© Anuradt Gandy Memorial Commie, 201 Caton encouraged Short expe ty be sated andor erode ‘rho pe perm onthe condom the sore ted ar "rl nde erection i whole he nora Gandy eri Sep Ce Se Wig fede hye pan pomaees Issn omassgn1t4107 08) bse by Ohne Narayan for Dash Backs Contents Foreword: "..fiut Ansradha was diferent” i Remembering Anuradha Ghanly: Friend, Comade, Moving Spirit. wit SECTION 1: CASTE 1 Introduction 3 Caste Question in India 7 ‘Te Caste Question Returns 2 Movements against Cast in Maharashtra 98 When Maharashtra Burned or Four Days 1B Dalit Fury Scorches Maharashtra Gruesome Massacre of Dalits 15 Mahars as Landholders 17 section 2; women nat Introduction 1 Philosophical Trends in the Feminist Movement us The Revolutionary Women’s Movement in India au ‘8 March and the Women’s Movement in India 2 International Worten’s Day: Past and Prosent 235, Fascism, Fundamentalis and Patriarchy 239(Changes in Rape Law: How far will they Help? Cultural Expression ofthe Adivasi Women fn the Revolutionary Movement In Conversation with Comrade Janaki Working Class Women: Making the Invisible Visibte Women Bidi Workers an the Co-operative Movement: {A Study of the Struggle inthe Bhandata District, Bid Workers’ Co-operative SECTION 3: MISCELLANEOUS Introduction A Pyethie Victory Government Take-Ovwr of Empress Mills Emprest Mill: What Misstatements? lnchampoll-Bhopalapatnam Revisited ‘Season: Tendupata; Pimp: The State (Can Revolution be Prevented by Blocking the Roads to ‘Kamalapur? Gagging People’s Clture People’s Struggles in Bastar ‘The Biter Lessons of Khaparkheda Working Class Anger Erupts Workers’ Upsurge against Changes in Labour Laws Prices Make the Poor Poorer Rape anel Murder ~ ‘Law And Order’ of the Day ATime to Remember Brahmin Sub-Inspector Tramples Dalit Flag Small Magazines: ‘A Significant Expression ofthe People’s Culture Deaths in Police Custody in Nagpur Cotton Flower. the Best Flower! ..? Practical Socialism: Not Social bust Pure Fascism 253 267 283 on a9 x 333 307 3 383 300 381 21 39 407 a7 21 re 493 9 1 47 Preface jnuradha Ghandy’s writings whether they be short r= ports on contemporary social and political issues, oF re A= papers and booklets ontheotetica and ideological eta, had the quality of sharpness, terseness and clearly de- fined politcal stands, They were not only well researched and placed in thie historical context but also shovred the depth of terter having a philosophical outlook and ideological commit Tent. The dialectical relationship of theory andl practice, wher ‘ne enviches the other, seems to be the crmerstone of her work Si We presenti ts volume, compilation ofthe works of sn aah na oly known ong er fins and comrades fisher igen wings onthe women’s and ast stu cs we haves brought ogre pice that giv a sens arth eat, braid sheer vokume of her wring despite fort crumbling browned newsprint tagacnes with sre Toes eaten ke Adio Rts, Tigi et that SOE pubtahed and dstbte by activist groups in the 170s vat abs Othe om pressor an widely ed ourals ke PW and Pr. some ae from booklets rom the women’s tnovenent or the papers published by a cll organizationvl 6 Scene ne ane (Others have been written by her under a pseudonym as they ap- peared in magazines that supported and propagated Maoist ‘doology. But whatever the source may be, each piece is interesting, _Bumentative or constitutes some page fom the history of snug se which has perhaps not been recorded elsewhere Pethaps the most significant contribution of Anu has been in understanding the caste question from a Marxist point of view. "Hers has been an honest and pungent analysis of the economic basis of caste and how it manifest tsef in bath the base and su perstructure, She was one ofthe pioneers liking the case sys- fem to the existing relations of production. With deep insights into Indian history, she showed how the Indian feudal system was basically caste-linked and the ideology of Indian feudalism was Brahminism. She further elucidated how the Dalit question 1nd untouchabity ac as one of the major pillars of the caste system. Finally, as was her nature of being a theoretcian-cum- xctivst she brought out how destruction of the caste sysiem is intrinsic to any anti-feudal struggle and the overall democratiza tion of society ‘The other issue that has aroused similar debate isthe under- standing ofthe gender question. A great deal of Anu’swritingson trends in feminism, women and the trade union movement and women inthe Naxalite movement, have helped throw light upon this issues. Anu pointed out that, by arguing for an autonomous women’s movement, the socialist feminists were infact weaken. ‘ing the broader movement against capitalism, imperialism, feu olism and patriarchy. By placing patriarchy asthe main ‘enemy’ ‘of women, the radical and cultural feminists were delinking po leiachy from the systems of capitalism and feudalism which pro ‘duced it By equally emphasizing’ production’ and ‘reproduction’ a5 the reasons for gender oppression, feminists were bringing ‘re- Production’ into the economic base and negating women’s signii- ant role in production. Most significantly, she points ox that the strategy of bourgeois feminism isnot to unite women with the ‘working class andl peasantry and fight the system, bu rather to foram small women's groups advocating lifestyle changes within the system, ‘Anu tried to show through her work and writings that itis in fact, by participating inthe revolutionary movement that women ty to throw of the shackles of patriarchy and hit tits roots. She was developing theoretical formulations on how ‘Women need revolution and the revolution needs women” And just like her “counterparts in other countries, she too admitted thet patriarchy ‘existed within the revolutionary movement — the pint was hove tostay within t and combat it, notleave the movernent and gr ble about it. The simple piece in tis volume on poetic aspirations of tal women in Bastar is just such an example to show this The collection also includes some of her journalistic writings of the 1970s, 19808 and ently 19906 weiten for various activist magazines. fall of hee reports and aticls ofthis period could be collected it would be a historical document ofthe time when the student movement, trade union movernent and even the civil ib- erties movement were vibrant and powerful andl so much apart ‘of people's lives and cultre ‘Anu was both a seasoned activist and brillant theoretcian, andl wil surely be remembered as one ofthe leading women com ‘munists of fndia She is no more today. Her writings, only some of| which are presented in this volume, will not only serve asa per= manent reminder of her work but also as the beacon for the com- ing generations ofthe activists steving for liberation ofthe tiling people of the counteyForeword .But Anuradha was different” | Arundhati Roy hat is what everyone who knew Anuradha Ghandy says I “That is what almost everyone whose life she touched thinks. ‘She died in a Mumbai hospital on the morning of 12 Apri 2008, of malaria. She had probably picked it up in the jungles of Jharkhand where she had been teaching study classes toa group of Adivasi women, In this great democracy of ours, Anuradha Ghandly was what is known as.a"Maoist terrorist lable to bear rested, or, more likely shot in afake“encounter’ like hundreds of| her colleagues have been. When this terror ‘went to a hospital to have er blood teste, she lft false name got high fever and and a dud phone rumber with the doctor who was treating her. ‘So he could not get through to her to tel er tha the tests showed that she had the potentially fatal malaria falciparum. Anuradha’ ‘organs began to fai one by one. By the time she was admitted to the hospital on 11 Apri twas to late, And so, inthis entirely unnecessary way, we lost her. ‘he wae 4 years old when she died, and had spent more than 0 years of he life, most of them underground, a8 a commitedi Sarre ne once never had the good fortune of meeting Anuradha Ghandy, Dut when [atended the memorial service ater she died I could tel that she was, above all, woman who was not just greatly admired, but one who had been deeply loved. Iwas a litle puz~ 2led at the constant references that people who knew her made to her ‘sacrifices’ Presumably, by this, they meant that she had sic rificed the comfort and security of a middle-class life, fr radical politics. To me, however, Anuradha Ghandy comes across as ‘someone who happily traded in tedium and banality to follow her «dream. She was no saint or missionary, She lived at exhilarating life that was hard, but Fling The young Anuradha ike so many others of her generation, ‘vas inspired by the Naxaite uprising in West Bengal. Asa stu dent in Elphinstone College, she was deeply affected by the fan ine that stalked rural Maharashtra in the 1970s. It was working ‘withthe vietims of desperate hunger that set her thinking and pite-forked her into her journey into mulitant politics. he be- jam her working life asa lecturer in Wilson College in Mumbai, but by 1982 she shifted to Nagpur. Over the next few years, she worked in Nagpur, Chandrapur, Amravati, Jabalpur and Yavatmal, organizing the poorest of the poor — construction workers, coal-mine workers — and deepening her understand ing of the Dalit movement. In the Inte 1990, even though she had been diagnosed with multiple sclerosis, she went 4 Bastar and lived in the Dandakaranya forest with the People’s Liberation Guerilla Army (PLGA) for three years. Here, she worked to strengthen and expand the extraordinary women’s organization, Pethaps the biggest feminist organization in the country ~ the Krantiari Adivasi Mahila Sanghatan (KAMS) that has more ‘than 90,000 members. The KAMS is probably one of India's best kept secrets. Anuradha always sad thatthe most fulfilling years ‘of her life were these years that she spent with the People’s War (ove CPL-Maoist) guerillas in Dandakaranya, When I visited the area almost two years after Anuradha's death [shared her awe and excitement about the KAMS and hed to think some of my ‘own essy assumptions about women and armed struggle. In an Fea « essay in this collection, writing under the pseudonym Avant ‘Anuradha says ‘As we approach March ea in the dawn ofthis new century Temarkable developments retaking place onthe omen’ front fn ndia, Deep inthe forests and plains of central India inthe tackvard villages of Arve Pradesh and up inthe ill among, the tals in the sate, inthe forests and plains of Bihar and Jharkhand women aze geting organized acively to break the ‘hackles of euda patie and make the New Democratic Rev ‘Station It isa womens iberation movement of peasant women inurl lla» part ofthe people's war boing wage by the op- prec peasnty under revolutionary leadership. For the pas ow yar thousands of worn are gathering in hundreds of vi ages fo celebrate f March. Women are gathering together 10 trav through the streets of smal town ke Narayanpur oop pose the Miss World beauty contest they are marching with thet ‘hildren through the tell towns and market villages in back ‘ward Bastar to demand proper schooling fr their children. They tiv blocking roads to protest agaist rape cases, and cononting the pote to demand tat the sale of liquor be banned. And hu {keds of young women ae becoming gueeila fighters inthe vy ofthe oppresed throwing ofthe shackles oftheir tad ‘onal ie of drudgery. Dresred fatigues, are star on thei ol fe green caps aille om their shoulder, these young women ‘ming with the confidence thatthe fight against patriarchy i integrally linked to the fight against he ruling clases ofthis em feudal, semi-colon nd, are equipping themselves with the military nowledge to token the Hurd Largest army of the exploiters Ths isa socal and poll awakening among the ores of the poor women in rural India Is scenario that has Ennnged fr ffm the unseingepes of he bourgeois meds, far from the flash and gtr of TV cameras. They are the sgn ofa transformation coming int theives ofthe rural poor as they par ticipate inthe great stragle for revaltion. ut tis evolutionary women’s movement has no emerged overnight and nor hati emerged spontaneously merely fom ‘Propaganda. The women’s movement has grown withthe growth ‘Starmed struggle, Contrary to gmeral opin, the launching of Sed stuggl in heer 1980s by the communist revolutionary forces in various parts the county, the itn strug againttir» Sewn ne Caner tel pyre gv te oe pent wom pt Soyo seg ae rb and eno Send op fir highs Wontn wo nant te ost oppor tng ppreact pon estan anes ean ee wthovelakd onl only a weft name Ismet rhe ones ra a an aright Tar we spend ard goto Se tened ogg he wemer meee ard wee fsnton ei pn ad oomph ee Iona women's rete eof he serge and es owe wore mens nt county, Bat Hie ‘egrsel aig yo healing est ly tipper any aso cd gement een Her obvious enue for the wome’s movement Dandakaranya didnot bind her to the problems that women coma aed win the evctonaty movement Ate ne other den that swat dhe was wok gon~ how puget Dot Party ofthe weg of entrain dining “sen ante rssh pata ate er ‘ited among howe male comrade who called maces eel Sonat In thine spent with he PLGA Bao, many on rns rorenber her wth ech luching fection Comrade Jana wa th name thy Knew hey. Tey fe wor pots graph of her in tuna er hug tema nae Sand Ing the feet beaming wih ie sng over er shower “Sita A eas She on Nn! shot of paper tee weg str and es An have been gen he taf noun tiem a wer aden pha brn eo wok ot fw fo read eae wl Cea, they wero ten wth slew tobe publ set Calle A fia wean they could sem some as en reat dda leer tt rd ring ae inate diferent stm not Anuradha oes eral, skty,uneen gual, fa tat some of er taverns cplde af th pape Di hand grenades tues hee that much more personal. Reading through them you catch flimpors of the mind of someone who could have been a serious Siholar of academic but was overtaken by her conscience and found i impossible to st back and merely theorize about the ter ible injustices she saw around her. These writings reveal a person teh is doing all she canto link theory and practice, action and thought Having decided todo something real and urgent for the twunlty she lived in, and the people she lived amongst in these ‘writings, Anuradha tries to tll us (and herself) why she Became Marxist-Leninist and nota liberal activist, ora radical feminist, or an eco-feminist or an Ambedkarite. To do this, she takes us on a thie guided tour of a history of these movements, with quick thumbnail analyses of various ideologies ticking off heir advan tages andl drawbacks ike a teacher correcting an examination po per witha thick fuorescent marke. The insights and observations ometimes lapse into easy sloganeering, but often they are pro- found and occasionally they'e epiphanic — and could only have ome from someone who has a razor sharp political mind and knows her subject intimately, from observation and experience, ‘not merely from history and sociology textbooks Perhaps Anuradha Ghandy’s greatest contribution, in her i as well asthe politics she practiced, isher work gender Jind on Dalit ssues She is sharply critical ofthe onhodox Marsst interpretation of east ‘ast is class) as being somewhat intel tually lazy. She points out that her own party has made mistakes in the pat in no being abe to understand the ast issue property ‘She critiques the Dalit movement foe turing into an identity strug fle, reformist not revolutionary ate its seareh fr justice with iin intrinsically unjust socal system. She believes that without iamantling pattiarchy and the castesystem, brick, by painful brick there ean be no New Democratic Revolution Th her writings on casteand gender, Anuradha Ghandy shows usa mind and an attitude that is unafraid of nuance, unafraid of engaging with dogma unafraid of telling it like it fs ~ to her ‘comrades a5 well a to the system that she fought against all her lite. What a woman she was.Remembering Anuradha Ghandy Friend, Comrade, Moving Spirit... thereon | ik = cherstandara the marnng of 12 Apa 200, Arad Chandy talc word onde openness polite canine Joong geet om aa ust med ate pending weak in Inantand tkng ses for ledng women sci fom toe aedy ben wecened by rls atthe dignoss confirmed faliparum malaria, she washspitalized inmate By then wo aeady to lat as her ened ga began giving way, As alway, she stole valiantly. But the end ame within 24 hours on 12 Apel moming, It semed as tho even in hr death Comm, Anaraha stick to ee ifelong srt ueyer etn wera “THE EARLY YEARS Anuradha Shanbag, fondly called Anu by everyone who knev het, was bor on 28 March 1954, to a Gujarati mother and Kannadiga father — both her parents along witha het maternal tuncle and aunts were members of the undivided Communist Party of india, Her parents themselves had got married in the CPt cific in Mumbai in the 19408, Thos Anu greve up in an atmos phere of ational and progressive thinking Her late father Ganesh Stanbag was a well known lawyer in the Bombay High Court ‘while her mother Kumad Shanbag a the age of 79 continues to "Work asa ibrarian and resource person for a Women’s Resource Centre in Mumbai Anuradha was the elder oftheir two children, her brother Sunil Shanbag isthe noted theatre and film director. “The desire to do something for the downtrodden was easily nu. tured in an atmosphere of serious study, intellectual creativity ‘nd rational thinking right from her childhood. In this atmos- phere she excelled academically in both school an college Ganesh Shanbag wrote in his memoir ‘Kaveri to Ganga’ that Anuradha thir frst born was dedicated by them tothe revohi- tion. Kumud Shanbag remembers the young Anuradha as abun- die of energy, very purposeful and yet ready o burst into anger at Seeing any form of injustice to animals o the housemaid. For Sil, Anu who was tworand. half years older, was 3 close sib- ling wha was responsible for giving him a world view. Ashe was ina boarding school, she woul write him long leters explaining the importance of every event that was affecting the county A brilint student, Com. Anuradha began as a committed ‘cadre of the incipient revolutionary movement right from hee Fewenns Aon Gor at days at Elphinstone College, Bombay’ in the early 19708, Those rete the days when urban students were not oblivious tothe Bit Ter struggles of rural people — that too ata time when rural Maharashtra was facing one of Ube worst famines. The young, ‘Anuradha along, with a group of students threw themes into famine relief work, She was deeply affected by the horrors of fam- ine that had ravaged the lives ofthe rural poor and at the same time inspired by thee indomitable spirit of survival The early 1970s was also the time when the whole world was inthe grip of militant struggles and revolutions, The ani-Vietnam twat movement in the US. the daring students revolt in Pris, the freroie struggles that led to the Great Proletarian. Cultura Revolution (GPCR) in China among others... In India the spark fof Naxalbari which lit the prairie Bre of revolution in India in Spied thousands of students to give up their careers and edu tion to leave forthe countryside to be with the masses in their daring dream to carve out a new world free from all forms of exploitation ‘Com. Anuradha came in contact with the student organize on, Progressive Youth Movement (PROYOM), which was in Spired by the Naxalite movement. They started working in the Slums which helped her come in close contact with the Dalit movement wrhere she received her early exposure tothe contin ing reality of untouchability and caste oppression. It was at the same time that she began reading woraciously digging deeper into the warp and wel of Marxism as a touchstone to understand the basis of the oppressive and exploitative caste system and all the “other ills of society. ‘She went on to doer M.A and later M.Phil in Sociology. She began teaching asa lecturer, fist at Wilson College (Chowpatty) tnd then atthe Jhunjhunwala College (Ghatkopar). Her fervour and diligence made her a very popular and effective lecturer and {favourite amongst her students. In November 1977 she married Kobo Ghandy,a fellow comrade, The post-Emergency period saw Anuradha becoming one of ‘he leading figures ofthe civil ibeties movement in the country‘She was a founder member ofthe Committe forthe Protection of Democratic Rights (CPDR) in Maharashtra. She played a promi= nent role alongside such leading figures such as VIM. Tarkunde Govinda Mukhoty, Subba Rao, Sudesh Vaid, P.A, Sebastian and even ruling class elements as George Femandes and Arun Shourie in organizing the landmark 1977 Civil Liberties Conference in Deh One ofthe prominent demands ofthis Conference was for the release of political prisoners ‘THE COMMITTED REVOLUTIONARY In response to the clarion call given by the nascent revolutionary ‘movement in Gadehirol district of Maharashtra in the early 1980, and unged by the need to spread the message of revolution in a backward region like Vidarbha, Com, Anuradha took th decison to eave Bombay and shift to Nagpur in 1982. While teaching at Nagpur Universiy, she actively participated in and played a leading role inthe trade union and Dalit move- ‘ments in the region. In trade union work, she began by organiing the molars (household labour) of Nagpur ical and then in various ‘other sectors. She was actively involved in organizing the 5,000 strong construction workers atthe Khaparkheda thermal power Plant near Nagpur and led a numberof militant struggles, most notably a 3:morth strike facing the collective might of constuction ‘companies aswell as inense police represion, During the course ofthese struggles, Com. Anu went to ji on numerous occasions Jn 1993, Com. Anu shiftod to Chandrapur to help organize the coal-mine and construction workers there. She fought against the fact thatthe unorganized sector workers had na basi trade union rights, and at the same ime were totally ignored by tradi= tional unions. She also developed links for joint activities with other progressive trade union leaders of the region fom Nagpur, Chandrapur, Amravati, Jabalpur, Yeotmal and other surround: ing centres CCom. Anu made path breaking contributions to organizing Dalits in Vidarbha. She shifted resldence in Nagpur to lndora, 8 fawn Anan, Gur predominantly Dalit locality and a stronghold of the ity’ Dalit Traders. Com. Anu'sincisive knowledge of Ambedkar’sand other etological writings on the caste question seen in the light of Mancam drew large sections of the youth to the Naxalite move- ent She grew to become the apen face ofthe Maoist inthe Dalit Tnavement and one of the major public speakers at many Dalit functions in Vidarbha ‘Com. Anuradha wrote profusely on the caste question in both English and Marathi, presenting a class viewpoint of the issue funtering not only the nomerous postmederist trends on this Count but the wrong Mandst interpretations of the Dalit and caste “questions a well, An important essay written by Com. Anuradha th Marathi was published in Satyishediak Morzond the journal teited by Sharad Pai from Dhule, explaining the Marxist stand point on the Dalit question linking Dalit iberation withthe task of the New Democratic Revolution (NDR) in the country. This essay ts lll referred to today as an example of the Marxist-Leninist “The esstwhile CPI (ML) (PW) prepared its first caste policy paper wich was the first fr the revolutionary Marxist movement {hn Tna, based on the draft prepared by Com, Anuradha. This “aft had categorically outlined that in India the democratization of society is inconceivable without smashing the elitist caste sys tem and fighting all forms of caste oppression, most particulary, {fs czudest form —untouchabiity. Many of the views expressed toy her dhe in the mid-1990s have become the core ofthe under sanding of the present revolutionary movement ‘THE CALL OF BASTAR tne late 9, Com. Anuradha responded othe calf the ev Clutonary movement and went to Bastar. She spent thre years ting songs te bal he eon Ske went out of her way tor an many PRD. staiesom the Gond tba fo provide souke tela forthe vevoltionay cadre of Dandakaranya 0 “Teper their understanding of the eon, Late on she would s8yWith utmost conviction that these three years were among the ost fufiling inher lif. She keenly studied the live and strug: sles ofthe Gond tribals of Bastar, the painstaking ways in whieh ‘the movement was built, particularly focusing on the lives ofthe ‘omen, theirorganizations, the KAM (Keantikari Adivasi Mala Sanghathan) and the women in the guerilla detachments, During the peak ofthe famine in 1997, Com. Anuradha vas there in Bastar, which saw huralreds of people perish of starva tion in other tribal areas. The revolutionary guesilas had resorted toseizing grain from the hoarders and distributing them among, the starving masses thus preventing a major calamity. During this perio, intermittent attacks of malaria, the tribe ry heat of summer, coupled! with the famine conditions took a tll on her health, and she lost about 10. It was oly her enormous com mitment to the cause ofthe people, and tremendous willpower that kept her going, She never made ashow of her awn sufterings, always bearing pain, whether physical or mental, with dignity, without complaining or leting others knows. All this was happening amidst heavy state repression, ot a time when the armed contingents ofthe mercenary paramilitary forces were tracking every inch of the Bastar forests, and when living life on the edge was the norm forthe revolutionary. Com, Anuradha lived up to the challenge unflinching, She once even hada narrow eseape after coming under the crossfire ofthe po- lice. She would point out to others that this was the hard reality of Zist century rural India — to be withthe masses, to understand them and be lke them is also to lace yourself at risk of getting kulled. Today, the forest, hills and valleys of India have become he hunting ground ofthe predators in the form of multinational ‘comporations and India's large capitalists, withthe greedy polit cian ready to grab any crumb thrown at him, In Bastar, Com. Anuradha spent most of her time in the Byramgadh area, which has later come into the limelight fr fae- {ng the brunt of the Salwa Juduim attacks. She contracted malaria 8 umber of times, but it was treated in time and with the good! ‘care of the local tribal people. Her tenacity ta stay in such dificult owen sana Gtr xt conditions and despite er age astounded and won the affection loa aha spent mhtinein aking es ei sues, womens opprsion and the New oe ome evuton on imparting peeral knowlege, onthe oar sony ets min forthe growing leadership rien al omen. She helped draft andi and wrote , ‘ous articles for the local revolutionary movement. a ay she was responsible forthe deh at prt te te Pe coo ron whch safe by is known a the National Park ‘onslaught of the Salva udu. REACHING THE PINNACLE wuradha ha been working, ‘state repression, She was tive on the role of revo ‘organize the most eeeanieh Jomen in realizing New Democratic Revolution free eel form sJoitation and discrimination. dev ‘se a method to enable them to grow to greater Jeadership the modesty Mans oN was ourder member of the CP (Mavs va) schtra. At the time of her martyrdom, she fs a ember of the Central Committee of hha risen to become a‘Communist Party of India (Maoi ‘ongress — Unity Congress she was the single woman comrade tobe elected t te Central Commitee. The reprssive state machinery, which allows so many’ crim nals, communalist murderers, politicians and afflent people to continue with theit harmful activities, banned the party for which she worked and made a dynamic leader like Com. Anuradha in. accesible to vast sections of society. Many great leaders of the Indian freedom struggle like Bhagat Singh, Subbash Chandra Bose and numerous others believed in the necessity of armed strugale because of which they had to live under the oppressive British Raj under changed identities in order to evade imprison ment or death atthe hands ofthe state's repressive machinery, ‘Today the situation is no different. While we uphold marty ike Bhagat Singh as great leaders, modem day revolutionaries like ‘Anuradha are portrayed as dangerous criminals and terrorists, But the oppressed and exploited people, totaly neglected by this same state, have great respect and love for revolutionaries like Anuradha, Wherever she worked, Com. Anuradha reached ‘ut and touched the lives of many, who will ee her as leading figure of the revolution and wino became a marty fr is cause. For the oppressed and exploited peopl of this country, Com. Anuradha wil always remain immortal You are history. You are een Yow ae snd unicesly. Ue hl wt orgy and tthe thea eof pace ts this es aan com bck PasionaeaIntroduction Tome more pronounced, took a clear pro-Dallt posture and made esting the hrendvay in resisting upper caste supremacy, in as rights of the Dalits and, 1 a considerable extent, turning ups Hawn the deeply entrenched cultural symbols of upper caste ‘domination. However, the ideological position on the anti-caste ‘movement stil remained undefined.Since he 180s his Bogan to change Various groups sated spring ithe ce en attended to formulate thelr casteclse programme, Anu's wings payed an important part inthe debate ra dicusions that ensued a hepa ‘he fst ey, “Caste Question in Indi’ mats the cui ton of Ars tay on cst The long ety was writen ald 159 and esse of eng remained unpublished Hee she takes a comprehensive eve of he ast sstom, being fom the theories of origin of castes through the igen develo. renin intoy an ening witha pric propramne owas aration ofeaste. Arua the bepning sl dentfeste caste System aan ideslgy a well ana socal eystm and ansendsthe stereotypical debate about the bse and upersrtre Following Marxand Engels she denies dierent stages inpre-Sritshindan ‘oct: Trib Oligarty i) Ancient communal and state owe {rahip which proceed especial rm the unin of several bes by agrecrent andor conquest accompanied bythe enavenent ofthe Shots, the Artasasta Mode’ ad (i Fel or estate property acompanie by the Jase ae, Se dhs of anni vai Wh cee navgating rg the darkabystes of she emerge int the contemporary pe vod extending the broken thread of her argument he Pro samme ofthe pry of the pokniat peste ste Ie Slres that cla strgge aga the eases tan egeal Part ofthe struggle to acompiish New Democratic Revlon, She even isto indicate wht would semain feasts fer uch democratic eelton is accomplished The second ancl in thi colleion, The Caste Question Returns was pblshed in rote (1 Janary 1988) nas ten in response 10 9 plee by Gopal Gun ‘Understanding Ambedkar ~ A Caste and lat Paradigm presumably pute lished in Foner and reproduced inthe May 198 ase of Satya Marea, Art objectively pnts ou the eactionary strands in bath he oven commit aswell as Dali ad fs ee the nee hopes inthe for of Nase movement ad ait Panthers movement sprouting out of them respectively the old communist economism that class struggle i neludes the we cron economic stugge se expe that it se en economic, ple, soal and ideological spheres’ Seve jyetening eth secre pail power She en meen Congres Pry (aight rm len day is current we ty ssthe main cup for perpetuation ofcaste oppression se eipolder of the cate sytem. Emphasizing the need to have i ator any ofaloprese, se makes profound pont hat aratato fate oppression canbe aecomplised onthe in ng nder x overthrown and he soci reorganized ona thoroughly democrat bss The ectary’ Movement agaist Coste in Mabaashir' was a posse presented inthe ATL seminar ater published by AURe) nt stay, An highlighted how the soc reform vaeent hasbeen separate om, and in mes even anlage ommunistled movements I feudal to, the nationalist and the times, this movement sentially expressed itself through rel: isous idiom, She traces this movement from the 12th century Mahanubhava panth of Chakeadharswami, a forerunner of the Bhakti movement. which preached remarkable egalitarianism in- sofa as itembraced low caste people and even granted women ts ‘lech (initiation), She traverses through the Bhakti movement, Socio-economic conditions in Maratha period, Brahmin domina- tion during the Peshawa rule and British colonial regime which Catalyzed the norBrahmin movement and then the Dalit move- ind notes the sad developments inthe non-Brahmin and ter the death of Jyotiba Phule and Babasabeb ‘ovement a quin Dalit movements a Ambedkar, respectively. Projecting the Bhakti fementally the anti-aste movement, Anu argues against some Dalit intellectuals in Maharashtra, who criticized it as a reaction ary movement ast preached Hindu religion and values in a pop- ular form, Lay, she makes profound statement, uncommon in the leftist universe fill then, that the ant-caste struggle is part of the clase struggle in India and that the battle for transformation of social relations and ideology ate part ofthe class struggleTt lh wl he an nay 41 Xtaln. Ted a Crucsome Masco alt Dat ay Scrcher hte’ Wve ped nth ua 207 woe ot Pop's Marder th pearme Ave Ate ering he faa thc se serosa the Kalra cmap rep fet hw cnn afc nt only non cy, bt an teri partes ante ste mci the Dat masse: Ts pentane ping showed tat ey tr prepared oot of th yo oth op eds nd ca ‘ssp no that She pci th hs new era exit th cit pry san only ti prepared gh not only al th iets ef estan ands hing erm triouchabiity but alan eae It em ts tot y deoying the feudal culture. . oe The imprint thing to notin hse wring sth evtution ny depriefom he aoel $1 adional potion oft comment par te Ista as hve wring nt essence are eee position of Maoists, they indi ae Non the revatio 2 the importance of her contribu Caste Question in Ind he caste system hasbeen one of the specific problems ofthe I Indian democratic revolution. ts linked tothe specificna- ture of the evolution of Indian society and has been one of ve mont important mears for the exploitation of the labouring asses Sanctionedby the Brabminical indureligion,Varnasra Dharma legitimized the oppression of the working peopl, and the enslavement and degradation of ane section ofthe masses, reduc in them toa near animal existence. For the ruling classesin India from the ancient to the modern perio, the caste system served both as an ideology as well asa socal system that enabled ther to repress and exploit the majority oftoilers. Tavaders fom other lands who came to rule over Indi, ad justed with this system, ait suited thei lass interests; religions Tike Islam and Cheistianity, which profess the equality ofall men, adjusted with i allowing its believers tobe divided on the basis of cate, because they didnot interfere with this system of explo tation. Today, caste ideology is sill an important pat ofthe reac- onary naling elas ideological package, and it serves to divide the working masses, hampering the development of lass ‘Fntracs from an unpublished article writen in the mid-19908, As oly ed er typed copy wes found we ae reproducing What has able Tobe exacted rom it8 « Scone Coat consciousness and a unified evolutionary struggle, At the same time, caste-based occupations and relations of production, caste- based inequalities and discrimination, the practice of untoucha- bility and the belief in Brahminical superiority are stil as much 3 Patt of the Socio-economic ie ofthe country. Caste is being used in the corrupt electoral politics of the ruling classes. To root out the caste gystom we must first understand is origin and develop- ‘ment and evaluate the successes and faihures ofthe varius strug sles against the caste system and Brahminical ideology ‘ORIGIN OF THE CASTE SYSTEM The history of the caste system can be traced back to over 3.000, years. Its inextricably inked to the development of lass 80 femergence of the state, the development ofthe feudal mode of production and the continuous but often forcible assimilation of tribal groups, with their own customs and practices, into the ex pltative agrarian economy. The origin and development of the system can be traced through the following periods 1. Velie Pein The period from 1500 BC, when Aryan pato- ral tribos and non-agricultural bal communities took to agriculture; the emergence of agriculture asthe dominant production system; to the rise ofthe state around 500 BC. The Period frm 500 BC to the Sth century AD: The period of the expansion of agriculture based on Shara labour; the groveth of trade al its decline the rise of small king dons; to the emergence of feudalism The Period from the 4th eontury AD onwards: When the de velopment of feudalism took place, and Braheninical Hin duis and the jati system acquired their complex and "igi form. For a country as vast as India, and a history so ancient, the above can only be broad periods which can be covered here, but there will be differences in every specific region, Yet the broad trends apply tothe whole of India indus Valley Cllization and Caste no Marxist historinnshave speculated thatthe rots ofthe caste erstom may be traced tothe theocratic Indus Valley Civilization sia in the inal belief in magical power and pollution, common syaong Dravician tribes, But there fs no substantive proof to sup ot this speculation nor is there any adequate explanation as to ny sucha complex system would exist in this earlier perio. “That the Hlarroppan city population as divided into these class swith endogamous hierarchically placed groups. is not yet tknown, [tis a fact that primitive tribes possess belief in the magi Cal power of estan objects and in pollution but fom this one ‘anmot conclude that inthe eaves period whole sections within teal communities were considered permanently polluting Fence, we cannot conclude that some form of the caste system costed inthe pre-Vedic period, i The study ofthis earlier period of history (3000 BC to 1500 BO shove that even before the Aryan (Indo-European) tribes en tered Inia, various communities and tribes with varying, eo nomic and sociacultural systems existed within the country Some had developed agriculture, a division of labour, and even tad and here wer sharp sy sirens They wer he copper age. Others ranged, from shifting cultivation (um) to hunting, fishing and food gathering. Some were herders. Many of them had matrilineal socal organizations. The pastoral Indo- European tribes with patrilineal social organization entered India rn saves from around 1500 BC From Wibal to Class Society Cass society emerged from the clashes of the various pastoral Ayan tribes and the indigenous tribes and the development of agriculture with the widespread use of iron took the form in tally, ofthe four Vamnas. Hence, we can say that the four Varnas were the form that class society took in the later Vedic and the Upanishad period10 « Scnan Cate As the Vedic Aryansentere from the Punjab area and spread towards the Gangetic plain from around 1500 BC, they were al ready divided into an aristocracy (Rajya) and priests (Brahmins) and the ordinary clansmen (vs). In the incessant conflicts and wats that were assocated with ther spread eastwards, conilcts ‘among the various pastoral Aryan tribes and with local tribes for atl, water sources, land and then also for saves, sections of tribes that were defeated began to be enslaved, known as dass: ‘asys. The wars increased the importance ofthe chieftains. They relied on situalism to enhance their prestige and consolidate i and to appropriate the surplus through these rituals, Teibtes of catle and slaves were given by the ordinary vis to the rajanyas. Major and minor sagras were inezeasingy performed by the r= jms in alliance with the Brahmins, The ruling elite and the press lived off the gifts (dandbal) given to them by the vis at these yiguss. At this Stage, the tribal organizations based on clan and kin were still dominant. The emergence of the Brahmin and Kshatriya Varnas was a proces of the breaking dow ofthe kine based relations among these ruling elites and the cretion of 2 broader class — the Varna — which lived ofthe tutes and gilts from the vis and subjugated the tribes. The pastoral tribes had ‘adopted agriculture; and from the local tribes, the chieftain clans and the priestly clans were being incorporated into the Kebstriya and Brahmin Varnas respectively ‘came o form the Shudra Vara. Allo them were not slaves. While domestic slavery existed, it was basi The subjugated tribals, both Aryan and non- Aryan, grads ly the Vaishya peasants {from the vis the broader Vaishya Varna emerged) and the Shudas Who eeared the cattle and tilled the sol The widespread use of iron, not only for weapons but als for agricultural purposes, from around 800 BC, marked a qual tative change in the production system ofthe ancient tribal soci ties. Plough-based ag cultare could generate considerable sur plus on a regular basis, Dense forests could be cut down and land cleared for cultivation. Thus iron enabled the agrarian economy 40 become the prominent production system in this ancient peviod, The spread of agriculture was achieved at the arnt ofthe non-agricultural tribes, They were either subjugated rileplaced from the forests and thee traditional means of live Tihood. The conquest of new territories and the possibility of regular settlements further enhanced the importance of chief fains. Tribal oligarchies emerged. Many of the chieftains tured into kings who needed grander yagnas to consolidate their rule vot only aver their own cans and tribes but also over the territo Ties they commanded (the janapada). The Vasnashrama Dharma twas already being developed by the Brahmin priestly class. The Fituals became more complex, elaborate and wealth consuming, These rituals were the means by which the surplus could be re Aisributed, The surphus appropriated in the form of gifts was shared by the ring Kshatriyas and the Brahmin priest. Gifts were no longer voluntary. They were forced. The Ary dharma find Varna ideology legitimized the increasing power of the Kings and priests and the absorption of the subjugated tribals into the lower Varnas, It became the ideological expression of the classes that had emerged from the womb of the various tribes. Those groups that did net accept the rituals and forced teibutes were considered anarya or fect Development of agriculture, including paddy cultivation in the Gangetic plains, was accompanied by the increasing division of labour and the growth of trade. Private property in land temerged, Towns developed. Fevr classes came into existence — the Voishya traders and the gahapats, the landowners. The gahap: ais di not themselves til he land but go slaves orshudeas to til it Tensions between the upper two Varaas and the lower Varnas, rnd between those who owned and those who laboured, emerged This led to the emergence of the ancient state. Te first states emergedin the Gangetic plains in Bihar. ise ofthe State The emergence of the Kosala and Magadha monarchies round the éth century BC was the forms in which the state developed in12 Sewer Gu ancient India. The ring clans inthe prot-states and these ear ‘tates eed heavily on yagnis and rituals to uttress and legitimize their rule, The eary states had the expliit anction of upholding the Vara order and private property. its were replaced by tax- 6: But the upper two Varnas, the Brahmins and Kshat not taxed. A standing army came into existence ‘The Vamashrama ideology reflected and buttressed this class situation in the interests ofthe ruling Kshatriyas andl Brahmins — the Brahmen and Xshelriw enclose the ouishya and shu’ ‘a Visa tributary toanather tobe oppressed at will... Shura, the servant of another, tobe removed a il tobe slain at will’ In the context of the differences between the classes becoming sharp, the Varna divisions had become rigid Social distance and endog- amy came tobe emphastzed But the newly emerged classes, the lower two Varnas and the non-subjugated tribal communities diel net accept this ideology and the Varna hierarchy with Brahminical superiority. The ese of the Lokayat, Mahavir, Buddha and other opposing sects and philo sophical systems was challenge #0 this Vedic yagnarbasedt Brahminism and Varna-based hierarchy. These sects gained the support of traders and artisans organized into guilds and the semitribal kings and chieftains Later, withthe consolidation of the state formation with Mauryan rule (4th-3rd centuries BC), the reduction in the importance of yagnas and the consolidation ‘ofthe agricultural economy, Bralminism itsel underwent tans formation, Reducing the importance of yagnas and borrowing certain principles from Buddhism, Brakminism tied to reassert its ideological role. Yet, it had to contend with Buddhism and Jsinism for commercial ana royal patronage and for socal domi nation. Tis relects the struggles put wp by the various classes and peoples to the consolidation of the caste system based on Brahmin-Kshateiya superiority. ¥ Brahminism played a key role in the development and consolidation ofthe state in ancient nda and the development and formalization ofa class society in the form of the Varna. ‘he Mauryan Empire rhe Mauryan Empite, which rose in the Magacha region nthe 3nd ape BC. was the first major fully formed state in India after the ee Valley civilization) It was an ‘ancient communal and state ‘ype of state with Shudee-based production. Theor Vouryas themselves are obscure, but the state was owners gins of the sare the famous Brain Kaui, alsoknown as Chanakya. ae pakya's Arthashatra was the fst andl ence frank account of thao le aid down the principles of satecraf without any aeologicat or religious coverup. The Maurya state was central oe state which took the responsibility for the extension of ag Citture and trade. This ‘arthashastra’ state settled groups of rndsas where lands could be cleared and brought under the ough The sia lands wre farmed directly by the state with the Fry of Shudra(serf) labour, under an autocatic regime, wile svn lands were farmed by the free peasantry (Vaishya) These rachra Lands were taxed on various counts, The stale 400k taxes from the Vaishyas and labour from the Shudras, providing them vith the necessities ofeultivation. Whileslavery alo existed, slaves ‘here used primarily by landowners for domestic work and by the tate for processing the grain collected in the form of axes and fs he prodicton of some commodities. The state also monopolized the tuning of minerals, By this period a class of dependent peas ins and labourers (helots) — Shudra by Varna ~ had been com chiidated But the oishyas who carried out trade and setled in tirban ares Began to distinguish themselves from their peasant brethren in Tnfer centuries peasant cuivation became the hall mark of the Shudras. The ordinary, fee peasantry was pushed “Town into the Shura Varna, while the Vaishya Varna became the ‘onopuly of the traders and merchants. Atte same time the clas UF Refetntsuomis, those who got their lands cltvated by shar a to become the norm Croppers and dependent labourers, came to Be Tr the Mauayan petiod and up tothe 3rd century AD trade vwas an important aspect ofthe economy. While trade along the Jataingpatha and to the Nosts along the wtaapatha grew inthe“Mauryan period, in later conturies trade with the Roman empire (lst and 2nd centuries AD) also became important. Inthe South, trade links with the South-East Asian societies including China also existed, Thus, the elas of artisans and merchants who were linked to the market were socially and economically important, Artisans and merchant guilds were powerful. Also, during this perio artisan guilds were not strictly hereditary. [ndogamy and Rigid Marriage Norms ‘The retrcton on matings pat ofthe tial endogamous prac tes were adpied by Bini, ough esol pure became fennel Viper tal endopamy a ot Sty lowed in th ansdaton of rope But dae difer ces started oeege andthe ned fr lrg umber of Souter re the two upper Vara enforced tt ea ing the form of a martiage; 4 method of distancing themselves from the lower two Yarnas, while a the same time sanctioning Iypergamy Hypergamy ithe marge of 4 man of Nghe fama toa woman of a lower Vaena.) Hypergamy allowed ‘con verted’ Brahmins and Kshatriyas to sek partners from among their oven tribesfotk, absorbed as Vaishyas or Shudeas I alloveed politcal alliances with noa-Kshateiya chieftains and kings. At the same time, marrage rules forthe lower two Vamnas were not re Strictive ~ allowing fr the rapid increase in the population of th sate in the population of the labouring people. Ina primitive economy, human Inbour is the sain pro ctve asset Hence eve ° lence even marriage rules developed ac ‘cording to the interests ofthe ruling classes and gained ideolog- cal legitimacy through the rigid Varna divisions, Spread of Buddhism and Jainism “The agrarian economy had no use for the expensive rituals based. on the sacrifice of animals, including catle wealth, The Vaishiyas and Shudeas, who paid taxes and laboured, discontented with their inferior socal status, supported the new preachers like CancQusronm on 15 Mahavir andl Buddha and the sects established by them which op- owed these yagnas end the superiority of the Beans who pro Piped them. These secis opposed the Varna hierarchy, and [uda’s sanghs were open to all members including the lowly ‘Canals. But neither Buddha nor Mahavir preached against the nev relations of production that had emenged, anda slave could ot nin the sangha without the permission of his master Shudras from the sitalands were also not free to join the sanghas. However, pth Buddhism and Jainism spread allover India gaining the sup- pot ofthe powerful artisan and merchant guilds, Although their Piulowphieal content and material form changed ove the cent Ties they provided a tremendous challenge that lasted for over nn years. The early ascetics, the Buddhist and Jain monks, be ame pat of wealthy monasteries which were supported by av- inh gilts from merchant and artisan guilds and others. From neound the 2nd century, as royal patronage increased, and they feceived land grants, these monasteries also became landowning institutions. Yet these religions retained their influence and Saddhism maintained its image a religion that opposed the hi crarchieal Varna order and Brahminical superiority. ‘Brahmins ina New Form With the decline of yagnas a transformation in the socal role of the Brahmins fook place and with that Brabiinism also under went a transformation. Brahmins, encouraged anv protected by kings, Brought the borders ofthe kingdoms unde agriculture, in| the process ‘aryanizing’ the tribals in the region. From Ashoka's times, the fee peasants and the Brahmns migrated in search of fresh lands to bring under agriculture, The ashrams set up by the Brahmins in the forests were the pioneer settlements that deve ‘pet contacts with the tribes inthe ares, and brought them under the command ofthe plough and the Vedas, The local tribals were incorporated almost wholly as tis of the Shura Varna, and re tained their tral customs and became the labourers on the lan Ksnecessay for agricultural operations. carrying out the variosThe tribal elite were incorporated into the Brahm Vara, The Brahmins changed the form of theie religion. Sacrificial yagnas be came symbolic. The principle of kins was adopted fom Bucldhism. The older Vedie Codes, which were glorifcations of pastoral life and wars, gave way to newer Gods ike the elt of Krishna, and also Shiva and later Vishn, Tribal rituals were audopted for instance, the agoniituals, performed only by Brahmins in south Irian temples, were non-Vedicin origin. Tribal worship ‘of mother Goddesses was also incorporated ino the Hindu rele sion, In fact, withthe development of feudalism, the feminine names of certain rbes eg, Matangi, Chandali Kaivari, and thee tral totems, were also incorporated into the Hindu fold. Gods and Gocidesses were incorporated into the Hind partheon a5 ‘avatars of the main God, Vishnu. This was the ideological manifes. tation ofthe social process ofthe absorption of tribes and sem tribes into the spreading ageatin economy atthe lower levels of the social hierarchy. The significance of the Varnashrama Dharma In this proces, the importance of the Brahmins in the unfolding agrarian economy ane! the generation of surplus, ther roe in the dsily and seasonal rituals connected with cultivation increased their importance and socal bas. ls the king’ court they provided the genealogy that proved the Kshatsya/Brahmin stats of the rulers family; hence, Brahminism was supported by the rulers. Yet in the period up tothe 6th century AD, a least, Brahminism and the caste system coule not gain hegemony in India, due 0 various factors lke the invasion of foreign groups ike Kushans and Shakas hich ruled over lange terttories, the strength of artisan and trade guilds as aso the influence of Buddisn ana Jainism, Extension tothe South Anyatharma spread to the South, alongwith ro, from the 6th cen tury BC, along the trade routes through the Deccan When the groups of Brahmins entered the South the Vama scheme had already be come ig inthe Nog. n the South a division of abour ane aclass differentiated society witha develope culture within the steuctre is Qeson Ho tribal society, already existed, They coexisted with tbesbased on “liferont subsistence systems and socal organizations. The society ‘cos semi-tibal in transition fom tribe oa Full-edged class society. th exchange ad conflict between the various groups with dtr at aubsistence systems prevailed, For the non-agricultural groups {aids om the agriultral settlements were an important means of Ubtaining necessary resources. Trade across the sea was also deve! crn, Balynins with their knowledge oon and superior echo ‘ny of culation, and the Varna scheme, ebviousl sited the peas int settlements and thei chieftains, The Varnashrama Dharma tp to bring order to the society in which confiets between the possntsond the labourers had emerged keoping with the change In the North, the peasant communities were incorporated into the Shura Vaenas. The chieftains closely linked tothe peasantry, did ot foma separate Varma. The lca priestly lansbeeame pat ofthe Skahmin Vara. Buddhism al Jainism also spread in South Indi rom the 3d century BC and they attracted folowing among di dere the towns and ferent sections ofthe peopl; artisans and ‘emistibal groups. With lorishing Roman trade, the Buddhist and Juin centres esseived major donations from the artisan and trade ills The three religions santended fo poi infence an all three got support in greater and lesser degrees Brahminism itself expanded in the form of various sets, the ost prominent being Shaivism and Vaishnavism. These devotion: al sects drew upon popular tradition and thus helped t transfor ‘scriptural religion into more popular devotional cults which could Srike roots among the peasantry and others. The philosophical ‘content to this new Brakinnism was given by Sankara in the later period (800 AD). This Vierahtia preacher not only contested Jainism and Buddhism but also organizational strengthen! the religion by establishing the maths in diferent parts ofthe county. ‘tate Formation inthe South The frst major state formation in the Deccan took place with the «stablishment ofthe Satavahana powerin the 2nd century AD. The1 Sewn Che Satavahanas also known asthe Andhras supported the Brahmins and the chatureurna system, But they als financially supported the development of the cave monasteries in the Deccan and the Bucidhist centre at Nagarjunakonda and Kanchi Inthe deep South, the tse ofthe Pallava empire in 575 AD marks the frst important state formation. Tis marked t © domination ofthe agrarian econ- ‘omy over the other modesof production nthe region Theallavan state introduced important changes in political and military or ganization, and also promoted Brakminism, by the setting up of Brahmin villages as centres of learning and promoting the use of Sanskrit. Pallava rule was based on the landowning peasant class and kings promoted the expansion ofthe agrarian order. The fest Pallavan ruler is sad to have distributed three lakh ploughs that ‘ould be pulled with bllocks Is fom this period thatthe lashes between the three religions became sharp and there are many his: torical accounts of the conversion of kings and the persecution of| ‘ther reigious groups. Mahenravarman, the Pllavan rule, cor ‘verted from Jainism to Shaivism and is said to have killed §000 Jains. The ist Pallava ruler was also a Jain who was converted to Shaivism. The early Hoysalas were also Jains. Brahminism provided the legitimacy tothe rulers ofthe char btn, the ruler over a territory, which replaced the king as the ruler over his people. The Brahmins became the religious bass f the legitimacy ofthe state that emerged. The Varna scheme be came the means to break the kinship structures and create broader closs type identities. Hence Brahminism consolidated in South India with the support ofthe state. The close alliance between the Brahmins and the ruling geoups can also be sen from the fact hat inthe Brahmin contres for imparting education, the ght, both religious scriptures and the martial arts were taught. The act of administration was alo imparted in these centres EMERGENCE AND CONSOLIDATION OF FEUDALISM From around the 6th century AD, inthe early medieval peri, the easte system, based on jt, began to consolidate in most parts Care Qinon wane & 19 sti ts clearly linked tothe rise of feudalism all over Indi, nen class of intermediaries was created which expropriated the aurplus in the form of revenue or share of the produce from the labouring masses, This was accompanicd by the development vhihe vel-suffcient village economy. The decline of trade and at- jean guild, primarily due tothe collapse of the Roman empire ter theSrd century AD, the contraction of money circulation, the “ouling down of artisans inthe villages, created the conditions for the ris of feudalism, Land grants began tobe given to Brahmins Buddhist monasteries and to army officials. Though this process ryan in the Satavahana rule in the 2nd century AD, and with the "AD, it became widespread from the 5th century onwards, From the 7h century onwards appointing feu ialintermediaries who collected revere and took on administra tive tasks became common. The distribution of land grants to Sahming in the period of rising feudalism, meant that from the beginning they constituted a pat ofthe feudal ass. This process ‘csentially took place between the fifth and the soventh centuries, ‘specially, in the parts that were colonize by the migrating peas- tnt setlers — in Bengal, rissa, Gujrat, and central and western “Madhya Pradesh, in the Deccan. It began under the Pllava rule in the 6th century in the South, but reached its peak during the Chola rule from the ninth century onveards, in Tamil Nadu, parts of Kamataka and the Kerala regions In this period the proliferation of ats also began Jat, rig nally a erm used fora tribe with its own distinct customs, coming into a Vara, gradually replaced the Vama since it became the main organization in which people were bound together, The ‘original peasant settles emerged as specific peas ats in par- ticulae regions. In the South the dominant peasant landowning jatis were oonsidered as sattik Shudras, ranked only next to the Brahmins. A numberof jatis and pats, each with an occupa onal specialization necesary fr agriculture, or for social life in the village also developed. The carpenter, blacksmith, potter, tan er skinner of dead catle were availabe in the bigger villages. AS slso the barber, the washerman and the priest: They providedtheir skis tothe peasant and other familie including the families ofthe fedal intermediaries. In return they began to be given 3 share ofthe village produce. Initially the share sas decided by rata, the association of the dominant peasant community. In later times the shares became more formal, they were also given the right otilla part ofthe village lands. The jjnon system, the Ituedari or eyagar system emerged within the new arrangement ofthe village structure. Money was not needed for daily exchange sngement greatly aided the rahmins and the other upper This castes from the landowning, feudal intermediaries to raise their situl status and social prestige, since the lower castes were aval: be in fll complement todo all he various types of physical and ‘menial labour. The upper castes did not have to sil their han, The jati system was suitable for the feudal mode of production and it would not be wrong to call this jai feudalism. Te isin this petiod that the number of Untouchable castes swelled greatly. Prom the 4th century BC itself, there are refer- ences tothe Untouchables, in Patajali, for example, who mien tions two types of Shudeas, the Nirah excluded) and the Ashi But their numbers were restricted, Gradually newer riba groups began tobe included. But itis in the fed peri that air mum= bers went up greatly, the Chamars and Rajaks, fr example, were reduced to the Untouchable status of an Untouchable. Tribal roups subjugated by force after being dispossessed of th lands, means of livelihood and freedom were relegate! to an Untouchable satus. Some artisan groups too were pushed down from the Shudra to he ag-Shusdra ranks, They were in the main bonded agricultural Ibourers who were denied by religious in Junctions any right toovn wealth (gol tc) and land, Thee only tharma was to labour forthe entire village, especialy for the landowning class, but live outside the village ta distance, pollut ing even by their shadow. Maximum surplas coukl be extracted from the Untouchable labourers forced into a low level of mate- Hal existence and perpetual servitude, Brahmins, both a5 individuals and as groups, were granted Jana and a share of the revenue from the villages They lived off Coe Queen ng 6 2 nye srplus created by the villagers The Brahmadeva villages in er india hecame the centres for Brahminical culture an lear sain these villages, Brahmins combined their contol over the productive Fre lage and the surrounding region. Brahmins were allowed to wrap the rovenue of the villages the ager share (Melman) of resources with administrative control over the life of the total produce, they got their own lands cultivated through tenants of sharecroppers. The Dharma allowed thetn the right to fino lend they could supervise cultivation, but they could not olGvate it themselves. A section of the Brahmin castes were “ovely associated withthe rulers. Apa fom providing fictitious jes to prove the Kshatriya status of the ring groups, they were the royal parohits and in many Kingdoms they held inistative posts. These Brahmins, who helped to generate the us, gained the highest socal prestige in te feudal era. As landowners and revenue collectors, closely associated with the rl ofthe kingdom, the Brahmins held wide authority in the politcal, socal and religious life, They wore active members the feudal ruling class and its ideologues as well At the same time, inthis period, the Kshatriya Varna consol ated ise North-West nia, This process dd not take place in the South, Te elas of fetal intermediaries, as also big landowe, rs with feudal armed retainers who lived off the land grants and hare of revenue became a permanent feature of feudalism, In the [North the rling or powerful clans of those invaders ike Gujos, unas and Arya Kshatriyas, and the intermediaries consolidated > form the Rajput ast. The clan-kin connections these groups from the feudal stata wete consolidated through mariage al ances to form the Rajput ats. The word originates from Rjrato ‘one who controlled afew villages in the early medieval period. In this perio the village headman also came tobe recgnized as an rportant post. Normally, lange landowners from the dominant peasant caste, they separated themselves from their culivating Peasant castemen, and consolidated their position through kn re lationships and marrage relationships among themselves over res) and the region, The Resi in Andhra Pradesh (fom2+ Same Gaudas emerged a separate caste groups through this process in the medieval feudal period The process of the consolidation ofthe jl structure was com: pleted in the main by the 108 century, before the raids of Mohammed of Ghazni The feudal class upheld the chaturear Even rulers who professed Buddhism were proud upholders of the ‘htrcarna. This scheme provided a ritual status to the various his, All castes connected with physical labour (peasants, artisan) or those that challenged Brahmnical superio yo the notions of hierarchy Gast or court writers eis or doctom), were assed a8 Shur. But since this scheme was unable to explain the mult pict ofthe various tis the cwsanaa theory was put forward This theory explained the various jas as being a result ofthe un- sanctioned marsinges between men and women of diferent Varn, The Manusmit (Ist or 2nd century AD) proved tobe a harbinger ‘ofthe feudal order that emerged, providing it witha perfect ideo. logical justification. This theory wasnothing bu the justification for the superiority ofthe exploiting classes and provided sanction for the lack of fredom and degradation ofthe majority Ttis often claimed that untouchabilty arose es a result ofthe ritually polluting nature of certain occupations and thei low val- ue. However, the nat © of ozcupations cannot create a class of permanently polluting people. The ideology of ritual pollution ‘and purity, on the contrary, provided the means of creating class of semicslaves forthe agricultural and urban economy. As a eu ing class that controlled theland and labour ofthe exploited cass 6s and in the condition of strong resistance and sharp class con tradictions, Brahmins, as active members ofthis ruling class, de- veloped the theory of pollution and purity. For this, they ray well have borrovred from tribal terms, withthe Brahmins then selves as the reference point to measure purity. The occupations became pouting. The ideology of Vara became the ideology of the whole society, which shavrs the importance of the caste sy tem in the feudal med of production, ‘The significance of Brahrminical ideology in the generation of surplus in the legitimization of rule and, above all, in the Cas Qusnonn han «23 consolidation of an agrarian village economy based on intense ex gave it hegemony over Buddhism and Jainism, ploitation Buddhist and Jan centres had become centres of opulence com poting for royal grants, Though these religions tool changed to Fit the feudal order, and they too accepted the jal system, yet their role in the economy declined. Tey remained as ideological Contre counter to Brahminism, inspite ofthe fact that they were hounded and violently suppressed by various rulers, especially her the 7th centory. With the invasion of the Turks at Sarnath wl Nalanda, Buddhism could not recover in Ina from this de- structive attack Turkish invasion 1 establishment of Turkish power in North India, through the slave dynasty in the 13th century, marked an important phase in the feudal mode of production, They centralized the administra systematic system of revenue collec tion and introduced a mor tion. The composition of the ruling class underwent a change Initially, it was the Turk slave families and thei relatives that ruled, they were successively replaced by ex-slaves of Indian ot tin Indianized Turks and foreign immigrants, to be replaced by even more foreigners. The most important changes related to the snethods in which the rights to zevenues collection {it were a igned. Originally restricted only for lif, 0 the decision of the king, by the end of the 15th century they were made hereditary The Turks were urban-based and favoured Islam. Thus, Turkish rulers displaced the original feudatories and created new ones vera petiod of time. “The administrative changes introduced by the Turks, and adopted inthe Deccan to, inteoduced changes inthe powers of rg military service revenue collection and administration, aff holders administrators, village headmen and the priestly clas, the officeholders came to be called inamdars, swat, iedars, Aeshmubhedestis, and. later as jagirdars, during Mughal rule Although some of the earlier intermediaries who had lot their1 Senmusne posts regained them during the later part of the Turk rae, yet in this period the composition ofthe feudal classes in North India was not stable. However, this did not affect the structure of the village economy. The Turks introduced new techn cence of war. They also gave a fli ques in the sci totrade, commerce and artisan production inthe urban areas. Hence this period savr the devel- ‘opment ofthe productive forces in Indian society Although the same instability inthe feudal ruling class lid not take place in South India, the emergence ofthe Vijaynagara Kingdom inthe Ith century, militavst ule also brought chang sin the ruling class. The Vijaynagara kings owed the success of their rise to power tothe military techniques they had introduc, whieh they, in turn, had learnt from the conguering, Muslims, They were allied witha class of warriors, called the nayots, These nayakas emerged as powerful intermediaries over the alder local efs They were granted annem tenures — the right toa major share of the produce in the land, in return for maintaining an agreed number of troops snd animals, everendy to jin the wae along with the forces ofthe king, From the 1th century onwards these nayakas also became a part ofthe feudal class. Both the Vijaynagara kings and their feudatores patronized the temples and the Bralmins, and luminical Hinduism remained a very important part of the legitimizing ideology of the Vijaynagara Kingdom til its decline in the 16th century Tibal Kingdoms In the later feudal period various tribal kingdoms came up. This ‘denotes both the differentiation emerging within the tribes and their Hinduization over the centuries. The Dome founded a king slom in the foothill ofthe Himal yas inthe 13th century, the ‘Bhars came to power in Assam inthe 3th century, and ruled upto. the 18th contury, the Naghanshis and the Cheros ruled in CChottanagpur and Palamu in the 12th century, the Gonds found fed kingdoms in central India between the 15th and the ISth ce trie, the Mahadev Ki is founded a kingdom in south Gujaatin (os Qua wa the 17th century. As these tribes settled down to agricultural pro- ‘Guction, they were influenced by the technologically and cultur- sil advanced Brahmins and peasants settled fn the area thoogh fund grants; inequalities within the tribal societies grew. Inthe tribes in which a small tmerged. Although some of these early kingdoms opposed Brahminism in their inital phase, and some of them worshipped both Hindu and Buddhist Gods, all these tal kingdoms were fcive supporters of Brahminical Hinduism. They invited Jan made a push for power, kingdoms Brahmins to settle in their kingdoms, attracting them with gener fous land grants. They also got genealogies prepared, to claim Kshariya status. Within the tribal kingdoms too, the ruling elite adopted Varmashrama Dharma to legitimize their power before their own people and before neighbouring kingdoms. A lot of these tribal kingdoms later became intermediaries of more pow ful rulers suchas the Mughals and the Marathas. Resurgence of Trade and Commodity Production The resurgence of trade and commodity production by artisan roupsbegan around the 12th century in South Indi and a century later inthe North It esto the strengthening ofthe traders and ae tan groups all over the country. The temples became centres for the growth of towns. Military encampments ard administrative towns and ports developed as urban centres. The esult ofthis was the assertion ofthe artisans and trading casts o break out ofthe ‘onstraints of Brabminical contro. In South India the rise ofthe et handed caste association, the Manga, was the most powerful ex pression ofthe process From the 120 century onwards, the artisan ‘castes, especially those connected with urban trade, came together 2s the Ldangei. Through this association they defended thei rights ‘gains feudal agrarian domination and the oppression of traders. The right handed castes, the Velenga, tended to represent the agr lan related casts, and came from the low cases. As the puting out system developed forthe production of certain commodities, the cont between the traders and the artisans dependent om themincreased In North India members ofthe artisan cases converted tolslam, for instance, the weavers the julas, ee, Protest —The Bhakti Movement ‘The growth of commodity production and the political and cul tural changes created the material conditions within the feudal society for the rise of protest against the cate system. The caste syst, with ite emphasis on Vedic learning and Brahminical superiority, faced its next major blow in the form of the Bhakti movement. Spanning a period from the 12th othe 17th century, the Bhakti movement was a popular opposition to the "ste system, Most ofthe Bhakti snts were from the artisan castes, like blacksmiths, carpenters, weavers, although a few ofthe rl siousreformers werealso Brahmins A few, likeNandan (a Naw) Tinsppan (an Ate), Chokhamela and Sant Ravidas, were fom the Untouchable cast, The movement also brought women saints into the limelight. Te Bhakti movement had a moderate steam, represented by the kes of Ramanuja, Gyaneshwar and Chaitanya, which stressed on the oneness of all bere God, The more radical stream, comprising of saints like Basavonna, Takaram, Namdov Kabir and Guns Nanak, criticized caste discrimination and Brahminical hypocrisy openly. Some of them initiated measures of socal reform as well Kabir and Guru Nanak went out ofthe old of Hinduism. The movement by emphasizing the personal elation of the individual with God, transcended the barviees of case. stuck a majorblow a he concept of Bahninical superiority basen the monopoly ofthe knowledge ofthe Vedas. ‘The Bhakti movement was a major assault on the ideological and material premises of feudalism. Preaching in the local la {guages it gave an impetus tothe regional languages, laying the basis for the growth of nationalism inthe diferent regions. Even though towards the end ofthis movement a conservative trend also.came up in the form of Ramdas and Tulsa, who upheld the ‘hatururna and sought the reestablishment of ‘Brahminical sperionty andl prestige, yet, inthe main, the Bhakti movement ast Quen aay « 27 jas a movemtent for religious and socal reform. The movement, FRowover failed tobreak the caste system, The main reasons were tht the movement didnot attack the base ofthe caste system, the jeadal mode of production and the land relations therein. [AGRARIAN ECONOMY AND RULING CLASSES IN THE 17TH AND 18TH CENTURIES ‘he Mughals who came to India inthe 16th century rom central Asia consolidated theie rule by associating with the Rajput chiefs snd other upper cast intermediaries and the ruling groups of Kingdoms annexed in North India and in the Deccan, Thus, throughout the eaey period, though the Mughals monetized the collection of revenue to some extent, and also increased the ex plotation ofthe peasantry, yet they did not basically affect the Socal structure ofthe agrarian village economy as it had evolved ver the previous centuries, It consisted of the intermediaries at the top ofthe rural structure, who were also, invavably, large landlords themselves Often they held a post from the rule, which ‘gave administrative responsibilities and powers. There were also village ciels and village level officals lke accountants. These o fice holders and feudatories lived off the revenue collected fo the peasanis, They also controlled lands which they got tlle by ‘ether tenants or sharecroppers. In some areas, they used the bonded labourers from the tribal or Untouchable casts. Most of these feudal intermediaries were from the upper most castes shmins, Rajputs and even if they originally came from the Shudra cultivating castes, they had elevated themselves to shotriya orto high non-Brahmin status. In some areas they had ‘ven aquired Brahmin status, The control of temples had given the Brahmins wide control over the resources of the agrarian ‘economy in the South. The appointment of Brahmins to high ad inistrative and multary posts during the Vijaynagara rule fr ther concentrated power and resources under their control. In ‘Western Maharashtra too, the Maratha rule concentrated econom: cand political power i the hands of the Brahmins.‘The main cultivating castes were exploited for revenue and. {innumerable taxes Yet their rights tothe land had evolved over the centuries, even if they were under the feudatores. The jam ‘ibaltedari system institationalized the system of exchange between the services ofthe various casts and the peasants and the landlords. On the one hand, it formalized the share of the ‘various castes to the produce, but on the other, increased the power and prestige ofthe feudatories and Brahmins, and for- malized the system of Begar (forced free labour). Higher caste landowning sections could withdraw feom all anual work es pecially, work connected with agriculture. The other castes served as their mans It included e labour for a number of artisans and service c es, who served various families t the same time, but the Untouchable castes, were in many areas at tached toa particular family, While specific Untouchable ca in specific regions, served as lower level functionaries (watch rman, general servants marking boundaries, relaying messages, etc) of the administration, and fr this they receive the right to ‘cultivate a small portion ofthe village lands, the vast majority of thom were agricultural labourers. They have been called as bonded servants, erste slaves, and landless serfs. The religious prescriptions suited this structure perfectiy — while it was 5 for the higher castes to touch the plough, Untouchables could ‘own no land nor acquire any capital in the form of wealth, Other prescriptions like style and type of clothing, names, carriage customs, tc, served to emphasize their degraded status and re inforce it. In many parts of the country, the names for the Untouchable el labourers highlights ths situation. Bonded la- outers in south Gujarat are called fli (those who handle the plough). In UP, they are called hala, ives, and seks, in Punjab, hls and seps In Kerala, they were the adimas. Bondage ‘was widespread during the time of the Mughals. According to estimates, more than 10 percent of the population comprised of agricultural labourers, most of them in varios forms of bond= lage. At the beginning ofthe 19th century, in the southern prov- inces, this proportion was even higher. Almost ll of them were Cost Quen nina 6 28 hom the lowest castes of tribals. The British colonialist inhert- is stucture when they began thelr rule pre British Roe of the State in Upholding Caste “civers the repeated attempts by the oppressed casts to eject the ie system, to oppose Brahminical tyranny, it must be empha- prador bourgeoisie led Congress government with its reduced suppor from the agrarian elit in the northern belt, was inteest- ed, primarily, in the centralization ofthe state, In the 199% the Janata Dal government implemented the Mandal Commission recommendations of reservations forthe OBC in the central gov- fermment administrative machinery and in the institutions of| higher education. From the 1980s, sections of the OBC had been | pressing fr the implementation of reservations though ithad not taken the form ofa mass agitation. ‘The middle castes, whether of landlord or ordinary peasant backgrounds and artisan castes, have been ever more backward than the educated sections among the Dalits. They are trapped in the semi-feudal agrarian economy of ther traditional accupations and way of lif. The emerging educated sections among themn are the social base for the demand for reservations forthe OBC, But the O8Cs are much more class divided than the Dalits. Upper sec. tions of the OBC casts have trod hard o be inched in the OBC list in the different states In an attempt to check the BJP’ efforts to dislodge i, the Janata Dal government announced the implementation of reser- vations fr the OBCS. Bu this was widely opposed by the upper castes in the form of ant-reservatin agitations, The extent ofthe "upper castes conteol over the government bureaucracy and pres- tigious professions can be seen from their violence and aggres sveness against the implementation of the Mandal Commission. ‘The comprador bureaucrat bourgeoisie and its media gave wide publicity to this agitation which was restricted to elite institutions. ‘The techniques they used, lke selt-immolation, to show thei op position also gave their agitation more publisty. The upper caste sections ofthe bureaucracy also supported this agitation, The agi- tating students were from the ABVP and NSUI, although both the Congress and the BJP opportuistcally remained silent during the agitation, While recognizing that implementation of reservation policy {for OBCs, will in spite of income limits, favour the landlordlite Case neron ane « 57 sections of the OBC castes and, in that only afew casts may gains Sar the facts that most ofthe OBCs are poor and landless peasants 2s eking outa bare subsistence in their traditional occupation Reservations wil provide ony a very small section among thern a ‘eauve middle lass existence, for the majority the agrarian order Jos to he overturned inorder to give security and a better fe. But the middle castes have hardly been represented in the adminisra- tion and they have aright to ther share in this sector. The extent of caste prejudice and east feelings that are mur~ ted and bred among the so-called moder sections ofthe upper ‘nes has been revealed by the vehemence ofthe anti-eservation iatons. There ea need to oppose the ant-reservationagtations for what they are — an attempt by the reactionary sections of the uppermost castes to maintain their monopoly ove the state's e- sources and prestigious lucrative professions with their vicious tis caste biases, Is nothing but an indirect attempt to perpetu at the caste system by keeping the Dalits and the lower sections of {he OBC as menials and labourers tobe exploited a wil ‘Movements in the Present Period Dal Panter Rett The economicand political policies of the reactionary raling lass- shave led to agitations among the Dalits and ofher sections of the lower castes from the 19705. Although the leadership of the Dalit movement was co-opted and splintered in the 1860S, the Plight of the masses of the lower castes, including the Dalits, ‘worsened. The practice of untouchablity continued unabated in the rural areas, caste forms of extra economic exploitation Ike Vit Brgai, Vet, ete, persisted in many parts of the country, Caste slscrimination and prejudices in urban areas also became sharp. This situation, coupled with the Beahminical Hindu culture's Alossination and lack of opportunities among the Dalit youth led to the revolts Under the influence of the world wide upsurge ‘among the students, the youth and the Blacks in the 160s and the58» Scmucie Cue "Naxalbari movement, Dalit youth in Maharashta revolted under the banner of the Dalit Panthers. The movement began in the city ‘of Bombay in 1973 twas intially a cultural movement, of poems and articles printed in the small magazines brought out in thet period. Dalit students and youth from the shims, hostels and chawls condemned the Manusmriti, announced that the 15th of ‘August was false independence and called fora boycott of elec- tions. The movement ddl not last long, but it spread rapidly to other urban centres like Pune, Nagpur, and even to cites in Madhya Pradesh and other places ike Kamataka, Gujarat, ‘Chandigarh, Bhopal and Agra where units of the Dalit Panthers were formed, The Panthers revolted against caste oppression and also the IPI Dalit leaders who they felt had betrayed the Ambedkarte anti-caste/ant-untouchability movement, Their campaign to vil Jages where caste oppression was reported indicates this, They also attacked the ideological bastion ofthe caste system by bum- ing the Manusmriti They also atacked the corrupt parliamentary system by calling fora boycott af he by-elections othe Lok Sabha in Worl at Bombay, and managed to get almost 85 percent ofthe ‘SCsin the atea to boycott the elections. This was the fist time that the Dalit movement took an explicitly antistate stand, They were able to mobilize thousands of people for their orcas and faced acute state repression. During one of their morchas, the Shiv Sena attacked with a volley of stones and when the Dalits resisted! the police fired on the morcha in defence of the Shiv Saniks. In this attack a young poet, Bhaskar Jadhav, was killed, Late, the Shiv ‘Sena ating asthe storm-troopors of the upper-case dominated state machinery, systematically attacked the Dalit Panthers. The Panthers miltantly resisted these Shiv Sena attacks, which insti- gated riots in Dalit slums and chawls. The physical battles at ‘Worl between the Shiv Sains and the police on aneside and the Dalits on the other, lasted for over three months, Hundreds of Panthers were throven into jails. The Panthers confronted state repression, but having been a spontaneous revolt led by the petty: bourgeoisie, and lacking unified strategy end tactics, they started Care Quo won «58 sting by 1975. The Dat Panter movement wasa part of Ne moanmciteuge eae hs movement tat heehee cates of he oun ae ecting the derogatory word Hare (with its Hindu co stations) and instead adopted the word “Dalit: wre Leaaiiy of cro was ak vee Oy G conpese goverment by ging cla wands end ther ece ne gray mt of hem fel prey tlumpennss, pout wanicutey and opportu: In spi of his he man the youl Si msdatalh wanes jar ix dat herve iy be ative and mitoney es bust forth on es ii naming ofthe Marathwada Universi prin the bae tinge Amba bok ies Hinton theagitaon against thbitingot tt Date poe ringat Mora Ramat Nagar) tater ea eves. The Date Panther movement shook up Maharashtian society sc feds ecrwtedge th ersten ofa linination wn! proj struck a major lw a he uppercase monopoly ar supeionty and tothe polite of co-opton. The cla ‘ilshent ws parila fected ewe forced o give ‘spit he Hear of the oppressed mses and Dak Utratreexpesing the agany of Dats nts cast system Sova ne eres, wa oly afer tis outburt that ‘servations or Dales began abe filed Tl hen, besides hand find nth pont of erp eserveins ere on on pr ber Thismovement als had on mpact on alto parts es ‘amatale A similar movement emerged among the urban Dalits in Kamataka. The Dalit Sangharash Samiti began as a resistance Asainst upper caste afacks in urban areas and soon spread to the ‘al areas to ight cast-based atrocities. Ile to a popular op Position against casteism in Kamataka too. This movement re "ale the hideen truth of untouchabilty and the persistence of0» Seammene Ce caste oppression and also resulted in the development of Dal literature, Bu soon tbo became sectarian and evolved asa pres sre lobby that was used by the various ruling class parties. lite Dalit Plities ‘Due to this outburst of revo the ruling classes have consciously sponsored an elite among, the Dalits who have, consciously ap pealed toDalitslidaity and a sectarian approach, while denying, any unity with other exploited sections and parties representing, them, They were maintained as powerbrokers whose main task ‘vas maintaining a clase alliance with the ruling classes through the medium ofthe state. They have been playing the role of re peately building up the faith in the ruling elas state among the Dalit masses. The Dat leaders have promoted the ideology of Ambedkarism which suits the ring classes. Instead of learning from the life and experiences of Ambedkar, and drawing lessons from his positive democratic aspects, they have highlighted and dogmatized all those aspects of Ambedkae's thoughts that will, legitimize the existing state. They are upholding the Constitution assacrosanct, defending ibeal political philosophy the politics of bargaining and lobbying. Hence they are taking a sectarian ap- proach fo the unity of the Dalits with ther sections of the ex: Ploited masses or talking only of caste unity between the Dalits ‘nd the OBC, without considering the elass contradictions that make this unity practically impossible to sustain. They are unill ing to addres any’ ofthe basic questions ofthe Dalit and the OBC masses. Thus the elite political leadership among, the Dalits in league with ruling class parties, is tying to keep the Dalit masses under their organizational and ideological influence, repeatedly preventing their militancy from being integrated into a evolution: dy struggle, and channelizing into poliamentary politics, They rited struggles which alonecan wage a successful fight against all forms of caste oppression, particularly the dastardly system of untouchability and the over throw of the caste system from is 00 ‘are preventing the building up of co Quon ho © 61 pat Movement inthe resent Period se ntersification of contradictions inthe past decade, the caste Un ies the impact of the antifeudal struggles under revo ao) teadership i Telengana and Bihar, have fed toa wide nat) awakening among the Dalits and other lower castes in Sere parts of the country, especially inthe northem states ke Ub Haryana and MP which were relatively untouched by any veitreform movement for the uplifment ofthe Dalits in the Jona period. This awakening was particularly among the pet- plete faith on electoral politics, which, in practice, has meant llc ces with ruling class forces anal partis, cannot satisfy the dem- “cratic aspirations and sentiments of the Dalits and other Lower oste masses. Ther alliance with the regional comprador and lanclord-based parties has meant that they have betrayed the in- teres of the poor and the landless peasants. With ts support 10| {the prosimperialist economic politics, which has led to privitiz tion, unemployment and inereased imperialist exploitation of the ineconomy, the BSP cannot butbetray the interests of even the petty bourgeoissections amongst the Dalits. Its acting as the ‘major tool amongst the Dalits for keeping them enslaved to Feu ist exploitation, and diverting them from the a and imped path of revolution. However the intensifying cis in India s bound to lead the Dalit masses and petty-bourgeoisie to more ancl more strugales The constitutionaism being fostered by the elite and corrupt62» Sera Cae leadetip of the Dali & dlspating the mien sl Iumpenntson he one hand an ple Bbyingon ath Th th iron crr be ante ‘nly by pnng hands withthe eveonary sug tat fl being waged aa impeilom svc prop euala ane te smmpenet bug te er enema a ndan pol pl ta oe ssa al te enon ferns ond lh eae nary sola and deol, cea he cate ary al Draerneal elogy be uprooted fe the ndash Te par Aatenty stem has le per neha fh el and compro boangels cases whe lanka oropoly ‘ama secon onthe mide orlowe ese ut fre ed Of the opremedcnesund dates ple paver an be une Cnty ough a eveatnay Sugg over ica tole the hand of upper cass oe he meas of prdacion, Who kn cond ofthe meen af producto ep ot the opted aot be bal Hence, ie ting ina form fen open and Fumo, Wet tun ta inate pcp! nour rpg amie th cae yt, ‘CASTE, CLASS AND STAGES IN INDIAN HISTORY In this section, we shal race the interinking between caste and class through history from the advent of class society, We have seen continuous changes in this, which we shall try and trace in this section, i Any overview of Indian History would show that,’AI hitherto history of ia as een the history of cste and clas struggle” The processes due to which classes, Varnas and jatis came int being, ‘and ther roles inthe different stages of Indian history, ate now ‘more clear. It is also now proved beyond daub that Indian soc ety has been a changing society, and has gone through different stages in history prior to its present stage ofa semi-feudal end semi-colonial society ‘Based on the definition given by Marx and Engels in the The German Ideology, that Te carious stage of dcelopment in the dison art Quinou nen « 63 flour are just so many diferent forms of ownership, e. te existing ithe division of lator determines alo te relations of individuals ecamather wth rfeence tothe materi instrument and produc of fun we can categorize the diferent stages in pre-riish Indian fociety as (1) Tibal-Oligarchy, (2) Ancient communal and state ‘nership which proceeded, especially from the union of several thine by agreement and/or canguest, accompanied by the en- tavement ofthe Shudrachelots, ie, the ‘Arthasashtra Mode’ and {5} Feudal or estate property aceompanied by the Jat-based sys- tem, ‘ey feudalism ofan Indian variety “The Tribal perio extends fom the ealy Vedic period, where in, the Aryan tribes came to the Punjab, at about 1500 BC. This “Continued to 500 BC, by when they had conquered, subjugated and assimilated the non-Aryan tribes and had overrun the Doab {Ganges plains). It was in this period that the decaying gentile ocety broke up due to the incessant inta-kin and inte-kin com Fics for atl, ln, water sources and, lter, slaves, classes were bor, and Varnas came into being Settied agriculture developed tue to the wooden and then the iron plough. Transplantation of rice was known Iron use 38 widespread, The state was yet 19 ome into being, Varnashesasa Dharma, outined in the Brahmin texts, brought order and was the ideology ofthe ruling Kshatiyal Rajanya and Brahmin classes who expropriated the surplos| ‘through the extraction of Bali Teibute) or Dan (Git) From 500 BC onwards, we sve the emergence of the Arthasashira State’ which was based on the expropriation of sur- plus inthe main, from the Shucra who tilled the king's ita lands find also the tributes from the peasantry, The Arthasoshtra mode Of production based on tributes and expropriation of surplus from the Shudra-helots declined after Ashoka and disappeared in the ‘main aftr the Gupta peri (sth century AD) inthe north and the ‘Chola period (9th century AD) in the south, rom the ath century AD onwards, we see a new intermedi- ary class coming into exstence, which not only kept a arto the Surplus but also administered efdoms, Also, during this peri ‘od, money economy and trade declined, local barter increased,8 Cue the guilds/srenis nearly disappeared, and the self suficient village economy, with its Jaimani, Balutedart and Ayagar sys: tem, came into existence. The Jat system was born, Thus, the third stage of Indian History came to be ~ the Indian variant of feudalism — till the British came. The British continued the feudal and semi-feudal system with changes suited to their im- peril designs The Changing Roe ofthe Varnas In each of the first three stages of Indian history, the role ofthe YVarnas didnot remain uncharged with regard to the ownership ‘ofthe material and instruments of labour andthe expropriation of the product of labour. The Verne Vyasa to was nota constant ‘hich remained unaltered Inthe first stage we have traced the development of how, from the tribal chefs or Rajanyas who were given bal, and also from the priestly clas of Brahmins who were given dam, arose the tribakoligarchy of the 7th century BC. Ie was this ruling alliance that kept control over the ordinary tribal-flk, Vis, and a small ‘lass of domestic slaves, the Shudeas. The Vaishy was. tributa toanother, tobe oppressed a wll, while the Shudea was ‘sera of another, to be remoced at weil, slain at wil’ The Varnashrama Dharma was a code of conduct propounded by the ruling classes tokeep the ruled in check and in order, But, in the next mode of production, we see a change. The Brahmins inthisperiod, keeping asidetherulesofthe Vamashrama Dharma, which restricted them to priestly functions, had now transgressed intg the territory of the Kshatryas, acing as adv sors tothe rulers, and taking up tasks in the administrative set-up. Also, they had become gahipatis, i, landowners, and gehpat sets, ie, merchants -- traditionally, the preserve ofthe Vaishya ‘caste In the Arthasashtra mode of production, wherein, deo the development of agriculture, the importance of etl and farm ‘animals increased ~ the sacrificial yignaedecined — the Brahmin priests had to search for fesh avenues, Care Qienon wan « 65 ne Va Yr saa rsp ino diferent aes hen ut te bares became mercansotde ad pulls controled towns. The Nagersetis became the main ee Buddhism nd Ja a ote for 9 hare in sah ru opter the sy ghar Fe tad mere Shi dome aves and fam sours Tine Pourejanapada, the ruling classes of the Arthasashtra ova sansistd ofthe Koateya, the Brahmins and the upper tothe Vaishye Varna. Te Visa Varna witnessed the for thon of another class within it. A. class which was skilled in ‘Rian erate lke making chariots) Tate Beeame pat of the [Crmarkar Shura Also, the Shudras performed frm-labour a8 hued Roots inthe Arhasashta sate, which was not witnessed < Vedic times Thu, we ean conduc that while in the teibal period Varnas wore itself eases and had certain roles, this changed in the Srihasashra mode of production, in which Varas of the Arthasashira society were not congruent 0 clases inthe next stage, fom the Gupta period onwards, we once spain se changes in the role ofthe Varnas withthe emergence of {he tis and the self-fcent village economy. The Brahmins, mistonaries who helped stle villages forthe state, Nad become the priests, estologers and keepers of acounts inthe selfsuficent village. The Braunin missionaries brought wih ther the knowledge ofthe Naar, the use ofthe ion Plough ce tansplanttion, et. They contributed othe produc: ‘om proces an became apart ofthe Bluey system. At another vel the curt Brahmins ofthe uimerous rising feudatoies — harcore. of this period — granted and sanctified shatriahood to section ofthe erste Shucas or foreign conqueror in een receiving, of course lege gant of tox ree land. Thus the Brahmin Vanna took wp pres functions once opin and ls consolidated thee position as landlords The Vaishya, asa Vara, had nel sappeaed from these= "ato and were restricted to Big urban centres only. Ths was 066 « Scar ne Cee because trading had declined and local barter had increase _majority amongst them in the rural aress (ie, the cultivators) ‘came assimilated withthe Shudras. The Shudra became synon} "mous with the class of peasantry. The Shudras were again divi into the Sari Shudeas, i, the cultivators and the non-Saik shu ras, the labourers. Also, an ati-Shudra caste of Untouchab were born. The Untouchables could not own land or wealth were usually labourers. “The Kshatriyas became abigget Varna in size with the num ‘ous new foreign and local entrants to it tis in this stage that we see the ats being bon, Many jai composed a Varna. Also classes were composed of many jas ‘The Kshatriya and Brahmin castes comprised the ruling class. The \Varnashrama Dharma outlined the hierarchy and also who were the rulers and who could be exploited. Thus the jats were ited ino the Varmashrama Dharma scheme by the ruling clases. Also, the new entrants were given befiting status by the theory of the newly invented vernasamskara theory. ‘Thus we see that though classes did not take exacty the form, ofthe Vara after the tribal stag, ie, during the Arthasashira and the feudal stages, yet, the two higher Varnas comprise the ruling ‘lass of Indian feudalism during, and after, the Gupta perio (4th century AD). Muslim rule, from the 13th century AD onwards, did not Dring about any fundamental changes although certain things, like the Persian wheel or the Aragiuts, helped increase agricul tural production. Also, the introduction of cement lime helped in| storage of water, et. Yet rural parts ofthe country stayed as they were in the matters of caste and clas. Though Islam didnot dis- ‘riminate and did its own bitin loosening the bonds of caste, yet the higher castes remained close tothe seats of power from the local level tothe centre. Mustim feudalism collaborated and col- Juded with Hindu feudalism. There weve no fundamental chang es inthe realm of production zelations, i, the base. Thus though the composition ofthe ruling classes changed, the majority ofthe lower castes were the lower lasses also, ae Quer now 67 ‘he British Period and the Bith of New Clases Boloce the British colonized India, during the Mughal rule trade tind urbanization had again gained ascendancy — anew mercan tie class was bon, This nascent national bourgeoisie was rushed ty the colonial plunder in its infantile stage itsel Ie was during the British period that the modern profetaeat was born, as also the comprador bourgeoisie was born and [rought up by the imperialists. Within the peasaniry too, a slow sd gradual differentiation vas taking place. eas from this pe- rod onwards that caste and class coincided less and less. For, from amongst the peasant and artisan castes of the Shaidra satus, came the factory worker. Also, the former at Sidra Untouchables, the Dalits, were recruited in large rum: bors in the army, railways, road construction and in unskilled jobs in the factories. The mines and the plantations also em- ployed the Dalits and the Adis, All hese together constituted the modern proletariat. The merchants and moneylenders were from amongst the Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Muslims, erstwhile Vaishyas the trading ‘communities and from the erstwhile Shadras also. The comprador business houses came from amongst the inis, ie, trading caste and communities, lke the Parss, the Joins and from the Khattys, .e, the Ksbatriya cast. A few were ‘nom the Brahmin and erstwhile Shura castes. The bureaucracy ‘was dominated by the Brahmins, the Kayasthas, the Anglo Indians, the Parss, the Muslim educated elt, ec The British also legally constituted classes notified as land lords (other than Vatanders ot nami), tenants and labourers, Although the Zemindars, the Khotedrs and the Talus mostly ‘ame from the upper castes, the smaller Jalords and rich peas ants, notified as tenants, came from the erstrhile Shudra castes. ‘The atsShudeas, Adivasis, and the Nomadic Tribes constituted ‘he bulk of the landless and agricultural labour free. Also, a lange section of the impoverished Shudra peasants became labourers and landless68 » Seno it uae ‘Thos, within each caste, classes were crated and the moter proletariat especially was a mul-caste class with the Sramas and the Dalits both within its fold. The peasantry was composed, of the Shudra and the atShudra castes, The higher caste pre- {dominance over the means of production continued, These were also well entrenched in the bureaucracy. Since the British did not bring about a change in a through: going manner, since they merely superimposed their colonial rule, keeping the material base as intact as possible, changing and transforming only what was necessary and suitable for their pur- pose, India became a semieudal society under colonial rule Post-1947: Caste and Class Pos-1947, India saw even more changes, especially, in marl Indi, Semi-feudal and semi-colonial India saw the rise of new caste: lass configurations, due tothe growth of some capitalist relations| and blows delivered by the people's movements In the rural ar fas, especialy, the predominance of the Brahmin and the Kshatriya castes has been reduced and their place hasbeen taken “up the upper section ofthe erstwhile Shura castes. The ruling lite in the countryside now composes not only ofthe Brahmin, Rajput, Vellala, Bhumhar casts, ete, but also of the Patidars, Patel, Marathas, Kunbis, Jats, Yadavas, Kurmis, Vokkaligas, Lingayats, Kamma, Reddy et, ‘The bulk of the middle peasants come from the erstwhile ‘Shuda caste while the small, landless and poor peasants com prise the Shudra and ati-Shudra castes, Nomadic Tribes, Adivasi and religious minorities. ‘Thus, today, a close correspondence between class and caste does not exist. Today, itis not possible to establish multiclass unity along the lines ofthe non-Brahmin movernents, against the feudal elite, as was possible eater. “Today, unity along case lines can only lest clas callabors tion and making the tiling masses ofthe oppressed castes into tals ofthe exploiting sections of their own castes. Unity along. cose Qasr now. 69 us nn cn prot ha fr the oma ute ccs em, Le ea nly forged BY ing sp Be See question as the question ofthe entie oppressed lasses. ‘CASTE AND AGRARIAN REVOLUTION grarian sector, bron Daring the colonial rule, we se, in the agrarian sector, brondly two tends within the movements ofthe peasantry. The one led by the All India Kisan Sabha and the other by the non-Brahmin “he Noo- Brahmin Movements ne leaderhip of most of he non Brahmin movements during the Bash pero aed ours he news Bete Bish le and fede, “They ned ez that feudalism was the social prop of seih impraom and ht the Bh were aliance wth dee sent udaam, propping ip, and ako tii the pots Nt tem mein to the advantage nhc mportan ating was that hy hd 8 coc pt loon hawt ek the cnt he align the re (oy pretucton and how to sash he el cont of ails Cher themand hu ow the pole power fhe ting mass Note etished. Therefore, whiting out t upper ase clamps nthe bureaucracy, td cate and feadal author, thas aauting feugalism and making dents int and the ate Stem revetnary anfrmaton cou eel “Teno Bak movement tok upg aginst mon ting acs aed mec or peso opus the erry nature pont the omiation cf per cats nthe educational and caliral apres. Tey Sho tak pues ie tation et acest water he Newry ‘ery no Srahman movement had rong atonal content Tnnough thee movement could bu awed ont by rallying the evtntle Shades and at-Shadra eats, Lethe70.4 Scere Cot Bahujan Sama} the leadership ofthese movements were by-ande lange the rch ane middle peasantry — who gained substantially in the social and economical sphere. The lowerevel landlords ‘ame from the upper sections of the erstvhile Shudea castes, the MarathavKunbis, Utilizing these movements they gained as- tendancy even in the political sphere and became co-opted into the culing-lass political structure at the Taluka, district and pro= vincal levels, 1t was the radical trends within these movements which joined the communis fold in many provinces. But the communist leadership failed to lead these mass-moverents by drawing cor rect lessons from them. For example, a class analysis ofthe non Brahmin movement was not dane. The limitation of easte-baset mobilization was not really understood, Most important, the sig- nfcance of the ant-eudal struggle was not recognized, as alo, the caste question, as an important question forthe sucess ofthe New Democratic Revolution, was not understood at all The Dalit Movements ‘TheDalitmovements seperated themselves from the non-Beahmin movements (at times even ideologically) and took up mutant ‘mass struggles against feudal and caste bondage. Struggles for entry into temples and the use of common water tanks became widespread. In the realm of production relations, the struggles centred on the sefusal to perform traditional caste duties, per- forming force labour for the landlords and government officals, Another arena of struggle, representing the aspirations of grow ing Dalit ptty-bourgoosie, was related tothe access to education and employment. TheDalit movement like the non-Brahmin movements filed in understanding the link between British Imperialism and feu- Aalism, They did not grasp the fact thatthe key to demolish the caste system lay in demolishing the semi-feudal,semi-colonialre- lations of production. The linking up of the struggle to contra the means of production, and the seisre of power as a strategy to Coe vst na 6 71 he wi aint deoned to leave the village arena and take up challenges in lt tener ed ul vp ed a dan arte cob ee se eo in sl or Ti crawl th bere Da bed Priya nenerrimenriery toe Le aly cold ctu ace vs Ot a eer nas amply eee Dee ‘he Al nda Kisan Sabha Led Movements The Ase movements too, had taken up caste related issues vary soul in different provinces, In some areas they tumed a blind eye tothe issu, for instance, sn Maharashtra, where, even after wi hing over the radical sections ofthe non-Brahimin movement, it Ui not draw upon its lessons. In some areas itd take up the is ‘ue toa limited exten, but in thename of nt damaging the united rot of different classes of peasants, still pandered tothe upper- ste biases ofthe ksan leadership. The kia movements took up the issues of Zamindari abol- ishent, forced and hereditary labour, money-lending and var: nus other non-economic, caste related forms of oppression, in- “ease in wages, et, They were also much linked tothe national spirations of each region. The kan movements, to, dil actually build up the Bahujor vty in the rural areas, but they did nt take up the caste question as. question ta be solved, neither at the practical level nor at the ‘heorsteal and politica plane (Le, understanding is relative im portance for the accomplishment of the New Democratic Revolution and drasving up a special programme fort), Singe the CPI leadership fumed revisionist, it betrayed the onti-feudal and ant-imperaist struggles although the rank-and: file otter led heroic stugales: The middleand rch peasantry, fom7 Sarna ne Cant, the upper castes and a section ofthe middle castes, who were the forefront of these movements, gained the most. Zam abolishment, fr the revisionists in most areas, meant lan dist Dbation ~ tid not mean the seizure of power and the oven ‘of production inthe hands of landless and poor peasants, ‘twas only during the Telengana movement and conscious from Naxalbari onwards thatthe connection between the li ‘the tillers slogan and the ownership ofthe means of produ tion and seizure of political power was outlined. Only by dis placing the landlords from power and the vsnership of the chi ‘means of production, i, land, and implementing the land the tiller slogan, and placing power inthe hands ofthe peasant 1; le by the landless and poor peasantey and agricultweal la bourers, can feudalism be demolished and caste-linked feu authority smashed, Aararian Revolution “Today, the gonuine liberation ofthe oppressed casts lies in ad vancingt e Agrarian Revolution along with the demands of lands torthe tiller and power to the people committees. Ths is #0 be achieved by uniting the most oppressed with the poorer sections of al other castes, and building up the néw power structures with the landless and poor peasants in the leadership; thereby over: throwing the tro of feadalism, imperialism and comprador bu reauctatic bourgeoisie, which serves as the bass fr the continu tion of este oppression, ‘An oppressed cast-class unity, forged by means of facing: repression together, the gaining of self-respect and sel-cont lence among the oppressed castes, through the armed might of| the people and the growth of people's authority, during the course of the armed agrarian revolution, are pointers #0 the methods, with which to solve the caste questions, in the course ofthe struggle The mobilization ofthe oppressed castes into revolutionary

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