Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Material Emptiness
An Independent Study Project by Mickey Capper
Advisor: Arthur McKeown, Phd.
Buddhist Studies in Bodh Gaya Program
Antioch University
December 2011
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Note: In this paper, Tibetan ritual objects will be referred to by a transliteration of their Tibetan names while
deities will be referred to by their Sanskrit names. The deities are common to other Buddhist traditions and are
commonly known by their Sanskrit names, whereas most of the ritual objects are primarily associated with the
Tibetan tradition. I will be referring to the whole Tibetan ritual bell as the “drilbu.” When I use the word “bell,” I
will be referring to the body of the bell separate from the handle of the drilbu.
Introduction
“A religion is: (1) a system of symbols which acts to (2) establish powerful, pervasive,
and longlasting moods and motivations in men by (3) formulating conceptions of a
general order of existence and (4) clothing these conceptions with such an aura of
factuality that (5) the moods and motivations seem uniquely realistic.” (Geertz 90)
The Interpretation of Cultures. In many ways, Tibetan Buddhism fits this definition of
themselves to work over lifetimes towards the enlightenment of all sentient beings. If that
is not a powerful, pervasive, and longlasting motivation, then I do not know what is. The
Tibetan Buddhist conceptions of a general order of existence include negative
emotions that restrain one from the path to enlightenment, and positive qualities that are
essential to one’s spiritual path. These negative and positive factors of the order of
existence find their representation in a system of symbols in the form of demons warded
off and deities worshiped respectively. However, there is another conception of the
difficult to symbolize: all concepts, persons, objects, and other phenomena are empty of
path. In a talk entitled “Wisdom and Method,” Dzongsar Khyentse Rinpoche, a high
teacher in the world of Tibetan Buddhism says, “Wisdom is inexpressible. Wisdom is
beyond language, beyond symbol. Wisdom is beyond communication” (Khyentse).
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So if wisdom is beyond symbol, how do the Tibetans symbolize wisdom? Well,
they do this in a number of ways actually, including the goddess Prajnaparamita, the
decided to study its role in Tibetan Buddhism, I thought I had a fairly straightforward
project ahead of me. However, after examining a physical drilbu, I noticed an ornate
familiar with Tibetan Buddhism, I realized the drilbu’s pervasive presence in Tibetan
ritual. I began to experience the notion that the topic of the drilbu might be wider than I
really explain all the details of the vajra and bell, because, just an explanation of the vajra
a method of secrecy also” (Khyentse).
convert one’s negative emotions towards skillful means on the path to enlightenment
with the intention of practicing the fastest and most effective approach towards
achieving Buddhahood. It is a vast system of practice, the full comprehension of which
is beyond the scope of this project, so I focused on understandings of the drilbu as a
material object within Tibetan religion and culture, as opposed to attempting to find its
with a focus on what each of these means to the Tibetan people living in the Indian
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the dorje since the wisdom and method they represented are so fundamentally
intertwined. Nevertheless, for the sake of this study, I focused specifically on the drilbu.
Through my investigation of the drilbu with Tibetans from around the Himalayas, I
and symbol. Is there a difference between the craftsmen’s and monastics’ perspectives
and interpretations of the drilbu? How does a drilbu’s production affect its value and
quality and why? What meanings does the drilbu’s decorative imagery convey to
different individuals and is it important to the drilbu’s ritual power? How does one
sixinchtall ringing instrument convey one of the most fundamental and difficult concepts
important to Tibetan culture and religion helps us learn something about the Tibetan
communityinexile, a people I find endlessly intriguing.
Literature Review
While there is a significant body of Western academic literature exploring
Tibetan history, culture, and religion, discussion of the Tibetan ritual bell has been
book I found devoted to an explanation of the drilbu is called Vajra and Bell and is
written by Vessantara, a member of the Western Buddhist Order, with the hopes that
wisdom, and all the other qualities that are represented by these two objects”
(Vessantara 3). While Vajra and Bell provides ample details and useful insights, it is
not exactly an academic text. Throughout the literature I found, any explanation of the
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drilbu’s production focused on its traditional ideals as described in scripture, which do
not necessarily correspond to drilbu production as it exists practically in Tibetan
had a predominant focus on nonmetal art such as thangkas or mandalas, or in the rare
bodhisattvas. However, through a synthesis of material, an adequate, if sometimes
drilbu can arise.
Tibetan drilbu craftsmen belong to a long tradition of Himalayan metalwork and
bronzecasting. According to Keith Dowman’s The Sacred Life of Tibet, “The arts of
painting and bronzecasting arrived in Tibet with the Indian Buddhist tradition that
(Dowman 100). Dowman states that historically China, the Kathmandu Valley, and
period of dissemination of Buddhism, the Empire Period (600850 C.E.), through the
second period of dissemination, the Early Monastic Period (10001250 C.E.) (Dowman
“artists were never given social status higher than craftsman. Besides, … the bronze
casters working in metal had to pay a high price to the spiritguardians of the earth.
Also, the Tibetan nomadic tradition stood in the way of a developed culture of fine art,
for artifacts had to be constantly transported by yak” (99). However, much like the
development of Tibetan Buddhism as an independent style of Buddhism, by the Late
Monastic Period (12501650 C.E.), Tibetans had evolved their own separate style of
bronzing (101).
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Much legend and literature focuses on the history of the the dorje, but there is
very little research done on its counterpart, the drilbu. For this reason, determining the
origin of the production and use of the drilbu is quite difficult. In Vajra and Bell,
Vessantara speculates that “it [the drilbu] probably first appeared independently of the
Powerhouse Museum claims that since the bell was not mentioned in early Sutras, if
might have first existed as “a meritorious offering which then became a permanent
fixture of the Buddhist reliquaries called stupas. Bells equipped with cloths hanging
below their clappers, causing them to ring when the wind blew, were hung in strings
began using handhold versions of the bells during practice. However, in her research
towards creating a typology of the drilbu, Mireille Helffer mentions references to the
drilbu in both the Kagyur and the Tengyur of the Tibetan Tripitaka. (Helffer 37). This
drilbu goes back to the time of the Buddha.
In his Encyclopedia of Tibetan Symbols and Motifs, Robert Beer provides a
thorough description of a traditional process of crafting the drilbu:
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casting, and the two parts of the bell are joined together with pitchresin. (Beer
243)
While this description of the bellmaking process is the most thorough and accurate
description of drilbu crafting I have found, it does not correspond entirely with many of
the bellmaking practices I observed. This could partially be due to evolution in
the introduction of his Encyclopedia that a significant portion of his intellectual
amount of often obscure literature on the traditions, history and development of
Hinduism and Buddhism” (Beer XV). Beer does not mention having spent time with
craftsmen to see how bells are actually made.
According to E Lo Bue, the craftsmen themselves might not have had any
interest in the textual tradition. In an article on Himalayan statuary metalwork, Bue writes:
While Bue’s exploration of casting techniques is focused on devotional images as
opposed to ritual objects, many of the general observations about metalworking
processes in his research hold true for the bellmakers I observed. For example, Bue
writes:
Apart from the use of coal, the only improvement made in firing the mould and
melting the metal is the modern use of electric fans and blowers by some
sculptors, instead of handoperated bellows. No innovation has been applied to
the seemingly difficult problem of measuring the temperature of the clay mould
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before pouring the molten metal into it. Artists obviously feel confident enough to
rely exclusively on their own experience. (Bue 54)
also used the heat from the coals to cook a pot of rice.
Another point of apparent dissonance between scripture and reality lies in the
have observed. Bue’s article on statuary metals in Tibet begins with a discussion of a
misconception of art historians about the metals and alloys used in northern Indian
statuary. He attributes this misconception in part to an overrelliance on ancient holy
texts. He also implies that Western metallurgical preferences likely influenced the
findings of early archaeologists. Bue describes one anthropologist as, “appear[ing] to
regard brass as a ‘cheap metal’, and his prejudice against the term ‘brass’ is derived
from the Western classical tradition which regards bronze as the statuary metal par
to Beer’s description of bronze drilbu’s dorjehandles, the majority of drilbumakers
explained to me that the dorjehandle is always made of brass.
the drilbu’s material is considered. Every source that I have encountered agrees that the
Tibetan word for the bell’s material is called li in Tibetan. The problem arises when
statuary metals, the word li appears repeatedly to refer to all sorts of alloys, and Bue
himself suggests that “the term li has to be understood in a loose manner as merely
indicating any copper alloy” (Bue 25). However, in the context of bellmaking the li
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considered seems to usually refer to “resonant” li. Bue cites ‘Jamdpalrdorje, who
Burmese) tin from India was mixed with six or eight parts of copper to produce
respectively red and white li, … which may be regarded as bronze” . Bue also
situations we can translate the li used in bells as “bronze,” we cannot expect for li in
other Tibetan metalwork to correspond with bronze, nor should we be surprised if a
Tibetan bell made of an alloy containing any combination of silver, gold, copper, tin, or
zinc is also considered li.
The symbolic decorations of the drilbu are very elaborate, and understanding
and interpretations for particular symbols differ between sects and individuals. In her
found ten different variations of the handle and eleven different variations for the bell
there are one hundred and ten theoretically possible different configurations of the
of the heroes,” and the “bell of the Tathagatas,” she does not provide an adequate
to the drilbus in use (Levenson 50). Today, the majority of the drilbus fall under two
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ninepronged dorjehandle. The fivepronged drilbus are commonly used throughout all
higher Tantric practices.
The drilbu is commonly interpreted as a representation of the practitioner’s
as features of a mandala. This is most visible when one looks down at the drilbu from
above. Both Beer and Vessantara provide a similar indepth description of each
decoration and its significance in terms of the mandala. In my findings, I will use their
descriptions as a basis for comparison of the various interpretations that I encountered.
While particular interpretations of the drilbu’s significance may vary, throughout
Tibetan Buddhism, the drilbu is consistently understood to be indispensable for
practice. Writing about the drilbu and dorje together in his Symbols of Tibetan
Buddhism, Claude B. Levenson states, “Whether in solitary meditation or in the vast
gatherings that mark monastic life, their role is essential; without them rites and
ceremonies are hardly conceivable” (Levenson 48). The drilbu’s role in the Vajrayana
seems largely influenced by its representation of the perfection of sherab, a term
commonly interpreted as wisdom, the realization of emptiness. Levenson explains, “It
represents not only sound, but also void and impermanence: its crystal tinkle dies no
sooner than emitted, recalling that all is fleeting. It is thus the symbol of the immediate
wisdom of intuition, which instantly grasps and understands the void without reflection or
Dzongsar Khyentse Rinpoche who regularly referred to the drilbu in a teaching called
“Wisdom & Method” to explain the relationship between emptiness and appearance.
While the drilbu represents one of the most profound and essential teachings of
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Tibetan Buddhist tradition, it’s piercing sound also serves a functional purpose in many
discusses how the drilbu can function to invite deities, ward off counterproductive
forces and beings, offer sacred sound, as well as remind practitioners of the emptiness
of all things in practices such as the recitation of the Vajrasattva mantra (Vessantara
256). Examples of this use of the drilbu can be found in Stephan Beyer’s The Cult of
Tara: Magic and Ritual in Tibet. Watching the Four Mandala Offering to Tara, Beyer
notes the drilbu used by monks along with cymbals, conches, long brass trumpets, a
damaru, and a great drum to create the “peaceful music” of offering to empower the
place and ritual utensils, to welcome the five Buddhas, and as part of various general
as part of the invitation of the knowledge being, Tara.
Methodology and Conceptual Framework
what it means, but very little about its significance to the living, breathing Tibetans of
today. To better understand the drilbu’s importance as a material object to the Tibetan
observe its production and use.
Today, the production of drilbus is primarily based in Tibetan communities
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surrounding the Indian city of Dehra Dun at the foothills of the Indian Himalayas in the
interviewed members of four of the twentyfive to fifty Tibetan households (their own
estimation) that run metalwork operations in the town, in addition to a few of their
employees who were mostly Nepali immigrants. In the Tibetan settlement of Clement
Town, roughly fortyfive kilometers away, I interviewed a Tibetan man named Pema,
who is by his own estimation potentially the last remaining Tibetan who continues to
craft each of his drilbus and dorjes independently from start to finish.
To better understand how Tibetan Buddhist scholars thought of the bell I
interviewed teachers from Tibetan communities throughout the Himalayas, not just in the
teaches the monks of that institute in Vajrayana. In Bir, I interviewed Lopon Pema
Chopen, an advanced student at one of the Nyingma monasteries there. At
Lhakdor, the director of the library, as well as Geshe Lobsang Tsondu, a scholar of the
Geluk tradition, who teaches Buddhist philosophy to Westerners. I spoke with Gen
Chonyi, ritual instructor of the Drikung Kagyu Institute Monastery in Kulhan, another
Tibetan area of Dehra Dun region. I also had a chance to briefly interview Khandro
Rinpoche at her residence in Mindrolling Monastery in Clement Town, as well as
chances to include the perspectives of some of the most cherished teachers of the
tradition in my study.
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To support these longer, more substantial interviews, I conducted brief informal
interviews with monks and laypeople in and around Namgyal Monastery, Gyuto
Monastery in Bir, Drikung Kagyu Institute and the Nyingma temple in Kulhan, Sakya
Vajrayana Institute in Manduwalah, Mindrolling Nyingma Monastery in Clement Town.
Additionally, I observed rituals using the drilbu at the Drikung Kagyu Institue’s
community at The Holy Caves of Padmasambhava in Rewalsar/Tso Pema, India and
the museum of the Library of the Tibetan Works and Archives and received the Bell
Empowerment among others from H.E. Garchen Rinpoche at his teachings at the
Drikung Kagyu Institute.
Findings
Production & Materials: Form from Emptiness
Before beginning my independent study project, Manduwalah had been
one I encountered when first setting foot in the town. I had pictured a village with tiny
bell’s metals in hot coals, continuing a tradition passed on to them by their Tibetan
ancestors. The Tibetan Joint Secretary of Religious and Cultural Affairs, Norbu Tashi,
whom I had met in Bodh Gaya, told me that the really good drilbus came from
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knockoffs. I even hoped that the craftsmen who I interviewed might feel a deep spiritual
only a few of the families in the town would do metalwork and that other families might
have some other livelihood.
homes of the neighborhood, I saw young men aged thirteen to thirtyfive sitting on the
and, of course, drilbus. I asked Jamyang Lhoden, a monk from the nearby Sakya
Vajrayana Institute and my translator for the day, “Many of the families here make the
drilbu?” His response: “All.”
Tsering Doma, a matriarch of one of the ritual objectmaking households in
feel at home. Her family, along with most residents of Manduwalah, were from
Lingtsang, a village in the Kham province of Tibet. When they came to India, they
dilbus on their table and explained that at first they would struggle for a week to make
nothing else in the surroundings. Overtime, more families began arriving and crafting
dorjes and drilbus, and the town began to earn a reputation for making quality drilbus.
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As demand grew, so did Manduwalah’s operations: different varieties of the
cymbals, phurbu, and the trigug. (Doma says that the drilbu is still her favorite, though;
she loves the sound.) The Tibetans began to hire outside labor from Nepal and India.
work, accommodations, and a useful skill. The Nepali workers who I talked to, mostly
Christian and Hindu, said that they were happy to be in India and enjoyed their work,
though were mostly indifferent to the cultural importance of the drilbu. It seemed that
whole families had moved to India together, sometimes with a background in metalwork
Tibetan families are certainly the ones in charge, they appeared kind to their
employees, and there seemed to be a general mutual respect.
visit from H.H. the 14th Dalai Lama, a moment the town still remembers with pride. H.H.
the Dalai Lama commended them on their craft. He also imparted an important
message: while it was a good thing that the people of Manduwalah had found a
not just be making the drilbu to make money, but should also be passionate about
making a good drilbu.
The Tibetans of Manduwalah are very proud to be a part of a community
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renowned throughout the Tibetan Buddhist world for their craftsmanship even though
they might not be the ones doing most of the metalwork on a daytoday basis. Doma
dorje handles and a massive drill for the holes in the bells themselves. It seemed that
time and energy on more managementrelated concerns. Prices for materials are on
the rise. Taxes on exports from India, and imports into Nepal have been raised. These
who runs another metalwork operation, to get a second point of reference.
hammer and nail, but with a pad of paper, a pencil, and a calculator when we arrived.
Doma’s friend explained that while he was not personally that good at any part of the
to the exact specifications of any high lamas who came to visit with any kind of
description.
Usually for these drilbus, high lamas specify that the bell’s metal include gold,
the more common drilbus, with bells made of bronze and handles of brass can cost as
little as 400 Rs. (about $8). Geshe Lobsang Tsondu and Gen Chonyi explained to me
that gold and silver bells sounded better, but the people in Manduwalah know that too
much gold or silver actually muffles the sound of the bell. Sometimes white metal and
silver are used to decorate parts of the handle and accompanying dorje.
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As I interviewed Doma’s friend, Doma sat nearby, and they joked and chatted
with each other. Even though the families are business competitors who say they have
trade secrets that they will not even tell each other, they are also neighbors and friends
who share a proud history. When I asked Doma who made the best drilbus in
Manduwalah, she laughed and explained that she thought everyone’s drilbu was
different and special in its own way, but other people say that hers is the best, so maybe
customer. Aside from maybe the question of who made the nicest bell, Doma’s friend
Doma’s.
The only person who tells a different story is Pema. I learned about Pema’s
existence as a fluke. I was talking to a monk about drilbus (what else?) at Mindrolling
monastery in Clement Town, when he said that if I wanted a really nice drilbu, I should
not go to Manduwalah, but to a man who lived in Clement Town. I was surprised and
skeptical, because according to the people of Manduwalah, they were the only ones
the town behind their school and ask around for an older Tibetan man named Pema,
gesturing that the man was short. He said something about fake Indian bells and that
was surprised to find no employees working outside. In response to my question if he
and explained that he did everything all by himself from start to finish. He showed me the
halffinished bell he was working on at the moment.
Pema came to India before Manduwalah was founded. According to Pema, his
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wife’s uncle trained him and his friend Thukten how to craft each part of the bell in
Clement Town. Although Pema’s teacher had passed away, Pema continued to craft
the bell from start to finish by himself, something he takes pride in. Thukten, however,
was from Lingtsang and when other people from his home began to move to
Manduwalah, he moved there too. Pema was from a different part of Tibet, so he stayed
drilbu in Manduwalah. Despite being the seed of the craft of drilbu and dorje in India
together, Thukten and Pema had a falling out when Thukten returned to Clement Town
he rejected Thukten’s plan on the basis that the drilbu was religious and should be
crafted by someone devoted.
Pema charges a premium for his handcrafted bells and has a group of loyal
customes and so is not exactly poor, but he definitely does not have the business of
Manduwalah, where many of the homes are rather big. When I finally visited Thukten’s
house briefly, his two kids sat on the living room couch and watched their big screen
television, while his wife explained that she was going through paperwork to send one
of her sons to the United States. Pema’s house was modest and he seemed to spend
the majority of his time working on his drilbus and dorjes, which each carry his proud
lifetime guarantee.
particular. In the back of the town where the fumes will not bother the Tibetan families,
the brass parts are cast, including the dorje and the drilbu’s dorjehandle, using a
casting method involving dark clumpy sand. Throughout the town, groups of workers
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away at it until the detail becomes clear, while their younger brothers polish them to
shiny perfection. Different men chip the details into the bell using a hammer and
different sized nails from those that use a large machine with a wheel on it to finally
polish it. In Clement Town, Pema does all of these things.
Aside from the difference between one Tibetan man and many Himalayan
casting of the bell. In Manduwalah, I regularly observed craftsmen doing virtually every
aspect of the drilbumaking process aside from the casting of the bell itself. I just
could see them cast first. The man who I was talking to and his daughter who was
would think that I was trying to start my own factory. It would not be possible for me to go
not want to show me their process of bellmaking. Pema on the other hand was happy
to show me the bell casts that he uses, as well as the tools he uses to impress each
bell. For all of Pema’s drilbus, they are attached by the traditional pitchresin.
was made by a Tibetan, an Indian, or a Nepali person. What matters first to many of
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them is that a bell sounds good, and then certain details are considered more powerful
than others. That said, even the Tibetan families of Manduwalah have a pretty strong
sentiment that Tibetans should be in charge of drilbumaking, as evidenced by their
lawsuit about a decade ago against a group of Indian exemployees who started their
a legal argument, but said simply that the Indians stole all the techniques from
that are too heavy and lack a good sound.
Drilbus from 400 Rs. to 7000 Rs. consistently have a good sound, and are acceptable
for practice. According to Khenpo Kunchok Jyaldsen, some monks and teachers
without modern drilbu production. The town of Manduwalah adapted to industrialism,
Pema’s values. A factory that was more profitoriented might have appeared, driving
Tibetan craftsmen out of business and people who completely disregard the cultural
significance of the drilbu could have taken over.
aspects of his drilbus do not exactly correspond with traditions that some teachers had
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described as important to a good drilbu. However, according to Pema and the monk at
Mindrolling monastery, a number of monks and teachers skip over Manduwalah and
that in fifty years, someone like Pema may no longer be making the drilbu. Each crack
technology and defined by an insistence on a traditional craft. Between modernization
and the struggles of diaspora, traditional crafts and culture have to compete with
outside influences, and even in Manduwalah, Doma said that many of the town’s
children do not have the interest or dedication necessary to run the drilbumaking
operations. Hopefully, between the independent drive of people like Pema and the
communal dedication to culture of the town of Manduwalah, the craft of making drilbus
will persist for many years to come.
Details and Power: Emptiness from Form
For Pema and also the people of Manduwalah, the craft of the drilbu is very
in its symbolism and often have a vague idea of its significance, beyond knowing that
the monks use them for pujas. When I asked Pema why the drilbu was important to
Tibetan Buddhism, he said that he literally had no idea, and that he made the drilbu
then he would not. However, as the craftsmen work towards clear details and a bright
the drilbu were important for tantric practice.
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One relatively simple explanation of the drilbu’s various components broke the
of the bell, representing the Tantric triad of mind, body, and speech respectively. This
interpretation was explained to me by Lopon Pema Chophen as well as Doma’s
husband. Consistent with this understanding, inside the bell are the Tibetan syllables for
OM AH HUM, an essential mantra to the tradition and one aspect that Lopon Pema
Chophen said was essential to a good bell.
and how each detail contributed to that, they either claimed to not know or said that in
order for me to discuss these matters, I would have to study the Dharma further and
receive the proper initiations. However, this description is available in Robert Beer’s
Encyclopedia of Tibetan Symbols and Vessantara’s Vajra and Bell, and I will
by my interview subjects.
The inwardtapering rim of the bell’s base represents the disc of space from
which the ‘sound of emptiness’ arises as vibration, similar to a mandala visualized
appearing out of a vast blue sky symbolic of the emptiness of all phenomena. Above the
disc of space are a circle of dorjes and two pearl rosaries representing protective
barriers of the mandala. The unadorned space above the protective barriers is the
earthdisc. Above that, there are usually eight monsterheads, which either represent the
vishvavajra base of the mandala or the eight charnel grounds, vomiting jewelloops,
which represent the decorations of the mandala.
In these pearl loops, there are either eight dorjes, eight swords, eight lotuses,
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eight jewels, eight korlo (also known as dharma wheels), or some combination of these
symbols made an ideal bell, was one of the most pronounced areas of disagreement
between the Tibetans I interviewed. Khandro Rinpoche told me that according to the
Nyingma tradition it was best for the eight symbols to all be dorjes, because that
Rinpoche implied that the symbols on other drilbus appealed to people just wanting
their bell to look good. A monk friend of Doma’s agreed and told me that the dorje
contained the power of all the other symbols. On the other hand, Pema regarded
anyone who used dorje in all eight places as lazy, and said that the monks who he
talked to specified the multiple different symbols, with the exception of those from the
Kagyu school who preferred eight korlo instead of any monsterheads. However the only
that symbol was the strongest, and interestingly was from the Nyingma tradition.
rosaries representing the inner walls and protection circle of the mandala. On the
shoulder of the bell, now inside the mandala’s palace, is an eightpetaled lotus
syllables, either of the eight offering goddesses, eight female bodhisattvas, or the four
directions. Sometimes these syllables are in Tibetan, but according to Lopon Pema
central dias which serves as the lotus throne of the central deity.
At the center of the dorjehandle is a face defined by various sources as
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Vajrasattva, Vajradhara (both beings understood as primordial Buddhas and depicted
weilding the drilbu), or Prajnaparamita, the embodiment of primordial wisdom and the
a primordial quality from which all other things arise allows the face to serve other
Tsondu had this in mind when after closely examining the figure, he laughed and told me
that it was his face.
The wisdom jewels of the face’s crown (Doma’s favorite part of the drilbu)
overlap with a lotus pedestal of the vajra above. The face usually rests on a vase of the
‘nectar accomplishment’ representing the nectarfilled body of the deity. Sometimes,
said to represent method or ultimate compassion, and its presence here is a sign of the
unity of wisdom and method.
While nearly every monk involved in any kind of puja had a basic idea of the
drilbu’s symbolism, for many, the drilbu seemed to be important primarily for its power
in ritual. This power is only increased when the drilbu in question has been rung by a
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a bell, his drilbu had been rung by high lamas and therefore was a very special thing.
This sentiment seemed to be shared by Doma who cherished a drilbu in her shrine
room that had been rung by H.H. the Dalai Lama during his visit to Manduwalah.
talk “Wisdom and Method,” Dzongsar Khyentse Rinpoche said that this extends to
lamas who wear drilbu and dorje rings on their hands.
While the consistency with which monks would quickly define the drilbu’s
representation wavered from person to person. Gen Chonyi explained that the drilbu
and dorje got their origin from a highly accomplished yogi and his consort a long time
pause replied simply, “We need the bell for the puja.”
When I first told Ven. Geshe Lhakdor about the focus of my project, he told me
that he really did not know much about the drilbu. After ringing my example bell at
various volumes, he proceeded gave one of the best explanations for the drilbu as a
symbol for the wisdom of emptiness out of anyone I talked to. He explained that the
bell’s hollow shape represented emptiness. However, when the tongue contacted the
and appearance represented by sound.
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method came from Khenpo Kunchok Jyaldsen. He said that in the hands of a teacher,
the dorje represents the teaching that he holds that he can teach and give to the student.
The drilbu was used to call out to any person who might be interested in the teaching
and becoming a student. When I asked why the drilbu made noise and the dorje
remained silent, Khenpo Kunchok Jyaldsen replied that the teaching itself was silent,
and required the explanation and expression of a teacher as represented by the bell.
Conclusions
After this project, I still have not even scratched the surface of the drilbu. (Maybe
for the better, those things can get expensive!) I have accumulated bits and pieces of
knowledge about the symbol, but now have an even shakier understanding of the “true
meaning” of the drilbu than when I began. However, I think my project proved valuable as
that is so fundamental to the Tibetan religious tradition, I found myself navigating the
diversities of experience within and the forces at work on the intriguing Tibetan
communityinexile.
Interacting with Pema and the people of Manduwalah, I caught a glimpse of the
ways that the industry involving the production of the drilbu is navigating the forces of
modernization and tradition. I saw how these people interacted with the monastics in
their community, and the mutual respect that existed between manufacturer and
customer, patron and monk.
In my conversations with different Tibetan monks and teachers, I gained an
appreciation for the vast diversity of interpretations that exist in the Tibetan religious
tradition. I was also able to engage the hierarchy of knowledge that seems to exist in the
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Tibetan Buddhist world, as Tibetan laypeople referred me to monks, and the monks
referred me to Khenpos or Rinpoches. I saw how each individual along the chain
explained things differently. I met some monks who had seemingly no philosophical
treasure trove of helpful information and valuable insights.
learned a little bit about its signifier, wisdom of emptiness, or at the very least
previously molten metal, and then watching the drilbus used to invoke deities and create
peaceful music offerings, it was hard to pinpoint exactly what a drilbu was.
The drilbu is essential to the craftsmen and the monastics, but for different
reasons. The craftsmen know that the monastics need drilbus, and are therefore proud
of their work supporting their culture, with the drilbu as a symbol of their continuation of
tool for teaching wisdom of emptiness. However, they also rely on the craftsmen to
my understanding of the complex world of Tibetan religion and culture.
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Bibliography
Doma, Tsering. Manduwalah, Derah Dun, India. Personal interview. 18 Nov. 2011.
Thartse Khen Rinpoche. Manduwalah, Derah Dun, India. Personal interview. 18 Nov.
2011.
Kunchok Jyaldsen, Khenpo. Manduwalah, Derah Dun, India. Personal interview. 18 Nov.
2011.
Pema Chophen, Lopon. Bir, India. Personal interview. 22 Nov. 2011.
Lhakdor, Ven. Geshe. Dharamsala, India. Personal interview. 24 Nov. 2011.
Lobsang Tsondu, Geshe. Dharamsala, India. Personal interview. 25 Nov. 2011.
Khandro Rinpoche, Mindrolling Jetsun. Clement Town, Derah Dun, India. Personal
interview. 27 Nov. 2011.
Pema. Personal interview. Clement Town, Derah Dun, India. 1 Dec. 2011.
Thentuk. Personal interview. Manduwalah, Derah Dun, India. 5 Dec. 2011.
Chonyi, Gen. Personal interview. Kulhan, Derah Dun, India. 5 Dec. 2011.
Beer, Robert. The Encyclopedia of Tibetan Symbols and Motifs. Boston: Shambala,
1999. Print.
Beyer, Stephan. The Cult of Tara: Magic and Ritual in Tibet. Berkeley, Los Angeles,
London: Univ. of Calif Press, 1973. Print.
Bue, Eberto Lo. "Statuary Metals in Tibet and the Himalayas: History, Tradition, and
Modern Use & Casting of Devotional Images in the Himalays: History, Tradition
and Modern Techniques." Bulletin of Tibetology New Series No.13.29 October
1991 (1991): 775. Print.
Dowman, Keith. The Sacred Life of Tibet. Hammersmith, London: Thorsons, 1997.
Print.
Helffer, Mireille. “A Typology of the Tibetan Bell.” In Soundings in Tibetan civilization.
New Delhi: Manohar, 1985. Print.
Hopkins, Jeffery. Emptiness Yoga. S.l.: Snow Lion Press, 1987. Print.
Levenson, Claude B., and Laziz Hamani. Symbols of Tibetan Buddhism. New York:
Assouline, 2000. Print.
Powerhouse Museum. “Tibetan Ritual Bell, 1800s, 17001800.” Powerhouse Museum.
9 Nov. 2011.
<http://www.powerhousemuseum.com/collection/database/?irn=185518> Web.
Vessantara. The Vajra and Bell. Birmingham: Windhorse, 2001. Print.
Khyentse Rinpoche, Dzongsar. "Wisdom and Method." a. a. Deer Park Instititute, Bir,
India. 28 June 2007. Lecture.
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Timelog
Date Activity Time (hrs)
10/3 Library Research .5
10/5 Watching Puja at Shechen Temple 2
10/9 Discussion with Indian drilbusellers 1
10/10 Meeting with Arthur .5
10/11 Meeting with Punya, Yogi Mike .5
10/12 Work on Outline #1 1
10/18 Meeting with Arthur .5
10/22 Library Research 1
10/23 Work on Outline #2 1.5
10/24 Puja at Shechen Temple 2
10/26 Coordinating travel 1.5
11/1 Group ISP Meeting 1.5
11/3 Library Research 3
11/5 Coordinating Accomodations 1
11/7 Final Outline 2
11/10 Final Group ISP Meeting 1.5
11/12 Reading on the train 3
11/13 Receive Bell Empowerment, Reading 3
11/15 Manduwalah Fieldwork, Reading 9
11/16 Reading, DKI Fieldwork, Pujas 3
11/17 DKI Fieldwork, Reading, Pujas 4
11/18 Manduwalah Interviews, Fieldwork, Reading, Puja 10
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11/19 Manduwalah Fieldwork, Reading 4
11/20 Pujas in Tso Pema, Reading 3
11/21 Reading, Informal Conversations 2
11/22 Bir Interviews, Puja, Reading 6
11/23 Museum visit, Dharamsala Fieldwork, Puja 5
11/25 Dharamsala Interviews, Puja, Reading 7
11/26 Reading, Dharamsala Fieldwork 4
11/27 Interview with Khandro Rinpoche, Reading 5
11/28 Library Research, Reading 3
11/29 Manduwalah Fieldwork, Interviews, Reading, Informal Conversation6
11/30 Clement Town Fieldwork, Interviews, Puja, Reading 6
12/1 Pema Interview, Gen Chonyi Interview, Reading 6
12/2 Dzongsar Khyentse Transcription, Paper 4
12/3 Writing Paper 4
12/4 Writing Paper 6
12/5 Manduwalah Fieldwork 2
12/7 Writing Paper 4
12/8 Writing Paper 5
12/9 Writing Paper 8
12/10 Writing Paper 8
12/11 Writing Paper 10
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Advice Sheet
Dehra Dun is a very good place to study how Tibetan communities are adapting to
modernization and exile. It’s easily accessible by a 23 hour train from Gaya. While the city
itself is a relatively plain Indian city in the foothills of the Himalayas, but there are a number of
fairly diverse Tibetan communities interspersed around the community:
● The Drikung Kagyu Institute in Kulhan is the seat of His Holiness Drikung Chetsang. It
is a pretty big complex including a central monastery, a nunnery, the Drikung Kagyu
College, and the Songtsen Library, a really nice place specifically built for Westerners
to do academic research. Arthur’s friend Meghan Howard has spent extensive time
here and was very helpful putting us in touch with Khenpo Monlam, one of the more
respected teachers at the DK College. I would recommend staying at the library if
they have rooms available, though when we first arrived these were completely
booked for the center’s winter teachings. The DK Institute is a great place to study
Tibetan monastic life, and there is also a nice Tibetan settlement nearby called
Drikaling that provides convenient overnight buses to McLeod Ganj. Internet access
here though is extremely limited, with one inconsistent Internet cafe and with Internet
in the library only available between 2 and 4 PM.
● Rajpur includes the Sakya Center, the seat of His Holiness Sakya Trinzin, and Sakya
College. The town of Rajpur is decent, with a substantial Tibetan community, a nice
Tibetan restaurant called Lhasa restaurant, and a sociable tea shop called Nanu’s
point. They also have a dependable Internet cafe and a whole fleet of taxis.
● Manduwalah is a little bit out of the way and hard to get to with public transport, but is
worth the visit if you have any interest in studying or purchasing metal Tibetan ritual
objects. It is an Indian military zone, so Americans need special permission to stay
there.
● Clement Town is home to a rather large Tibetan settlement which includes a massive
beautiful Stupa, Mindrolling Monastery, the seat of Khandro Rinpoche, and Pema, the
last Tibetan crafting vajras and bells by himself from start to finish. Also in a military
zone.
In all of these places, your semester’s worth of Tibetan can come in handy. I
recommend trying to strike up basic conversations with any Tibetans you meet. You can
learn a lot this way. Also, if you’re staying in Dehra Dun, I highly recommend taking some
time to travel to Tso Pema, Bir, and McLeod Ganj. They are each very different places and
beautiful special and interesting in their own right. It helps if along the way you can interview
some people about your project. Also, Sahastadhara, Mussourie, and Rishikesh are all pretty
places to visit in the Dehra Dun area.
Feel free to email me about any questions you might have about any of this stuff:
mickster418@gmail.com
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