Management and Administrative Sciences Review www.absronline.

org/journals
e-ISSN: 2308-1368, p-ISSN: 2310-872X
Volume: 4, Issue: 1, Pages: 34-49 (January 2015)
Academy of Business & Scientific Research

 Research Paper
The Education Policy of China during the Korean War: A Geo-
Political Analysis

Dr. Hung Chung Fun Steven

Lecturer, Department of Social Sciences, The Hong Kong Institute of Education

The People’s Republic of China initiated the project of universalizing education throughout
China in 1950. Due to the scale of this endeavor, the popularity of education grew
gradually. Historical investigations reveal that there are gaps in the understanding of the
initiation of this project. The Korean War triggered China’s massive nation-building efforts,
of which education planning was an integral part. In fact, in its early stage,
implementation of universal schooling was neither smooth nor unhindered. The state found
that the policies of the rapidly increasing recruitment of pupils and nationalizing private
and missionary schools were contradictory. Moreover, popularizing education through
rapid expansion was practical due to the required human resources training and overall
national development. This policy, at last, was amended as the first five-year development
plan, which began in the end of 1953.

Keywords: Reconstruction, Anti-imperialism, Universal Education

INTRODUCTION
Educational policies were examined to describe prestige of the new China was built. An important
and explain the educational aims and, particularly, part of this prestige can be attributed to the
the planning underpinning the popularization and process of implementing its new education policy
development of basic education in China during during the Korean War in China.
the Korean War (Ozga, Seddon, & Popkewitz,
The Central People’s Government of the People’s
2013). Through participating in the Korean War,
Republic of China was established in Beijing on 1
China lost many lives. After the Civil War between
October, 1949. A period of consolidation,
the Nationalist and the Communist, the nation had
reconstruction, and reform followed after this date.
just started to reorganize and reconstruct its
However, there were still wars continuing in many
development and strengthen its governance. There
areas of mainland China at that time. It was a time
is currently a lack of historical explanation about
of transitioning towards socialist, or at least
how China benefitted from participating in the
collective, forms of ownership of the means of
Korean War (Rizvi & Lingard, 2013). The concepts
production (cited in Montaperto, 1979), and this
of nation-building or state formation are helpful to
social process is generally overlooked. This
achieve a more detailed understanding of this
transition can be explained through a geopolitical
issue. Through participation in the war, the

*Corresponding author: Dr. Hung Chung Fun Steven,

1. Lecturer, Department of Social Sciences, The Hong Kong Institute of Education
E-Mail: cbrenda@ied.edu.hk
34
Manag. Adm. Sci. Rev.
e-ISSN: 2308-1368, p-ISSN: 2310-872X
Volume: 4, Issue: 1, Pages: 34-49
analysis of the concept of nation-building and the
state formation of education(Sellar & Lingard,
2013).
CONCEPTS OF STUDY
Geo-Politics of the Korean War
Geopolitics is the study of the effects of geography
on political issues(Yoon & Lee, 2013). More
specifically, it is a method of political policy
analysis which seeks to describe, explain, or
understand political behavior. It also studies the
relation between political power and geographic
space, and examines strategic prescriptions based
on the relative importance of power. The study of
geopolitics analyses geographical relationships,
historical context, and strategic policy with
reference to spatial politics (Takeuchi, 2014). In the
context of this paper, “state formation” refers to
the process of the development of the Central
People’s Government structure of the Chinese
Communist Party in 1950, and “nation-building”
refers to the process of constructing the Chinese
national identity using the power or
administration capacity of the state (Wang, 2014).
This nation-building aims at the unification of all
citizens of China within the purview of the
Chinese government. Moreover, efforts were made
to connect legitimate power to popular rule so that
long-term political stability would exist in China.
These concepts are critical for understanding how
the Chinese Communist Party initiated its
governance.
After the victory of the Chinese Communist Party
in the Chinese Civil War, Chinese values were
suddenly expressed in the ideology of education
based on the ideas of Karl Marx, Frederick Engels,
and Mao Tse-tung. It was asserted that education
may reflect the ideology, needs, or preferences of
whatever social classes dominate or control society
at a particular period. The communist society that
came to power through the Chinese Civil War
believed that the classes that controlled the
resources of economic productivity created a
system of education that justified and extended
their domination, exploitation, and control. Since
its agenda was determined by the ruling classes,
education was viewed as inevitably offering a set
of imperatives that directly conflicted with those of
the Chinese Communist Party (Montaperto 1979,
p.2). Correspondingly, schools were perceived as a
critical vehicle for inoculating students with the
socialist values of Chinese society and reinforcing
perceptions of collectivism. The Chinese
Communist Party directed educational institutions
to ensure that their pupils acquired a socialist
consciousness.
The Korean War occurred from 25 June 1950 to 27
July 1953. Although it was a war between the
Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and the
Republic of Korea, it was actually supported by
communist countries and the capitalist world,
respectively. After the Second World War
following the surrender of Japan in 1945, American
administrators divided the Korean peninsula along
the 38thparallel line, with United States forces
occupying the southern half and the Soviet army
occupying the northern half. The conflict escalated
into a full war between China and United States
after North Korea invaded South Korea on 25 June
1950. Later, the United Nations Security Council
passed an authorization of military intervention
and 21 countries contributed to the defense of
South Korea. This action caused the People’s
Republic of China to join the war on the side of
North Korea in October 1950.
China fought alongside North Korea against the
United Nations forces. The United States
implemented a complete embargo that forbade all
financial transactions with communist China. In
fact, this policy resulted in a worldwide trade
embargo against China. Under this geopolitical
situation, projects of Chinese state formation were
initiated or amended. Specifically, the nation-
building process aimed to define the Chinese
nation and antagonize foreign, especially
American, power in order to unify the Chinese
internal sense of identity and belonging.
METHOD
Historical and Geo-Political Analysis
The historical method used in this paper is
characterized by contextual analysis. An accurate
analysis of the historical context during the Korean
War can help provide an understanding of the real
situation in China during this time. Including a
geopolitical analysis is another tool employed in
this paper. The concepts of nation-building and
35
Manag. Adm. Sci. Rev.
e-ISSN: 2308-1368, p-ISSN: 2310-872X
Volume: 4, Issue: 1, Pages: 34-49
state formation assist us to discern additional
details about the reconstruction of the New China.
This kind of historical comparison can be classified
as analysis through a conceptual mediation of
history. As the concepts of nation-building and
state formation are applied, concepts mediate
historical events to facilitate explaining the issues
in a more meaningful way(Flint, 2014). Essential
ideas were obtained through examination of the
official documents of education policy and the
strategic planning of China during that period.
Although documents could provide evidence, the
veracity of communist Chinese collections may
sometimes be doubted. The documents publicized
today concerning the history of the Chinese
Communist Party may have been deleted,
reduced, altered, revised, amended, or even
counterfeited. The documents themselves have
different stratum. Generally speaking, Chinese
Communist documents are primarily only
circulated internally; directives, instructions, and
notices tend to only be provided to local
governments(Mangan, Kim, Cruz, & Kang, 2013).
The State Council can issue orders, instructions,
regulations, or directives for governmental
implementation and mandate that other
organizations follow the official indications.
Sometimes, the leaders’ thinking may be
publicized through press conferences. All of this
currently provided information has to be carefully
understood and analyzed. Researches must look
deeply to discern the true elements of the
documents. Nevertheless, these documents can
give us valuable information regarding issues
present during that time if we apply a critical
perspective to them.
CONTENTS OF STUDY
The Process of State Formation and Nation-
Building
The reformed People’s Republic of China’s
educational system was shaped by the early
communist guerilla-based camps. The
characteristics of this education were non-formal
and had their roots in the part-time, short-term,
and massing schooling introduced in the Liberated
Areas (Seeberg 2000, p.69). Literacy work was
extended to the local civilian population in Yanan.
Necessity required that such efforts be adjusted to
the soldiers’ and peasants’ time schedules; it
needed to be both flexible and informal in style.
Although some attempts were made to codify
educational objectives and structures, conditions of
war and poverty hindered the formalization of the
educational system (See berg 2000, pp.69-70). It can
be concluded that the Chinese Communist Party
had developed a rudimentary system of education
which they implemented in the areas under their
control during the years of the Anti-Japanese War
and the Civil War.
After the Central Government was established on
1 October 1949, the Chinese Communist Party was
faced with the immense task of ruling China. The
years from 1949 to 1952 were characterized by the
solidification and reconstruction of China under
the Chinese communist leadership(Chung, 2014).
Their stated aim was to liberate people from a
semi-colonial and semi-feudal fate, and bring
independence, freedom, peace, unity, strength,
and prosperity to all of China. Beginning with the
moment at which the Central Government
established the end of the Korean War, I would
like to delineate the educational policy during this
period into three stages for the purpose of analysis.
The Education Policy of the Establishment of the
People’s Republic of China
The People’s Political Consultative Conference was
convened and the Common Program was passed,
which proclaimed the establishment of the
People’s Republic of China in September 1949. The
Preamble of the Common Program stated that:
The great victories of the Chinese people’s war of
liberation and of the people’s revolution have put
an end to the era of the rule of imperialism,
feudalism, and bureaucratic capitalism in China.
From the status of the oppressed, the Chinese
people have attained that of the master in a new
society and a new state, and have replaced the
Nationalist Party’s reactionary rule of feudal,
comprador, fascist dictatorship with the Republic
of the People’s Democratic Dictatorship. The new
regime is embarked upon reorientation and
reorganization, and is destined to implement the
guiding principles of the established people’s
democratic dictatorship. This new democratic
culture was created by replacing feudal,
comprador, and fascist ideology with a socialist
and communist regime. The new government
36
Manag. Adm. Sci. Rev.
e-ISSN: 2308-1368, p-ISSN: 2310-872X
Volume: 4, Issue: 1, Pages: 34-49
inherited an ancient education tradition upon
which was superimposed a rudimentary form of
modern, western style, formal school system
(Seeberg 2000, p.81).
Education before the People’s Republic of China
comprised a small liberal arts-humanist system,
organized along American lines, and was funded
at the higher end by American and European
philanthropic institutions. In fact, this system had
been grafted onto the Confucian scholarly
tradition during the Republican era (Seeberg 2000,
p.81). Under the establishment of the People’s
Republic of China, education should be conducted
with the ideology of best serving the people. As a
means of paving the way for China’s future
socialist reconstruction, the government regards
the development of education for workers and
peasants, and the development of a new
intelligentsia from among the workers and
peasants, as the foremost educational task (Hu &
Seifman 1976, p.3). It also serves as a means of
paving the way for China’s future socialist
reconstruction (Hu & Seifman 1976, p.3). One of
topics that received special attention was the
readjustment of the public-private relationship in
educational organizations. After the Chinese
Communist Party gained control of China, it made
a promise of popular education and embarked on
the path towards its implementation. The planning
called for the development and continual
expansion of programs that would bring literacy
and basic education to the working class and the
people living in rural areas. This aim was
expressed in the articles of the Common Program.
Article 46: The method of education of the People’s
Republic of China shall be the unification of theory
and practice. The People’s Government shall
reform the old education system, subject matter,
and teaching methods in a planned and systematic
manner(Lingard, Martino, & Rezai-Rashti, 2013).
Article 47: In order to meet the extensive
requirements of revolutionary and national
construction work, universal education shall
implemented, secondary and higher education
shall be strengthened, technical education shall be
stressed, the education of workers during their
spare time and that of cadres at their posts shall be
strengthened, and revolutionary political
education shall be accorded to both young and
old-type intellectuals. All of this is to be
accomplished in a planned and systematic manner.
When the communists came to power in 1949,
literacy was a basic task facing the leadership of
the Chinese Communist Party. As a first step
towards achieving this goal, China turned its
attention to reforming the school system. The
Ministry of Education was almost immediately
established. The government worked with
different authorities, i.e., central, regional and
local, to coordinate emerging plans and programs
(Zheng, Walker, 汪雅量, & CHEN, 2013). The basic
structure of the existing educational system was
accepted; however, the Communist Party
concentrated on changing its spirit, philosophy,
and methodology (Montapero 1979, p.9). In light of
previous policies of the Chinese Communist Party,
Christian educators had no assurance that the
current policy of tolerance would be permanent
(cited in Lutz 1971, p.446). While the military
conquest was in progress, the Chinese Community
Party provided general guidelines for education,
but left local military administrators with
considerable autonomy in applying them (Lutz
1971, p.446). It was reported that elective courses
in religion could still be offered, but the degree of
bachelor of divinity would no longer be
recognized. However, the existence of schools of
religion in institutes of higher education would not
receive interference from the government (Chao
1950, p.53).
The reactions of the academic communities varied
as they realized that communist rule was about to
become a reality. Some Chinese Christian leaders,
some teachers in Christian colleges, and quite a
number of students in Christian institutions were
in contact with party members before the arrival of
the Red Army and looked forward to a new era
under communist control with eagerness (cited in
Lutz 1971, p.447). It could be concluded that
different educational institutes were respected;
religious freedom was advocated. Earlier,
Christian institutions and families had often
suffered property loss when territory came under
communist sway, and their buildings had been
favorite targets in the billeting of troops. However,
during 1949, the orderliness of the conquering Red
Army and its respect for property had come to the
forefront. Thus, Christian churches and schools
were sometimes able to continue operations, even
37
Manag. Adm. Sci. Rev.
e-ISSN: 2308-1368, p-ISSN: 2310-872X
Volume: 4, Issue: 1, Pages: 34-49
during the period of occupation (cited in Lutz
1971, p.446). The policy of open antagonism
toward religious institutions was abandoned (Lutz
1971, p.445). In fact, it was the Christians who
maintained systems of separate schools. The
United States missions alone brought eight million
dollars in annual subsidies (Cheverley 1985, p.117).
Amid initial uncertainty about the regime’s policy
toward religion, education, and Westerners,
certain party actions seemed to indicate that
Christians would be permitted to continue their
social service work and religious activities (cited in
Lutz 1971, p.445). As an indication of this, the
government appointed a committee on higher
education in Beijing, which included Christians
(Chao 1950, p.53).
Educational programs drew from insights from
liberated areas, the experience of the Soviet Union,
and some of the best contemporary schools.
Mission schools were allowed to continue
operating for the time-being in China. Teachers
and students joined classes in Marxism-Leninism,
and a new policy of increasing their knowledge
about communism was implemented. Moreover,
students gained the right to hold political
meetings, and groups were established to promote
ideological study and co-operative learning
(Cleverley 1985, p.114). Chou Enlai defined the
role of the Christian church in the new regime and
the ways in which the church could contribute to
national reconstruction. Until Chinese volunteers
entered the Korean War in October 1950, Chinese
Christians generally remained hopeful about the
survival of Christian colleges as separate and
identifiable institutions (Lutz 1971, p.449).
By late 1949, however, Christian colleges were
experiencing some immediate consequences of
communist rule. Chinese people mostly accepted
complete control of college administrations with
equanimity; this seemed to them to be a normal
evolution which had been too long delayed. Since
much progress had already been made, the
replacement of Western administrators with
Chinese ones was accomplished smoothly.
Specifically, boards of directors were generally
reorganized so that all members were Chinese, or
westerners participated without voting rights
(cited Lutz 1971, p.452). In some circumstances,
Westerners left their posts in north China, and
mission boards delayed assigning replacements for
the retiring missionaries (Lutz 1971, p.449).
Although the colleges were permitted to receive
funds from Western supporters, financial
problems grew increasingly dire. The communist
authorities levied taxes on all property that was
not used for strictly educational purposes; this
included income property, land and buildings
used for faculty residences, social service activities
and, in some instances, dormitories. Moreover,
schools with experimental farms were required to
pay taxes on their produce. Since the taxes were
relatively heavy and the collection was certain, this
extra expense constituted a substantial burden on
the schools (cited Lutz 1971, p.453).
During this period, education was under the
united front strategy, and policies maintained the
original system temporarily. Nevertheless, a
steady process was implemented in which
adjustments to that original system were being
made that gradually formed a new order and
achieved unified, centralized planning and
leadership. It praised the new traditions and
reforms, opened schools to the proletariat, and
combined educational theory, practice, and lessons
learned from the experience of the Soviet Union
(Chu 1980, p.35).
The politics of Marxism and Leninism regulated
people’s thinking and were compatible with the
ideology of the Chinese Communist Party. So,
China’s educational establishment did not grow in
response to specific Chinese needs. The Chinese
did not learn to adapt these political philosophies
to their education system, and China had to find a
means of dealing with this situation. It was
observable that communist ideology combined
with the traditional, cultural, and historical
knowledge produced serious tensions in the
process of constructing a new educational system.
The Initiation of the Korean War, and the
Campaign of “Resist America, Aid Korea”
Mao Zedong traveled to Moscow by train on 16
December, 1949. He stayed in Moscow for more
than two months. The negotiation process was
difficult. A treaty of “Friendship, Alliance and
Mutual Assistance” was made finally with the
Soviet government on 14 February, 1950.
However, Stalin took little interest in helping
China recover, and China gained much less
assistance than it expected from the Soviet Union.
38
Manag. Adm. Sci. Rev.
e-ISSN: 2308-1368, p-ISSN: 2310-872X
Volume: 4, Issue: 1, Pages: 34-49
China wanted to ensure that it experienced a
period of several years of peace to stabilize the
country and bring it back to prewar levels.
However, North Korea invaded South Korea
suddenly on 25 June 1950. Twenty-one nations
contributed to the defense of South Korea, and the
United States provided 88% of the soldiers. China
engaged in a long internal debate about the issue
and did not take any immediate action. At last,
China delivered the People’s Voluntary Troops to
the battlefield in Korea to fight against the United
Nations’ troops. The fact that the troops were not
the People’s Liberation Army signified that China
was not directly participating in the Korean War.
China was led into the Korean War, despite its
weakness at that time (Kissinger 2011, p.104).
China was more concerned about supporting
Russia in the conflict (Kissinger 2011, p.134). On
the one hand, China was demonstrating that it was
an ally of the Soviet Union. On the other hand,
China did not expect to challenge the United States
militarily, and entered the war after long
deliberations and much hesitation as a kind of
preemptive move (Kissinger 2011, p.134). The
Chinese people’s voluntary troops entered Korea
in October 1950. It was observable that the Korean
War involved the United States and China directly,
and the Soviet Union only by proxy.
Beijing succeeded in using the war and the
accompanying “Resist America, Aid Korea”
propaganda and purge campaign to accomplish
two central aims of Mao’s. One was to eliminate
domestic opposition to Party rule, and the other
was to instill “revolutionary enthusiasm” and
national pride in the population. Nourishing
resentment of Western exploitation, Mao framed
the war as a struggle to “defeat American
arrogance”; battlefield accomplishments were
treated as a form of spiritual rejuvenation after
decades of Chinese weakness and abuse (Kissinger
2011, p.146). Therefore, the “Resist America, Aid
Korea” movement was launched in China. It was
essential to widely disseminate these ideas among
young people. It was started as early as 23
September, 1950. The newspaper the People’s
Daily issued an article titled “The Way of Chinese
Christianity’s Great Effort in Building the New
China” (cited in Luo 1993, pp.405-7). The
campaign was led by the Chinese government in
an effort to oppose imperialism, feudalism, and
bureaucratic capitalism. It was designed so that the
masses should recognize the past reality of
imperialism’s use of Christianity, and be mindful
of imperialism, especially American imperialism,
or the conspiracy of the use of religion generally to
enrich reactionary power (Luo 1993, p.406).
China began to delineate its policies in the field of
religion by mid-1950. There were 346,800 primary
schools in 1949, 97% of which were government-
run. For non-government schools, 1500 schools
were foreign funded on the alert. Private schools
were concentrated in big cities, such as Beijing,
Tianjin, Shanghai, Nanjing, and Wuhan. There
were 24 million primary students, but only with
only 1 million secondary pupils enrolled in 1950. It
was reported by the Minister of Education on 1
June 1950 that the total number of students of
higher education was 134,000. The students of the
24 missionary higher educational institutions were
about 10% of the total number. They contributed a
great deal to the democratic movement, but their
teaching materials did not meet the requirements
of communist national construction. There were
about 20 Bishops and 2000 Fathers in the early
1950s (Lau 1996, p.127). At that time, the churches
in China were at a crossroads about how they
could survive (Lau 1996, p.127). Education had to
carry out the revolution of political education, and
destroy thinking that supported feudalism, class
exploitation, and fascism. It helped to employ the
educational method of combining educational
theory and practice to cultivate a sophisticated
construction of a new way of thinking for Chinese
people.
China’s National Christian Conference was
conducted from 19 to 27, August 1950. No
interference with theological education was
accepted (Chao 1950, p.53). A position on the
problem of Catholics and Protestants was issued
by the Central Committee of the Communist Party
on 19 August 1950. According to the statement,
China expected to transform the missionary
organizations into organizations that supported
and disseminated the philosophy of the Chinese
Communist Party (Chinese Communist Central
1950, p.53). The Party recognized that Marxism
was atheistic, and religions were harmful to
people’s class consciousness or awareness of class
struggle. Statistically counted, there were three
million Catholic followers and seven hundred
39
Manag. Adm. Sci. Rev.
e-ISSN: 2308-1368, p-ISSN: 2310-872X
Volume: 4, Issue: 1, Pages: 34-49
thousand Chinese Protestants in China at that
time. China doubted whether these people could
be liberated from imperialist influences (Chinese
Communist Central 1950, p.53). Christian
organizations were recognized as the instruments
of long-term imperialist cultural invasion, and that
some organizations were using them to conduct
spy activities for imperialist entities (Chinese
Communist Central 1950, p. 53). It was asserted
that these organizations were financed or assisted
by foreigners or foreign nations. Moreover, foreign
missionaries were under particular suspicion
because they generally occupied the leading
positions in the organizations (Chinese
Communist Central 1950, p. 53).
There was a short period of relative peace after the
establishment of the new government. For
example, there was relative freedom of movement,
and people who had fled from Shanghai to Hong
Kong because of fear of communism returned to
Shanghai to live. However, permits were required
to leave the mainland after January 1951, when the
Korean War began. The bourgeois classes and the
intellectuals enjoyed a legitimate place in Chinese
society only in the first two years. By 1951, anti-
Americanism had become one of the foundations
of China’s foreign policy. Mao’s planned invasion
of Taiwan was forced to be postponed as Truman
dispatched the Seventh Fleet to the Taiwan Strait
at the outset of the Korean War.
The outbreak of the Korean War undercut open
criticism and opposition in China. The United
States was considered to be the principal source of
imperialist plots, and maintenance of personal and
fiscal ties with Americans was difficult (Lutz 1971,
p.460). The document “Direction of Endeavour for
Chinese Christianity in the Construction of the
New China” was issued and secured by the
signatures of some 400,000 Chinese. It pointed out
the use of missions by imperialists in the past, and
advocated that Chinese Christians be on their
guard against future imperialist attempts at using
the missions to destroy the Chinese revolution
(Lutz 1971, p.460). It also indicated that Chinese
Christians supported the New China, and
hastened the building of an independent Chinese
church (Lutz 1971, p.460). The new regime became
the focus of a campaign known as the Three-Self
Movement. It was asserted that the church in
China should be self-governing, self-supporting,
and self-propagating.
The Chinese Communist Central Committee
issued a communication to the whole of China on
26 October 1950. In fact, this communication
constituted current affairs’ propaganda. It accused
America of invading Korea and Taiwan, and
claimed that this invasion threatened China’s
safety and security. The United States was
considered to be the enemy of China, and Western
influences were the major deterrent to attaining
the educational goals of China. In many schools,
classwork was suspended for two weeks or more,
as students organized rallies and engaged in
intensive discussions about the Korean conflict
(Lutz 1971, p.462). Students devoted themselves to
the patriotic campaign, and politically astute
teachers did not give tests, check attendance, or
require homework during this period (cited in
Lutz 1971, p.465).
The propaganda in China was characterized by
anti-feudalism and anti-imperialism. America was
a central part of this propaganda. However, the
invasion of China and the cession of territories
generally did not involve America. In fact,
throughout history, America had never invaded
China. The degree of imperialism and colonialism
exerted on China by European countries was also
not deeply enhanced by America. To China,
however, America was the number one enemy in
the Korean War. Nationalism, but not
communism, was invoked as the leading nation-
building force. The elements of nationalism were
generally stronger than those of communism in
China’s history. So, the educational work lay in the
eradication of feudalistic, comprador, and fascist
ways of thought, and the ideology of serving the
people was developed to replace them. Pro-
American staff were publicly criticized, and the
writings of American educational theorists were
discredited. This isolated China from its sources of
overseas ideas; Western films were banned, and
listening to foreign broadcasts was discouraged
(Cleverley 1985, p.114). In October 1950, Fu Jen
Catholic University was the first educational
institution to be taken over by the communist
government. Any hope that Christian educational
institutions could coexist with the communist state
effectively ended with the Korean War (Cheverley
1985, p.118).
40
Manag. Adm. Sci. Rev.
e-ISSN: 2308-1368, p-ISSN: 2310-872X
Volume: 4, Issue: 1, Pages: 34-49
The Minister of Education, Ma Hsu-lun, issued the
“Reports on the Educational Accomplishments” in
1950. This communication expressed that the
policy and task of educational work in 1951 was
the development of patriotic education. This
education would indoctrinate the public into
completely supporting resisting the United States
and aiding Korea, so as to eradicate all traces of
imperialistic influence in the perceived cultural
aggression occurring against China (cited in Hu &
Seifman 1976, p.25).
On 29 December, 1950, the State Council passed
“The Decision of the Direction on Endeavour for
American-subsided Cultural or Educational Relief
Institutions and Religious Organizations”. It
pointed out that the American imperialists were
conducting political, economic, and military
invasions. In addition, these invasions were both
cultural and hegemonic. The method of invasion
was described as being implemented through a
large amount of financial assistance to subsidize
religion, education, culture, medicine, publishing,
humanitarian works, etc., to control Chinese
people through deceiving, anesthetizing,
indoctrinating, and enslaving ideas. The State
Council asserted that, through these means,
America enslaved Chinese people spiritually (State
Council 1950, p.71). The document especially
pointed out that there were many defaming and
rumor-producing activities, as well as the
dissemination of anti-revolutionary propaganda,
and the publishing and spreading of anti-
revolutionary materials (State Council 1950, p.72).
These activities were enhanced and activated after
the imperialist America invaded Korea and
Taiwan (State Council 1950, p.72). The requirement
that all acceptance of foreign assistance or foreign
capital by cultural or educational relief institutions
and religious organizations be registered with the
government was issued on the same day.
Specifically, these institutions were required by
law to provide written reports to their respective
local governments every six months. The related
money should also be reported to the local
government in advance of its acceptance. Any
violation might be result in the government’s
taking over, re-organizing, or banning the
institution (State Council 1950, p.73). Christian
institutions were encouraged to hold accusation
meetings in order to expose imperialist influences
and eradicate them (Lutz 1971, p.469). While they
aimed to inherit the structure of a viable education
system, China lacked the resources to make it
succeed; there was a problem of means
(Montapero 1979, p.3). On the other hand,
Washington forbade the remittance of funds to
schools supported by the United States.
The position of America was made untenable and
eventually led to the disappearance of the
Christian schools on the mainland during the
participation of China in the Korean War (Lutz
1971, p.461). Attempts to distinguish between
United States policy and the actions of individual
Americans ceased to be acceptable. America and
imperialism became inseparable and synonymous
(Lutz 1971, p.461). To be either an American, pro-
American, or even closely associated with
Americans was to be an enemy of the people.
Political thinking pervaded all levels of society at
this time (cited in Lutz 1971, p.461). China
experienced a powerful wave of highly emotional
nationalism and anti-Americanism; strong
reverberations of protest emanated from China’s
cities (Lutz 1971, p.462).
The guidelines of an educational policy aimed at
fostering national revolution were formed. The
policy of education throughout China in 1951 was
the all-out development of patriotic education that
supported resisting America and aiding Korea. It
intended to eradicate all traces of imperialistic
influence in the cultural aggression occurring
against China. All levels and categories of schools
implemented this patriotic education and
propaganda work among the masses. The
ideological education also included encouraging
students to take voluntary part in national defense
reconstruction. American-subsidized schools were
taken over and managed during this period. The
place of religion on college campuses was also
steadily eroded (Lutz 1971, p.460). China’s
previous tolerance of Christian colleges was
rapidly eroding, as well. The future of religion in
the educational system, as well as Christian
colleges, seemed quite dim (Lutz 1971, p.445).
Finally, most Western missionaries had little
choice but to leave China in an exodus (Lutz 1971,
p.461).
The Korean conflict was to be the focus of a major
national campaign (Lutz 1971, p.462). Those who
41
Manag. Adm. Sci. Rev.
e-ISSN: 2308-1368, p-ISSN: 2310-872X
Volume: 4, Issue: 1, Pages: 34-49
had counseled moderation in the drive for self-
support, self-government, and self-propagation
retreated into silence (cited in Lutz 1971, pp.462-3).
The Chinese government clearly demonstrated
that the United States would no longer be able to
use educational and religious institutions for
cultural aggression (Lutz 1971, pp.467-8).
Moreover, all mission work was formally
suspended in July 1951 (Cheverley 1985, p.118).
According to the summary report regarding
American-assisted schools issued on 26 December
1951, the number of schools that accepted
American assistance was reported (Table 1).
TABLE 1 HERE
Of course, there were conflicts, resistance, and
struggles during the taking over, re-organization,
or occupation processes of missionary schools in
China. Some missionary organizations chose to
move and provide their service in Hong Kong.
From the second half of 1952, the Education
Ministry intended to develop technical institutes to
consolidate and strengthen comprehensive
universities, and adjusted China’s higher institutes
accordingly. Importantly, all private universities
changed to natioal universities (Gao 1994, p.290).
After 1953, each province, city, and county
received, changed, and merged all missionary
primary and secondary schools in the process of
taking over all private schools. At this point, the
task of taking back educational sovereignty was
finished in each level of missionary schools in
China (Gao 1994, pp.290-1). It was not until 1953
that all missionary schools were removed (Leung
1993, p.293).
The Settlement of the War and Planning for
Educational Monopolization
As the war progressed, the territory around Seoul
and central Korea changed hands many times as
the two sides advanced and retreated in early 1951.
The conflict had reached a stalemate by July. The
two forces then limited their engagement with
each other in an effort to compel the other’s
surrender. Finally, representatives began to
discuss a peace agreement.
The official document of education reform was
issued on 10 August 1951, in which the structure
that was inherited from the nationalists was
adopted with slight modification (Montapero 1979,
p.11). Being confident that they were in basic
control of China, the communists sped up the
process of achieving total control through
educational reform. Specifically, it was concerned
with the implementation of political and
ideological education.
The First All-China Conference on Elementary and
Normal Education was held in Beijing from
August to September 1951. It planned for the
popularization of primary school education. They
faced the fact that the scale of the educational
system inherited from the traditional era was
simply of insufficient size to meet the needs of
China with its commitment to industrialization
and modernization in provision of goods and
services. The government could not begin to
accommodate them all in the schools available.
The Chinese Community Party was suspicious of
intellectuals. At first, the Chinese Community
Party could regard intellectuals as a potential
source of support. However, the intellectuals were
not easily controlled or dominated, and tended to
act independently. This made discipline difficult,
and China was wary of them. The system was in
place and students were eager; however, although
they were not overtly hostile, many teachers were
not totally committed to the new government
(Montapero 1979, p.4). The United States was
characterized as having always been the capitalist,
imperialist enemy of China. Therefore, the past
contacts of Chinese teachers with Americans were
retroactively considered to be examples of their
collaboration with the enemy (Lutz 1971, p.478).
The Chinese government deemed these teachers to
have served the enemy, and required that they
underwent self-criticism (Lutz 1971, p.478).
They pointed out that the school system of
capitalist states was a reflection of capitalist
production and served the purposes of the
monopolizing economy of the capitalist class. The
school system of old China was an imitation of the
system of capitalist states, and reflected the
reactionary ideology of landlords, bureaucrats,
and the comprador class of semi-colonial semi-
feudal society. So, the defects of the school system
in China were viewed as not giving proper
support to the worker and peasant cadres. The
Chinese government insisted that a new system be
implemented so that the broad laboring mass
42
Manag. Adm. Sci. Rev.
e-ISSN: 2308-1368, p-ISSN: 2310-872X
Volume: 4, Issue: 1, Pages: 34-49
would obtain complete elementary education; this,
in turn, would meet China’s need for competent
personnel to undertake national reconstruction
(Chen 1981, p.13).
One of the first priorities in achieving this new
educational system involved correcting the abuses
and inequalities of scale and distribution of
educational opportunity (Montapero 1979, p.7).
They could like to express this intention of
implementing education policy but the
amendment was always questionable. The real
challenge for China was to produce sufficient
numbers of literate, skilled workers and
technicians while providing expansion in all
sectors of the economy. The government took steps
to assume responsibility for conducting
educational reform. For example, Chou En-lai
announced the government’s “Decision on the
Reformation of the Educational System” on 1
October 1951. At this point, the new school system
went into effect. The announcement asserted that
the system of education should be opened to all,
and especially to the workers and peasants (Chou
En-lai 1951, cited in Hu & Seifman 1976, pp.30-34).
It was stated that the schooling system of capitalist
states was a reflection of capitalist production and
served the purpose of the monopolistic economy
of the capitalist class. As a result, schools for
worker and peasant cadres were not given their
appropriate place in education. So, the Chinese
government felt that socialist states should adopt
the advanced methods of socialist and communist
construction. Specifically, education policy should
be formulated to best serve the broad masses. Such
a democratic culture would serve the workers and
peasants who constituted the overwhelming
majority of the population.
This intent was succinctly expressed in the State
Council’s “Decision on the Reform of the School
System”. The aim of this pronouncement was to
create an integrated, socialist-oriented, national
school system. The age of entry was allowed to
increase to seven years for primary education, and
its length reduced to five years. This plan also
recognized the appropriate use of rapid schools,
part-time schools, and cadre schools. However,
these changes were not welcomed by a large part
of society. This reaction occurred because it forced
school managers to maintain an extra class, and
parents needed to enroll their children for an extra
year. This proposal was dropped in 1953, and the
directives of 1951 became less relevant (Cleverley
1985, p.115).
The school system of the socialist states would be a
reflection of the ever expanding socialist and
communist reconstruction. The reform aimed to
elevate the cultural level of the broad laboring
masses, promote the training of worker and
peasant cadres, and advance the enterprises of
national reconstruction (Chen 1981, p.13).
However, in actuality, the reform system merely
placed more stress on technical training by
introducing a wide variety of vocational schools,
and reduced the period of schooling (Chen1981,
p.14). The two tracks of educational advance
comprised: 1) short-term schools for workers and
peasants; and 2) part-time schools for adults.
Political slogan was only to declare the Party’s
position. In order not to disrupt agricultural
production, literacy classes were held in the winter
slack season. For example, 35 million peasants
attended winter schools in the winter of 1951. This
Winter School movement was related to the anti-
imperialist movement, as well as the land reform
movement. Through this movement, the peasants
learned to read and write, discuss current issues,
improve farming methods, and expand their
knowledge of basic maternity and child care
(Sheringham 1984, p.75). In fact, it served as a
rational system for producing skilled workers in a
systematic manner, and provided opportunities for
required political education.
After some discussion of the causes, the document
acknowledged that there were not enough places
available for achieving the abovementioned
educational goals. The document then presented a
plan to overcome this problem by reducing the
period of primary schooling from six to five years
and the period of secondary schooling from six to
three or four years, depending upon the
geographical area and whether the school was
general or specialized (citied in Montapero 1979,
p.12).
The National Administrative Conference on
Primary and Secondary Schools announced that
preparations for the introduction of five-year
primary schools were well underway (Montapero
1979, p.13). The conference planned a large scale
43
Manag. Adm. Sci. Rev.
e-ISSN: 2308-1368, p-ISSN: 2310-872X
Volume: 4, Issue: 1, Pages: 34-49
expansion of secondary schools and called for an
increase in the number of teachers (Montapero
1979, p.13). It communicated to the public that the
difference in educational opportunity and quality
between urban and rural areas would be greatly
reduced. In fact, 7% of the entire state budget was
allocated to education, and seemed to be
earmarked for expansion of education, in
particular (Montapero 1979, p.13). The focus of
higher education shifted away from the liberal arts
concept and towards the re-organization of
existing institutions into specialized units.
Specifically, it broke up traditional centers of
academic independence by combining their
facilities and re-assigning teaching staff
(Montapero 1979, p.13).
In summary, schools and universities were run
either by the nationalist government or by private
individuals and missionaries before 1949. The
communists took over China and control of then-
nationalist schools at first, and later, all schools in
1952. Thus, this policy affected and deactivated the
rate of increase of student enrollment. The
adjustment began obviously in 1952 (Table 2). The
expansion of popular education was decelerated
because of the serious conflicts among the Chinese
Communist Party, private sectors, and the
missionaries. The former foreign-run units were
either closed or consolidated. The system worked
to decent advantage. Variety and private
experimentation in education was denied a place
on the grounds of inefficiency and disloyalty.
China had no room for the Christian colleges, with
their liberal arts orientation (Lutz, 1971, pp.482-3).
However, a group of refugee teachers secured a
grant from the United Board that enabled them to
organize classes in Hong Kong, and the name of
Chung Chi College was adopted (Lutz 1971,
p.484).
Table 2. Student enrolment in schools and the
state’s budget for education (student numbers in
thousands, budget in million yuan) (Kwong 1979,
p.69 & Orleans 1961, p.16)
TABLE 2 HERE
The most indicative measure of the stage of
development of education began in 1952. With the
conflicts between the Chinese Communist Party
and the missionaries, the government took over
education and excluded the private and
missionary schools by spending more for
maintaining the education for the same amount of
students. Moreover, the cost spent annually per
student increased, and this fact was widely
publicized. All missionaries had been expelled by
the communist government by 1953. China
embarked on its first five-year plan by late 1952,
spanning from 1953-57; it was intended to make
education meet the manpower needs of China. It
was observable that the enrollment numbers
remained steady, and there were no foreign
missionary or private subsidies. Thus, the Chinese
government had to spend more money on
education. This helps to explain the influence of
the adopted educational policy.
The second National Education Working
Conference convened in Beijing in June 1953. The
spirit of the earlier reforms, in which the People’s
Republic of China had committed itself to
popularizing education for all, was no longer
present. The data revealed that this process was
actually suspended. The nationalization of the
education process hindered education
development during this period. The conference
reported on establishing the universal education
policy and included evaluations of ways and
means of regulating primary schools and
formulating plans for making a selected number of
key schools (Montaperto, 1979, p.15). The State
Council issued the “Directive Concerning the
Reorganization of Primary and Secondary
Education” in November 1953. This decision
explicitly rejected the idea of implementing the
five-year primary education system. This rejection
was made on the grounds that enforcement efforts
to date had shown the idea to be impractical
(Mantapero 1979, p.14).
It proposed an increase in the growth of urban
schools relative to those in rural areas, in light of
the more rapid increases in population and
industrialization in cities. Rural areas were
apparently denied means to increase their
educational opportunities by the central
government on the grounds that it was more
efficient to allocate such resources to urban areas
where students could be more readily
incorporated into the labor market (Mantapero
1979, p.14). The perception of a reduction of state
interest in universal education received added
credibility when it was noted that the decision
44
Manag. Adm. Sci. Rev.
e-ISSN: 2308-1368, p-ISSN: 2310-872X
Volume: 4, Issue: 1, Pages: 34-49
ordered that primary students should be told not
to expect to continue on to secondary schools after
graduation (Montapero 1979, pp.14-15). Thus, the
ideal had changed from one of making education
available in some form for all who wanted it, to
producing a rather smaller number of better-
educated individuals who could be of maximum
utility in China’s quest for modernization (cited in
Montapero 1979, p.15). The government affirmed
that all activities not related to this goal should be
either curtailed or eliminated.
City and county governments were required to
take full financial responsibility for the running of
primary schools. The central government turned
all responsibility for local schools over to the
agencies of local government (Montapero 1979,
p.15). This policy put local governments in charge
of practical operation and implementation of
schooling in order to enable optimal training of
human resources. The first five-year plan was
initiated in 1953. Through the National People’s
Congress, the 1954 Constitution was enacted and
adopted in 1954. This constitution was based on
the Common Program of the Chinese People’s
Political Consultative Conference held in
September 1949. The Preamble expressed that:
In the last few years, our people have successfully
carried out the reform of the agrarian system,
resistance to United States aggression, aid to
Korea, the suppression of counter-revolutionaries,
the rehabilitation of the national economy, and
other large-scale struggles, thereby preparing the
necessary conditions for planned economic
construction and the gradual transition to a
socialist society.
Actually, more prominent educational policies
hereafter were the liquidation of illiteracy, the
phoneticization of Chinese writing, simplification
of Chinese characters, and unification of Chinese
speech after the Korean War. The re-confirmation
and real understanding of policy was expressed by
the Chinese Constitution. Article 94 stated that
citizens of the People's Republic of China have the
right to education. To ensure that citizens can
enjoy this right, the state establishes and gradually
expands schools of various types and other
cultural and educational institutions. However, it
was clear that this popularization of schooling on
such an immense scale was impossible to
implement within a short time period. In fact, it
was not until 1984 that the law of obligatory
education was enacted. China wanted to codify the
policy of universalized schooling in light of the
processes and targets of modernization thirty years
later.
DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION
The ideology of revolutionary China required the
inculcation of values, attitudes, and behavioral
patterns that were consonant with the demands of
China’s emerging socialist society (Montapero
1979, p.7). The Communist Party had to create a
system of economic and political organizations
that would support this movement toward
socialism. They also had to create such an
educational establishment that would draw
ideological sustenance from the general political
system; this new educational establishment would,
in turn, support the values upon which the overall
political system was based (Montapero 1979, pp.7-
8).
The evolution of education policies in China since
1949 reflects approaches and strategies for dealing
with basic problems and for resolving tensions that
were produced by the interaction of ideological
imperatives with the reality of China. The decision
of China to take on America in the Korean War
was the first attempt to confront the most powerful
capitalist country in the world after the Second
World War.
It should be noted that this was undertaken at a
time when China was just beginning to consolidate
its rule over mainland China. In fact, China’s
participation did not only help and save North
Korea. The military conflict was inevitable
between the world’s socialist bloc and the
capitalist camp. After the United States entered the
Korean War, the Soviet Union had to secure
military dispensation, and China’s goal of state-
making had to be implemented. China was equally
ambitious in achieving its prestige internally and
demonstrating its Marxist concerns internationally.
Perhaps more importantly, after Mao accepted an
end to the Korean War, the Soviet Union agreed to
sell China 90 large industrial enterprises. This sale
greatly facilitated China’s launching of its
blueprint for millenarian industrialization. This
also enabled the massive building up of its armed
45
Manag. Adm. Sci. Rev.
e-ISSN: 2308-1368, p-ISSN: 2310-872X
Volume: 4, Issue: 1, Pages: 34-49
forces industries, a fact that is little known in
China today (Chang & Halliday 2005, p.463).
The Chinese government’s nation-building process
was accomplished from the point of view that this
war was provoked by the United States. The
Chinese war effort was guaranteed by nationalism,
and encouraged by anti-Americanism, anti-
imperialism, anti-fascism, and anti-feudalism.
These acts were in stark contrast with the historical
humiliations that it had experienced over the
previous hundred years. The adopted education
policy obviously helped to enhance its state
formation and nation-building process. These
immense tasks were accomplished through
propaganda and a mass social movement. Anti-
American sentiments were ingrained into China
during the communist propaganda campaigns of
the Korean War. However, no substantial benefit
was attained for the Chinese people. It was clear
that there was a lack of necessary resources for the
people of China at that time. In fact, the state was
not in a position to participate in a war outside of
China.
REFERENCES
Boyle, S. E. (1950). The Church in Red China
leans to one side: a documented study of the
influence of Communism on the Protestant
churches in China.
Boyle, S. E. (1950). The Church in Red China"
leans to one side": a documented study of
the influence of Communism on the
Protestant churches in China. SE Boyle.
Chang, J., & Halliday, J. (2005). Mao: the
unknown story (Vol. 39). London.
Chen, Theodore His-en (1981), Chinese
Education Since 1949: Academic and
Revolutionary Models, New York:
Pergamon Press.
Chen, Yong (1995), Mao Zedong’s influence in
China during the period 1949-1976: is it
Marist or Confucian? Ann Arbor, Mich:
UMI Dissertation Services.
Chinese Communist Central (1950),
Instructions for Catholic or Protestant
educational problems by the Chinese
Communist Central, 19 August 1950, in
He Dongchang (1998) (ed.), Important
education documents of the People’s
Republic of China, Haikou: Hainan
publishing, pp.53-54. (In Chinese 中共
中央, 〈中共中央關於天主教育、基督教
問題的指示〉1950年8月19日, 何東昌
(1998), 《中華人民共和國重要教育文獻
》, 海口市: 海南出版社, 53-54頁。)
Chinese Communist Central (1951), The
Chinese Communist Central further
instructions on the Resisting America and
Aiding Korea Movement, 2 February
1951, in He Dongchang (1998) (ed.),
Important education documents of the
People’s Republic of China, Haikou:
Hainan publishing, pp.77-78. (in
Chinese 中共中央,〈中共中央關於進一
步開展抗美援朝愛國運動的指示〉1951
年2月2 日, 何東昌(1998),《中華人民共和
國重要教育文獻》,海口市 : 海南出版社
,77-78頁。)
Chu, D. C. (1980). Chairman Mao: Education of
the proletariat. New York: Philosophical
Library.
Chung, J. H. (2014). China's Evolving Views of
the Korean–American Alliance, 1953–
2012. Journal of Contemporary China,
23(87), 425-442.
Cleverley, J. (1985). The schooling of China:
Tradition and modernity in Chinese
education. Sydney: Allen & Unwin.
Gao Shiliang (1994), chapter 8 From opposing
missionary schools to receiving back
educational sovereignty, in The History
of Chinese Missionary Schools, Chang
Sha: Hunan Education Publishing. (in
Chinese高時良(1994),〈第八章 從反對教
會學校教育到回教育主權〉於《中國教
會學校史》長沙：湖南教育出版社)
Flint, C. (2014). The construction of
family values in geopolitical discourse:
the ongoing legacy of Adolf Hitler and
46
Manag. Adm. Sci. Rev.
e-ISSN: 2308-1368, p-ISSN: 2310-872X
Volume: 4, Issue: 1, Pages: 34-49
Britain's ‘supreme emergency’. The
Geographical Journal, 180(1), 65-75.
He Dongchang (1998) (ed.), Important education
documents of the People’s Republic of
China, Haikou: Hainan publishing. (in
Chinese何東昌(1998),《中華人民共和國
重要教育文獻》,海口市 : 海南出版社)
Hu, Shi Ming & Eli Seifman (1976), Toward a
new world outlook: a democracy history of
education in the People’s Republic of china,
1949-1976, New York: AMS Press
Kissinger, H. (2011). On China. Penguin
Canada.
Kwong, Julia (1979), Chinese education in
transition: prelude to the Cultural
Revolution, Montreal: McGill-Queen’s
University Press.
Lau Pak Ling (1996), Reorganization of internal
structure and relation of the Chinese
Churches in the past fifty years, in Cheung
Ka Hing (1996) (ed.), Church response to
rapidly changing society: conference
proceedings, Hong Kong: Catholic
Institute for Religion and Society,
pp.126-132. (In Chinese劉柏年 (1996) 〈
過去五十年中國教會內部結構及關係的
重組，於 張家興 (1996) 編《社會變遷與
教會回應交流會論文集》香港：公教教
研中心，126-132頁。)
Lee, Thomas H.C (2000), Education in
traditional China: a history, Leiden, the
Netherlands; Boston: Brill.
Leung, Ka Lun (1993) Christian Education of
Guangdong province, 1807-1953, Hong
Kong: The Alliance Bible Seminary (in
Chinese, 梁家麟(1993)《廣東基督教教育
》香港：建道神學院)
Lutz, Jessie Gregory (1971), China and the
Christian Colleges 1850-1950, Ithaca &
London: Cornell University Press.
Lingard, B., Martino, W., & Rezai-Rashti, G.
(2013). Testing regimes, accountabilities
and education policy: Commensurate
global and national developments.
Journal of Education Policy, 28(5), 539-
556.
Mangan, J., Kim, H.-D., Cruz, A., & Kang, G.-
H. (2013). Rivalries: China, Japan and
South Korea–Memory, Modernity,
Politics, Geopolitics–and Sport. The
International Journal of the History of
Sport, 30(10), 1130-1152.
Ministry of Education (1951a), Instructions by
the Ministry of Education for dealing
with missionary schools and other
educational institutions accepting the
United States subsidies, in He
Dongchang (1998) (ed.), Important
education documents of the People’s
Republic of China, Haikou: Hainan
publishing, 11 January 1951. (In Chinese
〈教育部關於處理接受美國津貼的教會
學校及其他教育機關的指示〉1951年1月
11日, 何東昌 (1998), 《中華人民共和國
重要教育文獻》, 海口市: 海南出版社，
75-76頁。)
Ministry of Education (1951b), The summary
report of the Ministry of Education about
the treatment of schools accepting the
United States subsidies, in He Dongchang
(1998) (ed.), Important education
documents of the People’s Republic of
China, Haikou: Hainan publishing,
pp.133-135. (In Chinese〈教育部關於
1951年處理接受美國津貼的學校總結報
告〉1951年12月26日何東昌 (1998), 《中
華人民共和國重要教育文獻》, 海口市:
海南出版社，頁133-135頁。)
Montaperto, Thomas C. (1979), China’s
Education in Perspective in Montaperto,
Ronald N & Handerson, Jay (1979)
(eds.), China’s Schools on Flux, New
York: M. E. sharpe, pp.1-38.
Orleans, Leo A. (1961), Professional manpower
and education in Communist China,
Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government
Printing Office.
47
Manag. Adm. Sci. Rev.
e-ISSN: 2308-1368, p-ISSN: 2310-872X
Volume: 4, Issue: 1, Pages: 34-49
Ozga, J., Seddon, T., & Popkewitz, T. S. (2013).
World Yearbook of Education 2006:
Education, Research and Policy: Steering
the Knowledge-Based Economy:
Routledge.
Parker, Franklin & Betty June Parker (1986),
Education in the People's Republic of
China, past and present: an annotated
bibliography, New York: Garland Pub.
Price, R. F. (2014). Education in modern China.
Routledge.
Rizvi, F., & Lingard, B. (2013). Globalizing
education policy: Routledge.
Seeberg, Vilma (1979), The Rhetoric and Reality
of Mass Education in Mao’s China, New
York & Ontario: the Edwin Mellen
Press.
Sellar, S., & Lingard, B. (2013). Looking East:
Shanghai, PISA 2009 and the
reconstitution of reference societies in
the global education policy field.
Comparative Education, 49(4), 464-485.
Sheringham, Michael (1984), Popularisation
policies in Chinese education since the
1950s to the 1970s, in Special
Anniversary Number (8) Education in
China of Comparative Education,20(1) 73-
80, Abingdon, Oxfordshire: Carfax.
Shiao, Chung Hu (1972) Education in the
People’s Republic of China, 1949-1971,
Ann Arbor, Mich.: University
Microfilms International.
State Council (1950). The direction of the decision
of the State Council about the treatment of
cultural or education relief agencies and
religious organizations accepting the
United States subsidies, in He Dongchang
(1998) (ed.), Important education
documents of the People’s Republic of
China, Haikou: Hainan publishing,
pp.71-72. (In Chinese〈政務院關於處理
接受美國津貼的文化教育救濟機關及宗
教團體的方針的決定〉， (1950年12月29
日政務院第65次政務會議通過) ，何東昌
(1998), 《中華人民共和國重要教育文獻
》, 海口市: 海南出版社, 71-72頁。)
State Council (1951), The implement method to
register as cultural or educational relief
agencies and religious organizations of
accepting foreign allowances and foreign
operations, 14 January 1951, in He
Dongchang (1998) (ed.), Important
education documents of the People’s
Republic of China, Haikou: Hainan
publishing, pp.76-77. (In Chinese〈接受
外國津貼及外資經營之文化教育救濟機
關及宗教團體登記實施辦法〉 (1951年1
月11日政務院批準，1951年1月14日政務
院文化教育委員會公布), 何東昌 (1998),
《中華人民共和國重要教育文獻》, 海口
市: 海南出版社，76-77頁。)
Takeuchi, K. (2014). Japanese Geopolitics in
the 1930s and 1940s. Geopolitics: An
Introductory Reader, 67.
Wang, Z. (2014). Tang China in Multi-polar
Asia: A History of Diplomacy and War.
The Contemporary Pacific, 26(1).
Yoon, S. H., & Lee, S. O. (2013). From old
comrades to new partnerships: dynamic
development of economic relations
between China and North Korea. The
Geographical Journal, 179(1), 19-31.
Zheng, Y., Walker, A. D., 汪雅量, & CHEN, S.
(2013). Change and continuity: A
critical analysis of principal
development policy in Mainland China
(1989-2011).
48
Manag. Adm. Sci. Rev.
e-ISSN: 2308-1368, p-ISSN: 2310-872X
Volume: 4, Issue: 1, Pages: 34-49

APPENDIX
Table 1

Level of schools Higher Middle Elementary

American-assisted school number 20 514 1133
American-assisted student number 14 536 160 250 188 376
Taken over school number 20 268 465
Taken over student number 14 510 88 751 84 477

Table 2

School year Primary Secondary Tertiary Budget Percentage

1949-50 24391 1039 117
1950-51 28924 1305 137 813 6.8
1951-52 43154 1568 153 1123 6.7
1952-53 51100 2490 191 1832 8.5
1953-54 51664 2933 212 1883 7.6
1954-55 51218 3587 253 1761 6.5
1955-56 53126 3900 288 2075 6.8
1956-57 63464 5165 403 2906 10.0
1957-58 64279 6281 441

49