Indo Pak History 2019-Q. No. 2.

 ‘Internal consolidation rather than territorial expansion

was the keynote of Bulban’s policy’. Elucidate. (20)

What were the measures adopted by Balban to consolidate his empire and strengthen the
authority the Sultan?

Introduction: Balban became the ruler of India in 1266. Indeed, He played a vital role in
strengthening and consolidating the empire. After the death of illtumish, there were feuds
among his heirs on the succession to throne of Delhi. The nobles, especially the corps of
forty or turkan-e- chahalgaan, played a vital role in the affairs of the sultanate and they
were mainly behind all the internal revolts. Balban was also part of the corps of forty and he
became the deputy prime minister in the era of sultan nasir mehmood, who was also his son
in law. After the death of sultan, Balban became the ruler of Delhi Sultanate. He was aware
of all the internal and external threats to the sultanate and the credit goes to Balban who
remained steadfast and handled the affairs of the sultanate wisely. No doubt, the steps
taken by Balban at that time proved fruitful for the empire and he consolidated his empire
and strengthened the authority of sultan.

MEASURES ADOPTED BY BALBAN: When he took over the throne of Delhi, the empire was in
a mess. The position of the nobles was much strong than the sultan. As he,himself, was
from the corps of forty and was privy to all the internal politics played by the nobles. The
position of the sultan was weakened and all the important decisions of the sultanate were
taken with the assent of the nobles. The law and order situation was worse in many parts of
the empire. Moreover, there was also a serious threat of mongol invasion which needed an
immediate attention. In order to tackle these problems, Balban rather than expanding his
empire adopted the policy to consolidate his authority in the empire. For this he took
several steps.

Raise the status of Sultan and Restrict the Power of the Nobles:
His first step was to raise the status of Sultan and decrease the power of the corps of forty.
He introduced Persian court etiquettes, which is commonly known as Balban’s theory of
kingship. He raised the royal status far above the nobles. It was incarnated in the minds of
the people and aristocracy that next to prophet hood, the highest office was that of the
kingship. Balban introduced prostration and kissing of feet of the emperor as it was used to
be in Iranian kingship courts. His main aim was to raise the status of the Sultan as to
maintain the discipline of the royal court and to restrict the power of the corps of forty. He
also gave severe punishments if any noble was involved in any serious breach of conduct
and eliminated the group, which was introduced by illtumish and Balban had also remained
part of that group.

To Improve Law and Order Situation:

Secondly, the law and order situation was worse when he took over the throne. His major
conquest was against the people of Mewat, who were involved in looting and plundering
people. Balban severely punished them. Moreover, the jats and khokhars were also
troublesome and they were also severely punished. Balban build many forts in the areas
where there were crimes and deployed troops in order to bring peace in the area.
Mongol Threat: Thirdly, the Mongols had always been a problem for the Delhi sultans. It is
also one of the greatest achievements of the Delhi Sultans and shows their competency in
the realms of war craft that the Mongols never succeeded in usurping the throne of Delhi
and massacring the people like they did in other parts of the globe. Balban also thwarted
the threat of Mongol invasion and they did not succeed in their attempt to usurp the throne
of Delhi.
Spy System and Military Department: In order to make efficient his administration, Balban
introduced the spy system in order to stop rebellions. It was a remarkable step in
consolidating his empire as the spy system was so efficient that people were afraid to
involve in any kind of conspiracy because any one found guilty in conspiracy against the
Sultan was given exemplary punishment. Moreover, he separated the military department
from the wazir in order to make it efficient and also to restrict the power of wazir.

Conclusion: It can be concluded from the aforementioned discourse that Balban was indeed
a hard taskmaster and strict disciplinarian. It is a known fact that ill disciplined institute,
organization or an empire cannot last for a long. For this, Balban adopted these severe
measures and He was successful in consolidating his empire and strengthened the authority
of the Sultan.

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Illtutmish was the real founder of Sultanates of Delhi.' Build your own argument on the
statement with relevant facts. (2011)

Answer:
Introduction: The foundation of Delhi Sultanate was laid down by Qutb-ud-din Aibak, the
slave of Muhammad Ghuri, in 1206; yet, illtumish is considered as the real founder of the
Delhi Sultatate because of few underlying reasons. Illtumish was the son in law of Aibak and
took over the throne in 1210, just after four years of rule by Aibak.

Real Founder of Delhi Sultanate:

Illtumish is considered as the real founder of Delhi Sultanate on many grounds. The first
and foremost reason is that illtumish regained the lost territory and consolidated his rule.
He fought with Yalduz, Qubacha and Ali Mardan, whom did not accept his rule. He defeated
yaldiz, who occupied Lahore after his expulsion from ghazni, in the Tarain. Furthermore, he
also defeated Nasir ud din qubacha, who was the ruler of Sindh and Western Punjab at that
time. This proves that Illtumish consolidated his authority over the Sultanate.

Secondly, an administrative system is essential for smooth running of an empire. It was

Illtumish who outlined the administrative setup of the Sultanate such as iqtas, currency, and
army. He shifted the capital from Lahore to Delhi. Moreover, He introduced iqta system in
which lands were granted to Turkish noble officers in lieu of salary. The land holders were
called as iqtadars. The iqtadars used to collect revenue from the territories under them. The
revenue generated was used by the iqtadars for maintenance of the army, enforcing law
and order, and their personal expenses. Furthermore, Illtumish also introduced the currency
of Delhi Sultatne i.e. silver tanka and copper jittal.

Thirldy, illtumish received a robe of honor and a patent of investiture from the caliph of
Baghdad who recognized him as the sultan of India. This honor gave more legitimacy to
Illtumish rule.

Conclusion: Although, there are many other achievements of Illtumish during his rule like
thwarting the mongol invasion of India and some other notable achievements in the field of
architecture, but the aforementioned points are the underlying reasons that Illtumish can be
considered as the real founder of Delhi Sultanate.

"Balban adopted a policy of consolidation rather than expansion ".

Justify the statement with examples.

ANSWER:

The Delhi Sultanate – The Slave Dynasty: Ghiyas-ud-din Balban(1265-

1287), a Turkish slave noble, was the “ruler with an iron hand” who is
considered the last ruler of the Slave Dynasty. Balban adopted a policy
of consolidation rather than expansion. He was the 1st sultan who strive
to make monarchy hereditary. Balban provided the Sultanate with an
iron-willed ruler who aimed at consolidating the hinterlands. Indeed, He
played a vital role in strengthening and consolidating the empire.Balban
adopted severe measures and He was successful in consolidating his
empire and strengthened the authority of the Sultan. Q. No.
3. ‘Akbar fully realized the absence of national spirit in the Mughal
Empire and tried to build one, but history of his dynasty records that
he failed in the task’. In this context discuss Akbar’s policy towards

Akbar’s Religious
non-Muslims. (20)

Views and His Policy towards

Hindus
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ADVERTISEMENTS:
Akbar’s Tolerant Religious Policy:
Akbar was very broadminded. He wanted to work out a synthesis of all
religions. His treatment with the Hindus was very tolerant.

In fact he was so liberal in his religious outlook that he attempted to

find a new religion on the basis of good points of all religions.

Of course he made no effort to force his religion on his subjects.

 image source: islamicvoice.com/islamicvoice/wp-content/uploads/2014/07/Jalaluddin-Akbar.jpg

Four pillars of Akbar’s religious policy:

Akbar’s religious policy was based on the following four
pillars:
1. Pillar of amity,

ADVERTISEMENTS:

2. Pillar of equity,

3. Pillar of kindness,

4. Pillar of tolerance.

Factors influencing Akbar’s Hindu Policy:

ADVERTISEMENTS:

1. Influence of Bhakti movement:

The 16th century when Akbar was born, brought up and lived was
marked by a new awakening of broad- mindedness. The Bhakti Saints
and Sufi ‘Peers’ had already been stressing upon religious toleration.
So it was natural for Akbar to be influenced by contemporary ideas
and values.

2. Broadmindedness by nature:
Akbar by nature was broadminded,

3. Liberal influence of Hindu mother and tutors:

Liberal views of his mother Hamlda Banu, his regent Bairam Khan,
and his tutor Abdul Latif greatly influenced his mind to become broad
minded.

4. Influence of Scholars:
Three great scholars and liberal minded Sufis i.e. Shaikh Mubark and
his sons Faizl and Abdul Faizl exercised tremendous influence on the
religious outlook of Akbar.
5. Influence of Hindu wives:
Akbar’s Hindu wives also contributed to the change of his outlook.

6. Akbar’s contact with Rajput’s:

Akbar’s contact with the Rajput’s made him liberal.

7. Akbar’s desire to work independently:

Akbar wanted to free himself from the orthodoxy of the Muslim
priestly class.

8. Pragmatic approach:
Akbar was an imperialist. He was convinced that he could not
establish a strong empire without the cooperation of the Hindus who
formed the majority of his subjects.

9. Desire to know truth:

It is said that Akbar would sit for hours together on a huge flat stone
and think of the mysteries of God and religion.

10. Akbar’s desire to experiment:

Akbar experimented in all departments from religion to metallurgy.

Measures adopted by Akbar to establish friendly relations

with the Hindus:
1. Freedom of worship:
Akbar allowed freedom of worship to people of all religions.

2. Abolition of Jizya:
Akbar quashed the Jizya tax on the Hindus.

3. Matrimonial alliances with the Hindus:

He established matrimonial relations with the Hindus. Akbar married
Jodha Bai, daughter of Bihari Mai of Amber. He also married Mani
Bai, daughter of the Kachwaha Raja Bhan Mai. He also married a
princess from Jodhpur and one from Bikaner. He married his son
Jahangir to the daughter of Raja Bhagwan Dass, son of Raja Bihari
Lai.
4. High civil and military positions to Hindus:
He provided high positions to the Hindus. For example, Todar Mai
was his Finance Minister. Raja Bhagwan Das and Raja Man Singh
were other important ministers. Out of 12 Diwans, 8 were Hindus.

5. No religious conversion:
He put an end to religious conversions.

6. Abolition of pilgrim tax:

He abolished the pilgrim taxes on the Hindus.

7. Translation of Hindu scriptures:

He got translated the Vedas, the Ramayana and the Mahabharata and
the Gita from Sanskrit to Persian.

8. Establishment of Ibadat Khana. (House of Lordship)

He established Ibadat Khana (place of worship) where he used to have
religious discussions.

9. Issue of Infallibility Decree:

He issued the ‘Infallibility Decree’ which freed him from following the
authority of the Muslim Mullahs.

10. Founding a new religion:

He started a new religion called Din-i- Ilahi which included the good
points of all religions.

11. Reforms in Hindu Society:

Akbar tried to remove the evil practices like Sati prevalent in the
Hindu Society.

12. Freedom to construct temples:

Hindus were given full freedom to construct new temples and repair
old ones.

13. Land grants:

Akbar gave land grants to Hindu, Jain and Persian institutions.
 14. Consideration for Hindu sentiments:
He banned the killing of cow.

Significance of Akbar’s Hindu Policy:

1. Extension and strengthening of Akbar’s empire:
The cooperation of the Hindus who formed the majority of Akbar’s
subjects helped him in the extension and strengthening of his empire.

2. Cultural unity:
Cultural unity between the Hindus and the Muslims was strengthened.
Culturally, The Hindus and Muslims came closer.

3. Promotion of scriptures:
Akbar established a Translation Bureau with the aim of translating
Sanskrit works into Persian.

4. Secular feelings:
Akbar’s religious policy encouraged a broad religious outlook.

5. Social reforms:
Akbar’s interest in the Hindu Society led to some awakening regarding
the evils of the Sati practice etc. Widow re-marriage was encouraged.

Summing up:
Akbar’s religious policy and his treatment towards the Hindus healed
strife and bitterness and produced an environment of harmony and
goodwill where there had been racial and religious antagonism of a
most distressing character.

Home ›› Indian History ›› Mughal Emperors ›› Akbar ›› Religious

Views ›› Religious Views of Akbar
Related Articles:
1. 13 Chief Features of Akbar’s Rajput Policy
2. The Religious Policy of Aurangzeb and its Effects
3. The Religious Policy of the Mughal Rulers in India
4. Akbar’s Religious Policy with Special Reference to Sule Kul
Akbar
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

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This article is about the Mughal emperor. For other uses, see Akbar (disambiguation).

Jalal-ud-din Muhammad
Akbar
‫جالل الدین محمد اکبر‬

Badshah of the  Mughal Empire

Akbar the Great

Akbar by Govardhan, c. 1630

3rd Mughal Emperor

Reign 11 February 1556 – 27 October 1605[1][2]

Coronation 14 February 1556[1]

Predecessor Humayun

Successor Jahangir
Regent Bairam Khan (1556–1560)[3]

Born Jalal-ud-din Muhammad

15 October 1542[a]

Amarkot, Rajputana (present-day Umerkot, Sind

h, Pakistan)

Died 27 October 1605 (aged 63)

Fatehpur Sikri, Agra, Mughal Empire (present-

day Uttar Pradesh, India)

Burial November 1605

Akbar's Tomb, Sikandra, Agra

Consort Ruqaiya Sultan Begum[4][5][6]

Wives Mariam-uz-Zamani

Salima Sultan Begum

Qasima Banu Begum

Bibi Daulat Shad

Bhakkari Begum

Gauhar-un-Nissa Begum

Issue Hassan Mirza

Hussain Mirza

Jahangir

Khanum Sultan Begum

Murad Mirza

Daniyal Mirza

Shakr-un-Nissa Begum

Aram Banu Begum

Shams-un-Nissa Begum

Mahi Begum

Full name
 Abu'l-Fath Jalal-ud-din Muhammad Akbar[7]

Dynasty House of Timur

Father Humayun

Mother Hamida Banu Begum

Religion Sunni Islam,[8][9] Din-e-Illahi

Abu'l-Fath Jalal-ud-din Muhammad Akbar[7] (Persian: ‫ ;ابو الفتح جالل الدين محمد اكبر‬October 1542[a]–
27 October 1605),[10][11] popularly known as Akbar the Great,[12] (Akbar-i-azam ‫)اکبر اعظم‬, and also
as Akbar I (IPA: [əkbər]),[13] was the third Mughal emperor, who reigned from 1556 to 1605. Akbar
succeeded his father, Humayun, under a regent, Bairam Khan, who helped the young emperor
expand and consolidate Mughal domains in India.
A strong personality and a successful general, Akbar gradually enlarged the Mughal Empire to
include much of the Indian subcontinent. His power and influence, however, extended over the entire
subcontinent because of Mughal military, political, cultural, and economic dominance. To unify the
vast Mughal state, Akbar established a centralised system of administration throughout his empire
and adopted a policy of conciliating conquered rulers through marriage and diplomacy. To preserve
peace and order in a religiously and culturally diverse empire, he adopted policies that won him the
support of his non-Muslim subjects. Eschewing tribal bonds and Islamic state identity, Akbar strove
to unite far-flung lands of his realm through loyalty, expressed through an Indo-Persian culture, to
himself as an emperor.
Mughal India developed a strong and stable economy, leading to commercial expansion and greater
patronage of culture. Akbar himself was a patron of art and culture. He was fond of literature, and
created a library of over 24,000 volumes written
in Sanskrit, Urdu, Persian, Greek, Latin, Arabic and Kashmiri, staffed by many scholars, translators,
artists, calligraphers, scribes, bookbinders and readers. He did much of the cataloging himself
through three main groupings. [14] Akbar also established the library of Fatehpur Sikri exclusively for
women,[15] and he decreed that schools for the education of both Muslims and Hindus should be
established throughout the realm. He also encouraged bookbinding to become a high art. [14] Holy
men of many faiths, poets, architects, and artisans adorned his court from all over the world for study
and discussion. Akbar's courts at Delhi, Agra, and Fatehpur Sikri became centres of the arts, letters,
and learning. Timurid and Perso-Islamic culture began to merge and blend with indigenous Indian
elements, and a distinct Indo-Persian culture emerged characterized by Mughal style arts, painting,
and architecture. Disillusioned with orthodox Islam and perhaps hoping to bring about religious unity
within his empire, Akbar promulgated Din-i-Ilahi, a syncretic creed derived mainly
from Islam and Hinduism as well as some parts of Zoroastrianism and Christianity.
Akbar's reign significantly influenced the course of Indian history. During his rule, the Mughal Empire
tripled in size and wealth. He created a powerful military system and instituted effective political and
social reforms. By abolishing the sectarian tax on non-Muslims and appointing them to high civil and
military posts, he was the first Mughal ruler to win the trust and loyalty of the native subjects. He
had Sanskrit literature translated, participated in native festivals, realising that a stable empire
depended on the co-operation and good-will of his subjects. Thus, the foundations for a multicultural
 empire under Mughal rule were laid during his reign. Akbar was succeeded as emperor by his son,
Prince Salim, later known as Jahangir.

Contents

 1Early years
 2Military campaigns
o 2.1Military innovations
o 2.2Struggle for North India
o 2.3Expansion into Central India
 2.3.1Attempt to murder Akbar
o 2.4Conquest of Rajputana
o 2.5Annexation of Western and Eastern India
o 2.6Campaigns in Afghanistan and Central Asia
o 2.7Conquests in the Indus Valley
o 2.8Subjugation of parts of Baluchistan
o 2.9Safavids and Kandahar
o 2.10Deccan Sultans
 3Administration
o 3.1Political government
o 3.2Taxation
o 3.3Military organization
o 3.4Capital
 4Economy
o 4.1Trade
o 4.2Coins
 5Diplomacy
o 5.1Matrimonial alliances
 6Foreign relations
o 6.1Relations with the Portuguese
o 6.2Relations with the Ottoman Empire
o 6.3Relations with the Safavid Dynasty
o 6.4Relations with other contemporary kingdoms
 7Religious policy
o 7.1Association with the Muslim aristocracy
o 7.2Din-i-Ilahi
o 7.3Relation with Hindus
o 7.4Relation with Jains
 8Historical accounts
o 8.1Personality
o 8.2Hagiography
o 8.3Akbarnāma, the Book of Akbar
 9Marriages
 10Death
 11Legacy
 12In popular culture
 13Ancestry
 14See also
 15Notes
 16References
 17Bibliography
 18Further reading
 19External links

Early years
Defeated in battles at Chausa and Kannauj in 1539 to 1541 by the forces of Sher Shah Suri, Mughal
emperor Humayun fled westward to Sindh.[16] There he met and married the then 14-year-old Hamida
Banu Begum, daughter of Shaikh Ali Akbar Jami, a Persian teacher of Humayun's younger
brother Hindal Mirza. Jalal ud-din Muhammad Akbar was born the next year on 15 October
1542[a] (the fourth day of Rajab, 949 AH) at the Rajput Fortress of Amarkot in Rajputana (in modern-
day Sindh), where his parents had been given refuge by the local Hindu ruler Rana Prasad. [18]

Akbar as a boy

During the extended period of Humayun's exile, Akbar was brought up in Kabul by the extended
family of his paternal uncles, Kamran Mirza and Askari Mirza, and his aunts, in particular Kamran
Mirza's wife. He spent his youth learning to hunt, run, and fight, making him a daring, powerful and
brave warrior, but he never learned to read or write. This, however, did not hinder his search for
knowledge as it is always said when he retired in the evening he would have someone read. [19][20] On
20 November 1551, Humayun's youngest brother, Hindal Mirza, died fighting in a battle against
Kamran Mirza's forces. Upon hearing the news of his brother's death, Humayun was overwhelmed
with grief.[21]
Out of affection for the memory of his brother, Humayun betrothed Hindal's nine-year-old
daughter, Ruqaiya Sultan Begum, to his son Akbar. Their betrothal took place in Kabul, shortly after
Akbar's first appointment as a viceroy in the province of Ghazni.[22] Humayun conferred on the
imperial couple all the wealth, army, and adherents of Hindal and Ghazni. One of Hindal's jagir was
given to his nephew, Akbar, who was appointed as its viceroy and was also given the command of
his uncle's army.[23] Akbar's marriage with Ruqaiya was solemnized in Jalandhar, Punjab, when both
of them were 14-years-old.[24] She was his first wife and chief consort.[25][4]
Following the chaos over the succession of Sher Shah Suri's son Islam Shah, Humayun
reconquered Delhi in 1555, leading an army partly provided by his Persian ally Tahmasp I. A few
months later, Humayun died. Akbar's guardian, Bairam Khan concealed the death in order to
prepare for Akbar's succession. Akbar succeeded Humayun on 14 February 1556, while in the midst
of a war against Sikandar Shah to reclaim the Mughal throne. In Kalanaur, Punjab, the 14-year-old
Akbar was enthroned by Bairam Khan on a newly constructed platform, which still stands. [26][27] He
was proclaimed Shahanshah (Persian for "King of Kings"). Bairam Khan ruled on his behalf until he
came of age.[28]

Akbar's Genealogical Order up to Timur

Military campaigns
Military innovations
Mughal Empire under Akbar's period (yellow)

Akbar was accorded the epithet "the Great" because of his many accomplishments, [29] including his
record of unbeaten military campaigns that consolidated Mughal rule in the Indian subcontinent. The
basis of this military prowess and authority was Akbar's skilful structural and organisational
calibration of the Mughal army.[30] The Mansabdari system in particular has been acclaimed for its
role in upholding Mughal power in the time of Akbar. The system persisted with few changes down
to the end of the Mughal Empire, but was progressively weakened under his successors. [30]
Organisational reforms were accompanied by innovations in cannons, fortifications, and the use of
elephants.[29] Akbar also took an interest in matchlocks and effectively employed them during various
conflicts. He sought the help of Ottomans, and also increasingly of Europeans,
especially Portuguese and Italians, in procuring firearms and artillery.[31] Mughal firearms in the time
of Akbar came to be far superior to anything that could be deployed by regional rulers, tributaries, or
by zamindars.[32] Such was the impact of these weapons that Akbar's Vizier, Abul Fazl, once declared
that "with the exception of Turkey, there is perhaps no country in which its guns has more means of
securing the Government than [India]." [33] The term "gunpowder empire" has thus often been used by
scholars and historians in analysing the success of the Mughals in India. Mughal power has been
seen as owing to their mastery of the techniques of warfare, especially the use of firearms
encouraged by Akbar.[34]

Struggle for North India

Mughal Emperor Akbar training an elephant

Akbar's father Humayun had regained control of the Punjab, Delhi, and Agra with Safavid support,

but even in these areas Mughal rule was precarious, and when the Surs reconquered Agra and
Delhi following the death of Humayun, the fate of the boy emperor seemed uncertain. Akbar's
minority and the lack of any possibility of military assistance from the Mughal stronghold of Kabul,
which was in the throes of an invasion by the ruler of Badakhshan Prince Mirza Suleiman,
aggravated the situation.[35] When his regent, Bairam Khan, called a council of war to marshall the
Mughal forces, none of Akbar's chieftains approved. Bairam Khan was ultimately able to prevail over
the nobles, however, and it was decided that the Mughals would march against the strongest of the
Sur rulers, Sikandar Shah Suri, in the Punjab. Delhi was left under the regency of Tardi Baig Khan.
[35]
 Sikandar Shah Suri, however, presented no major concern for Akbar, [36] and avoided giving battle
as the Mughal army approached. [citation needed] The gravest threat came from Hemu, a minister and
general of one of the Sur rulers, who had proclaimed himself Hindu emperor and expelled the
Mughals from the Indo-Gangetic plains.[35]
Urged by Bairam Khan, who re-marshalled the Mughal army before Hemu could consolidate his
position, Akbar marched on Delhi to reclaim it.[37] His army, led by Bairam Khan, defeated Hemu and
the Sur army on 5 November 1556 at the Second Battle of Panipat, 50 miles (80 km) north of Delhi.
[38]
 Soon after the battle, Mughal forces occupied Delhi and then Agra. Akbar made a triumphant
entry into Delhi, where he stayed for a month. Then he and Bairam Khan returned to Punjab to deal
with Sikandar Shah, who had become active again. [39] In the next six months, the Mughals won
another major battle against Sikander Shah Suri, who fled east to Bengal. Akbar and his forces
occupied Lahore and then seized Multan in the Punjab. In 1558, Akbar took possession of Ajmer,
the aperture to Rajputana, after the defeat and flight of its Muslim ruler. [39] The Mughals had also
besieged and defeated the Sur forces in control of Gwalior Fort, the greatest stronghold north of
the Narmada river.[39]
Royal begums, along with the families of Mughal amirs, were finally brought over from Kabul to India
at the time – according to Akbar's vizier, Abul Fazl, "so that men might become settled and be
restrained in some measure from departing to a country to which they were accustomed". [35] Akbar
had firmly declared his intentions that the Mughals were in India to stay. This was a far cry from the
political settlements of his grandfather, Babur, and father, Humayun, both of whom had done little to
indicate that they were anything but transient rulers. [35][39] However, Akbar methodically re-introduced
a historical legacy of the Timurid Renaissance that his ancestors had left.[40]

Expansion into Central India

Akbar hawking with Mughal chieftains and nobleman accompanied by his guardian Bairam Khan

By 1559, the Mughals had launched a drive to the south into Rajputana and Malwa.[41] However,
Akbar's disputes with his regent, Bairam Khan, temporarily put an end to the expansion. [41] The young
emperor, at the age of eighteen, wanted to take a more active part in managing affairs. Urged on by
his foster mother, Maham Anga, and his relatives, Akbar decided to dispense with the services of
Bairam Khan. After yet another dispute at court, Akbar finally dismissed Bairam Khan in the spring of
1560 and ordered him to leave on Hajj to Mecca.[42] Bairam Khan left for Mecca but on his way was
goaded by his opponents to rebel. [38] He was defeated by the Mughal army in the Punjab and forced
to submit. Akbar forgave him, however, and gave him the option of either continuing in his court or
resuming his pilgrimage; Bairam chose the latter. [43] Bairam Khan was later assassinated on his way
to Mecca, allegedly by an Afghan with a personal vendetta. [41]
In 1560, Akbar resumed military operations.[41] A Mughal army under the command of his foster
brother, Adham Khan, and a Mughal commander, Pir Muhammad Khan, began the Mughal conquest
of Malwa. The Afghan ruler, Baz Bahadur, was defeated at the Battle of Sarangpur and fled
to Khandesh for refuge leaving behind his harem, treasure, and war elephants. [41] Despite initial
success, the campaign proved a disaster from Akbar's point of view. His foster brother retained all
the spoils and followed through with the Central Asian practice of slaughtering the surrendered
garrison, their wives and children, and many Muslim theologians and Sayyids, who were the
descendants of Muhammad.[41] Akbar personally rode to Malwa to confront Adham Khan and relieve
him of command. Pir Muhammad Khan was then sent in pursuit of Baz Bahadur but was beaten
back by the alliance of the rulers of Khandesh and Berar.[41] Baz Bahadur temporarily regained
control of Malwa until, in the next year, Akbar sent another Mughal army to invade and annex the
kingdom.[41] Malwa became a province of the nascent imperial administration of Akbar's regime. Baz
Bahadur survived as a refugee at various courts until, eight years later in 1570, he took service
under Akbar.[41]
Young Abdul Rahim Khan-I-Khana son of Bairam Khan being received by Akbar

Despite the ultimate success in Malwa, the conflict exposed cracks in Akbar's personal relationships
with his relatives and Mughal nobles. When Adham Khan confronted Akbar following another dispute
in 1562, he was struck down by the emperor and thrown from a terrace into the palace courtyard at
Agra. Still alive, Adham Khan was dragged up and thrown to the courtyard once again by Akbar to
ensure his death. Akbar now sought to eliminate the threat of over-mighty subjects. [41] He created
specialised ministerial posts relating to imperial governance; no member of the Mughal nobility was
to have unquestioned pre-eminence.[41] When a powerful clan of Uzbek chiefs broke out in rebellion
in 1564, Akbar decisively defeated and routed them in Malwa and then Bihar.[44] He pardoned the
rebellious leaders, hoping to conciliate them, but they rebelled again, so Akbar had to quell their
uprising a second time. Following a third revolt with the proclamation of Mirza Muhammad Hakim,
Akbar's brother and the Mughal ruler of Kabul, as emperor, his patience was finally exhausted.
Several Uzbek chieftains were subsequently slain and the rebel leaders trampled to death under
elephants.[44] Simultaneously the Mirzas, a group of Akbar's distant cousins who held important fiefs
near Agra, had also risen up in rebellion. They too were slain and driven out of the empire. [44] In
1566, Akbar moved to meet the forces of his brother, Muhammad Hakim, who had marched into the
Punjab with dreams of seizing the imperial throne. Following a brief confrontation, however,
Muhammad Hakim accepted Akbar's supremacy and retreated back to Kabul. [44]
In 1564, Mughal forces began the conquest of Garha, a thinly populated, hilly area in central India
that was of interest to the Mughals because of its herd of wild elephants. [45] The territory was ruled
over by Raja Vir Narayan, a minor, and his mother, Durgavati, a Rajput warrior queen of the Gonds.
[44]
 Akbar did not personally lead the campaign because he was preoccupied with the Uzbek
rebellion, leaving the expedition in the hands of Asaf Khan, the Mughal governor of Kara. [44]
[46]
 Durgavati committed suicide after her defeat at the Battle of Damoh, while Raja Vir Narayan was
slain at the Fall of Chauragarh, the mountain fortress of the Gonds. [46] The Mughals seized immense
wealth, an uncalculated amount of gold and silver, jewels and 1000 elephants. Kamala Devi, a
younger sister of Durgavati, was sent to the Mughal harem. [46] The brother of Durgavati's deceased
husband was installed as the Mughal administrator of the region. [46] Like in Malwa, however, Akbar
entered into a dispute with his vassals over the conquest of Gondwana. [46] Asaf Khan was accused of
keeping most of the treasures and sending back only 200 elephants to Akbar. When summoned to
give accounts, he fled Gondwana. He went first to the Uzbeks, then returned to Gondwana where he
was pursued by Mughal forces. Finally, he submitted and Akbar restored him to his previous
position.[46]
Attempt to murder Akbar
Around 1564 is also when there was an assassination attempt on Akbar documented in a painting.

1564-An Attempt on Akbar's Life-Akbarnama

The attempt was made when Akbar was returning from a visit to the dargah of Hazrat Nizamuddin
near Delhi, by an assassin shooting an arrow. The arrow pierced his right shoulder. The assassin
was apprehended and ordered beheaded by the Emperor. The culprit was a slave of Mirza
Sharfuddin, a noble in Akbar’s court whose rebellion had recently been curbed. [47]

Conquest of Rajputana

Mughal Emperor Akbar shoots the Rajput warrior Jaimal during the Siege of Chittorgarh in 1568
Bullocks dragging siege-guns uphill during Akbar's attack on Ranthambhor Fort in 1568

Having established Mughal rule over northern India, Akbar turned his attention to the conquest
of Rajputana. No imperial power in India based on the Indo-Gangetic plains could be secure if a rival
centre of power existed on its flank in Rajputana. [46] The Mughals had already established domination
over parts of northern Rajputana in Mewat, Ajmer, and Nagor.[39][44] Now, Akbar was determined to
drive into the heartlands of the Rajput kings that had never previously submitted to the Muslim rulers
of the Delhi Sultanate. Beginning in 1561, the Mughals actively engaged the Rajputs in warfare and
diplomacy.[45] Most Rajput states accepted Akbar's suzerainty; the rulers of Mewar and Marwar, Udai
Singh and Chandrasen Rathore, however, remained outside the imperial fold.[44] Rana Udai Singh
was descended from the Sisodia ruler, Rana Sanga, who had died fighting Babur at the Battle of
Khanwa in 1527.[44] As the head of the Sisodia clan, he possessed the highest ritual status of all the
Rajput kings and chieftains in India. Unless Udai Singh was reduced to submission, the imperial
authority of the Mughals would be lessened in Rajput eyes.[44] Furthermore, Akbar, at this early
period, was still enthusiastically devoted to the cause of Islam and sought to impress the superiority
of his faith over the most prestigious warriors in Brahminical Hinduism. [44]
In 1567, Akbar moved to reduce the Chittor Fort in Mewar. The fortress-capital of Mewar was of
great strategic importance as it lay on the shortest route from Agra to Gujarat and was also
considered a key to holding the interior parts of Rajputana. Udai Singh retired to the hills of Mewar,
leaving two Rajput warriors, Jaimal and Patta, in charge of the defence of his capital. [48] Chittorgarh
fell on February 1568 after a siege of four months. Akbar had the surviving defenders and 30,000
non-combatants massacred and their heads displayed upon towers erected throughout the region, in
order to demonstrate his authority.[49][50] The booty that fell into the hands of the Mughals was
distributed throughout the empire. [51] He remained in Chittorgarh for three days, then returned to
Agra, where to commemorate the victory, he set up, at the gates of his fort, statues of Jaimal and
Patta mounted on elephants.[52] Udai Singh's power and influence was broken. He never again
ventured out his mountain refuge in Mewar and Akbar was content to let him be. [53]
The fall of Chittorgarh was followed up by a Mughal attack on the Ranthambore Fort in 1568.
Ranthambore was held by the Hada Rajputs and reputed to be the most powerful fortress in India.
[53]
 However, it fell only after a couple of months.[53] Akbar was now the master of almost the whole of
Rajputana. Most of the Rajput kings had submitted to the Mughals. [53] Only the clans of Mewar
continued to resist.[53] Udai Singh's son and successor, Pratap Singh, was later defeated by the
Mughals at the Battle of Haldighati in 1576.[53] Akbar would celebrate his conquest of Rajputana by
laying the foundation of a new capital, 23 miles (37 km) W.S.W of Agra in 1569. It was
called Fatehpur Sikri ("the city of victory").[54] Rana Pratap Singh, however, continuously attacked
Mughals and was able to retain most of the kingdom of his ancestors in the life of Akbar. [55]

Annexation of Western and Eastern India

The court of young Akbar, age 13, showing his first imperial act: the arrest of an unruly courtier, who was once
a favourite of Akbar's father. Illustration from a manuscript of the Akbarnama

Akbar's next military objectives were the conquest of Gujarat and Bengal, which connected India
with the trading centres of Asia, Africa, and Europe through the Arabian Sea and the Bay of
Bengal respectively.[53] Furthermore, Gujarat had been a haven for rebellious Mughal nobles, while in
Bengal, the Afghans still held considerable influence under their ruler, Sulaiman Khan Karrani. Akbar
first moved against Gujarat, which lay in the crook of the Mughal provinces of Rajputana and Malwa.
[53]
 Gujarat, with its coastal regions, possessed areas of rich agricultural production in its central plain,
an impressive output of textiles and other industrial goods, and the busiest seaports of India. [53]
[56]
 Akbar intended to link the maritime state with the massive resources of the Indo-Gangetic plains.
[57]
 However, the ostensible casus belli was that the rebel Mirzas, who had previously been driven out
of India, were now operating out of a base in southern Gujarat. Moreover, Akbar had received
invitations from cliques in Gujarat to oust the reigning king, which served as justification for his
military expedition.[53] In 1572, he moved to occupy Ahmedabad, the capital, and other northern
cities, and was proclaimed the lawful sovereign of Gujarat. By 1573, he had driven out the Mirzas
who, after offering token resistance, fled for refuge in the Deccan. Surat, the commercial capital of
the region and other coastal cities soon capitulated to the Mughals. [53] The king, Muzaffar Shah III,
was caught hiding in a corn field; he was pensioned off by Akbar with a small allowance. [53]
Having established his authority over Gujarat, Akbar returned to Fatehpur Sikiri, where he built
the Buland Darwaza to commemorate his victories, but a rebellion by Afghan nobles supported by
the Rajput ruler of Idar, and the renewed intrigues of the Mirzas forced his return to Gujarat. [57] Akbar
crossed the Rajputana and reached Ahmedabad in eleven days – a journey that normally took six
weeks. The outnumbered Mughal army then won a decisive victory on 2 September 1573. Akbar
slew the rebel leaders and erected a tower out of their severed heads. [53] The conquest and
subjugation of Gujarat proved highly profitable for the Mughals; the territory yielded a revenue of
more than five million rupees annually to Akbar's treasury, after expenses. [53]
Akbar had now defeated most of the Afghan remnants in India. The only centre of Afghan power was
now in Bengal, where Sulaiman Khan Karrani, an Afghan chieftain whose family had served under
Sher Shah Suri, was reigning in power. While Sulaiman Khan scrupulously avoided giving offence to
Akbar, his son, Daud Khan, who had succeeded him in 1572, decided otherwise. [58] Whereas
Sulaiman Khan had the khutba read in Akbar's name and acknowledged Mughal supremacy, Daud
Khan assumed the insignia of royalty and ordered the khutba to be proclaimed in his own name in
defiance of Akbar. Munim Khan, the Mughal governor of Bihar, was ordered to chastise Daud Khan,
but later, Akbar himself set out to Bengal. [58] This was an opportunity to bring the trade in the east
under Mughal control.[59] In 1574, the Mughals seized Patna from Daud Khan, who fled to Bengal.
[58]
 Akbar returned to Fatehpur Sikri and left his generals to finish the campaign. The Mughal army
was subsequently victorious at the Battle of Tukaroi in 1575, which led to the annexation of Bengal
and parts of Bihar that had been under the dominion of Daud Khan. Only Orissa was left in the
hands of the Karrani dynasty as a fief of the Mughal Empire. A year later, however, Daud Khan
rebelled and attempted to regain Bengal. He was defeated by the Mughal general, Khan Jahan Quli,
and had to flee into exile. Daud Khan was later captured and executed by Mughal forces. His
severed head was sent to Akbar, while his limbs were gibbeted at Tandah, the Mughal capital in
Bengal.[58]

Campaigns in Afghanistan and Central Asia

See also: Akbar's conquest of Gujarat

Following his conquests of Gujarat and Bengal, Akbar was preoccupied with domestic concerns. He
did not leave Fatehpur Sikri on a military campaign until 1581, when Punjab was again invaded by
his brother, Mirza Muhammad Hakim.[58] Akbar expelled his brother to Kabul and this time pressed
on, determined to end the threat from Muhammad Hakim once and for all. [58] In contrast to the
problem that his predecessors once had in getting Mughal nobles to stay on in India, the problem
now was to get them to leave India. [58] They were, according to Abul Fazl "afraid of the cold of
Afghanistan."[58] The Hindu officers, in turn, were additionally inhibited by the traditional taboo against
crossing the Indus. Akbar, however, spurred them on. The soldiers were provided with pay eight
months in advance.[58] In August 1581, Akbar seized Kabul and took up residence at Babur's old
citadel. He stayed there for three weeks, in the absence of his brother, who had fled into the
mountains.[58] Akbar left Kabul in the hands of his sister, Bakht-un-Nisa Begum, and returned to India.
He pardoned his brother, who took up de facto charge of the Mughal administration in Kabul; Bakht-
un-Nis continued to be the official governor. A few years later, in 1585, Muhammad Hakim died and
Kabul passed into the hands of Akbar once again. It was officially incorporated as a province of the
Mughal Empire.[58]
The Kabul expedition was the beginning of a long period of activity over the northern frontiers of the
empire.[60] For thirteen years, beginning in 1585, Akbar remained in the north, shifting his capital to
Lahore in the Punjab while dealing with challenges from beyond the Khyber Pass. [60] The gravest
threat came from the Uzbeks, the tribe that had driven his grandfather, Babur, out of Central Asia.
[58]
 They had been organised under Abdullah Khan Shaybanid, a capable military chieftain who had
seized Badakhshan and Balkh from Akbar's distant Timurid relatives, and whose Uzbek troops now
posed a serious challenge to the northwestern frontiers of the Mughal Empire. [58][61] The Afghan tribes
on the border were also restless, partly on account of the hostility of
the Yusufzai of Bajaur and Swat, and partly owing to the activity of a new religious leader, Bayazid,
the founder of the Roshaniyya sect.[60] The Uzbeks were also known to be subsidising Afghans. [62]
In 1586, Akbar negotiated a pact with Abdullah Khan in which the Mughals agreed to remain neutral
during the Uzbek invasion of Safavid held Khorasan.[62] In return, Abdullah Khan agreed to refrain
from supporting, subsidising, or offering refuge to the Afghan tribes hostile to the Mughals. Thus
freed, Akbar began a series of campaigns to pacify the Yusufzais and other rebels. [62] Akbar ordered
Zain Khan to lead an expedition against the Afghan tribes. Raja Birbal, a renowned minister in
Akbar's court, was also given military command. The expedition turned out to be a disaster, and on
its retreat from the mountains, Birbal and his entourage were ambushed and killed by the Afghans at
the Malandarai Pass in February 1586.[62] Akbar immediately fielded new armies to reinvade the
Yusufzai lands under the command of Raja Todar Mal. Over the next six years, the Mughals
contained the Yusufzai in the mountain valleys, and forced the submission of many chiefs in Swat
and Bajaur.[62] Dozens of forts were built and occupied to secure the region. Akbar's response
demonstrated his ability to clamp firm military control over the Afghan tribes. [62]
Despite his pact with the Uzbeks, Akbar nurtured a secret hope of reconquering Central Asia from
today's Afghanistan.[63] However, Badakshan and Balkh remained firmly part of the Uzbek dominions.
There was only a transient occupation of the two provinces by the Mughals under his
grandson, Shah Jahan, in the mid-17th century.[61] Nevertheless, Akbar's stay in the northern frontiers
was highly fruitful. The last of the rebellious Afghan tribes were subdued by 1600. [61] The Roshaniyya
movement was firmly suppressed. The Afridi and Orakzai tribes, which had risen up under the
Roshaniyyas, had been subjugated.[61] The leaders of the movement were captured and driven into
exile.[61] Jalaluddin, the son of the Roshaniyya movement's founder, Bayazid, was killed in 1601 in a
fight with Mughal troops near Ghazni.[61] Mughal rule over today's Afghanistan was finally secure,
particularly after the passing of the Uzbek threat with the death of Abdullah Khan in 1598. [62]

Conquests in the Indus Valley

While in Lahore dealing with the Uzbeks, Akbar had sought to subjugate the Indus valley to secure
the frontier provinces.[62] He sent an army to conquer Kashmir in the upper Indus basin when, in
1585, Ali Shah, the reigning king of the Shia Chak dynasty, refused to send his son as a hostage to
the Mughal court. Ali Shah surrendered immediately to the Mughals, but another of his sons, Yaqub,
crowned himself as king, and led a stubborn resistance to Mughal armies. Finally, in June, 1589,
Akbar himself travelled from Lahore to Srinagar to receive the surrender of Yaqub and his rebel
forces.[62] Baltistan and Ladakh, which were Tibetan provinces adjacent to Kashmir, pledged their
allegiance to Akbar.[64] The Mughals also moved to conquer Sindh in the lower Indus valley. Since
1574, the northern fortress of Bhakkar had remained under imperial control. Now, in 1586, the
Mughal governor of Multan tried and failed to secure the capitulation of Mirza Jani Beg, the
independent ruler of Thatta in southern Sindh.[62] Akbar responded by sending a Mughal army to
besiege Sehwan, the river capital of the region. Jani Beg mustered a large army to meet the
Mughals.[62] The outnumbered Mughal forces defeated the Sindhi forces at the Battle of Sehwan.
After suffering further defeats, Jani Beg surrendered to the Mughals in 1591, and in 1593, paid
homage to Akbar in Lahore.[64]

Subjugation of parts of Baluchistan

As early as 1586, about half a dozen Baluchi chiefs, that were still under nominal Pani Afghan rule,
had been persuaded to attend the imperial court and acknowledge the vassalage of Akbar. In
preparations to take Kandahar from the Safavids, Akbar ordered the Mughal forces to conquer the
rest of the Afghan held parts of Baluchistan in 1595.[64][65] The Mughal general, Mir Masum, led an
attack on the stronghold of Sibi, situated to the northwest of Quetta and defeated a coalition of local
chieftains in a pitched battle. [65] They were made to acknowledge Mughal supremacy and attend
Akbar's court. As a result, the modern-day Pakistani and Afghan parts of Baluchistan, including the
areas of the strategic region of Makran that lay within it, became a part of the Mughal Empire. [65] The
Mughals now bordered Persian ruled Kandahar on three sides. [65]

Safavids and Kandahar

Kandahar was the name given by Arab historians to the ancient Indian kingdom of Gandhara.[66] It
was intimately connected with the Mughals since the time of their ancestor, Timur, the warlord who
had conquered much of Western, Central, and parts of South Asia in the 14th century. However, the
Safavids considered it as an appanage of the Persian ruled territory of Khorasan and declared its
association with the Mughal emperors to be a usurpation. In 1558, while Akbar was consolidating his
rule over northern India, the Safavid emperor, Tahmasp I, had seized Kandahar and expelled its
Mughal governor. For the next thirty years, it remained under Persian rule. [64] The recovery of
Kandahar had not been a priority for Akbar, but after his prolonged military activity in the northern
frontiers, a move to restore Mughal rule over the region became desirable. [64] The conquests of
Sindh, Kashmir and parts of Baluchistan, and the ongoing consolidation of Mughal power over
today's Afghanistan had added to Akbar's confidence. [64] Furthermore, Kandahar was at this time
under threat from the Uzbeks, but the Emperor of Persia, himself beleaguered by the Ottoman
Turks, was unable to send any reinforcements. Circumstances favoured the Mughals. [64]
In 1593, Akbar received the exiled Safavid prince, Rostam Mirza, after he had quarrelled with his
family.[67] Rostam Mirza pledged allegiance to the Mughals; he was granted a rank (mansab) of
commander of 5000 men and received Multan as a jagir. [67] Beleaguered by constant Uzbek raids,
and seeing the reception of Rostom Mirza at the Mughal court, the Safavid prince and governor of
Kandahar, Mozaffar Hosayn, also agreed to defect to the Mughals. Mozaffar Hosayn, who was in
any case in an adversary relationship with his overlord, Shah Abbas, was granted a rank of 5000
men, and his daughter Kandahari Begum was married to Akbar's grandson, the Mughal
prince, Khurram.[64][67] Kandahar was finally secured in 1595 with the arrival of a garrison headed by
the Mughal general, Shah Bayg Khan.[67] The reconquest of Kandahar did not overtly disturb the
Mughal-Persian relationship.[64] Akbar and the Persian Shah continued to exchange ambassadors
and presents. However, the power equation between the two had now changed in favour of the
Mughals.[64]

Deccan Sultans
In 1593, Akbar began military operations against the Deccan Sultans who had not submitted to his
authority. He besieged Ahmednagar Fort in 1595, forcing Chand Bibi to cede Berar. A subsequent
revolt forced Akbar to take the fort in August 1600. Akbar occupied Burhanpur and
besieged Asirgarh Fort in 1599, and took it on 17 January 1601, when Miran Bahadur Shah refused
to submit Khandesh. Akbar then established the Subahs of Ahmadnagar, Berar and Khandesh
under Prince Daniyal. "By the time of his death in 1605, Akbar controlled a broad sweep of territory
from the Bay of Bengal to Qandahar and Badakshan. He touched the western sea in Sind and
at Surat and was well astride central India."[68]

Administration
Political government
Akbar's system of central government was based on the system that had evolved since the Delhi
Sultanate, but the functions of various departments were carefully reorganised by laying down
detailed regulations for their functioning [citation needed]

 The revenue department was headed by a wazir, responsible for all finances and
management of jagir and inam lands.
 The head of the military was called the mir bakshi, appointed from among the leading nobles
of the court. The mir bakshi was in charge of intelligence gathering, and also made
recommendations to the emperor for military appointments and promotions.
 The mir saman was in charge of the imperial household, including the harems, and
supervised the functioning of the court and royal bodyguard.
 The judiciary was a separate organisation headed by a chief qazi, who was also responsible
for religious beliefs and practices
Taxation
Akbar set about reforming the administration of his empire's land revenue by adopting a system that
had been used by Sher Shah Suri. A cultivated area where crops grew well was measured and
taxed through fixed rates based on the area's crop and productivity. However, this placed hardship
on the peasantry because tax rates were fixed on the basis of prices prevailing in the imperial court,
which were often higher than those in the countryside. [69] Akbar changed to a decentralised system of
annual assessment, but this resulted in corruption among local officials and was abandoned in 1580,
to be replaced by a system called the dahsala.[70] Under the new system, revenue was calculated as
one-third of the average produce of the previous ten years, to be paid to the state in cash. This
system was later refined, taking into account local prices, and grouping areas with similar
productivity into assessment circles. Remission was given to peasants when the harvest failed
during times of flood or drought.[70] Akbar's dahsala system (also known as zabti) is credited to Raja
Todar Mal, who also served as a revenue officer under Sher Shah Suri,[71] and the structure of the
revenue administration was set out by the latter in a detailed memorandum submitted to the emperor
in 1582–83.[72]
Other local methods of assessment continued in some areas. Land which was fallow or uncultivated
was charged at concessional rates.[73] Akbar also actively encouraged the improvement and
extension of agriculture. The village continued to remain the primary unit of revenue assessment.
[74]
 Zamindars of every area were required to provide loans and agricultural implements in times of
need, to encourage farmers to plough as much land as possible and to sow seeds of superior
quality. In turn, the zamindars were given a hereditary right to collect a share of the produce.
Peasants had a hereditary right to cultivate the land as long as they paid the land revenue. [73] While
the revenue assessment system showed concern for the small peasantry, it also maintained a level
of distrust towards the revenue officials. Revenue officials were guaranteed only three-quarters of
their salary, with the remaining quarter dependent on their full realisation of the revenue assessed. [75]

Military organization
Main article: Mansabdari

Akbar organised his army as well as the nobility by means of a system called the mansabdari. Under
this system, each officer in the army was assigned a rank (a mansabdar), and assigned a number
of cavalry that he had to supply to the imperial army.[71] The mansabdars were divided into 33
classes. The top three commanding ranks, ranging from 7000 to 10000 troops, were normally
reserved for princes. Other ranks between 10 and 5000 were assigned to other members of the
nobility. The empire's permanent standing army was quite small and the imperial forces mostly
consisted of contingents maintained by the mansabdars.[76] Persons were normally appointed to a
low mansab and then promoted, based on their merit as well as the favour of the emperor.
[77]
 Each mansabdar was required to maintain a certain number of cavalrymen and twice that number
of horses. The number of horses was greater because they had to be rested and rapidly replaced in
times of war. Akbar employed strict measures to ensure that the quality of the armed forces was
maintained at a high level; horses were regularly inspected and only Arabian horses were normally
employed.[78] The mansabdars were remunerated well for their services and constituted the highest
paid military service in the world at the time.[77]

Capital

Diwan-i-Khas (Hall of Private Audience) in Fatehpur Sikri

Akbar was a follower of Salim Chishti, a holy man who lived in the region of Sikri near Agra.
Believing the area to be a lucky one for himself, he had a mosque constructed there for the use of
the priest. Subsequently, he celebrated the victories over Chittor and Ranthambore by laying the
foundation of a new walled capital, 23 miles (37 km) west of Agra in 1569, which was named
Fatehpur ("town of victory") after the conquest of Gujarat in 1573 and subsequently came to be
known as Fatehpur Sikri in order to distinguish it from other similarly named towns.[48] Palaces for
each of Akbar's senior queens, a huge artificial lake, and sumptuous water-filled courtyards were
built there. However, the city was soon abandoned and the capital was moved to Lahore in 1585.
The reason may have been that the water supply in Fatehpur Sikri was insufficient or of poor quality.
Or, as some historians believe, Akbar had to attend to the northwest areas of his empire and
therefore moved his capital northwest. Other sources indicate Akbar simply lost interest in the
city[79] or realised it was not militarily defensible. In 1599, Akbar shifted his capital back to Agra from
where he reigned until his death.

Economy
Trade
The reign of Akbar was characterised by commercial expansion. [80] The Mughal government
encouraged traders, provided protection and security for transactions, and levied a very low custom
duty to stimulate foreign trade. Furthermore, it strived to foster a climate conductive to commerce by
requiring local administrators to provide restitution to traders for goods stolen while in their territory.
To minimise such incidents, bands of highway police called rahdars were enlisted to patrol roads
and ensure safety of traders. Other active measures taken included the construction and protection
of routes of commerce and communications.[81] Indeed, Akbar would make concerted efforts to
improve roads to facilitate the use of wheeled vehicles through the Khyber Pass, the most popular
route frequented by traders and travellers in journeying from Kabul into Mughal India.[81] He also
strategically occupied the northwestern cities of Multan and Lahore in the Punjab and constructed
great forts, such as the one at Attock near the crossing of the Grand Trunk Road and the Indus river,
as well as a network of smaller forts called thanas throughout the frontier to secure the overland
trade with Persia and Central Asia.[81]

Coins

Silver coin of Akbar with inscriptions of the Islamic declaration of faith, the declaration reads: "There is no god
except Allah, and Muhammad is the messenger of Allah."

Akbar was a great innovator as far as coinage is concerned. The coins of Akbar set a new chapter in
India's numismatic history.[82] The coins of Akbar's grandfather, Babur, and father, Humayun, are
basic and devoid of any innovation as the former was busy establishing the foundations of the
Mughal rule in India while the latter was ousted by the Afghan, Sher Shah Suri, and returned to the
throne only to die a year later. While the reign of both Babur and Humayun represented turmoil,
Akbar's relative long reign of 50 years allowed him to experiment with coinage.
Akbar introduced coins with decorative floral motifs, dotted borders, quatrefoil and other types. His
coins were both round and square in shape with a unique 'mehrab' (lozenge) shape coin highlighting
numismatic calligraphy at its best.[83] Akbar's portrait type gold coin (Mohur) is generally attributed to
his son, Prince Salim (later Emperor Jahangir), who had rebelled and then sought reconciliation
thereafter by minting and presenting his father with gold Mohur's bearing Akbar's portrait. The
tolerant view of Akbar is represented by the 'Ram-Sita' silver coin type while during the latter part of
Akbar's reign, we see coins portraying the concept of Akbar's newly promoted religion 'Din-e-ilahi'
with the Ilahi type and Jalla Jalal-Hu type coins.
The coins,[citation needed] left, represent examples of these innovative concepts introduced by Akbar that
set the precedent for Mughal coins which was refined and perfected by his son, Jahangir, and later
by his grandson, Shah Jahan.

Diplomacy
Matrimonial alliances
The practice of arranging marriages between Hindu princesses and Muslim kings was known much
before Akbar's time, but in most cases these marriages did not lead to any stable relations between
the families involved, and the women were lost to their families and did not return after marriage. [84][85]
[86]

However, Akbar's policy of matrimonial alliances marked a departure in India from previous practice
in that the marriage itself marked the beginning of a new order of relations, wherein the Hindu
Rajputs who married their daughters or sisters to him would be treated on par with his Muslim
fathers-in-law and brothers in-law in all respects except being able to dine and pray with him or take
Muslim wives. These Rajputs were made members of his court and their daughters' or sisters'
marriage to a Muslim ceased to be a sign of degradation, except for certain proud elements who still
considered it a sign of humiliation.[86]

Birth of Salim, the future emperor Jahangir

The Kacchwaha Rajput, Raja Bharmal, of the small kingdom of Amer, who had come to Akbar's
court shortly after the latter's accession, entered into an alliance by giving his daughter in marriage
to the emperor. Bharmal was made a noble of high rank in the imperial court, and subsequently his
son Bhagwant Das and grandson Man Singh also rose to high ranks in the nobility.[85]
Other Rajput kingdoms also established matrimonial alliances with Akbar, but matrimony was not
insisted on as a precondition for forming alliances. Two major Rajput clans remained aloof –
the Sisodiyas of Mewar and Hadas of Ranthambore. In another turning point of Akbar's reign, Raja
Man Singh I of Amber went with Akbar to meet the Hada leader, Surjan Hada, to effect an alliance.
Surjan accepted an alliance on the condition that Akbar did not marry any of his daughters.
Consequently, no matrimonial alliance was entered into, yet Surjan was made a noble and placed in
charge of Garh-Katanga.[85]
The political effect of these alliances was significant. While some Rajput women who entered
Akbar's harem converted to Islam, they were generally provided full religious freedom, and their
relatives, who continued to remain Hindu, formed a significant part of the nobility and served to
articulate the opinions of the majority of the common populace in the imperial court. [85] The interaction
between Hindu and Muslim nobles in the imperial court resulted in exchange of thoughts and
blending of the two cultures. Further, newer generations of the Mughal line represented a merger of
Mughal and Rajput blood, thereby strengthening ties between the two. As a result, the Rajputs
became the strongest allies of the Mughals, and Rajput soldiers and generals fought for the Mughal
army under Akbar, leading it in several campaigns including the conquest of Gujarat in 1572.
[87]
 Akbar's policy of religious tolerance ensured that employment in the imperial administration was
open to all on merit irrespective of creed, and this led to an increase in the strength of the
administrative services of the empire. [88]
Another legend is that Akbar's daughter Meherunnissa was enamoured by Tansen and had a role in
his coming to Akbar's court.[89] Tansen converted to Islam from Hinduism, apparently on the eve of
his marriage with Akbar's daughter.[90][91]

Foreign relations
Relations with the Portuguese
An Emperor shall be ever Intent on Conquest, Otherwise His enemies shall rise in arms against him.

Jalal-ud-Din Muhammad Akbar,

At the time of Akbar's ascension in 1556, the Portuguese had established several fortresses and
factories on the western coast of the subcontinent, and largely controlled navigation and sea-trade in
that region. As a consequence of this colonialism, all other trading entities were subject to the terms
and conditions of the Portuguese, and this was resented by the rulers and traders of the time
including Bahadur Shah of Gujarat.[92]

Death of Bahadur Shah of Gujarat at Diu, in front of the Portuguese in 1537[93]

In the year 1572 the Mughal Empire annexed Gujarat and acquired its first access to the sea after
local officials informed Akbar that the Portuguese had begun to exert control in the Indian Ocean.
Hence Akbar was conscious of the threat posed by the presence of the Portuguese and remained
content with obtaining a cartaz (permit) from them for sailing in the Persian Gulf region.[94] At the
initial meeting of the Mughals and the Portuguese during the Siege of Surat in 1572, the Portuguese,
recognising the superior strength of the Mughal army, chose to adopt diplomacy instead of war. The
Portuguese Governor, upon the request of Akbar, sent him an ambassador to establish friendly
relations.[95] Akbar's efforts to purchase and secure from the Portuguese some of their
compact artillery pieces were unsuccessful and thus Akbar could not establish the Mughal navy
along the Gujarat coast.[96]
Akbar accepted the offer of diplomacy, but the Portuguese continually asserted their authority and
power in the Indian Ocean; in fact Akbar was highly concerned when he had to request a permit
from the Portuguese before any ships from the Mughal Empire were to depart for the Hajj pilgrimage
to Mecca and Medina.[97] In 1573, he issued a firman directing Mughal administrative officials in
Gujarat not to provoke the Portuguese in the territory they held in Daman. The Portuguese, in turn,
issued passes for the members of Akbar's family to go on Hajj to Mecca. The Portuguese made
mention of the extraordinary status of the vessel and the special status to be accorded to its
occupants.[98]
In September 1579 Jesuits from Goa were invited to visit the court of Akbar.[99] The emperor had his
scribes translate the New Testament and granted the Jesuits freedom to preach the Gospel. [100] One
of his sons, Sultan Murad Mirza, was entrusted to Antoni de Montserrat for his education.[101][102] While
debating at court, the Jesuits did not confine themselves to the exposition of their own beliefs but
also reviled Islam and Muhammad. Their comments enraged the Imams and Ulama, who objected to
the remarks, but Akbar ordered their comments to be recorded and observed the Jesuits and their
behaviour carefully. This event was followed by a rebellion of Muslim clerics in 1581 led by Mullah
Muhammad Yazdi and Muiz-ul-Mulk, the chief Qadi of Bengal; the rebels wanted to overthrow Akbar
and insert his brother Mirza Muhammad Hakim ruler of Kabul on the Mughal throne. Akbar
successfully defeated the rebels, but he had grown more cautious about his guests and his
proclamations, which he later checked with his advisers carefully. [103]

Relations with the Ottoman Empire

Portuguese ambush against the galleys of Seydi Ali Reis (Akbar's allies) in the Indian Ocean.

In 1555, while Akbar was still a child, the Ottoman Admiral Seydi Ali Reis visited the Mughal
Emperor Humayun. In 1569, during the early years of Akbar's rule, another Ottoman
Admiral Kurtoğlu Hızır Reis arrived on the shores of the Mughal Empire. These Ottoman admirals
sought to end the growing threats of the Portuguese Empire during their Indian Ocean campaigns.
During his reign Akbar himself is known to have sent six documents addressing the
Ottoman Sultan Suleiman the Magnificent.[104][105]
In 1576 Akbar sent a very large contingent of pilgrims led by Khwaja Sultan Naqshbandi, Yahya
Saleh, with 600,000 gold and silver coins and 12,000 Kaftans of honour and large consignments of
rice.[106][page  needed] In October 1576 Akbar sent a delegation including members of his family, including his
aunt Gulbadan Begum and his consort Salima, on Hajj by two ships from Surat including an Ottoman
vessel, which reached the port of Jeddah in 1577 and then proceeded towards Mecca and Medina.
[107]
 Four more caravans were sent from 1577 to 1580, with exquisite gifts for the authorities of Mecca
and Medina.[108][109]
The imperial Mughal entourage stayed in Mecca and Medina for nearly four years and attended
the Hajj four times.[110] During this period Akbar financed the pilgrimages of many poor Muslims from
the Mughal Empire and also funded the foundations of the Qadiriyya Sufi Order's dervish lodge in
the Hijaz.[111] The Mughals eventually set out for Surat, and their return was assisted by the
Ottoman Pasha in Jeddah.[112] Because of Akbar's attempts to build Mughal presence in Mecca and
Medina, the local Sharif's began to have more confidence in the financial support provided by
Mughal Empire, lessening their dependency upon Ottoman bounty. [111] Mughal-Ottoman trade also
flourished during this period – in fact merchants loyal to Akbar are known to have
reached Aleppo after journeying upriver through the port of Basra.[113]
According to some accounts Akbar expressed a desire to form an alliance with the Portuguese,
mainly in order to advance his interests, but whenever the Portuguese attempted to invade the
Ottomans, Akbar proved abortive. [114][115] In 1587 a Portuguese fleet sent to attack Yemen was
ferociously routed and defeated by the Ottoman Navy; thereafter the Mughal-Portuguese alliance
immediately collapsed, mainly because of the continuing pressure by the Mughal Empire's
prestigious vassals at Janjira.[116]

Relations with the Safavid Dynasty

The Akbari Mosque, overlooking the Ganges

The Safavids and the Mughals had a long history of diplomatic relationship, with the Safavid
ruler Tahmasp I having provided refuge to Humayun when he had to flee the Indian subcontinent
following his defeat by Sher Shah Suri. However, the Safavids differed from the Sunni Mughals and
Ottomans in following the Shiite sect of Islam.[117] One of the longest standing disputes between the
Safavids and the Mughals pertained to the control of the city of Qandahar in the Hindukush region,
forming the border between the two empires.[118] The Hindukush region was militarily very significant
owing to its geography, and this was well-recognised by strategists of the times. [119] Consequently,
the city, which was being administered by Bairam Khan at the time of Akbar's accession, was
invaded and captured by the Persian ruler Husain Mirza, a cousin of Tahmasp I, in 1558.
[118]
 Subsequent to this, Bairam Khan sent an envoy to the court of Tahmasp I in an effort to maintain
peaceful relations with the Safavids. This gesture was reciprocated and a cordial relationship
continued to prevail between the two empires during the first two decades of Akbar's reign.
[120]
 However, the death of Tahmasp I in 1576 resulted in civil war and instability in the Safavid
empire, and diplomatic relations between the two empires ceased for more than a decade. They
were restored only in 1587 following the accession of Shah Abbas to the Safavid throne.[121] Shortly
afterwards, Akbar's army completed its annexation of Kabul, and in order to further secure the north-
western boundaries of his empire, it proceeded to Qandahar. The city capitulated without resistance
on 18 April 1595, and the ruler Muzaffar Hussain moved into Akbar's court. [122] Qandahar continued to
remain in Mughal possession, and the Hindukush the empire's western frontier, for several decades
until Shah Jahan's expedition into Badakhshan in 1646.[123] Diplomatic relations continued to be
maintained between the Safavid and Mughal courts until the end of Akbar's reign. [124]

Relations with other contemporary kingdoms

Vincent Arthur Smith observes that the merchant Mildenhall was employed in 1600 while the
establishment of the Company was under adjustment to bear a letter from Queen Elizabeth to Akbar
requesting liberty to trade in his dominions on terms as good as those enjoyed by the Portuguese. [125]
Akbar was also visited by the French explorer Pierre Malherbe.[126]
Religious policy

Portrait of the Mughal Emperor Akbar invocation of a Dua prayer.

Akbar, as well as his mother and other members of his family, are believed to have
been Sunni Hanafi Muslims.[127] His early days were spent in the backdrop of an atmosphere in which
liberal sentiments were encouraged and religious narrow-mindedness was frowned upon.[128] From
the 15th century, a number of rulers in various parts of the country adopted a more liberal policy
of religious tolerance, attempting to foster communal harmony between Hindus and Muslims.
[129]
 These sentiments were earlier encouraged by the teachings of popular saints like Guru
Nanak, Kabir and Chaitanya,[128] the verses of the Persian poet Hafez which advocated human
sympathy and a liberal outlook,[130] as well as the Timurid ethos of religious tolerance in the empire,
persisted in the polity right from the times of Timur to Humayun, and influenced Akbar's policy of
tolerance in matters of religion.[131] Further, his childhood tutors, who included two Irani Shias, were
largely above sectarian prejudices, and made a significant contribution to Akbar's later inclination
towards religious tolerance.[131]
Akbar sponsored religious debates between different Muslim groups (Sunni, Shia, Ismaili,
and Sufis), Parsis, Hindus (Shaivite and Vaishnava), Sikhs, Jains, Jews, Jesuits and Materialists, but
was partial to Sufism, he proclaimed that 'the wisdom of Vedanta is the wisdom of Sufism'. [132]
When he was at Fatehpur Sikri, he held discussions as he loved to know about others' religious
beliefs. On one such day he got to know that the religious people of other religions were often
intolerant of others religious beliefs. This led him to form the idea of the new religion, Sulh-e-kul
meaning universal peace. His idea of this religion did not discriminate other religions and focused on
the ideas of peace, unity and tolerance. [citation needed]

Association with the Muslim aristocracy

The Mughal Emperor Akbar welcomes his son Prince Salim at Fatehpur Sikri, (Akbarnameh).

During the early part of his reign, Akbar adopted an attitude of suppression towards Muslim sects
that were condemned by the orthodoxy as heretical.[133] In 1567, on the advice of Shaikh Abdu'n Nabi,
he ordered the exhumation of Mir Murtaza Sharifi Shirazi – a Shia buried in Delhi – because of the
grave's proximity to that of Amir Khusrau, arguing that a "heretic" could not be buried so close to the
grave of a Sunni saint, reflecting a restrictive attitude towards the Shia, which continued to persist
until the early 1570s.[134] He suppressed Mahdavism in 1573 during his campaign in Gujarat, in the
course of which the Mahdavi leader Bandagi Miyan Sheik Mustafa was arrested and brought in
chains to the court for debate and released after eighteen months. [134] However, as Akbar increasingly
came under the influence of pantheistic Sufi mysticism from the early 1570s, it caused a great shift
in his outlook and culminated in his shift from orthodox Islam as traditionally professed, in favour of a
new concept of Islam transcending the limits of religion. [134] Consequently, during the latter half of his
reign, he adopted a policy of tolerance towards the Shias and declared a prohibition on Shia-Sunni
conflict, and the empire remained neutral in matters of internal sectarian conflict. [135] In the year 1578,
the Mughal Emperor Akbar famously referred to himself as:
Emperor of Islam, Emir of the Faithful, Shadow of God on earth, Abul Fath Jalal-ud-din Muhammad
Akbar Badshah Ghazi (whose empire Allah perpetuate), is a most just, most wise, and a most God-
fearing ruler.
In 1580, a rebellion broke out in the eastern part of Akbar's empire, and a number of fatwas,
declaring Akbar to be a heretic, were issued by Qazis. Akbar suppressed the rebellion and handed
out severe punishments to the Qazis. To further strengthen his position in dealing with the Qazis,
Akbar issued a mazhar, or declaration, that was signed by all major ulemas in 1579.[136]
[137]
 The mahzar asserted that Akbar was the Khalifa of the age, a higher rank than that of a Mujtahid:
in case of a difference of opinion among the Mujtahids, Akbar could select any one opinion and
could also issue decrees that did not go against the nass.[138] Given the prevailing Islamic sectarian
conflicts in various parts of the country at that time, it is believed that the Mazhar helped stabilize the
religious situation in the empire.[136] It made Akbar very powerful because of the complete supremacy
accorded to the Khalifa by Islam, and also helped him eliminate the religious and political influence
of the Ottoman Khalifa over his subjects, thus ensuring their complete loyalty to him. [139]
Throughout his reign Akbar was a patron of influential Muslim scholars such as Mir Ahmed Nasrallah
Thattvi and Tahir Muhammad Thattvi.[citation needed]
Whenever Akbar would attend congregations at a mosque the following proclamation was made: [140]
The Lord to me the Kingdom gave, He made me wise, strong and brave, He guides me through right
and truth, Filling my mind with the love of truth, No praise of man could sum his state, Allah Hu
Akbar, God is Great.
Din-i-Ilahi
Main article: Din-i-Ilahi

Akbar holds a religious assembly of different faiths in the Ibadat Khana in Fatehpur Sikri.

Akbar was deeply interested in religious and philosophical matters. An orthodox Muslim at the
outset, he later came to be influenced by Sufi mysticism that was being preached in the country at
that time, and moved away from orthodoxy, appointing to his court several talented people with
liberal ideas, including Abul Fazl, Faizi and Birbal. In 1575, he built a hall called the Ibadat
Khana ("House of Worship") at Fatehpur Sikri, to which he invited theologians, mystics and selected
courtiers renowned for their intellectual achievements and discussed matters of spirituality with
them.[128] These discussions, initially restricted to Muslims, were acrimonious and resulted in the
participants shouting at and abusing each other. Upset by this, Akbar opened the Ibadat Khana to
people of all religions as well as atheists, resulting in the scope of the discussions broadening and
extending even into areas such as the validity of the Quran and the nature of God. This shocked the
orthodox theologians, who sought to discredit Akbar by circulating rumours of his desire to forsake
Islam.[136]
Akbar's effort to evolve a meeting point among the representatives of various religions was not very
successful, as each of them attempted to assert the superiority of their respective religions by
denouncing other religions. Meanwhile, the debates at the Ibadat Khana grew more acrimonious
and, contrary to their purpose of leading to a better understanding among religions, instead led to
greater bitterness among them, resulting in the discontinuance of the debates by Akbar in 1582.
[141]
 However, his interaction with various religious theologians had convinced him that despite their
differences, all religions had several good practices, which he sought to combine into a new religious
movement known as Din-i-Ilahi.[142][143]
Silver square rupee of Akbar, Lahore mint, struck in Aban month of Ilahi

Some modern scholars claim that Akbar did not initiate a new religion but instead introduced
what Dr. Oscar R. Gómez calls the transtheistic outlook from tantric Tibetan Buddhism,[144] and that
he did not use the word Din-i-Ilahi.[145] According to the contemporary events in the Mughal court
Akbar was indeed angered by the acts of embezzlement of wealth by many high level Muslim
clerics.[146]
The purported Din-i-Ilahi was more of an ethical system and is said to have prohibited lust,
sensuality, slander and pride, considering them as sins. Piety, prudence, abstinence and kindness
are the core virtues. The soul is encouraged to purify itself through yearning of God. [147] Celibacy was
respected, chastity enforced, the slaughter of animals was forbidden and there were no sacred
scriptures or a priestly hierarchy.[148] However, a leading Noble of Akbar's court, Aziz Koka, wrote a
letter to him from Mecca in 1594 arguing that the discipleship promoted by Akbar amounted to
nothing more than a desire on Akbar's part to portray his superiority regarding religious matters.
[149]
 To commemorate Din-e-Ilahi, he changed the name of Prayag to Allahabad (pronounced
as ilahabad) in 1583.[150][151]
It has been argued that the theory of Din-i-Ilahi being a new religion was a misconception that arose
because of erroneous translations of Abul Fazl's work by later British historians. [152] However, it is
also accepted that the policy of sulh-e-kul, which formed the essence of Din-i-Ilahi, was adopted by
Akbar not merely for religious purposes but as a part of general imperial administrative policy. This
also formed the basis for Akbar's policy of religious toleration. [153] At the time of Akbar's death in 1605
there were no signs of discontent amongst his Muslim subjects, and the impression of even a
theologian like Abdu'l Haq was that close ties remained. [154]

Relation with Hindus

The great Mogul discoursing with a Humble Fakir

Akbar decreed that Hindus who had been forced to convert to Islam could reconvert to Hinduism
without facing the death penalty. [155] In his days of tolerance he was so well liked by Hindus that there
are numerous references to him, and his eulogies are sung in songs and religious hymns as well. [156]
Akbar practised several Hindu customs. He celebrated Diwali, allowed Brahman priests to tie
jewelled strings round his wrists by way of blessing, and, following his lead, many of the nobles took
to wearing rakhi (protection charms).[157] He renounced beef and forbade the sale of all meats on
certain days.[157]
Even his son Jahangir and grandson Shahjahan maintained many of Akbar's concessions, such as
the ban on cow slaughter, having only vegetarian dishes on certain days of the week, and drinking
only Ganges water.[158] Even as he was in the Punjab, 200 miles away from the Ganges, the water
was sealed in large jars and transported to him. He referred to the Ganges water as the "water of
immortality."[158]

Relation with Jains

Akbar triumphantly enters Surat

Akbar regularly held discussions with Jain scholars and was also greatly impacted by some of their
teachings. His first encounter with Jain rituals was when he saw a procession of a
Jain Shravaka named Champa after a six-month-long fast. Impressed by her power and devotion, he
invited her guru, or spiritual teacher, Acharya Hiravijaya Suri to Fatehpur Sikri. Acharya accepted the
invitation and began his march towards the Mughal capital from Gujarat.[159]
Akbar was impressed by the scholastic qualities and character of the Acharya. He held several inter-
faith dialogues among philosophers of different religions. The arguments of Jains against eating
meat persuaded him to become a vegetarian. [160] Akbar also issued many imperial orders that were
favourable for Jain interests, such as banning animal slaughter. [161] Jain authors also wrote about
their experience at the Mughal court in Sanskrit texts that are still largely unknown to Mughal
historians.[162]
The Indian Supreme Court has cited examples of co-existence of Jain and Mughal architecture,
calling Akbar "the architect of modern India" and that "he had great respect" for Jainism. In 1584,
1592 and 1598, Akbar had declared "Amari Ghosana", which prohibited animal slaughter
during Paryushan and Mahavir Jayanti. He removed the Jazia tax from Jain pilgrim places
like Palitana.[163] Santichandra, disciple of Suri, was sent to the Emperor, who in turn left his disciples
Bhanuchandra and Siddhichandra in the court. Akbar again invited Hiravijaya Suri's successor
Vijayasena Suri in his court who visited him between 1593 and 1595. [citation needed]
Akbar's religious tolerance was not followed by his son Jahangir, who even threatened Akbar's
former friend Bhanuchandra.[164]

Historical accounts
Personality

Akbar hunting with cheetahs, c. 1602

Akbar's reign was chronicled extensively by his court historian Abul Fazl in the
books Akbarnama and Ain-i-akbari. Other contemporary sources of Akbar's reign include the works
of Badayuni, Shaikhzada Rashidi and Shaikh Ahmed Sirhindi.
Akbar was a warrior, emperor, general, animal trainer (reputedly keeping thousands of hunting
cheetahs during his reign and training many himself), and theologian. [165] Believed to be dyslexic, he
was read to everyday and had a remarkable memory.[166]
Akbar was said to have been a wise emperor and a sound judge of character. His son and heir,
Jahangir, wrote effusive praise of Akbar's character in his memoirs, and dozens of anecdotes to
illustrate his virtues.[167] According to Jahangir, Akbar was "of the hue of wheat; his eyes and
eyebrows were black and his complexion rather dark than fair". Antoni de Montserrat,
the Catalan Jesuit who visited his court described him as follows:
"One could easily recognize even at first glance that he is King. He has broad shoulders, somewhat
bandy legs well-suited for horsemanship, and a light brown complexion. He carries his head bent
towards the right shoulder. His forehead is broad and open, his eyes so bright and flashing that they
seem like a sea shimmering in the sunlight. His eyelashes are very long. His eyebrows are not
strongly marked. His nose is straight and small though not insignificant. His nostrils are widely open
as though in derision. Between the left nostril and the upper lip there is a mole. He shaves his beard
but wears a moustache. He limps in his left leg though he has never received an injury there." [168]
Akbar was not tall but powerfully built and very agile. He was also noted for various acts of courage.
One such incident occurred on his way back from Malwa to Agra when Akbar was 19 years of age.
Akbar rode alone in advance of his escort and was confronted by a tigress who, along with her cubs,
came out from the shrubbery across his path. When the tigress charged the emperor, he was
alleged to have dispatched the animal with his sword in a solitary blow. His approaching attendants
found the emperor standing quietly by the side of the dead animal. [169]
Abul Fazl, and even the hostile critic Badayuni, described him as having a commanding personality.
He was notable for his command in battle, and, "like Alexander of Macedon, was always ready to
risk his life, regardless of political consequences". He often plunged on his horse into the flooded
river during the rainy seasons and safely crossed it. He rarely indulged in cruelty and is said to have
been affectionate towards his relatives. He pardoned his brother Hakim, who was a repented rebel.
But on rare occasions, he dealt cruelly with offenders, such as his maternal uncle Muazzam and his
foster-brother Adham Khan, who was twice defenestrated for drawing Akbar's wrath.[170]
He is said to have been extremely moderate in his diet. Ain-e-Akbari mentions that during his travels
and also while at home, Akbar drank water from the Ganges river, which he called 'the water of
immortality'. Special people were stationed at Sorun and later Haridwar to dispatch water, in sealed
jars, to wherever he was stationed.[171][better  source  needed] According to Jahangir's memoirs, he was fond of
fruits and had little liking for meat, which he stopped eating in his later years.
Akbar also once visited Vrindavan, the birthplace of Krishna in the year 1570, and gave permission
for four temples to be built by the Gaudiya Vaisnavas, which were Madana-mohana, Govindaji,
Gopinatha and Jugal Kisore.
To defend his stance that speech arose from hearing, he carried out a language deprivation
experiment, and had children raised in isolation, not allowed to be spoken to, and pointed out that as
they grew older, they remained mute.[172]

Hagiography
During Akbar's reign, the ongoing process of inter-religious discourse and syncretism resulted in a
series of religious attributions to him in terms of positions of assimilation, doubt or uncertainty, which
he either assisted himself or left unchallenged.[173] Such hagiographical accounts of Akbar traversed a
wide range of denominational and sectarian spaces, including several accounts by Parsis, Jains and
Jesuit missionaries, apart from contemporary accounts by Brahminical and Muslim orthodoxy.
[174]
 Existing sects and denominations, as well as various religious figures who represented popular
worship felt they had a claim to him. The diversity of these accounts is attributed to the fact that his
reign resulted in the formation of a flexible centralised state accompanied by personal authority and
cultural heterogeneity.[173]

Akbarnāma, the Book of Akbar

Main article: Akbarnama
Abu'l-Fazl ibn Mubarak presenting Akbarnama to Akbar, Mughal miniature

The Akbarnāma (Persian: ‫)اکبر نامہ‬, which literally means Book of Akbar, is an official biographical

account of Akbar, the third Mughal Emperor (r. 1542–1605), written in Persian. It includes vivid and
detailed descriptions of his life and times.[175]
The work was commissioned by Akbar, and written by Abul Fazl, one of the Nine
Jewels (Hindi: Navaratnas) of Akbar's royal court. It is stated that the book took seven years to be
completed and the original manuscripts contained a number of paintings supporting the texts, and all
the paintings represented the Mughal school of painting, and work of masters of the imperial
workshop, including Basawan, whose use of portraiture in its illustrations was an innovation in Indian
art.[175]

Marriages
Akbar's first wife and chief consort was his cousin, Princess Ruqaiya Sultan Begum,[25][4] the only
daughter of his paternal uncle, Prince Hindal Mirza,[176] and his wife Sultanam Begum. In 1551, Hindal
Mirza died fighting valorously in a battle against Kamran Mirza's forces. Upon hearing the news of
his brother's death, Humayun was overwhelmed with grief. [21] Out of affection to the memory of his
brother, Humayun betrothed Hindal's nine-year-old daughter Ruqaiya to his son Akbar. Their
betrothal took place in Kabul, shortly after Akbar's first appointment as a viceroy in the province
of Ghazni.[22] Humayun conferred on the imperial couple, all the wealth, army, and adherents of
Hindal and Ghazni which one of Hindal's jagir was given to his nephew, Akbar, who was appointed
as its viceroy and was also given the command of his uncle's army. [23] Akbar's marriage with Ruqaiya
was solemnized near Jalandhar, Punjab, when both of them were 14-years-old. [24] Childless herself,
she adopted Akbar's favorite grandson, Prince Khurram (the future emperor Shah Jahan). She died
on 19 January 1626.[177]
His second wife was the daughter of Abdullah Khan Mughal. [178] The marriage took place in 1557
during the siege of Mankot. Bairam Khan did not approve of this marriage, for Abdullah's sister was
married to Akbar's uncle, Prince Kamran Mirza, and so he regarded Abdullah as a partisan of
Kamran. He opposed the match until Nasir-al-mulk made him understand that opposition in such
matters was unacceptable. Nasir-al-mulk arranged an assemblage of pleasure and banquet of joy,
and a royal feast was provided. [179]
His third wife was his cousin, Salima Sultan Begum,[178] the daughter of Nur-ud-din Muhammad Mirza
and his wife Gulrukh Begum also known as Gulrang, the daughter of Emperor Babur. She was at
first betrothed to Bairam Khan by Humayun. After Bairam Khan's death in 1561, Akbar married her
himself the same year. She died childless on 2 January 1613. [180]
In 1562, he married the daughter of Raja Bharmal, ruler of Amer. The marriage took place when
Akbar was on his way back from Ajmer after offering prayers to the tomb of Moinuddin Chishti.
Bharmal had conveyed to Akbar that he was being harassed by his brother-in-law Sharif-ud-din
Mirza (the Mughal hakim of Mewat). Akbar insisted that Bharmal should submit to him personally, it
was also suggested that his daughter should be married to him as a sign of complete submission.
[181]
 She was entitled Mariam-uz-Zamani after giving birth to Akbar's eldest surviving son, Prince
Salim (the future emperor Jahangir). She died on 19 May 1623.[182]
The same year, Akbar married the former wife of Abdul Wasi, the son of Shaikh Bada, lord of Agra.
Akbar had fallen in love with her, and ordered Abdul Wasi to divorce her. [183] Another of his wives was
Gauhar-un-Nissa Begum, the daughter of Shaikh Muhammad Bakhtiyar and the sister of Shaikh
Jamal Bakhtiyar. Their dynasty was called Din Laqab and had been living for a long time in
Chandwar and Jalesar near Agra. She was Akbar's chief wife. [184]
His next marriage took place in 1564 to the daughter of Miran Mubrak Shah, the ruler of Khandesh.
In 1564, he sent presents to the court with a request that his daughter be married by Akbar. Miran's
request was acceded and an order was issued. Itimad Khan was sent with Miran's ambassadors,
and when he came near the fort of Asir, which was Miran's residence. Miran welcomed Itimad with
honor, and despatched his daughter with Itimad. A large number of nobles accompanied her.
The marriage took place in September 1564 when she reached Akbar's court. [185] As dowry, Mubarak
Shah ceded Bijagarh and Handia to his imperial son-in-law. [186]
He married another Rajput princess in 1570, who was the daughter of Kahan, the brother of Rai
Kalyan Mal Rai, the ruler of Bikanir. The marriage took place in 1570, when Akbar came to this part
of the country. Kalyan made a homage to Akbar, and requested that his brother's daughter be
married by him. Akbar accepted his proposal, and the marriage was arranged. He also married the
daughter of Rawal Har Rai, the ruler of Jaisalmer in 1570.[187] Rawal had sent a request that his
daughter be married by Akbar. The proposal was accepted by Akbar. Raja Bahgwan Das was
despatched on this service. The marriage ceremony took place after Akbar's return from Nagor.
[188]
 She was the mother of Princess Mahi Begum, who died on 8 April 1577. [189]
Another of his wives was Bhakkari Begum, the daughter of Sultan Mahmud of Bhakkar. [190] On 2 July
1572, Akbar's envoy I'timad Khan reached Mahmud's court to escort his daughter to Akbar. I'timad
Khan brought with him for Sultan Mahmud an elegant dress of honour, a bejewelled scimitar-belt, a
horse with a saddle and reins and four elephants. Mahmud celebrated the occasion by holding
extravagant feasts for fifteen days. On the day of wedding, the festivities reached their zenith and
the ulema, saints and nobles were adequately honoured with rewards. Mahmud offered 30,000
rupees in cash and kind to I'timad Khan and farewelled his daughter with a grand dowry and an
impressive entourage.[191] She came to Ajmer and waited upon Akbar. The gifts of Sultan Mahmud,
carried by the delegation were presented to the ladies of the imperial harem. [192]
His ninth wife was Qasima Banu Begum,[178] the daughter of Arab Shah. The marriage took place in
1575. A great feast was given, and the high officers, and other pillars of the state were present. [193] In
1577, the Rajah of Dungarpur State petitioned a request that his daughter might be married to
Akbar. Akbar had regard to his loyalty and granted his request. [194] Rai Loukaran and Rajah Birbar,
servants of the Rajah were sent from Dihalpur to do the honour of conveying his daughter. The two
delivered the lady at Akbar's court where the marriage took place on 12 July 1577. [195]
His eleventh wife was Bibi Daulat Shad. [178] She was the mother of Princess Shakr-un-Nissa Begum,
and Princess Aram Banu Begum[196] born on 2 January 1585.[197] His next wife was the daughter of
Shams Chak, a Kashmiri. The marriage took place on 3 November 1592. Shams belonged to the
great men of the country, and had long cherished this wish. [198] In 1593, he married the daughter of
Qazi Isa, and the cousin of Najib Khan. Najib told Akbar that his uncle had made his daughter a
present for him. Akbar accepted his representation and on 3 July 1593 he visited Najib Khan's house
and married Qazi Isa's daughter. [199]

Death

Gate of Akbar's mausoleum at Sikandra, Agra, 1795

On 3 October 1605, Akbar fell ill with an attack of dysentery from which he never recovered. He is
believed to have died on 27 October 1605, after which his body was buried at his mausoleum in
Sikandra, Agra.[200]

Legacy
Akbar left a rich legacy both for the Mughal Empire as well as the Indian subcontinent in general. He
firmly entrenched the authority of the Mughal Empire in India and beyond, after it had been
threatened by the Afghans during his father's reign, [201] establishing its military and diplomatic
superiority.[202] During his reign, the nature of the state changed to a secular and liberal one, with
emphasis on cultural integration. He also introduced several far-sighted social reforms, including
prohibiting sati, legalising widow remarriage and raising the age of marriage. Folk tales revolving
around him and Birbal, one of his navratnas, are popular in India.
Bhavishya Purana is a minor Purana that depicts the various Hindu holy days and includes a section
devoted to the various dynasties that ruled India, dating its oldest portion to 500 CE and newest to
the 18th century. It contains a story about Akbar in which he is compared to the other Mughal rulers.
The section called "Akbar Bahshaha Varnan", written in Sanskrit, describes his birth as a
"reincarnation" of a sage who immolated himself on seeing the first Mughal ruler Babur, who is
described as the "cruel king of Mlecchas (Muslims)". In this text it is stated that Akbar "was a
miraculous child" and that he would not follow the previous "violent ways" of the Mughals. [203][204]
Citing Akbar's melding of the disparate 'fiefdoms' of India into the Mughal Empire as well as the
lasting legacy of "pluralism and tolerance" that "underlies the values of the modern republic of
India", Time magazine included his name in its list of top 25 world leaders. [13]
On the other hand, his legacy is explicitly negative in Pakistan for the same reasons.
Historian Mubarak Ali, while studying the image of Akbar in Pakistani textbooks, observes that Akbar
"is conveniently ignored and not mentioned in any school textbook from class one to matriculation",
as opposed to the omnipresence of emperor Aurangzeb. He quotes historian Ishtiaq Hussain
Qureshi, who said that, due to his religious tolerance, "Akbar had so weakened Islam through his
policies that it could not be restored to its dominant position in the affairs." A common thread among
Pakistani historians is to blame Akbar's Rajput policy. As a conclusion, after analyzing many
textbooks, Mubarak Ali says that "Akbar is criticized for bringing Muslims and Hindus together as
one nation and putting the separate identity of the Muslims in danger. This policy of Akbar
contradicts the theory of Two-Nation and therefore makes him an unpopular figure in Pakistan." [205]
Q. No. 4. ‘By his political reforms and policy of religious toleration Sher
Shah laid the foundation of an enlightened government’. Discuss. (20)

Reforms Introduced by Sher Shah Suri

Administrative Reforms

 Extensive repairs of Major Roads

 Rest houses for travelers
 Drinking well for Musafirs
 1st to introduce agricultural land measurements
 Categorized Cultivated land according to its production
 Introduced Postal System in which horses carried mails
 Introduced Free Kitchens to provide meal to poor/needy people
 Spend a due share of booty on building Mosque, Building Roads and Planting Trees

Economic Reforms

 Introduce Coin or Rupaiya

 1st in Sub Continent to introduce Custom Duties
 Introduced new coinage (Rupiya and Takka in place of Paisa and Jeethal)
 Introduced Land Revenue System

Political Reforms

 1st who kept Military Away from politics

 Made cantonment areas controlled by Army
 Crushed Pathan, Baloch, Rajput and Gakkhar tribe in India to br the Supreme
Authority of Sub-Continent.
 Joined Multan and Agra to each other with Famous GT Road to overcome
communication gap.
 Introduced System of "Sarkars and Parganas"
 A Nation Builder
 Involve Hindus in Administrative Machinery of Sub Continent
 Tried and Established a National Government
 Believed in Peasantry to be the back bone of state.

__________________
True knowledge exists in knowing that you know nothing. "Socrates"

Religious Policy of Sher Shah

Article Shared By 
ADVERTISEMENTS:

There is a difference of opinion regarding the religious policy followed by

Sher Shah. According to Dr. Qanungo, “Sher Shah followed a policy of
religious toleration towards the Hindus. His attitude was not contemptuous
sufferance but respectful deference.” Principal Sri Ram Sharma differs from
Qanungo. Sher Shah was very much devoted to his own faith. He did his
prayers five times a day.

On more than one occasion, Sher Shah resorted to Jehad or holy war against
the Rajputs. War against Pooranmal of Raisin was officially called a Jehad.
His treatment of Maldeo of Jodhpur is a symbol of his intolerance. The same
could be said about the siege of Kalinjar. Generally, Sher Shah was tolerant
in matters of religious belief. He separated politics from ethics. He did not
carry on any organized propaganda against the Hindus. On the whole, he was
tolerant towards the Hindus.

According to Dr. A. L. Srivastava, “The net result of Sher Shah’s policy was
that his Muslim subjects never felt angry with him on account of his liberal
and lenient policy towards the Hindus. On the other hand, Akbar, in his
anxiety to please his Hindu subjects, ignored the sentiments of his Muslim
subjects. Its result was that he (Akbar) no doubt was successful in pleasing
the Hindus, but he lost the sympathy of his Muslim subjects and, as such,
became an obstacle in uniting the two communities into one.

ADVERTISEMENTS:

Sher Shah’s policy was that Islam should be given its due dignity and
supremacy in this land but, at the same time, Hinduism also should not be
held inferior nor should it be degraded. In those days, therefore, this attitude
and policy was more useful and appropriate, according to which he (Sht
Shah) could openly favour the Hindus without displeasing the Muslims as
well. If Akbar and his successors had pursued this policy of ‘religious
neutrality’ in the country, this complicated communal problem of India
would have found a correct solution very long ago.”

Religious Policy of Sher Shah

Sher Shah was a staunch Sunni Muslim and he followed the principles of

Islam in his personal life. Historian holds divergent opinions about his
religious attitude. Dr. S.R. Sharma writes, “Sher Shah was only a product of
his age as far as his religious policy was concerned. Like Firoz Shah before
him, he combined administrative zeal with religious intolerance. His place in
history does not depend upon his initiating a policy of religious toleration or
neutrality.” He further mentions that “It was not different from other Turk
and Afghan rulers of the Delhi Sultanate.” But Dr. Wanungo affirms, “His
attitude towards the Hindus was not of continued sufferance but of
respectable deference: they received due recognition in the State. While he did
not abolish Jaziya, none of his victories or peace measures aimed at the
massacre of the ‘infidels’. If he did not actively advocate a Hindu-Muslim
rapprochement, he also did not intentionally retard its growth.” It is evident
from the views of Dr. Qanungo that Sher Shah was tolerant to the Hindus. Dr.
R.P. Tripathi also writes, “Sher Shah was a tolerant monarch which is proved
by the activities pursued in fields of religion, literature and fine arts during
his times.”

Really, Sher Shah was neither a tolerant emperor nor a bigot. Although he
declared Jihad against the Rajputs and his behavior with King Puran Mal of
Raisin was extremely fanatic, yet he followed this sternness only during war
period and discarded it during peace time. He utilized the feeling of his 
co-religionists in a proper way and destroyed the temple of Jodhpur in order
to win the favour of Muslims. To sum up, we may say that Sher Shah was a
shrewd politician and a great opportunist. He acted according to the need of
time and seeing his activities it can be said that he was neither intolerant like
the rulers of Delhi sultanate nor liberal like the Mughal Emperors, who ruled
over India after him. Q. No. 5. How and why the concept of Basic
Democracies was evolved in Pakistan and with what results?(20)
Pakistan

Basic Democracies

Ayub Khan's martial law regime, critics observed, was a form of "representational
dictatorship," but the new political system, introduced in 1959 as "Basic Democracy,"
was an apt expression of what Ayub Khan called the particular "genius" of Pakistan.
In 1962 a new constitution was promulgated as a product of that indirect elective
system. Ayub Khan did not believe that a sophisticated parliamentary democracy was
suitable for Pakistan. Instead, the Basic Democracies, as the individual administrative
units were called, were intended to initiate and educate a largely illiterate population
in the working of government by giving them limited representation and associating
them with decision making at a "level commensurate with their ability." Basic
Democracies were concerned with no more than local government and rural
development. They were meant to provide a two-way channel of communication
between the Ayub Khan regime and the common people and allow social change to
move slowly.

The Basic Democracies system set up five tiers of institutions. The lowest but most
important tier was composed of union councils, one each for groups of villages having
an approximate total population of 10,000. Each union council comprised ten directly
elected members and five appointed members, all called Basic Democrats. Union
councils were responsible for local agricultural and community development and for
rural law and order maintenance; they were empowered to impose local taxes for local
projects. These powers, however, were more than balanced at the local level by the
fact that the controlling authority for the union councils was the deputy commissioner,
whose high status and traditionally paternalistic attitudes often elicited obedient
cooperation rather than demands.

The next tier consisted of the tehsil (subdistrict) councils, which performed

coordination functions. Above them, the district (zilla) councils, chaired by the deputy
commissioners, were composed of nominated official and nonofficial members,
including the chairmen of union councils. The district councils were assigned both
compulsory and optional functions pertaining to education, sanitation, local culture,
and social welfare. Above them, the divisional advisory councils coordinated the
activities with representatives of government departments. The highest tier consisted
of one development advisory council for each province, chaired by the governor and
appointed by the president. The urban areas had a similar arrangement, under which
the smaller union councils were grouped together into municipal committees to
perform similar duties. In 1960 the elected members of the union councils voted to
confirm Ayub Khan's presidency, and under the 1962 constitution they formed an
electoral college to elect the president, the National Assembly, and the provincial
assemblies.

The system of Basic Democracies did not have time to take root or to fulfill Ayub
Khan's intentions before he and the system fell in 1969. Whether or not a new class of
political leaders equipped with some administrative experience could have emerged to
replace those trained in British constitutional law was never discovered. And the
system did not provide for the mobilization of the rural population around institutions
of national integration. Its emphasis was on economic development and social welfare
alone. The authority of the civil service was augmented in the Basic Democracies, and
the power of the landlords and the big industrialists in the West Wing went
unchallenged.

Basic Democracies
 বাংলা

Basic Democracies a local government system introduced during the Ayub regime in the early
1960s. General AYUB KHAN, President of Pakistan, introduced the concept of basic democracy under
the Basic Democracies Order, 1959 having made an attempt to initiate a grass-root level democratic
system. Of course, most of the political parties of East Pakistan had different ideas about his
scheme, and considered it a bid to usurp power in the hands of Ayub Khan and other vested groups.

The system of Basic Democracies was initially a five-tier arrangement. They were: (i) union councils
(rural areas), town and union committees (urban areas); (ii) thana councils (East Pakistan), tehsil
councils (West Pakistan); (iii) district councils; (iv) divisional councils; (v) provincial development
advisory council.

At the base of the system was the union council which consisted of a chairman and usually about 15
members. It had both elected and nominated members. Two-thirds of the members were elected
representatives and one-third consisted of non-official members nominated by the government.
However, the nomination was abolished by an amendment in 1962. The members of the council
were elected by the people from their respective unions on the basis of universal adult franchise.
The chairman of the council was elected by the members from amongst themselves. In a way, it was
at par with the erstwhile union board with minor differences. The elected representatives of the union
council were called basic democrats. The total number of such councils was 7300.

In the second tier was the thana council which consisted of ex-officio representative members,
official and non-official members. The representative members were the chairmen of the union
councils and town committees. The official members were the representatives of various nation-
building departments of a thana and their number was fixed by the district magistrate of the
concerned district. The total number of official members could not in any case exceed the number of
non-official members. The council was headed by the Sub-Divisional Officer (SDO) who was the ex-
officio chairman. In his absence the Circle Officer (development) would preside over the meetings of
the thana council as ex-officio member. In case of West Pakistan, the thana was known as tehsil and
it was presided over by a tehsilder. In all, there were 655 thanas and tehsils in Pakistan.

The third tier was the district council. It consisted of one chairman, official and non-official members.
The number of members would not exceed 40. The chairmen of thana councils were its members,
and other official members were drawn from district level officers of development departments and
an equal number of non-official members. At least 50% the non-official members was drawn from
amongst the chairmen of union councils and town committees. The district magistrate acted as
chairman of the council while the vice-chairman was elected by the elected members of the council.

In absence of the chairman the vice-chairman had to perform such other functions assigned by the
chairman. There were 74 district councils in Pakistan. The district council was the most important tier
in the basic democracy system. It was the successor organisation to the district board. So far as the
composition of the council was concerned, it regressed beyond its 1885 position when 25%
members were nominated.

The fourth and the apex tier was the divisional council. The Divisional Commissioner was the ex-
officio chairman of the council. It had both official and non-official (representative) members. The
maximum number of members was 45. Official members consisted of the chairmen of district
councils of the concerned division and representatives of development departments. The total
number of divisional councils was sixteen.

Basic democracies specified a provincial development advisory council for each wing. Its
composition followed the pattern of the divisional council except that only one-third of the appointed
members had to be selected from union council chairmen. The council did not have any power.
However, it was dropped with the introduction of provincial assemblies in both East and West
Pakistan.

Of the five councils created by the Basic Democracies Order only the union and district councils had
been given specific functions. The divisional and thana council performed mostly coordinative
functions. The union council had been entrusted with a variety of functions such as agriculture, small
industry, community development and increased food production in the union. It maintained law and
order through the rural police and had been given judicial powers to try minor civil and criminal cases
through its conciliation courts. The union councils were given the responsibility of planning and
implementing rural public works programmes for construction of roads, bridges and culverts,
irrigation channels and embankments. The union council was empowered to levy taxes, impose
rates, tolls and fees. The most important feature of the basic democracy system was that it formed
the national electoral college consisting of 80,000 members from East and West Pakistan for the
elections of President, members of national assembly and of the provincial assemblies.

The thana/tehsil council was mostly a coordinative and supervisory body. All the activities of union
councils and town committees falling within its jurisdiction were coordinated by it. All development
plans prepared by the union councils and town committees were coordinated by the thana council
including supervision of on-going schemes. It followed the directions of the district council and
remained responsible to it.

The district council had been entrusted with three types of functions: compulsory, optional and
coordinating. Some of the compulsory functions included construction of public roads, culverts,
bridges, maintenance of primary schools, plantation and preservation of trees, regulation of public
ferries, and improvement of public health. Optional functions included education, culture, socio-
economic welfare, and public works. In addition, the district council was also given broad functions
such as agriculture, industry, community development, promotion of national reconstruction and
development of cooperatives. Coordination of all activities of local councils within the district was
also a responsibility of the district council. The council was supposed to formulate schemes and
projects taken by nation building departments and make suggestions for further improvement and
development and recommend them to the divisional council and other concerned authorities. The
fourth tier, the divisional council, was least important functionally. It was simply an advisory body at
that level.

Apart from being the agent of local government, the basic democracies also performed political and
electoral functions to legitimize the government through popular support and participation. In the
referendum for presidential elections held on 14 February 1960 the basic democrats voted for Ayub
Khan. The monopolisation of electoral rights by the basic democrats was strongly despised by the
vast rural and urban masses, which led to mass upheaval against Ayub in 1969. As a political
institution it not only failed to legitimize the regime, but also in fact lost its legitimacy after the fall of
General Ayub in 1969. [Shamsur Rahman]

Bibliography Samuel P Huntington, Political Order in Changing Societies, New Haven, 1968; KB

Sayeed, The Political System of Pakistan, Boston, London, 1967; Herbert Fieldman, Revolution in
Pakistan: A Study of Martial Law Administration, London, 1967.

Q. No. 6. Elaborate legal frame work order of 1970 and its far reaching
impact on the politics of Pakistan. (20) The New Year sun of 1970
dawned with a new enthusiasm in Pakistan’s politics. The ban on
political activities had gone and everyone felt optimistic about the
development, except the few unfortunate events that took place
after the polls. The political parties had been allowed to launch
their electioneering which put the whole nation on the move. All
big and small political groups joined the race.

To express his intention of holding free and fair elections, Yahya Khan took
many decisions. Perhaps he wanted to wash the stains the army-led
administration had cast during the past 11 years. In implementing his plan and
giving a legal cover to his forthcoming actions, he announced a Legal
Framework Order, 1970 (LFO) on March 30, 1970. The LFO was a provisional
constitution and had many guidelines to hold elections and set the future
character of the newly-elected assembly.

It said the new assembly would consist of 300 members plus 13 seats reserved
for women. The distribution of seats was made on this formula: East Pakistan
162 general and 7 reserved seats, Punjab 82 and 3 respectively, Sindh 27 and 1
respectively, Balochistan 4 and 1 respectively; and Federally Administered
Tribal Areas (FATA) got 7 general seats.

Through the LFO the assembly was asked to frame a constitution within 120
days; provinces were pledged provincial autonomy within the ambit of the
federation so that the integrity of the country was not jeopardised. The federal
government would be named the Islamic Republic of Pakistan; it should
preserve Islamic ideology and its head should necessarily be a Muslim. All
citizens would enjoy fundamental human rights.

There were opposing opinions also about various aspects of the LFO, but there
were four areas in which legal experts had substantive reservations. These
were: the LFO said that if the Constituent Assembly could not frame a
constitution within the stipulated time the Assembly would stand dissolved
and new elections held; the president would reject any constitution framed by
the Assembly if it did not meet the requirements mentioned in the LFO; the
president would have the power to interpret and amend the Constitution; and
that his decision could not be challenged in any court of law.

Since electioneering had been allowed from New Year’s day, all political forces
were engaged in promoting their manifestos and busy in attracting their
supporters. But polarisation appeared so intense that the slide in the vote
bank could be seen from the crowds. Mainly there were two parties — the
Awami League (AL) in East Pakistan and Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) in the
western wing. Without going into any academic interpretation the results
could be forecast.

While the AL drew its popularity from its six-point programme, the PPP had a
new social and economic programme that was sending shockwaves through
the established and traditional power bastions in the western wing. The Yahya
administration was not unaware of the situation, but wanted to prove the
credibility of its pledge for holding free and fair polls.

Yahya had already asked Justice Abdus Sattar to prepare electoral rolls within
the given time. Since it was the first ever general election in the country on
one-man one-vote basis there was no previous data hence caution was taken
to coordinate all functions of the Election Commission. The first task was the
preparation of the electoral rolls including the names of those who had
attained the age of 21 years on October 1, 1969. The first draft was displayed
on January 16, 1970 and with minor corrections the final list appeared on
March 17.
The electoral rolls spoke of the possible result of the polls. The number of total
registered voters in the country was shown to be 56,941,500, out of which
31,211,220 were in the eastern wing and 25,730,280 were in the western wing.
The temper in East Pakistan was quite obvious that if AL took the eastern vote
bank en bloc it would leave no chance for any leader in the western wing even
if all parties and groups clubbed together. Nonetheless, elections do offer all
kinds of chances.

The Yahya team had planned to hold the general elections on October 5 for
National Assembly and October 19 for provincial assemblies.

However, a severe cyclone and flood hit East Pakistan. It was a dreadful
calamity. Most of the loss was incurred by the absence of any early warning
system. More tragic was the slow process of relief work.

According to a conservative estimate more than 300,000 people died and loss
to the crops and other infrastructure stood at $15 billion. Shaikh Mujib was
shocked over the devastation but he did not want postponement of the
elections which, according to him, would offer a chance to the rulers to evade
polls. He accepted the holding of elections on December 7 and 17.

The election process was in full swing and people waited for change eagerly,
which could be the first through the ballot.

The features of the LFO 1970 are mentioned as under:

1: The National Assembly of Pakistan will consist of 313 seats with 13 seats reserved
for women. Out of 313, 169 seats were to be for East Pakistan, 85 for Punjab, 28 for
Sindh, 19 for NWFP, 5 for Baluchistan and 7 seats were allotted to the tribal areas.

2: Each province will have a provincial assembly consisting of elected members. East
Pakistan provincial assembly will have 400 members, Punjab 186, Sindh 62,
Baluchistan 21 and NWFP 42.

3: The elections for National Assembly will be held on 5 October 1970 and for provincial
assemblies not later than 22 October.

4:  The new constitution of Pakistan will follow these principles:

a: Pakistan will be a Federal Republic and will be known as Islamic Republic of Pakistan

b: The head of the Pakistan state would be a Muslim and the divinity of Islam will be
preserved.
 c: The principles of democracy will prevail by holding free elections for federal and
provincial legislatures on the basis of adult franchise. Independent judiciary will be
made possible along with fundamental rights for the citizens.

d:  All provinces will be given maximum autonomy while the centre will also remain
strong.

e:  The citizens of the country will be able to participate actively in the affairs of the state
and the state will try to eliminate economic disparities in the society.

f: The constitution of the country will make it possible for the Muslims of Pakistan to live
their lives according to the teachings of Islam. The minorities will be free to follow their
own faiths and will be able to enjoy the benefits of citizenship along with their fellow
Pakistanis.

g:  The LFO clarified the status of national and provincial assemblies. It stated that the
National Assembly would either be the only legislature provided that federal legislature
consisting of one house or it would be the lower house if federation has two houses. Its
tenure would be for the full term in both cases. The same went for provincial
assemblies.

h: Within 120 days of the first meeting of the National Assembly, it would form a
constitution bill and if it fails to do so, it will dissolve.

5: After the elections of the National Assembly, provisions will be made to arrange its
meetings.

6: The LFO set broad outlines, structures, conditions and qualifications. Any contesting
political party failing to qualify these conditions would not be able to participate in the
elections.
Legal Framework Order, 1970
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The Legal Framework Order, 1970 (LFO) was a decree issued by then-President of

Pakistan Gen. Agha Muhammad Yahya Khan that laid down the political principles and laws
governing the 1970 general election, which was the first direct elections in the history of Pakistan. [1]
[2]
 The LFO also dissolved the "One Unit" scheme of West Pakistan, re-establishing the four
provinces of Punjab, Sindh, Balochistan and the Northwest Frontier Province.[1][2] Pakistan would be a
democratic country and the complete name of the country would be Islamic Republic of Pakistan.

Contents

 1Foundation
 2Provisions
 3Outcome
 4References

Foundation[edit]
Gen. Yahya Khan had taken over from his predecessor President Ayub Khan with the purpose of
restoring law and order in Pakistan that had deteriorated in the final days of Ayub's regime. [1] Yahya
promised to transition the country to democracy and promised to hold direct elections for that
purpose.[1] However, Gen. Yahya also had to decide on how the two wings of the country, East
Pakistan (present-day Bangladesh) and West Pakistan would be represented.[2] Although
geographically smaller and separated from West Pakistan by the whole width of India, East Pakistan
(also known as East Bengal) consisted of more than half the national population and was
predominantly inhabited by Bengali people. Allegations of ethnic discrimination and lack of
representation had caused turmoil and conflict between the two wings of Pakistan. [1] The Awami
League, the largest political party in East Pakistan, espoused Bengali nationalism and sought
greater autonomy for the province, which most West Pakistanis saw as secessionist. [2]
Yahya Khan held talks with East Pakistan's Governor, Vice-Admiral Ahsan, and concluded that
Sheikh Mujib would soften his demands after the election. Yahya instituted the Legal Framework
Order (LFO) on March 30, 1970, with the aim to secure the future constitution. [3]

Provisions[edit]
The LFO called for direct elections for a unicameral legislature, the National Assembly of Pakistan.
The LFO decreed that the assembly would be composed of 313 seats. [2][4] Departing from the
precedent of the 1956 Constitution of Pakistan, which stipulated for parity between the two wings,
the LFO called for proportional representation, giving the more populous East Pakistan 169 seats in
turn for West Pakistan's 144.[4][2] The LFO stipulated that the National Assembly would have to create
a new constitution for the state of Pakistan within 120 days of being convened, but reserved the right
of approving the Constitution to the President[5] and left the rules of the process in the hands of the
new assembly to come.[2] New elections would be called if the Assembly failed to come to an
agreement in 120 days - all formulations and agreements proposed by political parties would require
"authentication" by the president.[6] The LFO also dissolved the "One Unit scheme", which had
combined the four provinces of the western wing to constitute the political unit of West Pakistan. [1][2]
The LFO also stipulated that the future Constitution was to include five principles. [7]

1. The state's Islamic ideology and reserving the role of the Head of State for Muslims
exclusively.
2. Free and regular elections, both provincial and federal, based on provincial populations and
universal suffrage.
3. Judicial independence and human rights for the citizenry.
4. Assurance of maximum autonomy for the provinces while protecting the country's territorial
sovereignty and providing sufficient powers to the Federal Government for functioning both
internally and externally.
5. Providing national participation to all citizens with the removal of all regional and provincial
disparities.

Outcome[edit]
The LFO met a long-standing demand of Bengalis by accepting proportional representation, to the
chagrin of many West Pakistanis who resisted the notion of an East Pakistani-led government.
  Many East Pakistanis criticised the LFO's reservation for the President the power to authenticate
[2]

the Constitution. Yahya Khan assured Bengalis that this was only a procedural formality and
necessary for the democratisation of the country.[8] Yahya Khan ignored reports from the intelligence
agencies about the increase in Indian influence in East Pakistan and that Mujib intended to tear up
the LFO after the elections.[9]
Contrary to Yahya Khan's opinion that the Awami League would not win the elections in the East
wing,[10] the Awami League won all but two seats from East Pakistan, gaining a majority in the
National Assembly and thus not needing the support of any West Pakistani political party. As the
LFO had not laid down any rules for the process of writing a constitution, an Awami League-
controlled government would oversee the passage of a new constitution with a simple majority.
[2]
 The Pakistan Peoples Party of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, which had emerged as the largest political party
in West Pakistan, declared it would boycott the new legislature, which severely aggravated tensions.
After the failure of talks, Gen. Yahya postponed the convening of the legislature, a decision that
provoked outright rebellion in East Pakistan and consequently led to the Bangladesh Liberation
War in 1971.[1][2]
Q. No. 7. Write notes on the following: (10 each) (20)
i. Movement for the Restoration of Democracy (MRD)
ii. Hussain Shaheed Suharwardy and his Ministry (1956-57)

Movement for the Restoration of Democracy

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Movement for the Restoration of Democracy

Presidium Rasool Bux Palijo (Awami Tahreek)

Benazir Bhutto (PPP)
Fazil Rahu (Awami Tahreek)
Jam Saqi (CPP)
Khan Abdul Wali Khan (ANP)
Fazal-ur-Rehman (JUI(F))

Founded February 8, 1981

Dissolved August 24, 1988

Ideology Left–wing

Red
Colors
 

Party flag
 The Movement for the Restoration of Democracy (MRD) (Urdu: ‫)اتحاد برائے بحالی جمہوریت‬, was a
historically populist and massive left–wing political alliance formed to oppose and end the military
government of President General Zia-ul-Haq. Directed and chaired by Benazir Bhutto of Pakistan
Peoples Party, its primary objectives and aims were to restoration of the democracy as well as
gaining the civilian control of the military.
Formed in February 1981, the alliance was noted for its left–wing orientation and had Pakistan
Peoples Party (PPP), Awami National Party (ANP), Pakistan Muslim League (Khwaja Khairuddin
group), Pakistan Democratic Party, Tehreek-e-Istiqlal, Awami Tehreek, Jamiat-e-Ulema-e-Islam,
and Mazdoor Kissan Party. The alliance was rooted in rural areas of Sindh Province and remained
mostly nonviolent, was strongest among supporters of the Pakistan People's Party (PPP). Though it
launched one of the most massive nonviolent movements in South Asia since the time of Gandhi,
failure to expand beyond its southern stronghold combined with effective repression from the military
led to its demise a year and half later. Although effective in its strategies, the alliance more quickly
dissolved after the death of President Zia-ul-Haq in 1988 which marked its way for peaceful general
elections, outlined the return of Pakistan Peoples Party in national power.[1]

Contents

 1Formation
o 1.1MRD Composition
 2Reception
o 2.1Controversy regarding the Foreign support
o 2.2Aftermath of USSR Collapse
 3References
 4Links

Formation[edit]
MRD activist demonstrating against President Zia-ul-Haq in 1985 in Punjab. The child leading the protest
holding PPP flag is Fraz Wahlah who became the youngest political prisoner of MRD after his arrest along with
his father, late MS Wahlah Advocate.

In the 1970s, the events leading to the success of right-wing alliance, PNA, toppled and overthrow
the government of left-oriented PPP. At the time of death of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, nearly 3,000 PPP
activists and supporters were jailed, many of whom remained imprisoned for the next decade.
President General Zia-ul-Haq was particularly unpopular in the Sindh Province, where support for
the PPP remained relatively strong. In 1979, President General Zia-ul-Haq announced the
implementation of Islamization program and pressed his ultraconservatism policies in the country.
[2]
 Following the invasive Russian invasion of Afghanistan, President Zia exercised more repressive
policies to curb the communist influence in the country, whilst escalating the insurgency in Pashtun-
domaniated Khyber province in Western Pakistan.[3] In response, the former rivals, ANP and CPP,
decided to oppose President Zia's actions in the country, ultimately the left-wing sphere formed the
alliance with the PPP which being the influential of all left-wing parties.
In 1980, PPP persuasively reached out to left-wing organizations in the country and started its
political function after calling the end of military regime of President Zia-ul-Haq. Negotiations
between PPP leaders and the political parties that had formed the Pakistan National Alliance in 1977
started in October 1980. They led to the formation of the MRD on 6 February 1981, at 70 Clifton, the
Bhuttos' family house in Karachi. The alliance was dissolved on 24 August 1988. The alliance
launched a struggle against the regime of Zia ul-Haq: in the first weeks, 1999 people were arrested,
189 killed and 126 injured.[4]
The movement is generally thought of as two separate outburst, one in August and September 1983,
and one in 1986. It was particularly strong in rural Sindh, where it was fueled by people's resentment
against the state, and it finally took 3 army divisions and helicopters to bring the uprising down.
Military force and repression was used against agitators and the movement was crushed. [5] Despite
its set backs, the MRD was significant for mounting a political pressure on President Zia to hold the
elections. Convinced that party-based elections would not bring the "positive results" he had been
talking of, he decided to hold non-party elections in 1985. But before doing so, he secured his
election as president through a referendum.
In 1984, Benazir Bhutto and the MRD notably boycotted the 1984 presidential referendum, following
making another call for boycotting the 1985 general elections, to be held under President Zia-ul-Haq.
[6]
 Successfully boycotting the 1984 referendum and 1985 election, proved to be a serious
miscalculation despite confident of enjoying huge popular support. [6] Contrary to MRD's expectations,
the voters turned to these polls were in large numbers. [6] The MRD soon realized that it had
miscalculated badly, that it should have fought the elections on Zia’s terms. [6]
The PML, JeI, and MQM were the only parties which contested in the election, while the MRD
boycotted the election. To a greater extent, the MRD's was hailing from Sindh where the left-wing
orientation was much stronger than any other provinces of the country. The Communist Party, with
the support from USSR, began its political operations in Sindh and ultimately calling for civil
disobedience against the military regime.[7] In response, the communist party leader, Jam Saqi, was
brought to a secret trial in Sindh High Court, later directed to military courts.[8] The MRD had united
the left-wing mass of the country and the most prominent leaders of the MRD were: Nusrat Bhutto,
her daughter Benazir Bhutto, Rasul Bux, Abdul Wali Khan, Jam Saqi and among others. Thousands
of the activists were jailed across the country especially in Sindh. [1]

MRD Composition[edit]
MRD Convergence[show]

Reception[edit]
Controversy regarding the Foreign support[edit]
Main article: Pakistan-Soviet Union relations

The foreign policy historian of Pakistan noted that MRD's one of the two leading
parties, ANP and CPP, had gained popular and financial support from the Soviet Union in the 1980s.
[7]
 Holding a press conference in 1983, President Zia-ul-Haq portrayed the MRD as an Indian-backed
conspiracy to destabilize Pakistan was without merit, but gained credence among some Pakistanis
when Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi endorsed the movement in an address to the lower house
of the Indian parliament.[1]
Despite charges to the contrary, the MRD in Sindh was not attempting to secede from Pakistan but
instead was focused on the restoration of the constitution. President Zia’s interior secretary, Roedad
Khan, later wrote that the regime was able to manipulate this perception to their advantage and
prevent the MRD from gaining greater appeal on a nationwide level. [1]

Aftermath of USSR Collapse[edit]

By 1983, the MRD effectively regained enough momentum to reassert itself and President Zia
sensed the MRD would likely choose Independence Day to renew its offensive.[1] As a counterattack
on MRD, he announced a plan for the restoration of democracy on August 12, 1983. However, Zia’s
speech elaborated merely an intention to move toward democracy rather than any specific
proposals. Details regarding the role of the military, the 1973 constitution, and the future of political
parties were left unclear.[1]
The MRD could not sustained itself in late 1988 and quickly collapse after the death of President Zia-
ul-Haq in 1988 which marked its way for peaceful general elections, outlined the return of Pakistan
Peoples Party in national power.[1] Furthermore, the events led to a dissolution of USSR also
shattered the left in Pakistan. The break-up of the USSR generated hopelessness and desperation
in among the communist parties.[9] Sensing the tension and desperation for survival in
the politics, Benazir Bhutto consolidated the shattered left in the country, turning the communist
mass into the principles of Social democracy. The early 1990s were a period of counter-
revolutionary consciousness in Pakistan, giving birth to the rise of fundamentalism. [9]

Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy

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Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy
‫حسین شہید سہروردی‬
হোসেন শহীদ সোহরাওয়ার্দী

5th Prime Minister of Pakistan

 In office

12 September 1956 – 10 October 1957

President Major-General Iskandar Mirza

Preceded by Muhammad Ali

Succeeded by I. I. Chundrigar

Minister of Defence

In office

13 September 1956 – 17 October 1957

Deputy Akhter Husain

(Defence Secretary)

Preceded by Muhammad Ali

Succeeded by M. Daultana

Minister of Health

In office

12 August 1955 – 11 September 1956

Prime Minister Muhammad Ali

Leader of the Opposition

In office

12 August 1955 – 11 September 1956

Serving with I. I. Chundrigar

Preceded by Office established

Succeeded by Fatima Jinnah

 (Appointed in 1965)

Minister of Law and Justice

In office

17 April 1953 – 12 August 1955

Prime Minister Mohammad Ali Bogra

Premier of Bengal

In office
23 April 1946 – 14 August 1947

Preceded by Khawaja Nazimuddin

Succeeded by Khawaja Nazimuddin

(as Chief Minister in East)

P. C. Ghosh

(as Chief minister in West)

Provincial Minister of Civil Supplies

In office

29 April 1943 – 31 March 1945

Prime Minister Sir K. Nazimuddin

Provincial Minister of Labor and Commerce

In office

1 April 1937 – 29 March 1943

Prime Minister A. K. Fazlul Huq

Deputy Mayor of Calcutta

In office
 16 April 1924 – 1 1925

Mayor Chittaranjan Das

Member of the Bengal Legislative Assembly

In office

1921–1936

Parliamentary Muslim League (Nationalist Group)

group

Constituency Calcutta

Majority Muslim League

President of Awami League

In office

1956–1957

Preceded by Maulana Bhashani

Succeeded by A. R. Tarkabagish

Personal details

Born Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy

8 September 1892

Midnapore, Bengal, British India

(Present day in West Bengal in India)

Died 5 December 1963 (aged 71)

Beirut, Lebanon
Cause of death Cardiac arrest

Resting place Mausoleum of three leaders in Dhaka,

Bangladesh

Citizenship British India (1892–47)

Indian (1947–49)

Pakistani (1949–63)

Political party East Pakistan Awami League

Other political Muslim League

affiliations (1921–51)

Spouse(s) Begum Niaz Fatima

(m. 1920; d. 1922)

Vera Alexandrovna Tiscenko

(m. 1940; div. 1951)

Mother Khujastha Akhtar Banu

Father Zahid Suhrawardy

Relatives Hasan Shaheed Suhrawardy

(Elder brother)

Shahida Jamil

(Granddaughter)

Residence DHA estate in Karachi

Alma mater Calcutta University

(BS in Maths, MA in Arabic lang.)

St Catherine's College, Oxford

(MA in Polysci and BCL)

Profession Lawyer, politician

Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy (Bengali: হোসেন শহীদ সোহ্‌রাওয়ার্দী; Urdu: ‫ ;حسین شہید سہروردی‬8
September 1892 – 5 December 1963) was a Bengali[1] politician and a lawyer who was
the fifth Prime Minister of Pakistan, serving from his appointment on 12 September
1956 until his resignation on 17 October 1957.
Born into an illustrious Bengali Muslim family in Midnapore, Suhrawardy was educated
at the University of Calcutta and was trained as a barrister in Oxford where he practised
at the Gray's Inn in Great Britain.[2] Upon returning to India in 1921, his legislative career
started with his election to the Bengal Legislative Assembly on Muslim League's
platform but joined the Swaraj Party when he was invited to be elected as the Deputy
Mayor of Calcutta under Chittaranjan Das.
After Chittaranjan Das's death in 1925, Suhrawardy promoted the Muslim unity on a
Muslim League platform, and began advocating for the two-nation theory. After
the general elections held in 1934, Suhrawardy pushed for strengthening the Muslim
League's political programme and asserted his role as becoming one of the Founding
Fathers of Pakistan. After joining the Bengal government in 1937, Suhrawardy assumed
the only Muslim League-led government after the general elections held in 1945, and
faced criticism from the press for his alleged role in the massive riots that took place in
Calcutta in 1946.[3]
As the Partition of India loomed in 1947, Suhrawardy championed an alternative to
the Partition of Bengal, the idea of an independent united Bengal not federated with
either India or Pakistan. This proposal enjoyed some support from Muhammad Ali
Jinnah,[4][5][6] but ultimately was not adopted.[7]
Nonetheless, Suhrawardy worked towards integration of East Bengal into
the Federation of Pakistan but parted ways with the Muslim League when he joined
hands to establish the Awami League in 1949.[8][9] During the legislative elections held in
1954, Suhrawardy provided his crucial political support to the United Front that defeated
the Muslim League.[8][10] In 1953, Suhrawardy joined the Prime Minister Mohammad Ali
Bogra's Ministry of Talents as a Minister of Law and Justice and served his position until
1955.
After supporting the vote of no-confidence motion at the National Assembly that
removed Prime Minister Muhammad Ali, the three-party coalition government of Muslim
League, Awami League, and the Republican Party, appointed Suhrawardy to the office
of Prime Minister, promising to address the issue of economic disparities between
the Western Pakistan and the Eastern Pakistan, resolving the energy
conservation crises and reforming the nation's military.[10] His foreign policy resulted in
increase dependency towards the US foreign aid to the country and pioneering
a strategic partnership with the United States against the Soviet Union, and recognised
the China by supporting the One-China policy. On the home front, he faced pressure
from the business and stock community over his economic policy to distribute
the taxation and federal revenues between East Pakistan and West Pakistan, where the
controversial issue of national integration had been brought to fruition by
the nationalists.[11] After defections from his coalition, and under pressure from
President Iskander Mirza, Suhrawardy resigned rather than be dismissed. [12]
Q. No. 8. Give brief but composed answers of the following. (5 each) (20)
a. What do you know about Democratic Action Committee?
b. Operation Fair Play
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

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Operation Fair Play

Part of the Cold war

Type Strategic and Tactical

Location Prime Minister Secretariat, Islamabad

Planned by General Headquarters (GHQ)

Objective Relief of Prime minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto from the Prime

Minister Secretariat

Date 5 July 1977

Executed by 111th Brigade, X Corps

Outcome Success of coup d'etat led by General Zia-ul-Haq

 Execution of elected prime minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto.

 11 years of Military dictatorship government was

formed.

 Closer ties with United States

 Growth of Religious fundamentalism

 This article is part of
a series about

Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq

 Early life
 Military coup
 Zia administration

 Political views
 Hudood Ordinances
 Islamization
 Economic policy

Elections

 1985

 President of Pakistan
 Human rights abuses
 Referendum in 1984
 Eighth Amendment
 Ojhri Camp disaster
 Zakat Council
 1978 massacre at Multan Colony Textile Mills

 Death
 State funeral
 Shafi–ur–Rehman Commission
 A Case of Exploding Mangoes

Gallery: Picture, Sound, Video

 v
  t
 e

Operation Fair Play was the code name for the 5 July 1977 coup by Pakistan Chief of
Army Staff General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq, overthrowing the government of Prime
Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto.[1] The coup itself was bloodless, and was preceded by social
unrest and political conflict between the ruling leftist Pakistan Peoples Party government
of Bhutto, and the right-wing Islamist opposition Pakistan National Alliance which
accused Bhutto of rigging the 1977 general elections. In announcing the coup, Zia
promised "free and fair elections" within 90 days, but these were repeatedly postponed
on the excuse of accountability and it was not until 1985 that ("party-less") general
elections were held. Zia himself stayed in power for eleven years until his death in a
plane crash.
The coup was a watershed event in the Cold War and in the history of the country.
The coup took place nearly six years after the 1971 war with India which ended with
the secession of East Pakistan as Bangladesh. The period following the coup saw the
"Islamisation of Pakistan" and Pakistan's involvement with the Afghan
mujahideen (funded by US and Saudi Arabia) in the war against the Soviets in
Afghanistan.

Contents

 1Background
o 1.11977 general elections and political crises
 2Coup
o 2.1Supreme Court
o 2.2Soviet Union and United States
 3Aftermath
 4References

Background[edit]
The Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) came in power after the general elections held in
1970. The power was given to PPP after the devastating war with India which ended
with the secession of East-Pakistan.[2] Proponents of social democracy, left-wing
philosophy, and socialist orientation was encouraged by the government and such ideas
slowly entered in the ordinary lives of the people.[2]
According to some authors and historians some influential groups were not ready to
accept the PPP's taking power in 1971. [2] In 1972–74, the intelligence community had
thwarted more than one attempt by the military officers to oust the civilian PPP
government; all cases were heard by JAG legal branch of the Pakistan military. In 1976,
Prime Minister Bhutto forcefully retired seven army generals to promote Lieutenant-
General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq to four star rank and subsequently appointment as chief
of army staff and General Muhammad Shariff as chairman joint chiefs. Reciprocating in
the same period, General Zia invited Bhutto of becoming first and only civilian Colonel
Commandant of the Armoured Corps.
1977 general elections and political crises[edit]
In 1976, nine religious and conservative parties formed a common platform,
called Pakistan National Alliance (PNA).[2] In January 1977, Prime Minister Bhutto
immediately started campaigning after called for new general elections. [2] The PNA was
united behind religious slogans and a right-wing political agenda. [2] The PPP, on the
other hand, campaigned on a platform of social justice in agriculture and industry.
Despite large turnouts at PNA campaign events and the establishment on PNA's circle,
the results of the general elections showed the Pakistan Peoples Party winning 155 out
of 200 seats in the National Assembly and the PNA winning only 36. Bhutto therefore
gained a supermajority in the Parliament[2].

The PNA leadership was astonished when the results were announced by the Election
Commission (EC) and prudently refused to accept the results and accused
the Government of systematic rigging.[2] According to "The Story of Pakistan",
At many places, particularly where the PNA candidates were strong, the polling was
alleged to have been blocked for hours. There were also reports that PPP armed
personnel in police uniform removed ballot boxes. Marked ballot papers were also found
on the streets in Karachi and Lahore. Rumors quickly circulated that the results in key
constituencies were issued directly from the Prime Minister's office. [3]
According to author Ian Talbot, "The reality seems to be that a certain PPP victory was
inflated by malpractice committed by local officials, which may have affected 30–40
seats."[4]
The PNA immediately called for street boycott and demanded resignation of Prime
Minister Bhutto.[2] The PNA used mosques to agitate the masses and caused severe civil
unrests. At least 200 people were killed in the clashes between security forces and
demonstrators.[5]
Zia had already taken care of the Bhutto Loyalists, and had put to military trial one of the
biggest names in Pakistan Army history ; General Tajammul Hussain Malik war hero
1965 & 1971 to show Bhutto his loyalty. This did, however decrease his support within
the army and it is believed several factions of the army that sided with Gen. Tajammul
later caused Gen Zia's death.[citation needed]
Bhutto responded with the use of Federal Security Force (FSF) and Police to control the
situation as many activists of PNA were imprisoned.[2] One leader of the PNA secretly
wrote a letter to chiefs of staff of armed forces and chairman joint chiefs to intervene to
end the crises; thus inviting armed forces to enforce martial law. [2]
In 1977, one official of the Military Intelligence (MI) had persuaded Prime Minister
Bhutto that martial law was imminent, and to speed up the negotiations with the PNA.
The PPP realised the seriousness of the crises and political negotiations were started in
June 1977. The PPP accepted almost all demands of the PNA and the stage was set
for a compromise. The negotiations were stalled when Bhutto took the lengthy tour of
Middle East countries and the PNA termed his tour as dilatory tactics. Furthermore,
there was an impression created in the print media that negotiations were falling apart.[6]
[page  needed]

After the letter reached to the chiefs of staff of armed forces and chairman joint chiefs,
there was a fury of meeting of inter-services to discuss the situation.[6] When Bhutto
returned to the country and in spite of the agreement was about to sign with the PNA.
[6]
 The military staged a coup against Bhutto to end the political crises.

Coup[edit]
Operation Fair Play was the code name for the military coup d'état conducted on 5 July
1977 by Pakistan Chief of Army Staff General Zia-ul-Haq, overthrowing the government
of Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. The pretext for the coup was the failure of the
ruling PPP and the opposition PNA to reach an agreement regarding fresh elections.
The code name Fair Play was intended to portray the coup as the benign intervention of
an impartial referee to uphold respect for the rules and ensure free and fair elections. [7]
In announcing the coup, Zia promised "free and fair elections" within 90 days. [8] He
arrested Bhutto and his ministers, as well as other leaders of both the PPP and the
PNA.[9] He dissolved the National Assembly of Pakistan and all provincial assemblies,
suspended the Constitution, and imposed martial law. [10] A four-member Military Council,
made up of Chief of Army Staff General Zia-ul-Haq as Chief Martial Law Administrator,
the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee, and the Chiefs of the Navy and
the Air Force, took over government operations in the country.[11]
Bhutto and the PPP was persecuted on the charges of murder of political opponents. [6]
[page  needed]

Supreme Court[edit]
The Supreme Court and the Chief Justice of Pakistan Anwar-ul-Haq legitimatised the
military response after issuing the Doctrine of necessity orders.[6] On 24 October 1977,
the Supreme Court began the trial against Bhutto on charges of "conspiracy to
murder" Nawab Muhammad Ahmed Khan Kasuri.[12]
In 1977, the Supreme Court found Bhutto guilty of murder charges and condemned him
to death.[6] Despite appeals of clemency sent by many nations, the government upheld
the Supreme Court verdict and followed the Supreme Court orders when Bhutto
was hanged in 1979.[6]
Soviet Union and United States[edit]
When the martial law took place, the whole world was quiet, and regional countries
(such as India and China) did not issue any statements. Only two countries issued the
statements over this issue.[6] The USSR did not welcome the martial law and Bhutto's
subsequent execution. The USSR harshly criticised the coup and Leonid
Brezhnev condemned Bhutto's execution as an act out of "purely humane motives". [13]
The US played an ambiguous role instead with many charging that the martial law was
imposed with the willingness and "tacit"[14] approval of the US and the CIA's involvement.
[14][14]
When allegations were levelled against the US by Pakistani historians and scholars, US
officials reacted angrily and held Bhutto responsible for his act. [6] Despite US denial,
many authors, and the PPP's intellectuals themselves, [15] held the US responsible and
suspected the US of playing a "hidden noble role" behind the coup. [15]
In 1998, Benazir Bhutto and the PPP publicly announced their belief in the electronic
media that Zulfikar Bhutto was "sent to the gallows at the instance of the superpower for
pursuing the nuclear capability [of Pakistan]."[16]

Aftermath[edit]
Before the third martial law in 1977, Pakistan had been under martial law for nearly 13
years, and saw the wars with India which led to the secession of East Pakistan. The
Martial law endured the toxic legacies of General Zia-ul-Haq's eleven years of
authoritarian rule. It was marked by numerous human rights violations. [6] A weak
insurgent movement against General Zia's government was maintained inside the
country by elements sympathetic to the former Bhutto government, but was met with
great hostility from the United States and General Zia. [6][page  needed]
The martial law of 1977 ended in 1988 with the death of President Zia-ul-Haq and many
other key military administrators in the government. Following this event, the country
returned to democracy and the PPP again came in power. In 1999, martial law was
again imposed against Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif by the armed forces, resulting in
General Pervez Musharraf coming to power for nine years.

Moeen Qureshi
Pakistan Table of Contents

During his three-month tenure as caretaker prime minister, Moeen Qureshi initiated a
substantial number of strong reform measures. He devalued the currency and cut farm
subsidies, while raising the prices of wheat, electricity, and gasoline--strategies to reduce
Pakistan's huge budget deficit-- 7.5 percent of the gross national product (GNP). Qureshi
also cut public-sector expenditures by instituting austerity measures, including closing
down ten embassies and abolishing fifteen ministries. Qureshi's most daring innovation,
however, was a temporary levy on agricultural output--a measure resisted by powerful
zamindari interests.

Qureshi next proceeded to single out those politicians who had outstanding loans obtained
from state banks and institutions--loans received under easy terms in return for past
political favors--a total estimated at US$2 billion. In a move calculated to shame these
individuals, Qureshi added their names to a published list of 5,000 individuals who had not
fulfilled their loan obligations. Approximately 15 percent of the individuals on the list had
planned to run for office in the coming elections. These candidates included Benazir,
Benazir s husband, and Nawaz Sharif's brother. Most candidates quickly repaid their loans;
those who did not were barred from contesting the October 1993 elections. Drug-
trafficking barons, however, a small but powerful group including some members of the
parliament--were permanently barred from running in the elections. Anticipating a further
 crackdown, several of the drug barons fled the country.

In his three months in power, Qureshi exhibited an admirable degree of technocratic

efficiency tempered by dogged determination. Yet it remained to be seen whether his
achievements would be accepted without reversal by the subsequent administration.
Indeed, the Qureshi caretaker government, some argue, because of its temporary nature,
was not much constrained by the realpolitik of Pakistani society that the succeeding
government would have to face. The Qureshi government had, nonetheless, set a standard--
one with which past governments and the succeeding government of Benazir would no
doubt be compared.

Moeen Qureshi
Pakistan Table of Contents

During his three-month tenure as caretaker prime minister, Moeen Qureshi initiated a
substantial number of strong reform measures. He devalued the currency and cut farm
subsidies, while raising the prices of wheat, electricity, and gasoline--strategies to reduce
Pakistan's huge budget deficit-- 7.5 percent of the gross national product (GNP). Qureshi
also cut public-sector expenditures by instituting austerity measures, including closing
down ten embassies and abolishing fifteen ministries. Qureshi's most daring innovation,
however, was a temporary levy on agricultural output--a measure resisted by powerful
zamindari interests.

Qureshi next proceeded to single out those politicians who had outstanding loans obtained
from state banks and institutions--loans received under easy terms in return for past
political favors--a total estimated at US$2 billion. In a move calculated to shame these
individuals, Qureshi added their names to a published list of 5,000 individuals who had not
fulfilled their loan obligations. Approximately 15 percent of the individuals on the list had
planned to run for office in the coming elections. These candidates included Benazir,
Benazir s husband, and Nawaz Sharif's brother. Most candidates quickly repaid their loans;
those who did not were barred from contesting the October 1993 elections. Drug-
trafficking barons, however, a small but powerful group including some members of the
parliament--were permanently barred from running in the elections. Anticipating a further
crackdown, several of the drug barons fled the country.

In his three months in power, Qureshi exhibited an admirable degree of technocratic

efficiency tempered by dogged determination. Yet it remained to be seen whether his
achievements would be accepted without reversal by the subsequent administration.
Indeed, the Qureshi caretaker government, some argue, because of its temporary nature,
was not much constrained by the realpolitik of Pakistani society that the succeeding
government would have to face. The Qureshi government had, nonetheless, set a standard--
one with which past governments and the succeeding government of Benazir would no
doubt be compared.
c. Describe the main reforms of Prime Minister Moeen Qureshi.
d. Incident of Ojhri Camp.
 Democratic Action Committee

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Causes of Ayub’s Decline

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ELECTIONS OF 1965

Ayub Khan took over the politics of Pakistan in 1958. He formulated and enforced many
policies to stabilize the country and legitimize himself. Land reforms, economic reforms,
family law reforms, social reforms and constitutional reforms are among the most
prominent. Ayub policies were criticize by a large number of urban population. Ayub
almost ruled for a decade. It created grievances in the people. Ayub authority lessen
owing to failure of reforms and the war of 1965. Ayub was forced to lift the ban from
opposition parties, trade unions and student unions. Political parties started to react
against and criticise him. With the undaunted efforts of Nawabzada Nasrullah Khan, a
combined opposition front was launced against Ayub Khan. It is popularly known as
Democratic Action Committee. It contributed significantly in the downfall of Ayub Khan
and restoration of democracy.   On 30th April 1967, Nawabzada Nasrullah Khan
succeeded in forming a five-party alliance for opposition which was named as ‘Pakistan
Democratic Movement’ but later renamed as ‘Pakistan Democratic Action Committee’. It
played an important role in the removal of Ayub Khan. He founded his own party with
the collaboration of four other parties in 1969. He named it as ‘Pakistan Jamhuri Party’
and became its Vice President.   In October 1968, the government sponsored a
celebration called the Decade of Development. The festival highlighted the frustrations
of the urban poor afflicted by inflation and the costs of the 1965 war instead of
reminding people about the achievements of the Ayub Khan regime. Ayub Khan had
become the symbol of inequality for the masses. Bhutto capitalized on this and
challenged Ayub Khan at the ballot box. In East Pakistan, dissatisfaction with the
system went even deeper. In January 1969, several opposition parties formed the
Democratic Action Committee with the declared aim of restoring democracy through a
mass movement.   Ayub Khan reacted by alternating conciliation and repression. It
resulted in the widespread disorder. The army moved into Karachi, Lahore, Peshawar,
Dhaka, and Khulna to restore order. In rural areas of East Pakistan, curfew was
ineffective; local officials sensed losing of the government control and began retreating
from the peasant revolt. In February, Ayub Khan released political prisoners, invited the
Democratic Action Committee and others to meet him in Rawalpindi. He promised a
new constitution and said that he would not stand for reelection in 1970. Ayub Khan
sought a political settlement as violence continued although he was in poor condition
and lacking the confidence of his generals.   On March 25, 1969, martial law was again
proclaimed; General Agha Mohammad Yahya Khan, the army commander in chief, was
designated chief martial law administrator (CMLA). The 1962 constitution was
abrogated. Ayub Khan announced his resignation and Yahya Khan assumed the
presidency. Yahya Khan soon promised elections on the basis of adult franchise to the
National Assembly, which would draw up a new constitution. He also entered into
discussions with leaders of mainstream political parties.   The new coalition demanded
the lifting of the state of emergency and the cancelling of the criminal law amendment
which had been invoked to arrest Mujib for participation in the same conspiracy. These
were both tools the government was using to deal with the worsening political situation.
Jama‘at and the Awami League both wanted it eliminated so they could pursue their
political objectives more freely. Faced with Mujib’s rising popularity following his arrest,
the government responded by lifting the emergency and abrogating the amendment. It
was a Pyrrhic victory for the opposition. To begin with, it did away with the demands that
the Jama‘at and the Awami League had shared and which had fostered a working
arrangement between them. Instead, tensions between them continued in East Pakistan
following the government’s conciliatory overtures. It also removed the rationale for
democratic demands from the political agenda and focused attention instead on
provincial demands in East Pakistan and populist demands in West Pakistan.

Consequently, Mawdudi’s efforts Moeenuddin Ahmad

Qureshi  Incident of Ojhri Camp.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

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Moeenuddin Ahmad Qureshi

 Prime Minister of Pakistan
Caretaker

In office

18 July 1993 – 19 October 1993

President Wasim Sajjad

(Acting President)

Preceded by Nawaz Sharif

Succeeded by Benazir Bhutto

Personal details

Born 26 June 1930

Lahore, Punjab, British India

(now in Punjab, Pakistan)

Died 22 November 2016 (aged 86)

Washington D.C.

Citizenship Pakistan
 Nationality Pakistan

Political party Independent

Spouse(s) Lilo Elizabeth Richter[1]

Residence Washington D.C., United States

Alma mater Government College University

Punjab University

Indiana University, Bloomington

Profession Civil servant, economist

Moeenuddin Ahmad Qureshi (Urdu: ‫ ;معین الدین احمد قریشی‬26 June 1930 – 22 November
2016) was a Pakistani American economist and civil servant who served as Caretaker
Prime Minister of Pakistan in an acting capacity from July to October 1993. Qureshi also
served as the senior vice president of World Bank.[2]

Contents

 1Biography
o 1.1Early life and education
o 1.2Public service, IMF, and World Bank
o 1.3Acting Prime Minister of Pakistan
o 1.4Health and death
 2Legacy
o 2.1EMP Global and private sector
o 2.2Personal life and wealth
 3References
 4External links

Biography[edit]
Early life and education[edit]
Moeenuddin Ahmad Qureshi was born in Lahore, Punjab, British India, on 26 June
1930. He hailed from a distinguished family that was originally from Kasur. His father,
Mohyeddin Ahmad Qureshi, was a civil servant in the British government and his
mother, Khursheed Jabin, was a housewife. [3] He attended the Islamia
College in Lahore and made a transfer to the Government College University in Lahore
where he gained B.A. (Honors) in Economics and received an M.A. in Economics from
the Punjab University.[4]
He received the Fulbright scholarship and went to the United States to attend
the Indiana University in Bloomington, Indiana, where he earned a PhD in Economics in
1955.[5]
Public service, IMF, and World Bank[edit]
In 1955, he returned to Pakistan and joined the country's civil service and was initially
posted at the Planning Commission. In 1956, he resigned from the Planning
Commission and went to the United States to join the International Monetary
Fund (IMF).[3] He enjoyed a distinguished career at the IMF, eventually serving as
economic adviser to Ghana in 1960.[5] Thereafter, he moved on to join the International
Finance Corporation and eventually become its Executive Vice President from 1974
until 1977. Qureshi oversaw the global operations which involved the financing of
private enterprises and investments, including joint ventures and capital market
operations in developing countries.[3]
In 1981, he was invited by the then President of the World Bank, Robert McNamara, to
join the World Bank and become the senior vice president of finance, which he
remained until 1987. Eventually, he was appointed the Senior Vice President of the
World Bank and oversaw its financial operations all over the world. [5] In 1991–92, he left
the World Bank and settled in the United States and formed a private Hedge fund, the
Emerging Market Associates.[3][6]
Acting Prime Minister of Pakistan[edit]
Main article: Qureshi caretaker ministry

In 1993, Pakistan averted a major constitutional crisis when both Prime Minister Nawaz

Sharif and President Ghulam Ishaq Khan resigned from their respective offices after an
agreement brokered by the Pakistani military. The resolution was unique because an
elected government had voluntarily stepped down in order to avoid possible military
intervention and the resignations came through a constitutional process. [5]
The Chief of Army Staff, General Abdul Waheed Kakar, and the Chairman of the Joint
Chiefs of Staff Committee, General Shamim Alam, witnessed the implementation of the
agreement as President Ghulam Ishaq was to be replaced by the Chairman of the
Senate, Wasim Sajjad, who took over as the Acting President.[5]
Meanwhile, Qureshi, who was visiting Singapore in 1993, received a telephone call from
President Ghulam Ishaq asking him to form a caretaker, but technocratic, government.
He reluctantly accepted the offer and returned to Islamabad soon after. At the time of
his appointment, Qureshi was largely unknown to the public and political circles. It was,
however, felt that, being a political outsider, he would remain neutral. [5]
His tenure lasted for a three-month period but saw extensive reforms made by him that
were supported by an IMF standby arrangement and significant World Bank lending. He
initiated a process of "payment culture" that targeted the tax evaders and loan
defaulters. He also ordered the publication of the list of taxpayers that showed that the
country had a small tax base and only a few paid taxes. He devaluated the national
currency and increased the prices on food and common items. [7] He also inaugurated
the National Library and highlighted its importance in the political culture of the country.
[8]
 Qureshi passed the decree that made the State bank of Pakistan an autonomous
body with a view to keep the bank's business operations free from political interference.
He downsized the administrative machinery, and abolished the discretionary powers of
the Prime Minister and the Chief Ministers which allowed them to a lot residential
flats and plots to their "favorites".[9]
The state television, PTV, and Radio Pakistan were made independent and were given
the opportunity to air elections freely and impartially.[9] It goes to his credit that he
undertook various endeavors in such a short period of time and made a serious effort to
recover Government dues.[9]
Despite his attempts to harmonize the economy, Qureshi's main task was to hold
nationwide general elections in 1993 to make way for an elected government to form
the government. In 1993, he oversaw the general elections held that year that
witnessed the return of the Pakistan Peoples Party led by Benazir Bhutto.[5]
Health and death[edit]
In 2014, Qureshi was diagnosed with the Parkinson's disease and reportedly underwent
treatment for the chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD) in a local hospital.[10]
On November 23, 2016, his family announced that Qureshi had died in Washington
D.C. and was ailing for a long time while undergoing treatment in a local hospital. [11] He
was suffering from a lung infection and buried in Washington D.C. [12]

Legacy[edit]
EMP Global and private sector[edit]
After congratulating and witnessing Benazir Bhutto's oath administered by the Acting
President Wasim Sajjad alongside the Chief Justice of Pakistan, Qureshi returned
to New York, United States, in 1993 to establish the private hedge fund equity, the EMP
Global.[3][13] Qureshi was involved in forging an affiliation with the international insurance
company, American International Group (AIG), for a number of years. AIG held a
minority stake in EMP and served as a sponsor of, as well as a major investor in, a
number of funds bearing its name for which EMP served as Principal Adviser. [14] EMP
bought out AIG's stake and became an independent company in 2005. [15]
After his departure from Pakistan, Qureshi received criticism that, in his last days at the
office, he made a large number of promotions and other administrative decisions in
favor of his relatives.[9] In 2014, his name was reportedly mentioned by Imran
Khan when he led the Azadi March against Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif.[16]
Personal life and wealth[edit]
Qureshi was married to an American citizen, Lilo Elizabeth Richter, and has four
children: two sons and two daughters. He enjoyed playing tennis and was reportedly a
collector of classic cars and antiques.[3] His mansion went on the market for $8 million in
May 2016.[17]
References

to revive interest in the Islamic constitution came to naught. The Jama‘at’s political
agenda became completely divorced from the critical political issues in the country.   In
August 1968, Mawdudi was taken ill and was compelled to leave Pakistan for medical
treatment in England. During his months of departure, Jama‘at’s affairs were overseen
by Mian Tufayl. Mawdudi’s absence reduced both the Jama‘at’s prominence in the
Democratic Action Committee and reduced the party’s flexibility. Mian Tufayl did not
provide new strategies for confronting either the more rambunctious Awami League or
the new force in Pakistani politics, the People’s Party and was unable to control the IJT,
which soon became a force in itself, drawing the Jama‘at into the quagmire of East
Pakistani politics.   Mawdudi returned before the Round Table Conference between
Ayub Khan and the Democratic Action Committee, which convened in March 1969 to
reform the constitution with a view to accommodating the Awami League’s demands for
autonomy. No mention was made of the socioeconomic grievances which Mujib and
Bhutto were manipulating so successfully. Mawdudi’s address to the conference was
totally removed from the realities of Pakistani politics. He placed the entire blame for the
crisis on the government’s intransigence over the demand for Islamization. It was the
only policy that could keep Pakistan united.

© ITRO
Ojhri Camp disaster
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to navigationJump to search

This article is part of

a series about
Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq

 Early life
 Military coup
 Zia administration

 Political views
 Hudood Ordinances
 Islamization
 Economic policy

Elections

 1985
  President of Pakistan
 Human rights abuses
 Referendum in 1984
 Eighth Amendment
 Ojhri Camp disaster
 Zakat Council
 1978 massacre at Multan Colony Textile Mills

 Death
 State funeral
 Shafi–ur–Rehman Commission
 A Case of Exploding Mangoes

Gallery: Picture, Sound, Video

 v
 t
 e

Ojhri Camp (Urdu: ‫ )اوجھڑی کیمپ‬was a military storage center located in Rawalpindi

Military District in Rawalpindi, Punjab Province of Pakistan, and the site of the 1988
Ojhri Camp disaster.
On April 10, 1988 at about 10:30am, the camp which was used as an ammunition depot
for Afghan mujahideen fighting against Soviet forces in Afghanistan, exploded, killing
many in Rawalpindi and Islamabad as a result of rockets and other munitions expelled
by the blast.[1][2] At the time, the New York Times reported more than 93 dead and
another 1,100 wounded;[3] many believe that the toll was much higher.[4] A total of 10,000
tons of arms and ammunition were involved in the explosion. The initial blast was
started by a small fire created by a box of Egyptian rockets which had been armed with
fuses prior to shipment contrary to safety protocol. The rockets had been sent by the
United States Central Intelligence Agency to the Pakistani Inter-Services Intelligence for
delivery to the mujahideen commanders as part of Operation Cyclone. There was an
eight to ten minute delay between the start of the fire and the explosion. The previous
year, a fire had been started by leaky white phosphorus grenades but was extinguished
promptly, preventing an explosion. [5]
U.S. Defense Department officials said that they believed that the explosion at Ojhri
Camp was the work of the Soviet Union and the pro-Soviet regime in Kabul as the
explosion resembled the pattern of previous attacks by the Soviet Union and the Kabul
regime against civilians and military installations in Pakistan. [3] However, there were also
some speculations that the camp was deliberately blown up to cover up the theft of
weapons from the stocks.[6] Further, Brigadier Mohammad Yousaf, who oversaw the
operations of the mujahideen in his role as the head of the ISI Afghan Bureau from 1983
to 1987, suggested that while the Soviets had the most obvious motive, the CIA may
also have had a hand in the explosion, as an Islamic fundamentalist government in
Kabul was just as dangerous as a communist one to US interests.
The Geneva Accords (1988) were signed just 4 days later, and the Soviets were able to
withdraw without any major ambushes, claiming only one casualty on their retreat. This
event hindered the mujahideen's capability to fill the power vacuum, as their weapons
reserves were depleted and the CIA cut back their shipment of arms until December. [7]
Khaqan Abbasi, Father of future Prime Minister of Pakistan Shahid Khaqan Abbasi died
in the disaster as his car was hit by a missile, while his son Zahid Khaqan Abbasi was
hit on the head, after which he went into a coma and died in 2005, having remained
bedridden for 17 years.[8]