Honour, Gender and the Legend of Meera Bai

Author(s): Pratibha Jain and Sangeeta Sharma

Source: Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 37, No. 46 (Nov. 16-22, 2002), pp. 4646-4650
Published by: Economic and Political Weekly
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 Honour, Gender and the Legend
of Meera Bai
The 'Rajput'period in Indian history represents that interlude which evolved beliefs and
practices that endowed a distinctive character to female honour - which linked the purity
and honour of the clan itself with women's sexuality. The story of Meera Bai presents in a
way the most flagrant violation of this Rajput notion.of dishonour. This essay probes at the
contradictions that Meera Bai embodies. Hers was a rebellion against conventional
restrictive norms that sought to regulate and control women's lives, and Meera was
condemnedby feudal society for such acts of deviation, yet Meera still remains honoured
and revered and till date survives in the cultural consciousness of the people.

PRATIBHAJAIN, SANGEETASHARMA

he idea thathonourof men lies in fromthegroupssuchasexcommunication, sensitive attitudestowardswomen. A major

theirwomenandcanbe violatedby
their conduct is widespread in
human societies. In Indian society this
mindsetevolvedovera periodof centuries
andresultedin a differentialparadigmof
honour for women. The free moving
damselsof the Vedic period(2500 BC to
1000BC)weretransformed intorestrained
and submissivewomenrequiringcontrol
and protection,around2nd centuryAD,
whenSmriti writers,especiallyManu,re-
inforcedthe basicthemeof womenbeing
unfit for independence.' With the
crystallisationof these ideas,a distinctive
notionof honourfor women took shape
in whichwomen'sbodiesbecamecentral
to the dynamicsof personalhonourand
dishonour. More significantly, female
sexualitytranscendedindividualconnota-
tionsandhitherto,becamepertinentto the
preservation of theritualstatusandhonour
of theentiregroupto whichshe belonged
- family, caste clan, community.Multi-
farioussocial practicesand customs,es-
pecially those associatedwith marriage,
derivetheirjustification fromthisconcern
with female purity.
The differentialparadigmof honour
resultedindevelopingcontrolmechanisms
and processes of socialisation severely
restrictingwomen's mobility and work
sphere.It imparteda specialcharacterto
thegrowingupof girlsandtheirsexuality
had to be protectedand containedat all
times.Thisis soughttobeachievedthrough
the formulationof stringentethical stan-
dards, behaviouralpatternand code of
conductthatgovernedtheminalllifestages.
Non-conformityor deviation from the
prescribednormsinvitedharshsanctions
social ostracisation,and at times even
death.However,the particularcode that
governswomen'sstatusandhonouris not
uniformand one can discern variations
acrosscastehierarchyand regionaldiffer-
encesalsoexist.Similarly,thereareextra-
ordinarysituations,particularly,periods
of politicalstrifeandmilitarywarfareand
challenge from alien cultures and reli-
gions when the mechanismsto contain
and protectfemale chastity and honour
acquirean urgency.Indianhistoryoffers
numerousexamples when female virtue
androlesacquireda specialcharacterand
becamemoreinextricablylinkedwiththe
group's honour.
The variousRajputclansdominatedthe
polity of the erstwhile Rajputanastates
from the 7th centuryonwardsand this
period representsan interludein Indian
history which evolved beliefs and prac-
tices thatendoweda distinctivecharacter
to female honour.The Rajputswere es-
sentially a martialrace involved in in-
cessant warfareamongst themselves or
with foreign invaders- the Turks, the
Mughals,and lateron, the Marathas,In
such a warriorculture,characterisedby
volatileanduncertainpoliticalconditions,
not only men, but women were also ob-
ligatedto inculcatethevirtuesof fortitude,
bravery,disciplineand sacrifice.In fact,
womenplayedan importantroleas wives
andmothersof warriorsin sustainingand
preservingthechivalricethosof theRajput
polity.Tosomeextent,thesystemof values
cherished by the Rajputs led to their
component in the traditional Rajput ethic
of protection is the responsibility for
guarding the safety and virtue of women.
According to a popular saying associated
with the Rajputs
"Gharjatandharmpalatan,tiriyapadtatav,
Yeh tinuhi din maranra,kaha rank kaha
rao"
("When the home and hearth is in dan-
ger, when religion is at stake, when women
folk is in distress, these are three days for
all to die, whether pauper or a prince".)2
Protectionof women also envisaged their
conformity to a strict moral code so that
they did not indulge in indecent behaviour
which would be injurious to the clan.
Socialisation process coupled with cul-
turalpractices, artand literaturereveals an
elaborate and distinctive process for con-
struction of women's honour. In folklore
and 'charan'literature,women's ornaments
andattirewere linkedto the spiritof chivalry
and sacrifice that pervaded the contempo-
rary political culture. In Rajputanastates,
the brides wore 'saris' or skirts of red or
saffron colour which signified a readiness
to sacrifice. Similarly, ivory bangles worn
by Rajput women meant that their hus-
bands were so brave that they could kill
an elephant.3There are numeroustales that
depict a woman's contempt and intoler-
ance for a coward husband and son. A son
who was an unwilling warrior brought
shame to his mother's milk (doodh lajana)
and a coward husband brought dishonour
to his wife's bangles (choori lajana). In
the Rajputethos, women, on the one hand,
had to conform to the predominant ideal
of pativrata (devoted wife) which is in-
spired by the desire to remain a sada

4646 Economicand PoliticalWeekly November16, 2002

suhagan(eternal!ymarried),on the other
hand,theyhadto contendwith situations,
which saw a reversal of the pativrata
paradigm,i e, they had to inspire their
husbandsfor preservation of freedomand
attainvirgati(warrior'sdeath).
The nature of matrimonialalliances
amongstthepoliticaleliteof theRajputana
statesalsoimpingedadverselyon thelives
andhappinessof women.Daughterswere
offeredin marriagesruthlesslyfor raising
politicalstatus,regainingterritories,ex-
tractpromiseof militarysupportin case
of exigencies and it was consideredthe
best way to end political rivalries and
military hostilities. Significantly, pre-
occupation with clan honour was so
engrossingthatwomen'swishes andper-
sonalchoiceswererarelyconsideredimpor-
tant in decidingmatrimonialalliances.
Among the Rajputanastates, the erst-
while stateof Mewar,ruledby the illus-
triousSisodiyaclancameto be associated
witha distinctivesenseof honourderived
fromitsundespoilthistorydueto itsrelent-
lessstruggleagainsttheMughalsforpreser-
vation of dharm and independence.In
additionto heroism, valour and impru-
dence,an integralaspectof theirethic of
honourwasthemannerin whichpurityand
honourof the clan was intimatelylinked
with women's sexuality.The traditional
restrictionson women and the various
socio-religiouspractices that sought to
enhance and preservewomen's honour
and by extension,thatof the state, were
much more pervasive in Mewar. The
fiercelyprotectiveattitudeof the Mewar
rulerstowardswomen was also necessi-
tatedby the fact that,unlikeotherRajput
states,they were involvedin longerperi-
ods of continuouswarfare.Theconceptof
honouras it evolved in Rajputanastates
and particularlyin Mewar, imparteda
special characterto the lives of women.
Theirupbringing, marriage,education,day-
to-day'lifeandsocialendeavoursdigressed
fromthenormative patternof women'slives.
II
Themostflagrantviolationof theRajput
notionof honouras exemplifiedby proper
femininebehaviourtook place withinthe
precincts of the palace of the Mewar
Maharana. Thisrebellionagainstconven-
tionalrestrictivenormsforcontrollingand
regulatingwomen'slives was articulated
byMeeraBai,thedaughter-in-law of Rana
Sangaandwife of his eldest son and heir
apparent,Bhoj Raj. Meeraemergedas a
shockingaberrant floutingthemeticulously
prescribedstringentbehaviouralcode for
royal women. In feudal society, such
deviantsweresurelycondemned, yetMeera
is honouredand revered and till date,
survives in the collective culturalcon-
sciousnessof the people.Meera'sperson-
ality is enshrinedin public memoryas a
saint,a mystic,aferventdevoteeof Krishna,
an itinerantsingerand above all, a cour-
ageous rebel.
Overtheperiodof time,variouslegends
havebeenwovenaroundMeeraBaiwhich
have, to some extent,obscuredtruefacts
concerningher life history.Meera,born
in 1498AD, is believedto be thedaughter
of RatanSingh of the MedtiyaRathore
clan.4Tradition hasit thatas a youngchild
Meerahad consideredherselfweddedto
Lord Krishna. Her attachmentto this
particulardeityof the Hindupantheon,an
incarnation of LordVishnu,waspartlydue
to the fact that her natal family was
Vaishnavite.Shewasmarriedintotheroyal
family of the SisodiyaRajputsof Mewar
who had become legendaryas upholders
anddefendersof Rajputsystemof values
and traditions.Even afterherarrivalinto
the royal family, Meera continued to
venerateLordKrishnaas herhusband.She
refrainedfrom sexual contact with her
husband,RajaBhojRaj.Not only did she
refuse to revere the family deities, her
irrepressibleurge for 'bhakti'led her to
indulge in behaviourconsideredhighly
inappropriate for a SisodiyaRani.Due to
contradictoryandvariedversionshanded
down by populartraditions,it is difficult
to establishthenatureof Meera'srelation-
ship with her husbandand father-in-law.
In some literaryworksMeera'arelation-
ship with both these men has been de-
scribedas cordial.In fact, she was even
able to persuadeher husbandto build a
temple for her. But after her husband's
death, her brother-in-lawVikramaditya,
who succeededto the title of Maharana,
resentedherlifestyleandparticularly, her
unwillingnessto conformto the normsof
theroyalty.It is popularlybelievedthathe
even plottedto kill her many times.5
To escapethe inhibitinglifestyleof the
palace, Meera left Chittor,intermingled
with male ascetics and dancedand sang
'bhajans'(devotionalsongs) for Krishna
in the temples,forestsand on the streets.
She spentthe restof herlife in the temple
at Dwarka where she attendedto and
worshipped Krishna.Therearemanyfables
abouther death,the most popularbeing
her final absorptionin Krishna'sidol.
Inthecourseof herunswervingdevotion
to Krishna,Meeradisowned,defied and
subvertedthe normativepatternof values
associatedwith powerfuland entrenched
institutions- family,marriage,caste,clan,
royalty and even the realm of bhakti.
Despite her disregardfor societal norms,
she was able to acquirea special kind of
honourand reverence- distinctfromthe
honourderivedthroughadherenceto pre-
dominantnormslaiddownby thecontem-
porarypolitical,social andreligiouselite.
Meera'semergencein therealmof bhakti,
hersubsequentacceptanceby the people,
accompainedbyherwidespreadpopularity
and more surprisingly,her longlasting
survivalin theculturalethos,goes to prove
thatan alternativeparadigmof statusand
honourexistedin oppositionto theRajput
notion of honour, izzat and maryada. In
fact, a perusalof Meera'slife shows that
thereis a continuousconflictandconfron-
tationbetweenMeera'sfiercely indepen-
dentandsingle-minded devotiontoKrishna
and the code of honourcherishedby the
society andpolity in the erstwhileRajput
state.
At the outset, Meeradenied to herself
the statusof a wife by proclaimingherself
as wedded to Lord Krishna.Further,by
refusing sexual relations with her hus-
band,she alsodeprivedherselfof themost
honourable and lofty status a woman
enjoyed in Indianculturalmilieu, i e, of
a mother.This constituteda rejectionof
the primarystatus roles that have been
cherishedas themostappropriate rolesfor
women, e g, devoted wife and a loving
mother.These ideals continueto be pre-
dominantamongst Indian women even
today. She discardedthe symbols that
signifiedmaritalstatus.Inherpoetry,there
is repeatedreferenceto her aversionfor
symbols of suhag (maritalstatus), i e,
sindoo; (vermillion), head ornament,
bangles,kajal(collyrium),etc. As a mem-
ber of the royal family, acceptanceof
wifehood would have meant a special
honourin additionto pleasuresand luxu-
rieswhichwerenotaccessibleto ordinary
women.Meerarefersto the "gemstudded
ornaments,kheer(a sweet dish prepared
frommilkandrice),sugar,southernsilks"
in hersongs as luxuriesfor whichshe had
no temptation.Fora marriedwomanof the
royal family, such streaksof asceticism
wherein symbols of suhag were dis-
cardedwas consideredhighlydisgraceful
and improper behaviour. Such ascetic
women were called 'bhagtin',a deroga-
tory epithet for aristocraticand upper

Economicand PoliticalWeekly November 16, 2002 4647

class womenamongstHindus.6Thus, the bells in her feet (a highly objectionable
firstmajorconfrontationof Meeraoccurs ornament for women as it is associated
with the whole ideological constructof with dancing girls and prostitutes) and
pativrata - the most acceptable duty of a
woman in the cultural constructionof
womanhood.
Forwomenof theroyalfamily,compli-
ance with the traditionsand normsof the
kinshipgroupwas even more obligatory
and rigorous.One of the most important
traditionsamongsttheRajputclanswhich
markedthe initiationof the daughter-in-
law into the conjugal family was the
worshipof the kuldevi,the family deity,
who is protectorof the kul (clan) and of
thesuhagof women.7Thelegendgoes that
Meera refused to worship her in-laws'
family deity and in turn,proclaimedher
exclusive devotionto LordKrishna.She
not only repudiatedone of the mostcher-
ished traditionsof the royal family but
outrightlyrefusedto be mouldedinto the
roleof a daughter-in-law of the illustrious
Sisodiyas.
In Rajputculture,especiallyin Mewar,
restrictionson women's movementwere
particularlystringent.Their contact and
communicationwith outside world was
strictlymonitoredandrestricted.It maybe
mentionedthatwithinthe zenana(female
quarters),their lives were not so mono-
tonous, oppressedand drab as they are
frequently projected,yetwomen'sinv6lve-
ment in cultural,religious, political and
recreationalactivitieshad to be achieved
withinthe confinesof the zenana.Meera
oversteppedthe family maryada(one of
thewordsusedas honouremphasisingthe
limits of freedom)when she refused to
acceptrestrictionson her movement.It is
widely believed that Meera's bhaktifor
Krishnawould not have provokedsuch
extreme hostility from membersof the
royalfamilyhadshe persuedit withinthe
seclusionof herpalace.Thereareinstances
of queensin Mewarwhen they persisted
in worshippingtheirnataldeities in addi-
tiontotheworshipof Eklingji,theistadeva
(presidingdeity)of the Sisodiyasandthe
kuldevi.8However,women belongingto
the Rajputaristocracywere expected to
performall regularworshipandreligious
ceremonieswithinthezenana.Theycould
noteven visit thetemplein the palaceand
of course visiting public temples was a
taboo for Rajputprincessesand queens.
Evenonpilgrimages theytravelledintotally
coveredpalkies(palanquins)dulychaper-
oned by guards,away from public gaze.
Theyhadto conductthemselvesin public
with regal dignity but Meera tied jingle
4648
indulged in devotional dances in the public
temples, roadside,forests ,etc, in full public
view. This transgression of spatial sanc-
tity, a rigid behavioural norm cherished as
partof the female paradigmof honour, was
construed by the Maharanaas highly dis-
graceful for royal honour. Not only this,
Meera freely mingled with the male bhakts
and ascetics. Her association with male
company must have outraged royalty
beyond measure.
On her husband's death, Meera refused
to acknowledge the community's prohibi-
tory norms, customs and way of life pre-
scribed for the widows. By refusing to
commit sati, Meera not only repudiatedthe
kulreeti (culturalvalues and norms thatare
evolved over centuries to sustain and
preserve the honour of the clan) but also
forsook a custom thatwas effectively linked
to a woman's own personal honour and
an exhaltation of the conjugal and hatal
clan. Some of the verses of Meera make
it clear that she herself was actually con-
scious of the disrepute that she was bring-
ing upon her own person and the Sisodiya
clan but also expresses her callous disre-
gard for such societal norms of honour. In
the following verses Meera is confiding
in her friends how she is possessed by her
love for Lord Krishna,regardless of public
perception.
"MeeraGirdharhath bikani,
loga kahaim bigari"9
("I am sold to Lord Krishna
But people think that I am spoilt")
(Free translation)
"Sisodyauruthyoto mhamrokaimkaralesi
Mhemto gunagovindaka gasyam, ho mai
Rano ji ruthya, varo desa rakhasi
Hari ruthya, Kumhalasyam,ho mai
Loka laja ki kana na manum,"
"If Sisodaya is offended, what will he do
to me,
0' mother,I will sing aboutthe virtuesof
Govinda,
If Ranaji is angry, he can keep his
king dom,
But if God is offended, O'mother I will
wither,
I am not botheredabout public honour."
(Free translation)
Meera's callous disregard for clan pre-
scriptions was accompanied by a similar
rejection of caste norms. One of the most
significant features that the bhakti move-
ment sought to emphasise was the equality
of all devotees, irrespective of caste.
Humility, simplicity and equality were
Economicand PoliticalWeekly November16, 2002
advocated by the exponents of the bhakti
movement in the realm of religion. Not
surprisingly, a number of bhakti saints
belonged to the lowest rungs of the caste
hierarchy.
Meera broke clan and caste boundaries
when she became a disciple of Raidas, a
chamar (leather worker) saint. As she
intermingled freely with the bhakt com-
munity, she transcendedthe class andcaste
boundaries. In fact she aroused the ire of
her family, who resented her association
with low caste people. It has been con-
tended by some scholars that Meera owes
her popularity and survival in public
memory to her following amongst de-
pressed and downtrodden sections of
peasants and artisans, who through the
singing of Meera's bhajans seek to flout
symbolically the authority of the Rajput
ruling family of Mewar. However, it needs
to be emphasised that Meera was adored
because she was a sadguru (religious
teacher)anda bhakt.Singing of herbhajans
or devotion to her never implied an attempt
to subvert or challenge Rajputdominance.
It was natural attraction towards Meera's
intense bhakti that drew people to her. She
was able to command respect from both
the princes as well as peasants. The author
of Bhaktmal has mentioned the names of
chiefs and chieftains who reverredMeera,
prominentamongst them were King Abhay
Raj of Idar, Prithvirajof Bikaner and Jai
Singh of Jaipur. He also mentions the
names of some princesses like Ranavati,
wife of Prithviraj and Kichani of Marwar
as women Bhakts who came in continuity
after Meera passed away and were, pos-
sibly, inspired by her. A small sect of
brahmin and other caste widows called
Meerabais has been existing in Mewar
from 17th century onwards. More signifi-
cantly, women of this sect have main-
tained themselves on charity by Mewar
state.10
The lyrical musical quality of Meera's
compositions is well articulated in folk as
well as classical music. More singers have
recorded her songs than those of any other
bhakt poet. Prominent male and female
singers from both the genre have sung
Meera's bhajans and received popular
acclaim - some of the well known names
are Subhalakshmi, Lata Mangeshkar and
Anoop Jalota. In fact, her popular image
is far more acceptable and diffused when
compared to other bhakti saints. In this
context Kiran Nagarkar has rightly ob-
served, "The measure of life in India is the
commercial cinema. Indian cinema keeps
going back to the Little Saint (Meera) time her songs a divine fervour. She found fell at Meera's feet and became her devo-
and again .... The other great bhakti saints presence of Krishna in the entire world. tee. Meera thus reversed the normative
may have been intellectually more Unlike other male bhakts, who refer to a patternof shame anddishonourfor women.
robust than her but their fame is mostly conscious process of self control in their Normally, in such incidents of sexual
regional. Her name is on almost every poems, Meera's bhakti has been defined harassment,humiliation,disgrace, andeven
Indian's lips."11 Meera's verses still sur- as "natural,spontaneous and so strong that the entire blame is shifted to a woman but
vive as delightful bhajans recorded and it enables her to break all bonds, confront Meera, instead shames and embarrasses
available in cassettes and discs. In the all opposition...Meera represents her love her seducer.
context of Meera's utter disregard for of god as something perfectly natural in Another well known legend is associ-
established institutions and norms, it comparison to which family ties, norms of ated with her meeting with Jiv Goswami,
need to be underscoredthat it was not their honour and material luxuries appear arti- Chaitanya's disciple at Vrindavan. Jiv
irrationalor exploitative nature that com- ficial impositions."12 Meera, in fact, was Goswami declined to receive Meera as he
pelled her to subvert these structures. It among the chosen few saints whose spiri- had taken a vow that he would never look
was not an act of deliberate rebellion but tual experience was blessed by the vision at a woman lest she may lure him away
sheer intoxication of her intense spiritu- of god - such a person is said to achieve from his spiritualand devotional concerns.
alism that drove her to trample upon the the topmost heights of bhakti. Meera retorted by saying that she had
societal proscriptions. Meera's spiritual Meera owes her survival in the cultural thought that there was only one man in
experiences were a process of empower- consciousness of people, especially in the Vrindavan and that was Krishna and she
ment which endowed her with reser- northern region, to the padas or verses was surprised that there was another man.
voirs otindomitable inner strength, self- composed by her. These padas described The stinging comment mitigated Jiv
confidence anddeterminationto transcend Meera's unswerving devotion to Krishna Goswami's tough posture who hurriedly
worldly impositions. and her defiance of the society, clan and came to meet Meera. Meera sought to
royal family. Scholars differ over the subvert the conventional norms guiding
Ill number of verses actually written by her. female behaviour even in the realm of
KrishnadevaSharma's Mira7bai Pada vali asceticism and with this singularstatement
As a bhakt too, Meera's spirtual expe- has 231 verses; Vishvanath Tripathi in sought to proclaim that gender divide was
rience distinguished her from the bhakts Meera Ka Kavya about 100; Bhagwandas irrelevant in the pursuit of bhakti.
of her genre. In the Indianbhakti tradition, Tiwari, 103; Padmavati'sMiram Vyaktitva On several occasions Meera emerged as
there have been various forms in which aur Krititva, 601; and Chunnilal 'Shesh's a fiercely independent-minded devotee
God is visualised, worshipped and ap- Mira Padavali has 236 verses. In all these with scant regardfor recognition from any
proached by his devotees. These bhavas compilations it is difficult to ascertain if established schools of b'hakti. Although
and rasas of bhakti are: madlhuryabhav they are Meera's original compositions or Meera attended religious gatherings, lis-
which posits God as lover and husband; later accretions. tened to the discourses of the sadhus and
dasyabhav, where the devotee assumes the Like the political and social realm, in the interacted with them, she resisted all at-
role of a servitor to the God implying realm of bhakti too, Meera confronts and tempts to formally affiliate herself with
complete surrender,humility, service and resolves various patriarchaldilemmas, as any established school or sect of bhlakti.
a sense of belonging; Shantbhav wherein the ascetic option was considered a male Meera has been criticised not once but
the devotee contemplatesthe incarnateform domain. Culturally, a woman is perceived thrice in Chaurasi Vaishnavon Ki Varta
of God; in sakhyabhav God is approached as an obstruction in'the path of salvation. of the powerful Vallabh Sampradaya.The
as a friendandcompanion;in vatsalyabhav, The temptation for woman is equated with reason: she refused to accept Vallabh-
the devotee envisions God as a child and lure for gold which weans the devotee acharyaas her guru and become a member
while identifying with the role of a parent away from the journey to salvation. This of the sect. Even when her own priest Ram
or an elder finds joy in his childlike in- image of woman as a temptress and one Das joined Vallabh Sampradaya, she re-
nocence. While most of the male bhakts who is responsible for distraction is deep- fused to follow him and he retaliated by
of the bhakti movement, especially so in rooted in religious traditionand reinforced calling her a whore. This incident provides
the northern region, sought bliss by sur- through myths and legends. Therefore, insights into the state of affairs in which
renderingthemselves in the service of God when women, themselves, resort to spiri- Meera found herself. Firstly, as Meera had
as das or subordinate, in Meera's bhakti tualism and devotion to God, they are acquired tremendous fame and renown for
thereis predominanceof thenladhuryabhav viewed with suspicion and aspersions are her piety and spiritualism, powerful sects
as she approaches her God as her husband cast on the purityof theircharacter.Women wished to enroll her as a member. Sec-
and lover. However, Meera is not a votary bhakts had to contend with the possibility ondly, even in the company of renouncers,
of madhuryabhav only. Her devotion to of sexual harassment also. Priyadas in Meera, despite her own status as a full
Krishna encompasses all bhavas except Bhaktmal Vartik narrates a legend when fledged bhakt, could not transcend her
vatsalya. She visualises Krishna in varied the fellow sadhu demanded to have sexual gender identity. She was the victim of
forms - as a lord creator, saviour of the relationship with Meera saying it was an slanderous comments by her fellow bhakts
people of Braj, beloved of the women of order from Krishna. Meera sought to re- when she refused to be subordinated.
Braj, a cowherd, a flute player, a compan- solve this crisis by spreading the bed in Thirdly, like the social and political struc-
ion and a lover. Meera surrendered both broad public view in the midst of other ture, the world of bhakti too was hierar-
her mind and heart to Krishna and lost saints. She asserted that if it was a divine chical. The predominantandpowerful sects
herself in the ecstasy of his devotion. Her order there was nothing shameful in doing tendered to preclude or subordinate the
acquaintancewith music anddancing gave so. The sadhu hung his head in shame and relativelynew andparallelstreamsof bhakti.

Economicand PoliticalWeekly November 16, 2002 4649

Meeradid not accept either institutional
or humanmediationin her communion
withKrishna.Meera's devotionto Krishna
was an intenselypersonalexperienceof a
relationship witha divinefigurewhomshe
regarded as herhusband,master,loverand
protector.Shewasso possessedby theidea
of Krishnathatshe couldnotabideby any
formalrulesorregulations.Moreover,she
was averse to acceptanceof any restric-
tions and had developed a lifestyle
whereinshe challengedall kindsof hier-
archy,authorityand subordination.
Thus,in both the social realmand that
oT bhakti,Meera seeks to redefine and
evensubvertconventionalnorms,andyet,
carve out an independentidentity and
honourablestatusfor herself.Hercompo-
sitionsshowthatshe was keenlyawareof
her deviant behaviour. She repeatedly
emphasisedherdisregardfor publicopin-
ion andinsistedon remaining'anuthi',i e,
uniqueanddifferent.Havingthus"proved
herself,daredall, brokenall barriers,she
is still exhaltedand reveredand regains
infargreatermeasurethehonourandrepute
she lostor seemedto havelost by flouting
the normsof womanly behaviour".15 In
popularmind,she has a distinctiveplace,
a morepervasiveone, thanothercontem-
porarysaints.She was able to createnew
normsof honourin maledominatedareas
and emergeas a legendaryfigure in her
own right.
IV
Therearecertainlegendarywomenfig-
ures in Indianculturewho are perceived
as idealsby women.Therearetwocatego-
ries of such ideals. Some of them have
becomerole modelsin commonparlance
and emphasise the traditional women
images of a devoted wife and loving
mother.Anusuya,Sita and Savitrirepre-
sentthisparticular
culturalcategory.There
is anothercategory in the ascetic and
devotionaltradition.Meerastandsout as
the most pervasive ideal in the latter
category.Her symbolic significance in
Indian culture, especially for women,
has been unparalleled.Meera has high
value for women when they
inspirational
step out of the ordinaryand the stereo-
typicaland aspirefor spiritualroles that
go beyondtheirtraditionalrolesof mother
and wife.
GandhiadoptedMeera as one of his
favouritesymbolicfigureswhenhewanted
to initiatewomenintonew non-traditional
role of a political activist in the anti-
4650
colonialstruggle. He defined Meera as
'paramountsatyagrahi'since by resisting
Ranaji'styrannyand by drinkingpoison
she courageouslyenduredsufferingsand
punishment.He raisedMeerato the status
of a venerable national symbol worth
emulatingby women.
Paradoxically, there are instances
wherein Meera's characterhas certain
negative connotationstoo, especially in
the regionof Mewar,amongRajputsand
also amongthose groupswho were asso-
ciated with the ruling classes.16She is
looked down upon as a deviantwho be-
smirchedthe honourof herkiul(kulnasi).
The name 'Meera' is akin to contempt
amongstthesecommunities. Itiscontended
that dominantRajputcommunityeven
exerciseditsauthoritytoobliterateMeera's
memory.Mostof theRajputwomenof this
arealookuponMeera'sdefianceof family
and community,as also her rejectionof
her husbandas outrageousand entirely
againstRajputkulreeti.
At another level, women who show
disinclinationfor traditionalstatus roles
conferreduponby marriageand mother-
hoodand,instead,choosetheasceticoption
in thetypicalMeera'sstyleof dancingand
singing are proverbiallyreferredto as
'Meera'.NancyMartinreferstosuchMeera
prototypeswhomshelocatedinMathura. 17
These women renouncershave devoted
themselvesto the worshipand adoration
of Krishna,and have close affinitywith
Meera'sdevotionalstyle. They are vari-
ously called Ma Krishna, Meera, etc.
Women,who are not necessarilyascetics
but adopt a austereand simple lifestyle
instantlyconjureup an image of Meera.
She also serves as a model of creative
excellence for women.
In the context of gender construction
certainunusualandpositiveaspectsof the
culturalheritageof thestatearecompletely
overlooked.Inaforementioned accountan
attempthasbeenmadeto presenttheother
side of the pictureby focusing upon the
life of legendaryMeerabai.Surprisingly,
it were the conservativeand feudalistic
environsof the erstwhi4estateof Mewar
which witnessedthe rebellionof Meera
who challengedand subvertedthe most
entrenchedinstitutionsof hertimesyet she
was able to accumulate unparalleled
honour,fame and following which has
made her "the most rememberedand
quotedwomanof Indianhistory,rightdown
to ourtimes".Beyondhistoricalconstruc-
tion,distinctiveparadigmhasbeenformu-
latedaroundMeera'spersonalityandher
Economicand PoliticalWeekly November16, 2002
archetypal characters have become pro-
verbial in Indian society. In fact, many
legendary stories associated with gender
construction in Indianculturecan be traced
to bhakt Meera. 1n1
Addressfor correspondence:
atcraft@tatainfosys.net
Notes
I For a historical overview of women's status
in Indiansociety refer, A S Altekar,Position
of W/omen in theHinduCivilistion,TheCulture
PublicationHouse,BenarasHinduUniversity,
Bcnaras, 1938: S R Shastri, Womnenin the
VedicAge, BhartiyaVidya Bhavan, Bombay,
1960.
2 Quoted in Jagdish Singh Gehlot's Rajputane
Ka Itihas, Vol I, p 5, cited from K R Qanungo,
Studiesin RajputHistory,R P NopanyLecture
Series, CalcuttaUniversity, S Chandand Co,
New Delhi, 1969 (Reprint 1971), p 67.
3 Charles Allen and ShardaDwivedi, Lives of
tile IndianPrinces, Eshwar,Mumbai(revised
edition), 1998, p 149.
4 Details regarding Meera's life have been
gathered from 'Poison to Nectar: The Life
and Work of Mirabai', an article by Madhu
Kishwarand Ruth Vanita in the special issue
of Manushi, Nos 50-51-52 on Women Bhakt
Poets, pp 74-93.
5 Quite well known till date are some of the
stories thatare woven aroundthese incidents.
It is believed that MaharanaVikramaditya
triedto kill her by offering her poisoned drink
and then by sending her a cobra concealed in
a fruit basket. According to a popular myth,
Krishna rendered the poison harmless and
transformedthesnakeintoa garlandof flowers.
6 Shah Alam Khan, Meera: Loktatvik
Adhayayan, Sanghi Prakashan, Jaipur,
Udaipur, 1989, p 34.
7 Lindsey Harlan,Religion and RajputWomen:
The Ethic of Protection in Contemporary
Narrative,MunshiramManoharlalPublishers,
New Delhi, 1994, p 48.
8 Ibid, pp 47-48.
9 The Hindi version of Meera's verses have
been quoted from Krishna P Bahadur,Mira
Bai and Her Padas, MunshiramManoharlal
Publishers,New Delhi, 1998,pp40,57 and 74.
10 G N Sharma, Glories of Mewar, Shivalal
Agrawal and Company, Agra, p 77.
11 Kiran Nagarkar, Cuckold, Harper Collins
Publishers India, 1997, p 609.
12 Kishwar and Vanita, op cit, pp 87-88, Her
disenchantmentwith wordly ties is reflected
in a well known pada, "Mere to Girdhar
Gopal, Dusara Na Koi..."
13 Krishna, P Bahadur,op cit, p 39.
14 'BhaktiKavyaMein Nari Ki Stithi:Meera Ke
VisheshSandarbhMein', an articleby Sooraj
Paliwal, in Kunwar Pal Singh (ed), Bhakti
Andolan:ItihasaurSanskriti,VaniPrakashan,
New Delhi, 1995, p 242.
15 Kishwar and Vanita, op cit, p 92.
16 'Mirabai in Rajasthan', an article by Parita
Mukta in Manushi, op cit, pp 95-97.
17 'Mirabai:ShastronMein Ullkhit,JeevanMein
Roopayit', an article by Nancy M Martinin
Rangayan,Januaryto March, 1997, pp 14-15.