Kuna Ways of Speaking An Ethnographic Perspective BY JOEL'SHERZER ~1. Fora Kuna Ethnography of Speaking bamboo-walled, oblong houses and the sur- ater. There is the striking color of the women's modem Panama City. Its no wonder that San Blas has attracted so. ‘many visitors—from adventurers to tourists, from missionaries to anthropologists. ‘The Kuna can be and have been studied from the perspective of their economic, pol ligion, or their ecology.’ speaking, not just because the Kuna de: to talk, which they do, but because their world is perceived, con: ceived, and especially organized and- controlled by means of lan- ‘guage and speech. An investigation focused on language and speech is thus a very productive way into an understanding of Kuna culture ‘and society; peshaps the most productive way. Fist an overview, « glimpse of who, where, when, and why the Kuna. The Kuna ‘There are Kuna Indians ii both Panaria and Colombia; the over- ‘whelming majority live in Panama, Most of the Panamanian Kuna live in the Comarca de San Blas, a string of island and niainland vil- lages along the Caribbean coast, from east of the Canal Zone almost to the C , there were 23,945 Indians in San Blas, These Kuna are frequently referred to as, the San Blas Kuna or the San Blas Indians.*The Comarca de San is a reserve, belonging to the Kuna according to legislation of Panamanian government; this reserve includes the islands and nearby mainland jungle. The'contiguous area across the mountain4 Fora Kuna Ethnography of Speaking range known as the Cordillera de San Blas along the Rio Bayaano edi- stitutes a separate Kuna reserve. Along the Rio Bayano therevare: small Kuna villages. Another group of Kuna live elong the Rio Chi unaque in the Darién jungle, within an area east of the Bayan se- serve and also contiguous to the San, Blas reserve. The population of ‘hese interior Kuna areas, along the Bayaneand the Chucunague, is» between 1,200 and 1,500. we ‘There is continual contact between the.interiorand the San Blas Kuna, there being a distance of one.or twa days!.walk between most interior villages and the-nearest island village: Interior Kuna walk td the coast to buy cloth, cooking wutensils, and: other. goods and to study ritual tradition. They bring for sale or gifts smoked'game, such, 4s iguana, and certain plants which are:used cosmetically. San Blas Kuna travel.Jess frequently to: the interior, but individuals do go there for medicinal purposes, and specialists and aspiring specialists visit for the study and performance of ritual. Vis ly for traditional} and ritual purposes, uch visiting explains in part the clos ‘two.regions and their important to.point ov San‘Blas, that large numbers of individuals, especially men, leabe'SaztBlas, for periods ranging froma few months to several years, toxwork it the Canal Zone, Panama City, or other areas such as the banana planta. tions of Changuinola in Bocas del Toro. Such individualetradition- ally return to their San Blas village. a ile Ibis interesting.to speculate about the original homeland of the Kuna, The-Kuna moved w.the San-Blas islands from the coastal mainland in the ely part of this century. The founding of the more receatly settled island villages-occutzed within the memory of the oldest living inhabitants. This means that certain aspects of Kuna? cculeuze, especially those dependent-on a sharp distinetionhet ween ind mainland-workplace, are relatively recent: The ex. ly organized, nuclear villages, however, isicharac teristic of all Panamanian Kuna.* The Kuna villages of the interior Darién jungle are probably close co the original homeland of the Kuna, Groups migrated across the mountains, first to the coast and ultimately to the islands. Kuna mythology talks of a Colombian ori- gin. However of Kuna spbnic, we can posit the probable homeland of the jungle, somewhere near the present Panamanian- | | | ‘TheKuns 5 “This study ds based mainly on fieldwork in San Blas and, more ticularly,on, extended research on a:single large island, Sasa ‘Mulatuppu. I will refer to the island as the Kuna ‘Mulatuppu, located in the eastern port land in terms of population. According to the 1970 census, there ‘were 1,626inhabitants, These individuals are not all in the any given moment, since there aze always people working outside of San Blas. In-addition Mulatuppu owns Jand further east along the +, .soast, where at all tinaes.of the year families spend time farming. They live there for periods!zanging: fom several days to several anoaths, in a work colony.called Sukkunya'or Puerto Escocés. | ‘Mulatuppu is an actives, exciting place it terms of both ritual aad everyday life. At ten o'clock in the morning it scems a sleepy, tran- ui village. But at five in the afternoon, when all men and women have returned from working in the jungle and when small children lages are densely organized: Mulatuppu is almost-entirely c ‘with houses) and the elaively shallow sea aroun is being in order to build still more houses. Houses are close to one another, their rodés often touching over narrow, sandy paths. Every inch of space, hothiiside-and-ontside houses, i used to the wtmost capac ity. Mulatuppundoes.not offer. th ‘dmesé of urban slums, however! Rather, there'is space, Houses:are impeccably ne: are kept iniside houses snd thus paralleling human be- 9 sd animals, are kept in spe} ges is a manifestation of the Kuna aestheties of s according to which space should be wsed to the utmost and witha tight, repetitive, well-ordered pattern. This otg also found in social structure, visual art {the women’s molas}, verbal discourse. : Because of the size‘and density of its population, Mulatuppu has certain features characteristic of cities, unlike the smaller, more iso- lated communities more typically studied by anthropologists and the smaller Kuna villages. There is impersonality, there is fear of tobbery and other intrusions into property; there is the that significant events occurring in oné 2a} Known about in another part ofthe il verlapsiny ions. But social, pol Tale anys Suc een deelopment tthe seal amanian schools, the building of a hospical, and increasing migra6 Fora Kuna Ethnography of Speaking a fhe Canal Zone and Panaina City have not diminished this very evening meetings are held in the large onmakket (gathering house} at which seklakana chiefs) chant in their guage, long speeches are inde, legal disputes are resolved? ge affairs are publicly discussed! During the!day specialists: ‘medicinal plants in the mainland jungle and render the medi: cine effective by perlorming inéantations to it Chants are performed. regularly as part of the curing process and for a'variety of magical purposes. Puberty rites for young’girls are held at various umes within the year . ‘ I ; ‘The Kuna are agriculturalists'who farm the nearby mainl - Be wsing the dlashrand burn technique Basanas of rates thoes are the staple food, the bidse-of thos nieals, coconuts, which func tion as money, are sald to Colombian traders and are use formin many dishes Root «rors peach palms, com, sugarcane, cados,, mangoes, lemons, and hot peppers are the crops: Faiming is both a indvidual onda collective atemeen lective groups range in Size, sometitnes inel {Blacks} and.consider them to be inferior. Some villages do not allow ‘them to spend the night, Where they do spend the night, they sleep con the decks of theix boats or on the nearby docks. There are some mitigating factors in this Kuna-Colombian relationship. Runa men en hang out on the boats.while they are dock. with the sailors and among themselves. And a pusnber of-long-term friend- ships exist between Colombian gailors and Kuna individuals or fazn- ilies, The presence of the black sailors is very. much a part of life in SanBlas. i. a . ‘Temporary migration to the Canal Zoné, to Panama City, and to other parts of Panama is anather soures,of income for the Kuna; most send money-or goods back tp their famniliesin San Blas, A third farming and work outside of che Kuna are appliqué and reverse-appliqué, sewing technique. Most molas are fist worn as blouses and then, hen used, sold as single panels, (A mola blouse is med by two panels sewn cogether.| The women sell the molas « ther directly, to outsiders or, ineeasingly rarely, ro Kuna middlemé ganization, there is considerable struc ch bal level, especially in Saa Blas. Three ex ciques for San Blas, gach froma separate region, are ranked in order of authority, These cariques represent the Kuna in dealings with the Panamanian nasional goverament. Twice a year a general congress is and-village is'the place of fatnily life; ei i held in one of,zhe villages of San Blas. This general congress is at aad the mainland is the place of work- For tended by representatives from all, San Blas villages as well as by : al reasons} the Kind’ non-Kuna, Panamanian officials. Problems are discussed and deci- ive in tight; nuclear villages rather than to spread < : sions are made which affect all of San Blas. There is 2 great deal of land maximélly. The land they farm may be quite fat"? | ribyal activity as well which involves relations among different vil- it they return home every day. The Kutia believe: + Jages. A general cangress for traditional chanting by ‘chiefs" is held such villages in order to carvy out theif every three months, with representatives from all San Blas. In addi- political and ritual business as @ group.‘ This sharp division be- - | tion San Blas is divided into three regional sectors (east, central, and seen workplace and village, between mainland and island, stesses = west) for traditional chanting oamakket (gatherings). Representa: island-village as the place of leisure and of rieual and pi t tives of each village within each sector gather periodically in one.of ee eres | the villages:of the sector for several days of chanting. This provides front San Els Kuna cary on lively commerce with Cotombians’ «| an opportunity for.ritual leaders to listen to and evaluate each oth- dock the oblor i heer aerate Cartagena, The ‘Colombians | er’s performances and to otherwise communicate with one another. coconuts in large quantities from the Indies arg eae | eis common practice for ‘chiefs i lombianr meretondiee a lians and-selling such Co: those who aspire:to: prestige, to travel eed eee ea eee where they spend several days talking and chanting ’Cl bectlintinenegs ea i ‘these sailors, Kuna culture has _ other ritual leaders and specialists also travel. within San Blas and to Pers induenced by them only masgnally—stict echnic houndaties the interior in order to.study with well-known experts or to teach prefer to bians as sichikana and visit with their students. All this travel means that there is ing ela eatce in 2! ae pee ‘more populous tslanis. ” swiking feature ofthe Kuna ecQnotnie'system, edge that the Kuna donot t ‘to8 Fora Kuna Ethnography of Speaking much intervillage communication, from the most formal and ritual to the most informal and everyday. ‘While there are structure and unity, both official and-unofficial, at the level of the Kuna as an ethnic group, the most intense, active, day-to-day organization is at the level of the village. Politically, each ‘of chiefs" and other offi- cials. In addition, each village has other ritual leaders—specialists in medicine, cuving, magic, and puberty rites, Ideally cach villa liticaly and rtoaly completeyeach possible Kuna role being fled But, while this idcal'is tict and by necestity must be met in the po- litical organization (see chapters'4 aid 3); this is riot so with regard to other ritual rolés. Some’foles have ‘mote than éné occupant in a particular village; othérs have roti at all. Once again; Village size is an important factor. The larger a village is, the iore ¢pecialists oie ely to find living in it. This means that inhabitants of smaller villages might find it necessary to go outside the village for the cur ing of particular diseases or the performance of particular rituals— expensive arid suming operations. There are thus certain advantages to largéy, more densely populatédvillages, in which there is a greater frequency and intensity of pbliticalzitual, and, ultimately, speaking life? Language atid Speech in Cross-Cultural Perspectivi {The nature andthe zole of speaking "hot unveil not every. ‘where the same. So the particular Kuna organidation‘of anid language and speech must be seéh in contrast with 6thiér possibili- ties: the Apache of the North American Southwest, who are spare, laconic, careful, but highly witty im their speech, the Abipones of the South American Gran Chaco, whose life was organized around hunting afd warfare and for whom suécess in chese endeavors, not speaking ability, was a source of prestige and leadership; the Wolofs of Senegal, among whom there is a disdain for verbal expréssios! by the higher caste and a coricomitant monopoly on certain forms of verbal-and especially verbally artistic activities by-the lower caste, North American blacks, among whom complicated verbal forms, playful and poetic, related to group leadership patterus émerge in the vernaculer-language; the Vakinankaratra of Madagascar, for whom indirectness is a primaty and organizing principle fer snany forms of discourse and distinguishes men’s and women's speéch patterns, the Mayan Chamulas of Chiapas, Mexico, for whom the metaphor of heat is a dominant cultural theae which can be used to classify the structure of all genses of speaking, and the Balinese of indonesia, for > essexteof the-definition, practice, and-acq Language and Speech in Cross-Cultural Perspective 9 whom constant attention to deference and demeanor is intimately bound to speech levels, indirectness in speech, and symbolism, all related to a complex of communicative forms from drama to th tures of face, hands, and feet.* Tt is obvious to any outsider after the shortest of visits that che Kuna love to talk, that there is plenty of talk in Kuna life, and that language and speech play a significant, indeed central role in Kuna ~. culture and society. But it is especially a complex of characteris- fics that uniquely distinguishes Kuna language and speech from the speaking patterns of other societies, There is the use of a set of sharply istince yet related linguistic yarieties and styles, with sub- jes and, substyles within them, marked by. grammatical and lexical differences, the latter intertwining with metaphor and other forms of symbolism. ‘The linguistic varieties tinct ritual tradition 4 styles clearly differentiate three dis- ical, curing and magic, and puberty and :m—from each other and from everyday the extensive and incredibly varied set of forms and genres of speaking and chanting, from everyday greetings che public and ritualized performance of myths, sto- tory, and personalexperiences and dreams. This-per” formance, part. ofa. rich-and: dynamic-oral-tradition,~is both-*he™ onrof all Kuna lead-~} crshipgoles-and-the-central,-defining, and organizing feature’of all situalsis-well as many everyday-events:"There is the set of patterns and configurations which both distinguish and relate the various Kuna ways of speaking, from ritual to everyday. Probably the most striking of these is the centrality of the role of speech play and verbal art, especially their intersection, in all Kuna verbal life. Oxherssignificane and organizing pattems'art the.interplay-of:talk, si structuring of both-talk and.chants.in the form: of bal advice as both counsel ne; the mulliple reporting reporting and.re- is on and elaboration and the interesting fe selationship between int ability. There is the relative lack of development of other commu- th che striking and import tion of the wonen’s molas} in comparison with speaks of characteristics farms a dynamic whole, involving a constant di-10. Fora Kunz Ethnography of Speaking alectic interplay between harmony and conflict, tradition aud in. ovative adaptation, and situa and everyday life, with speaking at the center, All observers ofthe Kung have been struck by the significance of Janguage and speech in Kuna life and have drawn on aspects of lan- guage and specch in their analysis of Kuna polities, xeligion, medi- cine, philosophy, or history. The Swedish ethnographer Erland Nor. denskiéld and his colleagues at the Goteborgs Eenografiska Museu: collected and published extensive Kuna textual mat mer, in his Runa dictionary and constant referen so that it-be ety aspect of the to vocabulary, is intimately s for speaking. David Stout, in suges.on certain lexical iouship between, lan- guage and speech and Kuna world view on the one hand and Kuna social organization on the other’) ‘=: {in my study; language and speech are examined jn, and for them selves, asthe central and organizing focus. AnaytisS based on sec ring speech, observed and recorded jai actual, contexts exmi5 ofits relationship to, these contexts. Ja spite of oral discourse an Tied out rescarch in the pre~tape recorder ere often produced ex. cellent collections of North American Indian texts, but these texts are not natural, since they were dictated by informants to fi workers.* Linguists and anthro; continued the tradition of cal mants to field-workers, now u , such as Ruth ive, again a single genre within a community's vetbal repertoire, are.bgsed for the most part on taped Interview sessions, occurring events." While Gary Gosgen’s Chamulas in the World of the Sun purports to present the ral tradition and is exemplary in shis respect, iti heavily depen. dent on idealized recording sessions and reconstructed discourse." ‘The Ethnography of Speaking 11 formé of discourse on which this study is based ed within it were recorded:in actual, natural Kuna contexts. These include ev conversations, earning and teaching sessions, public and curing | and puberty f my approach is the extended character cific examples of-language use; situated in terms of Kund gramm: and poetic structures and social and cultital conte The subject mtatter of this book is thus spedking, by men, women, aad children from eatly morfiing’ t—spoken, chanted, shouted, or weeped, serious of comiital, ritual or banal. The uleimate ‘ovetall Kisra theory and practice of speaking. Because of the central and orgatizing role of language and speéch in'Kuna life, Lam able a8 well to present new and different insights into the'ndtute of Kuna soc ligfon, economies, medi iscourse, ‘The Ethnography of Speaking language and speech in Kuna life and a present: anid practices-of speaking, both as overtly articulated by members:bf the community and as practiced by them in many activities, from ritual to everyday." In a series of papers in the 1960s, Dell Hymes called for an ap- proach which deals with aspects of language and speech that fall be- ‘ween or otherwise escape such established disciplines as anthropol- ‘By, linguistics, and sociology. Essenti le mad ares ganization, politics, ts—they cannot be taken for ied a8 somehow. given or everywhere the same. This patterning ttiditional sense ‘equites study of the interrelationships among a numberof cea Easisalsctings ines and plas is] participants [possible ia i aie poses Bee Hons and goals of events, linguistic varieties and styles, verbal OTR12 Fora Kuna Ethnography of Speaking study of components of speaking with regard to both termindlogy and patterned, organization, a5 well as of the relationship between and speech. cofions ‘of papers published ifthe 2960s and ‘1970s ‘have Helped to further,and develop the ethnography of speaking." The pa- pers describe aspects of lafignage and speech previously overlpoked or else treated as secondary or marginal by anthropologists, sociolo- sists, and linguists. Research to date has focnsed.on particular top-_ iggthe description of a community's de xesources, orga ifor example, men’s and women’s speech ax baby talk), the analysis of af pareiclar spe ent [drinking ea Counters or greétings|, and the role of s ial and cultural life [politics or zeligio: which brings together and integrates all speech in a social and cultural context for 2 si comprehensive Kimn waking. begin (see chapter 2] by describing the cot SOL guiatic resources, These resources inclu: in the traditional sense but also a complex of tic potentials for sodal use and sotial meaning@grammatial variables, styles, terms of reference and address, lexical relationships, the, musical patterns and shapes of chanted speech, ahd the gestures actémpany- ing speech. Attention is paid to attitudes toward che various linguis- tic varieties and Styles. Analysis requires a description of everyday, ual varieties of Kuna, and the patterned interrel them. An adequate Kuna exhnographic; in particular, it must describe the syst Ships that exist among the varietes and styles ol eaerily. Ku grates in particu the very, Siguiscant delete cial gesture, the pointed lip, are shown both grammatical and discourse strut (Chapters 3 to § are devoted to an extensive and intensive explora- related to ‘The Ethnography of Speaking 13 ding areas of the discourse of everyday life—grecting and leavé-taking, conversation, comuianding afd requesting, narration, gossip, and humo#: Everyday ‘discourse both related to and “contrasted with fitial speech. fh particular 1 jemiGinstiate that, in addition {othe clear constellations and focuses, distinguishing everyday od titual speech, there are also aspects of » the itlationship between the ninal atid the everyday which must be dealt with in tétms of contintia, intersections, and overlaps of vari ous Kitids—gramimatical; stial organizational, poetical, musical, and contextual. My analysis of Kuna discourse, both ritual and ev- exyday, is informed by and mna conceptions of language and speech Dut is hot rest especially lexital, manifestati of Kuna speaking prac- 7 presents a set of pat- 18 interesting ways the ction. Some patterns’ er. Thus atl important set of Kuna dis- tego, and adaptive me another set is charac- , beviewed as highly adaptive and strategic, finely attuned to contexts, of usage and able to change in order to mect challenges from both withia and without Kuna society. Another important Kuna pattern of speaking is a focus on speech play and verbal art, on playful and aesthetic aspects of language and speech, this feature of speaking maintains a semiindependence fon ‘other functions and uses of lan- sniage and speech—referenti d curative and magical. Some pattefas of speaking like péticular speech acta and events, axe Jabeled in the: Kuna lexicon and the names for them are in tom ‘mon use. They constitute an important aspect of the Kuna theory of language and speech. Other patterns are not named but can be seen to emerge in the pid er patterns'can be re- lated to czoss-cultial, comparative, and perhaps universal dimen- sions of speaking. All Kuna patterns of speaking will be analyzed14 Fora Kuna Ethnography of Speaking in terms of their role and contextualization in Kuna.social and cul- rural life. * Chapter 8, which concludes the book, describes the processes in volved in the transmission and acquisition of speaking ability; it «ends wich a focus on the interplay of continuity ané change; tradi- tion and adaptation, and harmony and conflict In this study I wall show that language and specelvare indeed cen- tual to Kuna life—crucial in the definition and exercise of most’so- cial roles, major‘and minor, significant in most social and cultural activities, again inboth their definition’ and practice, primary in de= termining, defining, and transinitting social-and cultural meenings and structures; -and in’ genttval’something imlividuals are always’ incerested in’ and concerned -withv:All:this will be:demonstrated through a close analysis of Kuna discousée. Tvis by: means of produc- ing, structuring, performing, listening to, teaching, and learning oral discourse that the Kuna perceive their own clturesand itis thiough the precise, fine-grained approach to this same ricié and diverse ver- offer here that we as outsidersvand analysts’can ‘© appreciate, understand, and explicate the Kunia theory and ice of speaking and the role of speaking in Kunailife:\. ‘Ac the sam close analysis of Kana verbal itfe exteinis to broader areal, typological, and theoretical issues; uch dé the rale of lasiguage and speech among Am ind the search forsiniveréal di- ions of language use. Every element of data piesented inr this every description, every analysis-can be viewed as a'potential ion to be asked most immediately of other South American forest groups, more gerteally of all’ American Indian 'so- cieties, and ultimately of any community or society. Related Perspectives In xecent years there has been a converging interest in various dis ciplines in the study of forms of discourse. Serious attention to the structure of both spoken and written discourse has b ‘guists, philosophers, anthropologists, sociclogists, fl : rary critics. While some of this research has lookedito discourse’ asthe place most likely to find expression of othec concerns, whether these be grammatical, philosophical, sociological, or literary there 4s increasing focus on the study of the structure discourse in, for, and of itself This ethnography of speaking shares interests and concerns with other approaches to discourse, while at the same time contributing Relaced Perspectives 15 sues that have been raised by them. Recent linguistic research of discourse has focused on a variety of topics— beyond the sentence, thé various forms and p inking utterances to one anoth the structure of narrative, the re said and assumptions and presupp not said;-the of style, festation of politeness and deference, an course structure.” Contributing/to the growing int guistic analysis of discourse, «Kuma, Ways.of Speaking examines the Janguage and speech of-a nonliterate: American Indian comm involving in-particular close attention to.a. range of forms of di course from the most everyday and informal to the most ritual and formal, all based on the.observation of;'participation in, and record- ing of actual and naturally occurring events. i This scudy, shares with symbolic anthropology an interest in symbolic:aspects of culture, especially when these, are manifested verbally. Of the:themes.that have emerged within approaches to cultural symbolism in recent years, two are most relevant-to the eth- nography of:spieaking. One is the notion of thick description made explicit by Clifford Geertz, which involves an interpretive method, akin to literary.criticism, and aims at peeling away bit by by layer, the complex overlapping meanings expressed in culturally symbolié. behavior: This means paying attention to circumstantial aspects, of socialand cultural life and focusing on small, specific matters, which often seem unimportant to anthropologists used to studying more traditional, broader areas. a A-second theme stressed by Geert 1 Turner, and others con- ‘cerns the social use of symbols in actual contexts and how symbk cd and even emerge creatively in the course of social action.” There are Kuna symbol th are esoteric, known toa few there are others which are known to all members of the communi constantly reiterated in many contexts. There are symbols which are secret, not to be divulged or explained to the noniniviated, and there are others which are publicly interpreted. There are symbols which are coniventional-and traditional, repeated over and over, as are others which are ereati ented by'a single individ unique purpose, usually.on the model of conver ism, In this ethnography of speaking; symbols and symbolisms per se are not the primary focus. Rather, they ace viewed as sociolinguis- tic resources, part of the complex of resources which includes as16 Fora Kuna Ethnography of Speaking ‘well phonological, morphological, syntactic, and semantic patterns and terms of reference, and address, such as names. All'these re- sources are drawn on in varigus but related ways as part of the struc- ture, process, and strategy of speaking. Kuna symbols are thus both rooted in and created through speaking. . Like ethnostience and co, {watexpretation.* Attention wil be pag to the rich Kuna terminology Tor forms of discourse as well as.for components of speaking, as one analytical too] in.the analysis of Kuna language and speech which is most relevant for an understanding of sheir own theory of speaking. ‘While terminology is an important source of Kuna conceptions con- cerning language and speech, the analysis of terms.for talk, like the analysis of symbols, is not an end in itself--for terms for talk, like symbols, are communicative resources which vary, frgm person to person and from context to’ context and are used strategically in the course of speaking. In addition, there are significantfpatures of Kuna language and speech that are not labeled, and there ave labels that are ambiguous without reference to and contextualization.in con. usage ier bos Ee ona butes to our understanding of thenatuce and structure of oral literature in nonbiterate.societigs, in pa crucial issues concerning the production, performance, retention, and transmission of oral literature.# Like Roman Jakabson and schol- ars:influenced by him, I am,concezned with the types.of,ccherence and cohesion characteristic of verbal art, especially the use of syn- tactic and semantic. pa * In addition to such general and probably universal, features of verbal art as parallelism and meta- phor, I will discuss the Kuna conceptions and definitions of verbal individuals enjoy hearing end seeing performed and how they talk about and otherwise evaluate performances. Recent discussion of American Indi both grammatical and discourse organi mance.* Both, will be of great importance here in the an: Kana verbal art. Some of the verbal forms I anal memory-and are expected to be reproduced ‘hey are performed, Oxhers are creatively and strategically composed during their performance. My study permits comparison of the struc- ture of these tworbasic types of discourse. [also-analyze forms of dis- couse which cannot be considered literary in che trict sense— Related Perspectives 17 arguménts, reports, conversations, & ~ everyday verbal interaction. A com , must €ome to terms wi I ranige of discourse forms— poeti¢ to’ banal, from ritual to everyday. of Claude Lévi-Strauss have focused tings) and other instances of cem is myths, th how, dt'in what language they crete forms of tural contexts.’ benéath che suitfact:of Overt veibal lurking more abstract patteris, espe A primary Kuna sotiocultiral opposition whic in this study everyday act '¥ of conflict. This opposition is in turn related to other Kuna séeoctteural oppositions, such as that between tradition ‘and changeyélder-ien and younger men, and women and men. ‘The etknsyiapliy'of speaking shares with recent research in the “ledge and everyday life a concern with how réa aiid Sbciociltural experience are constructed, perceived, diseowise.-Soétalogise'of language and communication have shown how language is used to signify and achieve such social meaningyas ‘deferenice!-respee4 insult, allegiance, and distance. They have con- tributed.to air ukidetstanding of discourse as evéryday conve fom modert ban society for most oftheir ins contribution of a nonliterate, topical forest so thing is learned, reported, aégued about, and tallcand where politeness, respec, deference, silence’ and tu ing ate organized quite diferently and have meanings very diferent from those ih mid “The Kuba ar lath interesting in this regard in that a striking feature of all their di course is its Sell-conscious and reflexive character. Speakers often comment oi what they are doing and saying’as they do i and such: commentaries form an integral, structured part of course int Which they are embedded. ‘hey have drawn on examples offer here the strating an interest in and indeed-a fascination with the powerf place of thé word, of language and speech, in American Indian life But, as important as language and speech may be in Americai18 Fora Kuna Ethnogeaphy of Speaking societies, their role, function, and patterning are by io meanis every- where the same. In fact, the available data point to striking and sig- nificant differences, 7 ‘Theoretical Issues In this study I address-a set of issues concerning the study of lan- guage and speech in a Social and-enltural-context:. There is fisst a necd for the development of precise, croseculturally and empirically valid terms and definitions for features, dimensions and patterns of speaking, The cross-cultural, eb¢nparative approach will provide a meaningful typology, theoreti¢al getieralization, aid formalization as well as a perspéctive from which to-distinguish the universal from the particular and the surprising andl special from tlie‘ordinary and ‘and in which to place’aréal and historical’ developments, wists and ethnographers of speaking have: ¢ontinually in. sisted on the complexity of the relationship betweéit language and speech on-the ore hand and sociocultural assumptions, presupposi- ions, and concerns on the other. Existing frameworks; which make formal-informal, elaboratedtrestricted, , have not bee suificiently ex: bility to account for this cowiplexity in ‘The development anelaboration of orks for the analysis of speech: ss in hand. with 2 detailed echnograp! situations, and events... 7 301-7 Be ionship between speakigipateerdis and the other sociocultural patterns found in a society social organiza: siarial, political, ecological, economic, or religious. There are.an- thropological theorists who would always see one of these aspects of a society as basic. Sueh'a view would always have speech patterns be vse of such dimensions direct-indirect, and pol plored with regard to t its full cross- secondary; superficial reflections of the more basic structure. But in many situations in many societies speaking has a structure of its ‘own which can play a major role. in defining, determining, -and ‘organizing sociological strictures.® Most roles in Kuna-soeial life terms of speaking. Aitd all roles are constantly-re- wyed out through the use of langusge and speech (see chapter 2), Since Kuna political organization, curing, eligion, and much of economic life are organized in terms of and by means of guage and speech, these cannot be understood:without paying @ attention to their'intimate relationship to the structure of speaking, S ‘othe: ive conccias the eionship betwee dal Spi! and more everyday speech. “Ethnographers af speakisig have paid ? minded th: 2. English word do not operste for the Kuna, While this method of re- ‘Theoretical issues 19 y some attention has been paid to such colloquial and seemingly more spontaneous forms 2s greetings and ordinary conversation, the ethnography of speaking, like ethnography more generally, has been a are most striking to outsider And there is and homogensous societies, ritual eve sted; microcosmic form, 2 replica of what society and culture are all about. Atthe same time, the ethnography of speaking must be-able'to account for everyday and seemingly be- nal uses of speech as well. The challenge is to analyze the sul of everyday communicative behavior, ofthe structure of hints, sug: gestions, and avoidances occurring not as public, formal events but as part of daily face-to-face interaction in societies around the world consider a major.contribution of this study to be my focus on both ritual speech and.everyday speech, especially on the many multi- faceted, intersecting, and dynamic links between them. Finally singe,one of the goals of this book is to present the Kusia point of view, their own conceptions and practices of speaking, the uuse of Kung,termus and the presentation of actual instances of verbal. discourse-afe, crucial to-this goal. But the represeatation and transla- tion of Kuna words, concepts, ané forms of discourse on the printed age present. problems. for both the author and the reader. I cannot require readers to memorize long lists of Kuna words in order to un: derstand 2 book written essentially. in English, I.have thus opted f the following solution. The first time a Kuna.word is used in the first five chepters, it will be followed by an English translation in parentheses—thus sakla [chief]. Most subsequent references in each chapter will be in quotes—thus ‘chief.’ In this way the reader ‘chief’ stands for sakla and that the connotations of the the minding the reader of the use of Kuna terms and concepts has the disadvantage of slowing the eye, it has the advantage, crucial to my ethnographic approach, of remaining as faithful as possible to the native point of view. {There are certain words in Kuna for which no satisfactory translation exists, For this reason I have left a few words in Kuna throughout—for example, kantule, ikar, and inna.) ‘The presentation of Kuna forms of discourse, the texts, as they ap pear on the printed page raises other problems. In chapter 2, exer- plary texts are presented in Kuna together with English translations.20 Fora Kuna Ethnography of Speaking In subsequent chapters, illustrative textual material is generally pre- sented in English ony. The translations aze intended tobe readable and understandable to readers who do not know the Kuna language, presumably the majority. At the same time, these trnslations xelatively literal, in order to preserve for the reader the distinctive characteristics of Kuna style. In particular, the rich and diverse set Kuna line-framing words and phrases (‘well ; ‘8 ? “hear, and so on) is rendered cussions in chapters 2 and 7.] The problem of the adequate rendering of Kuna coral terms, concepts, and forms of discourse in printed English is ul ‘imately one of frame.” ‘There are thus throe compelling reasons why Kuna language and speech merit this extensive discussion and analysis from the per spective of the ethnography of speaking, First, in and for themaselves ‘The study of Kuna ways of speaking is fascinating because of the dy. namic diversity of Kuna verbal life, which maintains tradition and at the same time adapts to a constantly changing world. In particular, the Kuna present a striking case of the orgenizing and central role of Jenguage and speech in all of social and cultural life. Second, as a contribution to Kuna studies. This ethnography of speaking builds on the fairly extensive published but highlights their culture and soc cant way from the as relevant to theorétical questions concerning the study of | sguage and speech in social and cultural context, especi gument for the significance of the ethnographic approach to d cross-cultural study of speaking. While maintaining a focus on the details of Kuna language and speech, Twill open a dialogue with con- cerns and issues. within sociolinguistics and the ethnography of speaking in particular. and within anthropology, folklore, an Buistics more general 2. Language and Speech in Kuna Society ‘This chapter provides a general overview of Kuna language and speech from two perspectives. First, I present the sociolinguistic re- sources available to Kuna speakers, the various languages, dialects, and styles in ust in their society. There are systematic relationships among the different Kuna linguistic varieties and styles which are ion from’ the point most rithal'to the most everyday, are so tightly bound up ‘guage arid speech that itis impossible to analyze Kuna soc ture and social organization without becoming involved i tails of the practices, processes, and structure of speaking, point of view of the community as a whole, there are three. dent séts of réles—those involved in pol ss, and each constitutes a separate source of author- Gestige, rights and duties. While Kuna society from one per- ‘seems idyllically harmonious, there are also significant ten- sions ind conflicts. Speaking plays a central role in the dialectic interplay between the harmonious and the conflictual ‘Kuna Linguistic Varieties and Other Languages “Language use among the Kuna is recognized and labeled in various ways. One sin terms of names for speech event andthe ikarkana ways, texts) associated with them. Another is in terms of roles in. Kuni Society, often determined by and named for a way of speaking. Still another way is in terms of the various linguistic varieties or anguages in use. will examine these now in some detail. There are four named Kuna linguistic varieties which have formal characteris