raced-based encounters (including interactions with varyingBlascovich, J., Spencer, S.J., Quinn, D., & Steele, C. (2001).
Americans and high blood pressure: The role of stereotype t
levels of attributional ambiguity) have a myriad of cognitive,
Psychological Science, 12, 225-229.
affective, and physiological effects among White individuals
Carter, R.T. (2007). Racism and psychological and emotiona
(e.g., Mendes et al., 2007). Some of these experimental simu- Recognizing and assessing race-based traumatic stress.
lations have also been used effectively on psychophysiological seling Psychologist, 35, 13-105.
studies with African Americans (e.g., Blascovich et al., 2001). Clark, R., Anderson, N.B., Clark, V.R., & Williams, D.R
Recent advances in immersive virtual environment technology Racism as a stressor for African Americans: A biopsycho
model. American Psychologist, 54, 805-816.
have been used to simulate realistic race-based social en-
Cole, E.R., & Yip, T. (2008). Using outgroup comfort to predi
counters (e.g., Hoyt et al., 2007). The use of these experimental
students' college experiences. Cultural Diversity & E
paradigms as well as biological and physiological assessments to
Minority Psychology, 14, 57-66.
assess the in-the-moment impact of laboratory stimuli can be
Comas-Diaz, L., & Jacobsen, F.M. (2001). Ethnocultural allo
Journal of Psychotherapy Practice & Research, 10, 246-2
extended to future research with minority individuals. Other
David, E.J.R., & Okazaki, S. (in press). Activation and automa
recent efforts in social and personality psychology surrounding
colonial mentality. Journal of Applied Social Psychology.
the measurement of implicit racial bias among Whites (Green-
Dominguez, T.P., Dunkel-Schetter, C, Glynn, L.M., Hob
wald, Nosek, & Banaji, 2003) can also be adapted to examineSandman, C.A. (2008). Racial differences in birth outcom
internalized racism among minorities (e.g., David & Okazaki, in
role of general, pregnancy, and racism stress. Health Psycho
press). These efforts, of course, take considerable resources and27, 194-203.

106 Volume 4- Number 1

This content downloaded from 125.18.33.148 on Thu, 25 Jan 2018 11:09:35 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 Sumie Okazaki

Kim-Prieto, C, Goldstein, L., Okazaki, S., & Kirschner, B. (in press).

Dovidio, J.F., & Gaertner, S.L. (2000). Aversive racism and selection
decisions: 1989 and 1999. Psychological Science, 11, 315-319.Effect of exposure to American Indian mascots on the tendency to
Eberhardt, J.L. (2005). Imaging race. American Psychologist, 60, 181-stereotype a different minority group. Journal of Applied Social
190. Psychology.
Lin, S.L.
Eberhardt, J.L., Davies, P.G., Purdie- Vaughns, V.J., & Johnson, M.H., Kwan, V.S.Y., Cheung, A., & Fiske, S.T. (2005). Stereotype
content model explains prejudice for an envied outgroup: Scale of
(2006). Looking deathworthy: Perceived stereotypicality of Black
defendants predicts capital-sentencing outcomes. Psychologicalanti-Asian American stereotypes. Personality & Social Psychol-
Science, 77,383-386. ogy Bulletin, 31, 34-4.7.
Greene, M.L., Way, N., & Pahl, K. (2006). Trajectories of perceived
Maddux, W.W., Galinsky, A.D., Cuddy, A.J.C., & Polifroni, M. (2008).
adult and peer discrimination among Black, Latino, and Asian When being a model minority is good . . . and bad: Realistic
American adolescents: Patterns and psychological correlates.threat explains negativity toward Asian Americans. Personality &
Developmental Psychology, 42, 218-238. Social Psychology Bulletin, 34, 74-89.
Mendes, W.B., Gray, H.M., Mendoza-Denton, R., Major, B., & Epel,
Greenwald, A.G., Nosek, B.A., & Banaji, M.R. (2003). Understanding
and using the Implicit Association Test: An improved scoringE.S. (2007). Why egalitarianism might be good for your health.
algorithm. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 85,Psychological Science, 18, 991-998.
197-216. Merritt, M.M., Benett, G.G., Jr., Williams, R.B., Edwards, C.L., &
Harrell, J.R, Hall, S., & Taliaferro, J. (2003). Physiological responsesSoller, J.J., III. (2006). Perceived racism and cardiovascular
to racism and discrimination: An assessment of the evidence. reactivity and recovery to personally relevant stress. Health
American Journal of Public Health, 93, 243-248. Psychology, 25, 364-369.
Henkel, K.E., Dovidio, J.F., & Gaertner, S.L. (2006). InstitutionalPlant, E.A., & Peruche, B.M. (2005). The consequence of race for
discrimination, individual racism, and Hurricane Katrina. police officers' response to criminal suspects. Psychological
Analysis of Social Issues and Public Policy* 6, 99-124. Science, 16, 180-183.
Richeson, J.A., & Trawalter, S. (2008). The threat of appearing prej-
Hoyt, C.L., Aguilar, L., Kaiser, C.R., Blascovich, J., & Lee, K. (2007).
The self-protective and undermining effects of attributional am- udiced and race-based attentional biases. Psychological Science,
biguity. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 43, 884-893. 19, 98-102.
Sue, D.W., Capodilupo, CM., Torino, G.C., Bucceri, J.M., Holder,
Jenkins, A.M., Albee, G.W., Paster, V.S., Sue, S., Baker, D.B., Comas-
Diaz, L, et al. (2003). Ethnic minorities. In D.K. Freedheim A.M.B., Nadal, K.L., & Esquilin, M. (2007). Racial microag-
(Ed.), Handbook of psychology: History of psychology (Vol. 1, pp. gressions in everyday life: Implications for clinical practice.
483-508). Hoboken, NJ: Wiley. American Psychologist, 62, 271-286.
Jones, J.M. (1997). Prejudice and racism (2nd ed.). New York: Mc- Thomas, K.R. (2008). Macrononsense in multiculturalism. American
Graw-Hill. Psychologist, 63, 274-275.
Kelly, D.J., Quinn, PC, Slater, A.M., Lee, K., Ge, L., & Pascalis, U.S.
0. Department of Health and Human Services (2001). Mental health:
(2007). The other-race effect develops during infancy: Evidence Culture, race, and ethnicity - a supplement to mental health: A
of perceptual narrowing. Psychological Science, 18, 1084-1089. report of the Surgeon General. Rockville, MD: U.S. Department of
Kim, J.C. (2004). Unyielding positions: A critique of the "race" Health & Human Services, Public Health Service, Office of the
debate. Ethnicities, 4, 337-355. Surgeon General.

Volume 4- Number 1 107

This content downloaded from 125.18.33.148 on Thu, 25 Jan 2018 11:09:35 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms