BEHIND MANDELA GLOBAL CITIZEN FESTIVAL!

Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela was born in July 18, 1918, Mvezo, South Africa, was a South
African anti-apartheid revolutionary, political leader, and philanthropist who served as President of
South Africa from 1994 to 1999. He was the country's first black head of state and the first elected in a
fully representative democratic election,

Mandela served 27 years in prison, split between Robben Island, Pollsmoor Prison,
and Victor Verster Prison. Amid growing domestic and international pressure, and with fears of a
racial civil war, President F. W. de Klerk released him in 1990. Mandela and de Klerk led efforts
to negotiate an end to apartheid, which resulted in the 1994 multiracial general election in which
Mandela led the ANC to victory and became president. Leading a broad coalition government
which promulgated a new constitution, Mandela emphasised reconciliation between the country's
racial groups and created the Truth and Reconciliation Commission to investigate past human
rights abuses. Economically, Mandela's administration retained its predecessor's liberal
framework despite his own socialist beliefs, also introducing measures to encourage land reform,
combat poverty, and expand healthcare services. Internationally, he acted as mediator in the Pan
Am Flight 103 bombing trial and served as Secretary-General of the Non-Aligned Movement
from 1998 to 1999. He declined a second presidential term, and in 1999 was succeeded by his
deputy, Thabo Mbeki. Mandela became an elder statesman and focused on combating poverty
and HIV/AIDS through the charitable Nelson Mandela Foundation.

Mandela was a controversial figure for much of his life. Although critics on the right denounced
him as a communist terrorist and those on the far-left deemed him too eager to negotiate and
reconcile with apartheid's supporters, he gained international acclaim for his activism. Widely
regarded as an icon of democracy and social justice, he received more than 250 honours—
including the Nobel Peace Prize—and became the subject of a cult of personality. He is held in
deep respect within South Africa, where he is often referred to by his Xhosa clan name, Madiba,
and described as the "Father of the Nation

Madiba used to say that ”Education is the most powerful weapon which you can use to change
the world".in these words our father here is awaked us to look for education and it better to note
my friends education it is not only that what acquired in classrooms, but education can be
acquired anywhere, what's matter here is what do your brain look for at such moment. and if
you got such opportunity to acquire such knowledge from what's ever source you better research
on and so you can come up with your own knowledge. because our father Mandela also remind
us that "It always seems impossible until it's done
"retiring from retirement" 2004 to 2013. In June 2004, aged 85 and amid failing health, Mandela
announced that he was "retiring from retirement" and retreating from public life.
remarking, "Don't call me, I will call you."
 Although continuing to meet with close friends and family, the Foundation discouraged
invitations for him to appear at public events and denied most interview requests.

Nelson Mandela and President George W. Bush in the Oval Office, May 2005

he spoke out publicly in 2007, That year, Mandela, Machel, and Desmond Tutu convened a group of
world leaders in Johannesburg to contribute their wisdom and independent leadership to some of the
world's toughest problems. Mandela announced the formation of this new group, The Elders, in a
speech delivered on his 89th birthday.

"I Am Prepared to Die" is the name given to the three-hour speech given by Nelson Mandela on 20 April
1964

"During my lifetime I have dedicated my life to this struggle of the African people. I have fought
against white domination, and I have fought against black domination. I have cherished the ideal
of a democratic and free society in which all persons will live together in harmony and with
equal opportunities. It is an ideal for which I hope to live for and to see realised. But, My Lord, if
it needs be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die"

. “Freedom is indivisible; the chains on any one of my people were the chains on all of them, the
chains on all of my people were the chains on me.” “I have never cared very much for personal prizes.
A person does not become a freedom fighter in the hope of winning awards.”“People must learn to
hate, and if they can learn to hate, they can be taught to love, for love comes more naturally to
the human heart than its opposite... Man's goodness is a flame that can be hidden but never
extinguished.” “No one is born hating another person because of the color of his skin, or his
background, or his religion. People must learn to hate, and if they can learn to hate, they can be taught
to love, for love comes more naturally to the human heart than its opposite.”
― Rest in Peace Nelson Mandela , its real true that we Africa we got Long Walk to Freedom .

why Oliver Tambo in this heading

behind Mandela Global Citizen Festival?
"I had other plans for my life. I wanted to be a minister of the Anglican church
with Bishop Clayton. After we married, I was going to train for the ministry in Cape
Town. But God had other plans for me. Gods plan was for me to fight in the political
liberation for my people." that is Oliver Reginald Kaizana Tambo was a South African anti-
 apartheid politician and revolutionary who served as President of the African National Congress
from 1967 to 1991. born October 27,1917,Nkantolo,South Africa, and Died in April 24,1993
Johnnesburg,South Africa.

Our late elder Oliver Reginald Kaizana was a South African struggle icon, Fondly
known as O. R., Tambo was a fervent anti-apartheid politician and revolutionary who led the
African National Congress (ANC). During his lifetime, Tambo inspired the world with his great
leadership, fight against colonialism and racial inequality

File picture (1992-05-02) The two ANC-leaders Walter Sisulu and Oliver Tambo meeting in
Stockholm for the first time since Sisulu was released from jail.

In the 1940s Tambo enrolled at the University of Fort Hare where became
politically conscious. He was heavily involved in student politics and activism and he was
among the students who led the student boycott at Fort Hare, which called for the reconstitution
of a democratically elected Student’s Representative Council (SRC). Tambo bore the brunt of his
activism and he was expelled from the institution, and he could not complete his Bachelor of
Science honours degree.

He later moved to Johannesburg to teach and joined hands with other political activists, and the
struggle stalwarts were instrumental in the formation of the ANC Youth League in 1944, a
vibrant and militant youth wing of the party.

Tambo dedicated his life to fighting racial inequality and the Apartheid regime’s racial
segregation policies. He was sent abroad by the ANC to mobilise opposition to Apartheid and he
led the campaign until he returned to his home country.

He passed away on 24 April 1993 at the age of 75 due to complications from a major stroke.

let also share some Tambo’s life and share with you a selection of some of his most
profound and inspirational quotes. "The world public, in general, assumed that NR
[Nelson Rolhlahla] was the president and we found it unnecessary to correct the
impression, because we always made it clear that our national leaders (mine
included) are on Robben Island, serving life imprisonment" "The apartheid enemy
tries to separate us into ancient ‘tribal’ entities and pretends to be concerned about
the preservation of our cultural heritage."
 “We seek to create a united Democratic and non-racial society. We have a vision of
South Africa in which black and white shall live and work together as equals in conditions of
peace and prosperity. Using the power you derive from the discovery of the truth about racism
in South Africa, you will help us to remake our part of the world into a corner of the globe on
which all — of which all of humanity can be proud.” – A speech at Georgetown University in
January, 1987.

“We are not fighting against people, we are fighting against a system”. “Some of us don’t like
violence at all. I have an abhorrence of violence – I even take insects out of the bath. But we are
forced into violence. I, for example, won’t hunt to kill because I do not like to kill”. “It is our
responsibility to break down barriers of division and create a country where there will be neither
Whites nor Blacks, just South Africans, free and united in diversity”. “We have a vision of South
Africa in which black and white shall live and work together as equals in conditions of peace and
prosperity”.

rest in peace oliver April 24,19

 why Shaka "Zulu King and Warrior" in this heading, behind Mandela
Global Citizen Festival? my self when i used to learn shaka in history book, but nowadays
ours siblings does not seems to like leading books instead they used to learn things through
social medias, have you everbeen meet shaka in social media?

Shaka "Zulu King and Warrior" (1786-1828)

Shaka was born in 1786, the son of Senzangakona,

Zulu Chief and his mother Nandi. Shaka predates the
Zulu nation we see today, he is called today Shaka
Zulu posthumous. Shaka's parents were blood
relatives which was a crime, punishable by death.
However, Shaka's father was not killed because he
was a Chief.

As a young boy, Shaka was a very difficult child. On

many occasions, he had confrontations with people
in his village. He was also the victim of terrible
cruelties. One time, hot porridge was poured on his
hands, and burning hot meat forced down his throat.
Those who inflicted evil on Shaka would live to
regret it.

When Shaka was twenty-six, his father died and left the throne to a son, Sijuana.
Shaka ambushed and killed Sijuana, taking leadership of the Zulus. He came to power around
1820. Shaka revolutionized military tactics. He chose the most superior and graceful soldiers.
Chaka was the first to group regiments by age, and to train his men to use modern weapons and
special tactics. He developed a short stabbing spear. He marched his regiments in tight formation
using large shields to fend off the enemy. Shaka's troops were feared by enemies, they would
flee at the sight of them. Shaka caused over two million people to die. Shaka's motto was "Death
or Victory."

Shaka built the Zulu people into a powerful nation (Mfecane) of more than one million, and
united all peoples in South Africa against the colonial invaders.

Mfecane means "Crushing", it was a social-political revolution which started in the

South and spread as far North as modern Tanzania. It destroyed many homelands and made
slavery and colonialism easier for the encroaching Whites. He has been called a military genius
for his reforms and innovations, and condemned for the brutality of his reign.

even Shaka and others colonial fighters like him the new colonial era doesn't like the
new generation of our African sons and daughters even to learn some from them because they
knew the positive consequences of learning historical , because history means roots of yours or
the beginning of where your are.
Chief Mkwawa was among the African Son who share his
blood and tears so as to make sure African pride
protected by African themself .
Have you ever heard about the German Schutztruppe‘s first stinging defeat in Africa?
Have you ever heard about the African Chief whose skull was part of the Treaty of Versailles’
negotiation? Have you ever heard of the Hehe Rebellion of 1891 and the German defeat at the
hand of the fierce Hehe King Mkwawa in Lugalo?

this is King Mkwavinyika Munyigumba Mwamuyinga (known as Mkwawa) was born in

Luhota in Iringa in the south of modern-day Tanzania, and was the son of Chief Munyigumba,
who died in 1879. He was the leader of the Hehe people in German East Africa (now mostly the
mainland part of Tanzania) who opposed the German colonization. The name “Mkwawa” is
derived from Mukwava, itself a shortened form of Mukwavinyika, meaning “conqueror of many
lands“.

the image of A Hehe warrior.

Mkwawa was the chief of the Uhehe who won fame by defeating Germans at Lugalo on
August 17th 1891 and maintaining the resistance for seven years. August 17th 1891 marks
the first defeat of the German colonial troops or ‘Schutztruppe’ in Africa, at Africans’
hands. The devotion of the Hehe people to their King was unconditional to the point that when
the German governor offered 5,000 rupees for his capture in 1898, no Hehe accepted it!

5,000 rupees for such time it was the big cash but no native accept it, you what!
patriotism"uzalendo" of such people were real , they were much aware about the trafficking
"usaliti", and note that those warriors and natives of such time they were educated through
natives education from their elders and warriors but such education were stronger than that we
acquired now from colonial invaders who teaches us to become selfish and ignorance so as to
ignore our cultural traditional and customs,

next festival let invite people from Mvezo, Nkantolo,soweto so as to show some
traditional and customs in Mandela global citizens festival so that south African people and
African at all can be proud to hear from them.
Do we need to have Dr. Mwalimu Julius Kambarage
Nyerere and Dr.John Joseph Pombe Magufuli
globalCitizens festival?.
Julius Kambarage Nyerere Born: April 13, 1922, Butiama, was a Tanzanian anti-colonial activist,
politician, and political theorist. He governed Tanganyika as Prime Minister from 1961 to 1963 and then
as President from 1963 to 1964, after which he led its successor state, Tanzania, as President from 1964
to 1985. Julius Nyerere is a true son of Africa, a Pan-Africanist, nationalist, charismatic orator, thinker
and African statesman. A proponent of African unity, Mwalimu was also a founding member of the
Organisation of African Unity.

“Without unity, there is no future for Africa”. No nation has the right to make decisions for another
nation; no people for another people” “Unity will not make us rich, but it can make it difficult for Africa
and the African peoples to be disregarded and humiliated”. Speech given in Accra,

Mwalimu JK Nyerere sacrificed British aid for the sake of Rhodesia’s independence, he continues to
resist Reagan for the sake of Namibian and South African independence. And for the sake of his support
for the Palestinians, he sacrifices much. During the October 1973 [Arab–Israeli] war, he spoke up against
Israel and closed the Israeli embassy in Dar es Salaam. In 1974, he opened the Palestinian
embassy whose flag still flies in the capital.
It is true I am going. I am not very old – I am 62 – but that is
not the point. The point is that I have been leading my country
since the beginning of the struggle for independence 30 years ago
and since the Union with Zanzibar 20 years ago. So I think by
now I have probably done all that I can do to help my country.
One could go on but I do not believe that ‘going on’ is the issue.
It is so much more important to look to the future...

An extract from a speech given by Tanzania’s founding president, Julius Nyerere (pictured
right), in the Ghanaian capital, Accra, on 6 March 1997 on how he saw African unity in the
21st century.

For centuries, we had been oppressed and humiliated as Africans. We were hunted and enslaved
as Africans, and we were colonised as Africans. The humiliation of Africans became the
glorification of others. So we felt our Africanness. We knew that we were one people, and that
we had one destiny regardless of the artificial boundaries which colonialists had invented.

Since we were humiliated as Africans, we had to be liberated as Africans. So 40 years ago, we

recognized [Ghana’s] independence as the first triumph in Africa’s struggle for freedom and
dignity. It was the first success of our demand to be accorded the international respect which is
accorded free peoples. Thirty-seven years later – in 1994 – we celebrated our final triumph when
apartheid was crushed and Nelson Mandela was installed as the president of South Africa.
Africa’s long struggle for freedom was over.
I was a student at Edinburgh University when Kwame Nkrumah was released from prison to be
the Leader of Government Business in his first elected government [in 1951]. The deportment of
the Gold Coast students changed. The way they carried themselves, the way they talked to us and
others, the way they looked at the world at large, changed overnight. They even looked different.
They were not arrogant, they were not overbearing, they were not aloof, but they were proud,
already they felt and they exuded that quiet pride of self-confidence of freedom without which
humanity is incomplete.

And so six years later, when the Gold Coast became independent, Kwame Nkrumah invited us –
the leaders of the various liberation movements in Africa – to come and celebrate with Ghana. I
was among the many invitees. Then Nkrumah made the famous declaration that Ghana’s
independence was meaningless unless the whole of Africa was liberated from colonial rule.

Kwame Nkrumah went into action almost immediately. In the following year, he called the
liberation movements to Ghana to discuss the common strategy for the liberation of the continent
from colonialism. In preparation for the African People’s Conference, those of us in East and
Central Africa met in Mwanza in Tanganyika to discuss our possible contribution to the
forthcoming conference. That conference lit the liberation torch throughout colonial Africa.

Attempts at unity

Another five years later, in May 1963, 32 independent African states met in Addis Ababa,
founded the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), and established the Liberation Committee of
the new organisation, charging it with the duty of coordinating the liberation struggle in those
parts of Africa still under colonial rule. The following year, 1964, the OAU met in Cairo [Egypt].
The Cairo Summit is remembered mainly for the declaration of the heads of state of independent
Africa to respect the borders inherited from colonialism. The principle of non-interference in
internal affairs of member states of the OAU had been enshrined in the Charter itself. Respect for
the borders inherited from colonialism comes from the Cairo Declaration of 1964.

In 1965, the OAU met in Accra [Ghana]. That summit is not well remembered as the founding
summit in 1963 or the Cairo Summit of 1964. The fact that Nkrumah did not last long as head of
state of Ghana after that summit may have contributed to the comparative obscurity of that
important summit. But I want to suggest that the reason why we do not talk much about [the
1965] summit is probably psychological: it was a failure. That failure still haunts us today. The
founding fathers of the OAU had set themselves two major objectives: the total liberation of our
continent from colonialism and settler minorities, and the unity of Africa. The first objective was
expressed through immediate establishment of the Liberation Committee by the founding
summit [of 1963]. The second objective was expressed in the name of the organisation – the
Organisation of African Unity.

Critics could say that the [OAU] Charter itself, with its great emphasis on the sovereign
independence of each member state, combined with the Cairo Declaration on the sanctity of the
inherited borders, make it look like the “Organisation of African Disunity”. But that would be
carrying criticism too far and ignoring the objective reasons which led to the principles of non-
interference in the Cairo Declaration.
What the founding fathers – certainly a hardcore of them – had in mind was a genuine desire to
move Africa towards greater unity. We loathed balkanisation of the continent into small unviable
states, most of which had borders which did not make ethnic or geographical sense.

The Cairo Declaration was promoted by a profound realisation of the absurdity of those borders.
It was quite clear that some adventurers would try to change those borders by force of arms.
Indeed, it was already happening. Ethiopia and Somalia were at war over inherited borders.

Nkrumah was opposed to balkanisation as much as he was opposed to colonialism in Africa. To

him and to a number of us, the two – balkanisation and colonialism – were twins. Genuine
liberation of Africa had to attack both twins. A struggle against colonialism must go hand in
hand with a struggle against the balkanisation of Africa.

Kwame Nkrumah was the great crusader of African unity. He wanted the Accra Summit of 1965
to establish a union government for the whole of independent Africa. But we failed. The one
minor reason is that Kwame, like all great believers, underestimated the degree of suspicion and
animosity which his crusading passion had created among a substantial number of his fellow
heads of state. The major reason was linked to the first: already too many of us had a vested
interest in keeping Africa divided.

Prior to the independence of Tanganyika, I had been advocating that East African countries
should federate and then achieve independence as a single political unit. I had said publicly that I
was willing to delay Tanganyika’s independence in order to enable all the three mainland
countries to achieve their independence together as a single federated state. I made the
suggestion because of my fear – proved correct by later events – that it would be very difficult to
unite our countries if we let them achieve independence separately.

Once you multiply national anthems, national flags and national passports, seats of
the United Nations, and individuals entitled to a 21-gun salute, not to speak of a host of
ministers, prime ministers and envoys, you would have a whole army of powerful people with
vested interests in keeping Africa balkanised. That was what Nkrumah encountered in 1965.

After the failure to establish the union government at the Accra

Summit, I heard one head of state express with relief that he was happy
to be returning home to his country still head of state. To this day, I cannot tell
whether he was serious or joking. But he may well have been serious, because Kwame Nkrumah
was very serious and the fear of a number of us to lose our precious status was quite palpable.
But I never believed that the 1965 Accra Summit would have established a union government for
Africa. When I say that we failed, that is not what I mean; for that clearly was an unrealistic
objective for a single summit.

What I mean is that we did not even discuss a mechanism for pursuing the objective of a
politically united Africa. We had a Liberation Committee already. We should have at least had a
Unity Committee or undertaken to establish one. We did not. And after Kwame Nkrumah was
removed from the African scene, nobody took up the challenge again.
Confession and plea

So my remaining remarks have a confession and a plea. The confession is that we of the first
generation leaders of independent Africa have not pursued the objective of African unity with the
vigour, commitment and sincerity that it deserved. Yet that does not mean that unity is now
irrelevant. Does the experience of the last three or four decades of Africa’s independence dispel
the need for African unity?

With our success in the liberation struggle, Africa today has 53 independent states, 21 more than
those which met in Addis Ababa in May 1963. [Editor: With South Sudan’s independence in
2011, Africa now has 54 independent states]. If numbers were horses, Africa today would be
riding high! Africa would be the strongest continent in the world, for it occupies more seats in
the UN General Assembly than any other continent. Yet the reality is that ours is the poorest and
weakest continent in the world. And our weakness is pathetic. Unity will not end our weakness,
but until we unite, we cannot even begin to end that weakness. So this is my plea to the new
generation of African leaders and African peoples: work for unity with the firm conviction that
without unity, there is no future for Africa. That is, of course, assuming that we still want to have
a place under the sun.

I reject the glorification of the nation-state [that] we inherited from colonialism, and the artificial
nations we are trying to forge from that inheritance. We are all Africans trying very hard to be
Ghanaians or Tanzanians. Fortunately for Africa, we have not been completely successful. The
outside world hardly recognises our Ghanaian-ness or Tanzanian-ness. What the outside world
recognises about us is our African-ness.

Hitler was a German, Mussolini was an Italian, Franco was a Spaniard, Salazar was Portuguese,
Stalin was a Russian or a Georgian. Nobody expected Churchill to be ashamed of Hitler. He was
probably ashamed of Chamberlain. Nobody expected Charles de Gaulle to be ashamed of Hitler,
he was probably ashamed of the complicity of Vichy. It is the Germans and Italians and
Spaniards and Portuguese who feel uneasy about those dictators in their respective countries.

Not so in Africa. Idi Amin was in Uganda but of Africa. Jean Bokassa was in Central
Africa but of Africa. Some of the dictators are still alive in their respective countries, but they are
all of Africa. They are all Africans, and all perceived by the outside world as Africans. When I
travel outside Africa, the description of me as a former president of Tanzania is a fleeting affair.
It does not stick. Apart from the ignorant who sometimes asked me whether Tanzania was in
Johannesburg, even to those who knew better, what stuck in the minds of my hosts was the fact
of my African-ness.

So I had to answer questions about the atrocities of the Amins and Bokassas of Africa. Mrs
[Indira] Ghandi [the former Indian prime minister] did not have to answer questions about the
atrocities of the Marcosses of Asia. Nor does Fidel Castro have to answer questions about the
atrocities of the Somozas of Latin America. But when I travel or meet foreigners, I have to
answer questions about Somalia, Liberia, Rwanda, Burundi and Zaire, as in the past I used to
answer questions about Mozambique, Angola, Zimbabwe, Namibia or South Africa.
 And the way I was perceived is the way most of my fellow heads of state were
perceived. And that is the way you [the people of Africa] are all being perceived. So
accepting the fact that we are Africans, gives you a much more worthwhile
challenge than the current desperate attempts to fossilise Africa into the wounds inflicted upon it
by the vultures of imperialism. Do not be proud of your shame. Reject the return to the tribe,
there is richness of culture out there which we must do everything we can to preserve and share.

But it is utter madness to think that if these artificial, unviable states which we are
trying to create are broken up into tribal components and we turn those into nation-states, we
might save ourselves. That kind of political and social atavism spells catastrophe for Africa. It
would be the end of any kind of genuine development for Africa. It would fossilise Africa into a
worse state than the one in which we are.

The future of Africa, the modernisation of Africa that has a place in the 21st century is linked
with its decolonisation and detribalisation. Tribal atavism would be giving up any hope for
Africa. And of all the sins that Africa can commit, the sin of despair would be the most
unforgivable. Reject the nonsense of dividing the African peoples into Anglophones,
Francophones, and Lusophones. This attempt to divide our peoples according to the language of
their former colonial masters must be rejected with the firmness and utter contempt that it richly
deserves.

The natural owners of those wonderful languages are busy building a united Europe. But Europe
is strong even without unity. Europe has less need of unity and the strength that comes from
unity in Africa. A new generation of self-respecting Africans should spit in the face of anybody
who suggests that our continent should remain divided and fossilised in the shame of
colonialism, in order to satisfy the national pride of our former colonial masters.

Africa must unite! That was the title of one of Kwame Nkrumah’s books. That call is more
urgent today than ever before. Together, we, the peoples of Africa will be incomparably stronger
internationally than we are now with our multiplicity of unviable states. The needs of our
separate countries can be, and are being, ignored by the rich and powerful. The result is that
Africa is marginalised when international decisions affecting our vital interests are made.

Unity will not make us rich, but it can make it difficult for Africa and the African peoples to be
disregarded and humiliated. And it will, therefore, increase the effectiveness of the decisions we
make and try to implement for our development. My generation led Africa to political freedom.
The current generation of leaders and peoples of Africa must pick up the flickering torch of
African freedom, refuel it with their enthusiasm and determination, and carry it forward.
It is honour to meet Yaa Asantewa "Queen Mother of Ejisu" (1900) in this
mandela global citizen festival.
Yaa Asantewaa was born October 17, 1840 and she died October 17, 1921. She was queen
mother of Ejisu in the Ashanti Empire – now part of modern-day Ghana, appointed by her brother Nana
Akwasi Afrane Opese, the Edwesuhene, or ruler, of Edwesu.

The British sent 1400 soldiers with guns to Kumasi, capturing

Yaa Asantewa and other leaders and sent them into exile. The war with the British started in
1805 and ended some 100 years later. Yaa Asantewa's War was the last major war led by an
African woman.

Yaa Asantewa was present at the meeting with the governor and chiefs. When the meeting
ended, and she was alone with the Ashanti Chiefs, she said, "Now I have seen that some of you
fear to fight for our King. If it were in the brave days of old, the days of Osei Tutu, Okomfo
Anoyke and Opulu Ware, Ashanti Chiefs would not sit down to see their King taken away
without firing a shot. No white man could have dared speak to Ashanti Chiefs in the way the
Governor spoke to you chiefs this morning."

i am so impressed with the warrior of Yaa Asantewa,that" Chiefs would not sit down
to see their King taken away without firing a shot. No white man could have dared speak to
Ashanti Chiefs in the way the Governor spoke to you chiefs this morning." such situation talked
by Yaa Asantewa is nowadays our African Leaders from government or even from NGO's are
playing which new colonial era by signing and agreed to dump our African heritage through
globalization world cup for them interest , because it sometimes not get in mind how could you
sign the contract of privatize the part of land for the contract of hundreds of years with no good
condition for the future generation of our sons and daughters of African , the African puppets
now days signed the deals softly no threatened before or after him/her its just the selfness.

Yaa Asantewa's speech stirred up the men, she said "If you men will not go forward,
then we the women will. I will call upon my fellow women. We will fight the white men until
the last of us falls in the battlefields. The Ashantis, led by Yaa Asantewa, fought very bravely.

that's was the leaders we used to learn from them, the leaders who doesn't fear the
colonial threat because each nation got its own heritage social cultural and customs the situation
of allowing the invaders to invade our land softly without even questioning it has already cost us
mostly in matter of traditional and customs and even economically as a result we became again
the slave in our own property due to stupid and foolish contract leaders enter into in.
Dear,Kwame Nkrumah PC “I am not African because I was born in
Africa but because Africa was born in me.”
Kwame Nkrumah P, born September 21, 1909, Nkroful, Ghana, was a Ghanaian politician and
revolutionary. He was the first prime minister and president of Ghana, having led the Gold Coast to
independence from Britain in 1957.

"In the very early days of the Christian era, long before England had assumed any importance, long even
before her people had united into a nation, our ancestors had attained a great empire, which lasted
until the eleventh century, when it fell before the attacks of the Moors of the North. At its height that
empire stretched from Timbuktu to Bamako, and even as far as to the Atlantic. It is said that lawyers and
scholars were much respected in that empire and that the inhabitants of Ghana wore garments of wool,
cotton, silk and velvet. There was trade in copper, gold and textile fabrics, and jewels and weapons of
gold and silver were carried." Ghana: The Autobiography of Kwame Nkrumah

While studying in the United States, Nkrumah was influenced by the socialist writings of
German political philosopher Karl Marx, German political economist Friedrich Engels, and
Russian revolutionary leader Vladimir Lenin. He formed an African student’s organization and
became a popular speaker, advocating the liberation of Africa from European colonialism.

He also promoted Pan-Africanism, a movement for cooperation between all people of African
descent and for the political union of an independent Africa. In 1945 he went to London, to study
economics and law. That year he helped organize the fifth Pan-African Congress, in Manchester;
with black American sociologist and writer W. E. B. Du Bois, future president of Kenya Jomo
Kenyatta, and American actor and civil rights activist Paul Robeson. In 1946 Nkrumah left his
academic studies to become secretary general of the West African National Secretariat. That
same year, Nkrumah became vice president of the West African Students Union, a pro-
independence organization of younger, more politically aggressive African students studying in
Britain.

Kwame Nkrumah was arrested for leading a disturbing ‘positive action’ campaign in Ghana
against British rule in 1950. He was released to lead the newly formed government a year later
on 12 February 1951, after his party, the Convention People's Party (CPP), won the 1951
elections. As leader of the new government, Nkrumah prioritized unifying the four territories of
the Gold Coast, as Ghana was previously known. He led the decolonization process until the
country achieved independence in 1957. Under his leadership, Ghana prospered. He was
responsible for the building of new schools, railways, hospitals, a system for social security and
an advanced economy. A firm believer in African liberation, Nkrumah pursued a radical pan-
African policy, playing a key role in the formation of the Organisation of African Unity(now
African Union -AU) in 1963.

However, the strikes had convinced the British authorities to move the colony toward
independence. In 1951 Nkrumah, while still in prison, won the central Accra seat by a landslide.
The British governor of the Gold Coast released Nkrumah from prison and appointed him leader
of government business. The following year he named him Prime Minister. Reelected in 1954
and 1956, Nkrumah guided the Gold Coast to independence in 1957 under the name Ghana, after
an ancient West African empire. Nkrumah built a strong central government and attempted to
unify the country politically and to muster all its resources for rapid economic development.

As a proponent of Pan-Africanism, he sought the liberation of the entire continent from

colonial rule, offered generous assistance to other African nationalists, and initially pursued a
policy of nonalignment with the United States and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
(USSR). His goal was never realized, but his efforts helped bring about the Organization of
African Unity, which promotes peace and cooperation between African nations. In 1960 Ghana
became a republic and Nkrumah was elected president. Between 1961 and 1966 Nkrumah put
together an ambitious and very expensive hydroelectric project on the Volta River that though
highly successful, was laced with economic mismanagement along with several other
developmental schemes over the period.

Nkrumah did not hesitate to use strong-arm methods in implementing his domestic
programs. He remained popular with the masses, yet his tactics made enemies among civil
servants, judges, intellectuals, and army officers. While Nkrumah was visiting China in 1966, his
government was overthrown in an army coup Nkrumah was deposed in a military coup in 1966,
He was overthrown by a military coup nine years later after his rule grew dictatorial... Nkrumah
lived in exile in Guinea, where Guinean president Sékou Тоигй appointed him honorary co-
president of Guinea. He died in 1972 in Romania while receiving treatment for throat cancer.
Kwame Nkrumah's remains were returned to Ghana for burial in his hometown.

“Colonialism and its attitudes die hard, like the attitudes of slavery, whose hangover still
dominates behavior in certain parts of the Western hemisphere.
Before slavery was practiced in the New World, there was no special denigration of Africans. Travelers
to this continent described the inhabitants in their records with natural curiosity and examination to be
expected of individuals coming from different environments.

It was when slave trade and slavery began to develop ghastly proportions that made them the
base of that capital accumulation which assisted the rise of Western industrialism, that a new attitude
towards Africans emerged. 'Slavery in the Caribbean has been too narrowly identified with the man of
colour. A racial twist has thereby been given to what is basically an economic phenomenon.

Slavery was not born of racism, rather racism was the consequence of slavery.' With this racial
twist was invented the myth of colour inferiority. This myth supported the subsequent rape of our
continent with its despoliation and continuing exploitation under the advanced forms of colonialism and
imperialism.”

"...We must unite for economic viability, first of all, and then to recover our mineral wealth in
Southern Africa, so that our vast resources and capacity for development will bring prosperity
for us and additional benefits for the rest of the world. That is why I have written elsewhere that
the emancipation of Africa could be the emancipation of Man." Speech OAU Summit
Conference Cairo 7/19/64 can be found on pages 282-4 of Revolutionary Path
Common territory, language and culture may in fact be present in a nation, but the existence of a
nation does not necessarily imply the presence of all three. Common territory and language alone
may form the basis of a nation. Similarly, common territory plus common culture may be the
basis. In some cases, only one of the three applies. A state may exist on a multi-national basis.
The community of economic life is the major feature within a nation, and it is the economy
which holds together the people living in a territory. It is on this basis that the new Africans
recognise themselves as potentially one nation, whose domination is the entire African
continent." Class Struggle In Africa “For this end Africa needs a new type of citizen, a
dedicated, modest, honest and informed man. A man submerges self in service to the nation and
mankind. A man who abhors greed and detests vanity. A new type of man whose humility is his
strength and whose integrity is his greatness”

Nkrumah wrote that the political economic situation in the world is one in which a
tiny minority of the people grow "richer and richer, while the rest grow poorer and poorer."
Challenge of the Congo , He further elaborated that the situation required world socialism as it
was the only remedy, for "as long as capitalism and imperialism go unchecked there will always
be exploitation, and an ever-widening gap between the haves and the have-nots, and all the evils
of imperialism and neo-colonialism which breed and sustain wars." Challenge of the Congo, .

He also warned against dependence on capitalist global institutions such as the United Nation
Organization (UN) and the Bretton Woods institutions such as the IMF and World Bank. Of the
UN he reminded us that the UN is the tool of the elite states which control the Security Council
and that it was / is "just as reliable an instrument for world order and peace as the Great Powers
are prepared to allow it to be." I Speak of Freedom,

Which, as in the case of the Congo, the creation of the Zionist terrorist entity, the
continuing disguised warfare against states such as Cuba, the more overt wars being prosecuted
throughout every region of the world and everything else that plagues humanity, means
absolutely no corrective action at all, indeed it means that the capitalist super power and its allies
have a free hand to create mayhem and destruction wherever it chooses.

in hisHandbook of Revolutionary Warfare ,p.28 he emphasized that socialism and true African
unity were and are "organic and complementary.", p. 28
 This is his challenge to us and his legacy to us. We must embrace his call and complete
the job that he and his millions of colleagues began in the latter half of the 20th century. We, the
staff of Pan-African Perspective, hope that these selected quotes will be of use to you and
encourage you to continue your commitment to the noble struggle of creating a socialist, united
African continent and global nation. This is our only hope of finding the justice, freedom,
happiness and prosperity that is in fact the right of all humanity. "History has shown that where
the Great Powers cannot colonize, they balkanize. This is what they did to the Austro-Hungarian
Empire and this is what they have done and are doing in Africa. If we allow ourselves to be
balkanized, we shall be re-colonized and be picked off one after the other...."

"The capitalist imperialist states face serious economic and social difficulties. Rising
prices, balance of payments problems, widespread and repeated strikes are only a few of the
symptoms of the general malaise. In the United States, the grave domestic situation is aggravated
by the massive counter-attacks of the African-American revolutionaries. Almost everywhere,
behind the smoke screens, the social and economic situation is unhealthy, and particularly in the
second class capitalist states. And these mounting economic crises mean heavier dependence on
the exploitation of the peoples of Africa, Asia and Latin America."

"The need for self-critical objective diagnosis."

"If imperialists are faced with so many external and domestic difficulties, how then can
they afford to step up their aggression in Africa? To answer this question, it is necessary to
examine the internal factors which make our continent so vulnerable to attack, and particularly to
look closely at the whole question of African unity. For this lies at the core of our problem.
There are three conflicting conceptions of African unity which explain to a large extent, the
present critical situation in Africa:"

"1. The mutual protection theory: that the OAU serves as a kind of insurance against any
change in the status quo, membership providing a protection for heads of state and government
against all forms of political action aimed at their overthrow. Since most of the leaders who
adhere to this idea owe their position to imperialists and their agents, it is not surprising that this
is the viewpoint which really serves the interests of imperialism. For the puppet states are being
used both for short-term purposes of exploitation and as springboards of subversion against
progressive African states."

"2. The functional conception: that African unity should be purely a matter of economic
co-operation. Those who hold this view overlook the vital fact that African regional economic
organizations will remain weak and subject to the same neo-colonialist pressures and
domination, as long as they lack overall political cohesion. Without political unity, African states
can never commit themselves to full economic integration, which is the only productive form of
integration able to develop our great resources fully for the well-being of the African people as a
whole. Furthermore, the lack of political unity places inter-African economic institutions at the
mercy of powerful, foreign commercial interests, and sooner or later these will use such
institutions as funnels through which to pour money for the continued exploitation of Africa."
 "3. The political union conception: that a union government should be in charge of
economic development, defence and foreign policy, while other government functions would
continue to be discharged by the existing states grouped, in federal fashion, within a gigantic
central political organization. Clearly, this is the strongest position Africa could adopt in its
struggle against modern imperialism."

"However, any sincere critical appraisal of past activities and achievements of the OAU would
tend to show that, as it is now constituted, the OAU is not likely to be able to achieve the
political unification of Africa.

"This is obviously why imperialists, although against the idea of political union, will do nothing
to break the OAU. It serves their purpose in slowing down revolutionary progress in Africa. This
state of affairs is mirrored both in the discouragement of freedom fighters in the remaining
colonial territories and South Africa, and in the growing perplexity amongst freedom fighters
from neo-colonized territories.

"Africa is one continent, one people, and one nation. The notion that in order to have a
nation it is necessary for there to be a common language, a common territory and common
culture has failed to stand the test of time or the scrutiny of scientific definition of objective
reality... The community of economic life is the major feature within a nation, and it is the
economy which holds together the people living in a territory. It is on this basis that the new
Africans recognise themselves as potentially one nation, whose dominion is the entire African
continent. " Class Struggle In Africa

"Psychological attacks are made through the agency of broadcasting stations like the
BBC, Voice of Germany, and above all, Voice of America, which pursues its brainwashing
mission through newsreels, interviews and other "informative" programmes at all hours of the
day and night, on all wavelengths and in many languages, including special English. The war of
words is supplemented by written propaganda using a wide range of political devices such as
embassy bulletins, pseudo revolutionary publications, studies on nationalism and on African
socialism, the literature spread by the so-called independent and liberal publishers, cultural and
civic education centres, and other imperialist subversive organisations.

"The paper war penetrates into every town and village, and into the remotest parts of
the bush. It spreads in the form of free distributions of propaganda films praising the qualities of
western civilisation and culture. These are some of the ways in which the psychological terrain is
prepared. When the target, a certain country or continent, is sufficiently softened, then the
invasion of evangelist brigades begins, thus perpetuating the centuries old tactic whereby
missionaries prepare the way for guns. Peace Corps divisions stream ins and Moral Rearmament
units, Jehovah witnesses, information agencies and international financial aid organisations. In
this way, a territory or even an entire continent is besieged without a single marine in sight. A
sprinkling of political and little-publicised murders, like that of Pio Pinto in Kenya, and Moumie
in Geneva, are used to assist the process.
 "A recent development in the psychological war is the campaign to convince us that
we cannot govern ourselves, that we are unworthy of genuine independence, and that foreign
tutelage is the only remedy for our wild, warlike and primitive ways. Imperialism has done its
utmost to brainwash Africans into thinking that they need the strait-jackets of colonialism and
neocolonialism if they are to be saved from their retrogressive instincts. Such is the age-old
racialist justification for the economic exploitation of our continent.

"And now, the recent military coups engineered throughout Africa by foreign reactionaries are
also being used to corroborate imperialism's pet theory that the Africans have shamelessly
squandered the golden opportunities of independence, and that they have plunged their political
kingdoms into blood and barbarism. Therefore the imperialist mission: we must save them anew;
and they hail the western-trained and western-bought army puppets as saviours. The press, films
and radio are last spreading the myth of post-independence violence and chaos.

"Everywhere, the more or less covert implication is: Africa needs to be recolonised. The fact that
Africa has advanced politically more quickly than any other continent in the world is ignored. In
1957 when Ghana became independent and the political renaissance began in Africa, there were
only eight independent states. Now, in just over ten years, there are over forty and the final
liberation of the continent is in sight. Imperialists are not content with trying to convince us that
we are politically immature. They are telling us, now that we are realising that armed revolution
is the only way to defeat neocolonialism, that we are inherently incapable of fighting a successful
revolutionary war. "Handbook of Revolutionary Warfare

"Countrymen, the task ahead is great indeed, and heavy is the responsibility; and yet it is
a noble and glorious challenge - a challenge which calls for the courage to dream, the courage to
believe, the courage to dare, the courage to do, the courage to envision, the courage to fight, the
courage to work, the courage to achieve - to achieve the highest excellencies and the fullest
greatness of man. Dare we ask for more in life? " Address to the National Assembly. 12 June
1965

"What other countries have taken three hundred years or more to achieve, a once
dependent territory must try to accomplish in a generation if it is to survive. Unless it is, as it
were jet propelled it will lag behind and thus risk everything for which it has fought. Ghana: The
Autobiography of Kwame Nkrumah,

"Something in the nature of an economic revolution is required. Our development has been held
back for too long by the colonial-type economy. We need to reorganize entirely, so that each
country can specialize in producing the goods and crops for which it is best suited." Neo-
Colonialism : The Last Stage of Imperialism

"We have the blessing of the wealth of our vast resources, the power of our talents and the
potentialities of our people. Let us grasp now the opportunities before us and meet the challenge
to our survival. " Address to the National Assembly. 26 March 1965
"We shall measure our progress by the improvement in the health of our people; by the number
of children in school, and by the quality of their education; by the availability of water and
electricity in our towns and villages, and by the happiness which our people take in being able to
manage their own affairs. The welfare of our people is our chief pride, and it is by this that my
Government will ask to be judged." Broadcast to the Nation. 24 December 1957

"The initiative of Ghanaian businessmen will not be cramped, but we must take steps to see
that it is channeled towards desirable social ends and is not expended in the exploitation of the
community. The Government will encourage Ghanaian businessmen to join with each other in
co-operative forms of organization. In this way Ghanaian businessmen will be able to contribute
actively in broadening the vitality of our economy and cooperation, and will provide a stronger
form of organization than can be achieved through individual small businesses. " Speech at the
launching of the Seven-Year Development Plan. 11 March 1964

"We welcome foreign investment provided that there are no strings attached to it, and also
provided that it fits in with our plans for national development and our socialist policy. And we
insist that foreign investment should not interfere or meddle with the political life of our country.
" Sessional Address to the National Assembly. 1 February 1966

"It is said, of course that we have no capital, no industrial skill, no communications, no

internal markets, and that we cannot even agree among ourselves how best to utilize our
resources for our own social needs.

"Yet all the stock exchanges in the world are pre-occupied with Africa's gold, diamonds,
uranium, platinum, copper and iron ores. Our CAPITAL flows out in streams to irrigate the
whole system of Western economy. Fifty-two per cent of the gold in Fort Knox at this moment,
where the USA stores its bullion, is believed to have originated from OUR shores. Africa
provides more than 60 per cent of the world's gold. A great deal of the uranium for nuclear
power, of copper for electronics, of titanium for supersonic projectiles, of iron and steel for
heavy industries, of other minerals and raw materials for lighter industries - the basic economic
might of the foreign Powers - comes from OUR continent.

"Experts have estimated that the Congo Basin alone can produce enough food crops to
satisfy the requirements of nearly HALF the population of the whole world and here we sit
talking about regionalism, talking about gradualism, talking about step by step. Are you afraid to
tackle the bull by the horn?" Address to the Conference of African Heads of State and
Government, May 24, 63, can be found at page 237 of the book Revolutionary Path

"No independent African State today by itself has a chance to follow an INDEPENDENT course
of economic development, and many of us who have tried to do this have been almost ruined or
have had to return to the fold of the former colonial rulers. This position will not change unless
we have unified POLICY working at the CONTINENTAL LEVEL. The first step towards our
cohesive economy would be a unified monetary zone, with, initially, an agreed common parity
for our currencies...When we find that the arrangement of a fixed common parity is working
successfully, there would seem to be NO reason for not instituting one common currency and a
single bank of issue." Address to the Conference of African Heads of State and Government,
May 24, 63 can be found at page 242 of the book Revolutionary Path

"While we are assuring our stability by a COMMON DEFENCE system, and our
economy is being orientated beyond foreign control by a COMMON CURRENCY,
MONETARY ZONE and CENTRAL BANK OF ISSUE, we can investigate the resources of our
continent. We can begin to ascertain whether in reality we are the richest, and not, as we have
been TAUGHT to BELIEVE, the poorest among the continents. We can determine whether we
possess the largest potential in hydroelectric power, and whether we can harness it and other
sources of energy to our OWN INDUSTRIES. We can proceed to PLAN our industrialization on
a CONTINENTAL SCALE, and to build up a COMMON MARKET for nearly three hundred
people."

"Common Continental Planning for the Industrial and Agricultural Development of Africa is a
vital necessity."

"So many blessings flow from our unity, so many disasters must follow our continued disunity,
that our failure today will not be attributed by posterity only to faulty reasoning and lack of
courage, but to our CAPITULATION before the forces of neocolonialism and imperialism."
"The hour of history which has brought us to this assembly is a revolutionary hour. It is a hour of
decision. For the first time, the economic imperialism which menaces us is itself challenged by
THE IRRESISTIBLE WILL OF OUR PEOPLE."

"The history of a nation is, unfortunately, too easily written as the history of its dominant class.
But if the history of a nation, or a people, cannot be found in the history of a class, how much
less can the history of a continent be found in what is not even a part of it - Europe. Africa
cannot be validly treated merely as the space in which Europe swelled up. If African history is
interpreted in terms of the interests of European merchandise and capital, missionaries and
administrators, it is no wonder that African nationalism is in the forms it takes regarded as a
perversion and neo- colonialism as a virtue.

"In the new African renaissance, we place great emphasis on the presentation of history. Our
history needs to be written as the history of our society, not as the story of European adventures.
African society must be treated as enjoying its own integrity; its history must be a mirror of that
society, and the European contact must find its place in this history only as an African
experience, even if as a crucial one. That is to say, the European contact needs to be assessed and
judged from the point of view of the principles animating African society, and from the point of
view of the harmony and progress of this society.

"When history is presented in this way, it can become not an account of how those African
students referred to in the introduction became more Europeanized than others; it can become a
map of the growing tragedy and the final triumph of our society. In this way, African history can
come to guide and direct African action. African history can thus become a pointer at the
ideology which should guide and direct African reconstruction.
"How much more effective would our efforts have been if we had spoken with the one voice of
Africa's millions. With all our minerals and waterpower and fertile lands, is it not a cause for
shame that we remain poor and content to plead for aid from the very people who have robbed us
of our riches in the past? How can Egypt, strategically situated as is it, combat the imperialism
and neocolonialism and solve the pressing and urgent problems of the Middle East unless it has
the backing of a Union Government of Africa? Only a Union Government can assist in the
solution of the problems of the Middle East, including the Palestinian question." Proposal For A
Union Government of Africa speech at the July 19, 1964 OAU Summit Meeting

"The foreign firms who exploit our resources long ago saw the strength to be gained
from acting on a Pan-African scale. By means of interlocking directorships, cross-shareholdings
and other devices, groups of apparently different companies have formed, in fact, one enormous
capitalist monopoly. The only effective way to challenge this economic empire and to recover
possession of our heritage, is for us also to act on a Pan-African basis, through a Union
Government." "No one would suggest that if all the peoples of Africa combined to establish their
unity their decision could be revoked by the forces of neocolonialism On the contrary, faced with
a new situation, those who practice neocolonialism would adjust themselves to this new balance
of world forces in exactly the same way as the capitalist world has in the past adjusted itself to
any other change in the balance of power." Neo-Colonialism : The Last Stage of Imperialism

"Each historical situation develops its own dynamics.. The close links between class and
race developed in Africa alongside capitalist exploitation. Slavery, the master-servant
relationship, and cheap labor were basic to it. The classic example is South Africa, where
Africans experienced a double exploitation - both on the grounds of colour and of class.. Similar
conditions exist in the USA, the Caribbean, in Latin America, and in other parts of the world
where the nature of the development of productive forces has resulted in a racist class structures.
In these areas, shades of colour count - the degree of blackness being a yardstick by which social
status is measured class struggle."Class Struggle In Africa

A generally used breakdown, however has recently been maintained by the International
Monetary Fund because, in the word of an IMF official, 'the economic demarcation is the world
is getting increasingly apparent. The breakdown the official said is based on common sense. In
the IMF's view, the industrial countries are the United States, the United Kingdom, most West
European nations, Canada, and Japan. Special category called " other developed areas' includes
such other European lands as Finland, Greece and Ireland, plus Australia, New Zealand and
South Africa. The IMF's less developed category embraces all of Latin America and nearly all of
the Middle East, non-Communist Asia and Africa.

In other words the backward countries are those situated in the neocolonial areas. After quoting
figures to support its argument, The Wall Street Journal comments on this situation:

The industrial nations have added $2 billion to their reserve, which now approximate $52 billion.
At the same time, the reserves of the less-developed group not only have stopped rising, but have
decline some 200 million. To analysts such as Britain's' Miss Ward, the significance of such
statistics is clear the: the economic gag is rapidly widening "between a white, complacent, highly
bourgeois, very wealthy, very small North Atlantic elite and everybody else, and this is not a
very comfortable heritage to leave one's children."

"Everybody else" includes approximately two-third of the population of the earth spread through
about 100 nations. This is no new problem. In the opening paragraph of his book The War on
World Poverty, written in 1953, the present British Labour leader, Mr. Harold Wilson,
summarized the major problem of the world as he then saw it:

"For the vast majority of mankind the most urgent problem is not war, or communism, or the
cost of living, or taxation. It is hunger. Over 15,000,00,00 people, something like two-thirds of
the world's population, are living in conditions of acute hunger, defined in terms of identifiable
nutritional disease. This hunger is at the same time the effect and the cause of the poverty,
squalor and misery in which they live.

"Its consequences are likewise understood. The correspondent of the Wall Street Journal,
previously quote, underlines them: many diplomats and economists view the implication as
overwhelmingly - and dangerously - political. Unless the present decline can be reverse, these
analyst fear, the United States and other wealthy industrial powers of the West face the distinct
possibility, in the words of British economist Barbara Ward, "of a sort of international class war"

"...with a decisiveness and force which can no longer be concealed the spectre of Black Power
has descended on the world like a thundercloud flashing its lightning. Emerging from the
ghettoes, swamps and cotton fields of America, it now haunts the streets, legislative assemblies
and high councils and has so shocked and horrified Americans that it is only now that they are
beginning to grasp its full significance. and the fact that Black Power, in other manifestations, is
in confrontation with imperialism, colonialism, neocolonialism, exploitation and aggression in
many parts of the world.

"In America, the Negro problem has been a more or less polite conversation piece since the first
African slaves were landed in James Town in 1619. For three hundred and fifty years, however,
the subject of slave revolts has been tabooed and eliminated from text-books. For the past thirty
years stringent efforts have been made to whitewash and obscure the real issue of the United
States Civil War: whether African slavery should be continued or not."

"After the Civil War, the 13th, 14th and 15th Amendments to the United States Constitution did
abolish African slavery and granted citizenship rights to the freed men. Immediately, the
majority of states passed laws nullifying these rights, and in general, public opinion all over the
country supported their action. There were some legislators who pointed out the injustice and
even dangers of this course, and in 1875 Congress passed a mild Civil Rights Bill for the freed
men. But in 1884 this Bill was repealed by the United States Supreme Court, And so, down
through the years, people of African descent in the United States of America have been
petitioning, pleading, going to court and demonstrating for 'rights' freely granted to every
naturalized immigrant.

"As the United States grew richer, more powerful and imperialistic, as it expanded and extended
its influence and control throughout Latin America and the islands of the Caribbean, its
racialism, oppression and contempt for the peoples of African descent became accepted as an
American way of life."

".until the organization of the Committee for Industrial Organization (CIO) and the Second
World War, African-Americans were regularly excluded from labour organizations. The need for
increased manpower during this period encouraged immigration form the South of thousands of
black workers who crowded into northern cities finding jobs, but no place to live except in slums
amid conditions far worse than the rural shacks they had left in the South.

"In spite of the long and untiring work in education and organization of the pioneers of Civil
Rights; in spite of the painstaking effort made by African-American citizens of the United States
to educate their children, and by hard work to achieve 'acceptance' in American society, African-
American have remained only barely tolerated aliens in the land of their birth, the vast mass of
them outside consideration of basic human justice.

"This is a fact which is now being called to the attention of all those who through the years have
had in their power the means to order and fashion the world according to their interests White
interests controlled the economic wealth; white interest have been able to establish the 'moral'
standards by which Americans must live; white domestic imperialism made all the laws, rule and
regulations. This was the modern world up to, and throughout, the first half of the twentieth
century " Spectre of Black Power

This is Africa the history of our own is amazing have you ever hear the name of the earliest
man in history of Egypt Akhenaton (1375-1358 B.C.)

Amenhotep IV , better known as "Akhenaton" is

in some respects, the most remarkable of the
Pharaohs. He is considered the the founder of the
first monotheistic religion. The account of
Akhenaton is not complete without the story of his
beautiful wife, Nefertiti.

Some archaeologist have referred to Nefertiti as

Akhenaton's sister, some have said they were cousins.
What is known is that the relationship between Akhenaton
and Nefertiti was one of history's first well-known love
stories. At the prompting of Akhenaton and Nefertiti, the
sculptors and the artists began to recreate life in its natural
state, instead of the rigid and lifeless forms of early
Egyptian art. After the death of his father, he came into full
power in Egypt and took the name Akhenaton.
He produced a profound effect on Egypt and the entire world of his day. Thirteen hundred years
before Christ, he preached and lived a gospel of perfect love, brotherhood, and truth. Two
thousand years before Muhammed,
he taught the doctrine of the "One God." Three thousand years before Darwin, he
sensed the unity that runs through all living things.
those kind of people who has brought wonders in the man's history of such times which even
today's nothing bigger we have done to relate with such effort made by them in earlier before the
prophets who were used to call upon them, i even wonder why Akhenaton ways of taught "One
God" the gospel of perfect love doesn't even exist in real way of life like others .
this kind of gospel brought to us with colonialism its better we African to dig from our ancient
so that we can at least know what we are and what's we are going to be at the future of our
coming generation. because if we are still looking for the invaders to taught us how to worship
how to praise what to read and when and what to speak.

Thirteen hundred years before Christ, he preached and lived a gospel of perfect love,
brotherhood, and truth. Two thousand years before Mohammed,
sometimes Afro you need to ask yourself when and how these called religions coming
from because it seems before coming of all these there is worship of God, how do they worship,
where do they worship, you need to dig in. African you need to wake up and learn from and read
wherever you seems there is potential to do so just do it.
Akhenaton he produced a profound effect on Egypt and the entire world of his day. this
is Akhenaton have ever hear about him me not i got to know through this festival.

African Daughter Queen Tiye (1415-1340 B.C.) let honour her in our
African celebration for our existence in this Land of wonders.
 This celebrated Nubian queen was the beloved and honored wife of Amen-Hetep III , who was
one of the world's mightiest Pharaohs and conquerors. King Amen-Hetep III, had a very deep
and unusual affection for Queen Tiye. In addition to the usual titles of a King's wife, Tiye is
described as "Royal" daughter and "Royal" sister, when she was neither the daughter or the sister
of a king, but of parents who were not of royal lineage.

The full queenly titles which Tiye held in common with the great heiress princesses
of Egypt, were bestowed on her by Amen-Hetep III, and were honorary. Although Tiye was a
girl of common birth, she was a person of very strong character. Evident from records, she was a
beautiful young African queen. A woman of great intellect, ability, and a powerful influence.
Queen Tiye had such an important part in the affairs of Egypt, that foreign diplomats often
appealed directly to her in matters affecting certain international relations. Queen Tiye was
a full-blooded African. Her son, Akhenaton and his wife, Nefertiti are the parents of King
Tutankhamen , who is also known as "King Tut." As a symbol of the love Amen-Hetep III, had
for Queen Tiye, he declared that so she was treated in life as his equal, she would be depicted in
death. At the time of her death, she was given a full "Royal" burial.

Why can't we have a Ahmed Baba Global Citizen

Festival? Ahmed Baba (1556-1627). Ahmad Baba al-Massufi al-
Tinbukti, full name Abu al-Abbas Ahmad ibn Ahmad al-Takruri
Al-Massufi al-Tinbukti .
The Songhai Empire ruled about two thirds of West Africa, including the lands now
called Mali, Mauritania, Guinea, Senegal, Gambia, Northern Nigeria and Niger. When the
Empire collapsed, due to an Arab and European invasion in 1591 AD, its intelligentsia were
arrested by the conquerors and dragged in chains across the Sahara. One of these scholars was
Professor Ahmed Baba. The author of 60 books,

Professor Baba enjoyed a very high reputation. Amongst the Songhai, he was known as "The
Unique Pearl of his Time". In a Moroccan text from the period, the praise for him was even more
gushing. He is described as "the imam, the erudite, the high-minded, the eminent among
scholars, Abu l-Abbas Ahmed Baba."

In Morocco, the Arab scholars petitioned to have him released from jail. He was released a year
after his arrival on 9 May 1596. Major Dubois, a French author, narrates that: "All the believers
were greatly pleased with his release, and he was conducted in triumph from his prison to the
principal mosque of Marrakech. A great many of the learned men urged him to open a course of
instruction. His first thought was to refuse, but overcome by their persistence he accepted a post
in the Mosque of the Kerifs and taught rhetoric, law, and theology. An extraordinary number of
pupils attended his lectures, and questions of the gravest importance were submitted to him by
the magristracy, his decision always being treated as final."
Despite this adulation, Baba was careful to credit his learning to the Almighty and thus
maintained his modesty. A Moroccan source tells of an audience he obtained with Al Mansur. It
appears that the scholar gave the sultan something of a dressing down. Baba complained about
the sultan's lack of manners, his ill treatment received during his original arrest, the sacking of
his private library of 1600 books, and the destruction of the Songhai Empire. We are told by the
Moroccan author that Al Mansur "being unable to reply to [any of] this, put an end to the
audience."

The professor was detained in Morocco for a total of 12 years. Eventually he received permission
from Al Mansur's successor to return to Songhai. Just before his departure across the desert, he
vowed in the presence of the leading scholars of Marrakesh who had gathered to give him a send
off, "May God never bring me back to this meeting, nor make me return to this country!" He
returned to a devastated Timbuktu and died there in 1627.

What if we got Abu l-Abbas Ahmed Baba Global Citizens Festival, i think we can
have much to learn from him, have ever even got a chance to learn is one among of his 1600
books, The Professor Baba in my nation Baba means fathers. I wish ongoing days this like that in
Africa can happen so as to let the children from this era to learn some thought from their fathers
and elders who mostly were rest in peace but their still live through customs traditional and
cultural its better for us to have the culture of learning through readings studying and have
times with our elders so to get story from them because we believe the longer you live the longer
you know so much you have much to tell .

Nnamdi Azikiwe Global Citizens Festival

Nnamdi Azikiwe, PC, usually referred to as "Zik", was a Nigerian statesman who was
Governor General of Nigeria from 1960 to 1963 and the first President of Nigeria from 1963 to 1966.
Considered a driving force behind the nation's independence, he came to be known as the "father of
Nigerian Nationalism". Born: November 16, 1904, Zungeru, Nigeria ,Died: May 11, 1996, University of
Nigeria Teaching Hospital Enugu, Ituku, Nigeria

(1962) Nnamdi Azikiwe, “The Future of Pan Africanism”

By 1962 Nnamdi Azikiwe (1904-1996) was a well-known independence leader in Nigeria.

As President of the Nigerian Senate he was one of the most powerful individuals in the
government of the young nation. Azikiwe, like Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, Leopold Senghor of
Senegal, and Jomo Kenyatta of Kenya, was also a leader in the Pan African Movement. In the
1962 address reprinted below he gives his views on the subject which he defined as the unity of
newly independent African states.

Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen, events in the continent of Africa loom high on
the horizon of world affairs, that one can rightly claim Africa to hold the balance between two
extremes of Western civilization. As the cradle of itself this continent has had the bad luck to be
over-run soldiers of fortune who had neither the moral fibre nor humanity to appreciate the
possibilities of this sleeping who is now awake.

Slavery played its shameful role in depopulating Africa; capitalism denuded it of its wealth;
colonialism deprived it of birthright, and imperialism emasculated its will to live as a human
being and to enjoy its fair share of the bounties of the good earth.

Twenty years ago there were in Africa three sovereign States namely: Liberia, Egypt and the
Union of South Africa; the other territories were colonies of European States. Ten years ago,
there were five African sovereign States, Ethiopia and Libya having joined the select circle. Five
years ago, there were eight African States, Sudan, Morocco and Tunisia having gained their
independence. Today, there are twenty-eight African States, and by December this year,
Tanganyika will join the comity of African nations to bring the total to twenty-nine. It is my
considered opinion that these African States can play a constructive role in the international
community and, in the light of their bondage under European imperialism they can bring sanity
to a world torn by greed, self-interest, and inhumanity.

To enable the despoiled continent of Africa to come into its own, it must restore the pristine
dignity of the Africans themselves, before attempting to revive the stature of man in the councils
of the nations. That is one main reason why, on their countries attaining independence, African
nationalists have sought to create an image of the African personality which will undertake this
sacred mission. But it should not be forgotten that under the most grinding oppression of slavery,
Africans themselves also thought of the African personality. When the slaves sang their sorrow
songs either in the plantations of America or of the Caribbean, they remembered Africa, their
home. For example: Swing low, sweet chariot, Coming for to carry me home.

These African slaves did not accept slavery as their lot; they were not supine. There
were sporadic insurrections. Nat Turner unsuccessfully led his fellow-slaves against the
plantation owners of Virginia, just as Spartacus did in the days of Rome. Toussaint
Louverture, from Dahomey, successfully led the slaves of San Domingo against Spain, Britain
and France; he founded the Republic of Haiti. After the betrayal of Toussaint to Napoleon,
Dessalines, from the Congo, took the command and guaranteed their newly-won freedom. The
Maroons of Jamaica made history by their gallantry, even in slavery, and when the West Indies
Federation becomes independent in May 1962, the heroism of the Maroons will be appreciated in
its true perspective.

After the abolition of Slavery and the partition of Africa, the idea of Pan-Africanism began
to germinate. Paul Cuffe, a manumitted slave in Boston, who was a wealthy ship-owner, fired
the imagination of freed American slaves to return to the homeland and build a great nation. His
vessel shipped some of them to what is now known as Sierra Leone. His real name may have
been Cofie, in which case, he must have come from what is now known as Ghana. That was
before the Congress of Vienna of 1812, which created a Concert of Europe in the attempt to
build European unity.

In the course of this discourse, I will mention names of other persons who helped to crystallize
the idea of Pan-Africanism long before the contemporary nationalists of Africa, who are working
hard to make it a living reality. I propose, therefore, to define what I mean by Pan-Africanism,
with due deference to what may be the views of others, and I will proceed to trace its
development; after which, I will show that individuals, as well as groups, have tried to crystallize
it. Then, I will prove that there have been conscious and unconscious efforts to bring about unity
among the peoples and countries of Africa, since the abolition of the Slave trade, and these
efforts have not recognized geographical barriers.

British West Africa was formerly a quasi-federation, but this was dissolved
when the people themselves clamoured for autonomy and separate existence. The
possessions of France in western and equatorial Africa were also federated, but were
subsequently dissolved. Apart from these historical examples, I intend to spotlight some of the
problems which have made the realization of Pan-Africanism very difficult. In this connection, I
will adduce facts to show what concrete efforts have been made to resolve these problems. The
existence of a common market and customs union among certain French-speaking African States
is one effort. The formation of the Ghana-Guinea- Mali union is another. The Charter of the
Casablanca Powers and the Conakry Decisions are other examples. The Principles of Monrovia
and the Dakar Recommendations are also other examples of sincere attempts to bring about
African unity.

As to the future of Pan-Africanism, I will enumerate some of the measures already

taken by African States which can be fairly surmised to mean their belief in Pan-Africanism.
Then I propose to make concrete suggestions which, in the light of existing problems, can
facilitate better understanding among African States and pave the way towards lasting unity.
This, I will submit, may be in the form of a federation or a confederation. Here I will ask the
indulgence of the audience to allow my imagination to run riot. I do so, with a sense of
responsibility, knowing that the ideas of H. G. Wells and Jules Verne are no longer figments of
the imagination but realities of our nuclear society and space age.

I think that Pan-Africanism should be concretized either in the form of regional States or one
continental State, whichever is feasible, allowing this to be done voluntarily without upsetting
the total sovereignty of the States concerned. If this barrier is hurdled, I suggest that the African
States concerned should sign and ratify conventions, among others which I shall dilate upon,
guaranteeing fundamental human rights among their citizens, social security among their
workers, and collective security among their populations.

Above all, I will suggest that African States should now, as an earnest of their
sincere belief in Pan-Africanism, declare a doctrine of non-intervention in the continent of
Africa, making it clear that the establishment of the continued existence of any colonial
territory in Africa, by any non-African State, shall be regarded as an unfriendly act and an
act of aggression against the African States collectively.

When we speak of Pan-Africanism, what do we exactly mean?

To envisage its future, we must appreciate its meaning. To some people,

Pan-Africanism denotes the search for an African personality. To others, it implies negritude.
Whilst to many it connotes a situation which finds the whole continent of Africa free from the
shackles of foreign domination with its leaders free to plan for the orderly progress and welfare
of its inhabitants. In order not to be misleading, we must also explain what we mean by the term
‘African’. Is he a member of the black race or is he a hybrid of the black and white races
inhabiting Africa? It is necessary to say, too, whether an inhabitant of Africa, irrespective of his
race and language, qualifies to become an African within the context of the use of this
terminology.

I would prefer to be very broad in my use of the words ‘Africa’ and ‘African’. For
reasons which will emerge by the time I have finished analysing the problems of Pan-
Africanism, it should be obvious that unless we accept a broad definition of terms, there can be
no worthy future for Africanism. That being the case, I would like to speak of the peoples of
Africa in general terms to include all the races inhabiting that continent and embracing all the
linguistic and cultural groups who are domiciled therein.

In other words, I am using the term strictly in its political context so that whatever solutions are
offered by me would, in the final analysis, be political. This approach simplifies my problem
because it would enable me to formulate policies which
can be implemented, bearing in mind the empirical history of human beings in other continents
of the earth. It would be useless to define ‘Pan-Africanism’ exclusively in racial or linguistic
terms, since the obvious solution would be parochial. And chauvinism, by whatever name it is
identified, has always been a disintegrating factor in human society at all known times of human
history.

It is true that the roots of Pan-Africanism are, to a large extent, racial, but the evolution of the
idea itself took different forms in the last four centuries so that today Africanism cannot be
restricted to racial factors. What are these roots? Mainly individual actions and group pressure.
Take the individual prophets of Pan-Africanism and it will be found that in all cases they were
ethnocentric in their ideas and concepts of Pan-Africanism. For example, Paul Cuffe of Boston
was more concerned in the repatriation of freed black slaves to Africa. When Edward Wilmot
Blyden of Danish West Indies preached the projection of the African personality he had at the
back of his mind the black inhabitants of Africa. The same may be said of Casely Hayford of
Ghana, Marcus Aurelius Garvey of Jamaica, Burghhardt Du Bois of America, Mojola Agbebi of
Nigeria, Jomo Kenyatta of Kenya, Javabu of South Africa, George Padmore of Trinidad, Nwafor
Orizu of Nigeria, Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, and Leopold Senghor of Senegal.
HISTORY OF PAN-AFRICANISM
But when we consider the role of organizations, as distinct from individuals, no rigid line of
distinction on the basis of race appears to be drawn, generally speaking. The Anti-Slavery
Society and the American Colonization Society, for example, were actuated by humanitarian
motives to plan for the emigration of freed black slaves from America and the Caribbean to
Africa for permanent settlement. The International Conference on Africa which was held in
Berlin in 1885 partitioned that continent without taking into consideration racial, cultural or
linguistic factors. The United Native African Church in Nigeria revolted against ecclesiastical
control of African churches from outside Africa, but it did not preclude non-Africans from
joining its communion and fellowship. The United Negro Improvement Association was
ethnocentric in the sense that it preached the doctrine of ‘Africa for the Africans’ on the basis of
race. The National Congress of British West Africa sought for political reforms in the former
British territories in West Africa without attaching much importance to race or language or
culture.

The history of the continent of Africa in ancient, medieval and modern times has
followed a pattern which ignores the factor of race in its evolution. Whilst the white races of
Assyria, Syria, Phoenicia and Israel developed their civilization, the brown races of Egypt
and the black races of Ethiopia proceeded to develop their civilization contemporaneously.
In medieval times, the Arab did not distinguish between the black or brown or white Hamitic,
Semitic, Sudanic or Bantu-speaking converts of Islam. All that has come down to us shows that
the civilizations which flourished in Africa at that time attached little attention, if any, to such an
extraneous factor as race.

When the so-called Barbary States flourished in Algeria, Morocco, Tunis, and
Tripoli, race was a minor factor in their p cal evolution. The British West Africa Settlements
were originally a sort of concert of territories consisting of Gambia, Leone, Gold Coast and later
Lagos. In fact, all these count were governed by one Governor at various times from 1826, 1866,
1874 until 1886. French West Africa and French Equatorial Africa were each governed as a
federation until 1958 when the French Community was organized and the right of each member
to separate autonomous existence was recognized. Even the Union of South Africa (much as we
hate it) is a federation of various racial, linguistic and cultural groups. The Anglo-Egyptian
Sudan was a condominium which held two culturally-opposed groups together until
independence was attained by Sudan in 1956. The East Africa High Commission was a quasi-
federal instrument which bound Uganda, Kenya, Tanganyika and Zanzibar together, and efforts
are being made not to dissolve it with the dawn of the independence of Tanganyika. The High
Commission of the Protectorates of South Africa, the Central Air Federation, the Federation of
Nigeria, the Ghana-Guinea-Mali Union—these are efforts to weld together political entities
comprising various races, languages and cultures.

In other words, in spite of racial, linguistic and cultural differences, conscious efforts have been
made at all known times of African history to form a political union either on a regional or
continental basis. From the evidence at our disposal, it would appear that whilst European
nations may be rightly accused of Balkanising Africa in the nineteenth century, yet they atoned
for it by federating many African territories, which a now being Balkanised by African
nationalists on the attainment of the independence of their countries. British West Africa, French
West Africa, and French Equatorial Africa are examples of Balkanisation by African nationalists,
and the Central Afri Federation is an example of Balkanisation in process brought about by the
racial segregation and discrimination practised a small minority of European settlers against the
African majority, who are owners of their countries.

FACTORS AFFECTING AFRICAN UNITY

Two factors which may be said to have intensified the problem of African unity are the vestigial
attachments of African States with their former colonial rulers. These attachments are so deep-
rooted that they affect the whole personalities of these budding political personalities. Since
imperialism is all-pervading in its operations it envelops in its totality the very atmosphere of
these former colonies. Consequently, their political, economic, social, educational, spiritual,
cultural and religious institutions have been subjected to a terrific impact from which they may
never recover.

One saving grace in this relationship is that such cultural contacts have some
advantages as well as disadvantages. If we go by the testimony of leaders of the African States, it
would appear that the connection between the Africans and their European colonialists has
enabled them, like true human beings, to be in position to be selective as to what aspect of alien
culture can be adapted to the way of life of the African. Both English- speaking and French-
speaking Africans have made this admission and their subsequent behaviour on the attainment of
independence is an honest confession of faith in the efficacy of British and French cultures in
Africa.

The instrument used for implementing this kulturkreise is the Commonwealth, in the
case of the British, and the Community, in the case of the French. The Commonwealth and the
Community are, therefore, important factors to be reckoned with in the realization of African
unity. To overlook their importance is to over-simplify the problem of African unity. Therefore,
it is germane at this stage for me to explain the effect of the existence of these political leviathans
on the future of Pan-Africanism.

BRITISH COMMONWEALTH
The Commonwealth, unlike the Community, has no written constitution.
The relationship between its members is
defined partly by legislation, principally the Statute of Westminster, 1931, and by constitutional
conventions. The imperial Conference of 1926 described the Commonwealth as ‘autonomous
communities within the British Empire, equal in status, in no way subordinate one to another in
any aspect of their domestic or external affairs’. The Commonwealth is bound by a complex system of
consultation and co-operation in political, economic, educational, scientific, and cultural fields, working through many
Commonwealth organizations and through personal contacts, like the Prime Ministers’ Conferences.

Commonwealth Preference is a system of tariff preferences which came into being at Ottawa, as
a result of the decision of the Imperial Conference which was held there in 1932. Through this system,
Commonwealth countries grant preferences by levying a customs duty on all imports from non-Commonwealth countries and a
lower rate or none at all on imports from the Commonwealth. The Commonwealth Trade and Economic
Conference held at Montreal in 1958 declared in favour of continuing to maintain
Commonwealth preferences. In practice, it would appear that some of these have been
unilaterally modified, if not repudiated because, under the United Nations General
Agreement on Trade and Tariffs, the United Kingdom has obtained waivers to help certain
colonial products and on the other hand has increased some of its domestic tariffs. The recent
application of Britain to join the European Common Market may be the final knock-out blow to Commonwealth preferences, if
the European Economic Community insists that Britain should comply with the Common Market Code (that is, Articles 85-94 of
the Treaty of Rome) which stipulates obedience to the rules of free competition and tests of restrictive practices.

Other organizations which are of economic value to Commonwealth countries are the
Commonwealth Economic Committee, the Commonwealth Development Finance Company
Limited, the Federation of Commonwealth and British Empire Chambers of Commerce, the
British Commonwealth Producers’ Organization, and the Empire and Commonwealth Industries’
Association.

The Sterling Area is an important Commonwealth unifying process. It consists of those countries whose currency exchange rates
are fixed in relation to the pound sterling and who finance the bulk of their foreign trade in sterling. Since December
1958, sterling has been freely transferable and convertible into dollars, and since 1961 it has
become fully convertible under the terms of the International Monetary Fund. Ghana, (I’m
reading this alphabetically) Libya, Nigeria, Rhodesia and Nyasaland, South Africa and Sierra
Leone are African States which belong to the Sterling Area.

FRENCH COMMUNITY
The French Community, which was set up on October 6, 1958, is a counterpart of the British
Commonwealth in certain respects, although there are material differences in many other
respects. It comprises the French Republic, six independent African States and six African States
who are non-members but having agreements with France. The six African independent
members are Central African Republic, Chad, Congo (Brazzaville), Gabon, Madagascar
and Senegal. The non-members are Cameroun, Dahomey, Ivory Coast, Niger, Togo and
Upper Volta.

According to the French Constitution, all members are recognized as sovereign States. They
have a common defence policy and permit France to establish bases in their territories. There is a
customs union but each State reserves the right to create its own currency and bank of issue and
to conduct its own trade and tariff policies. Members remain in the franc zone.

Under Article 78 of the Constitution, the Community has jurisdiction over foreign policy,
defence, monetary system, common economic and financial policy, justice, higher education,
transport and telecommunication. Article 86 is flexible enough to release a member State of the
Community, on attaining independence, to cease to belong to the Community. Under the same
article, ‘A member State of the Community may also, by means of agreement, become
independent without thereby ceasing to belong to the Community’. Also, ‘An independent State
which is not a member of the Community may, by agreement, adhere to the Community without
ceasing to be independent.’ Article 88 vests the Republic of France or the Community with
power to ‘make agreements with States that wish to associate themselves with the Community in
order to develop their own civilizations.’

It is necessary to explain the Franc Zone because it affects the economic and financial life of
French-speaking African States. All members of the non-European Zone belong to a general
customs union. The African members include Central African Republic, Chad, Congo
(Brazzaville), Dahomey, Gaboñ, Ivory Coast, Madagascar, Mauritania, Niger, Senegal and
Upper Volta. Morocco and Mali are members but they retain national control over financial
transfers. Cameroun and Togo are defacto members not having legal agreement with France.

It is significant to note that African States which are member of the Franc Zone are associated
members of the European Common Market. They are also members of the Europe Economic
Community Development Fund, which was established to promote the economic and social
development of non-European countries or territories administered or, in certain cases, formerly
administered by the member States of the European Economic Community.

As for Guinea, it rejected the new French Constitution after the referendum held in Metropolitan
France and the overseas territories on September 2, 1958. As a result, Guinea was separated from
France on September 28 and on October 2, it became an independent republic. On March 1,
1960, Guinea withdrew from the Franc Zone and established its own currency.

In May 1959, a political and economic association of sovereign States, which were
formerly part of French West Africa, was formed by the Republics of Dahomey, Ivory Coast and
Upper Volta. It was christened Conseil de L ‘Entente. Under this association there is complete
freedom of trade and a unified system of external tariffs and fiscal schedules. There is also a
single system of administration for ports and harbours, railways and road traffic and a unified
quarantine organization.

The functions of the Entente include the following: an identical constitutional and electoral
procedure in each State; in fact, elections are held simultaneously under uniform electoral
regulations in all the territories of the Entente members. Each State agrees to have an identical
organization of its armed forces, identical administrative organization, identical taxation
and tariff policies, common bank of amortization, and a common diplomatic corps. There is
also a Central Development Fund for economic development and each State contributes ten per
cent of its total revenue. In April 1961, the members of the Entente, without prejudice to their
independent status, adhered to the French Community with particular reference to defence,
economic affairs, judicial matters, higher education, cultural relations, civil aviation, postal and
telecommunications. Whilst Upper Volta adhered to the Community, it did not sign the defence
agreement.

In June 1959, a regional organization within the French Community was founded by
the Republics of Chad, Congo (Brazzaville) and the Central African Republic. It was called
Union des Republiques d’Afrique Centrale. This is an economic union designed to encourage
free movement of trade and capital, common legislation on customs, common tariff on
imports, consultations on modifications to tariffs, one tax on goods produced in one
country and sold in another member country. The Union has a fund (‘Fonds de Solidarité’)
for development of projects of benefit to all members and a fixed annual quota is subscribed by
each member.

The Republic of Gäbon attends the conferences of the Union and is a member of the affiliated
organizations but does not belong to the customs union. So far, there are three affiliated
organizations of this union: Trans-Equatorial Agency for Communications, Equatorial Institute
for Geological and Mining Research, and Equatorial Office for Posts and Telecommunications.
The Agency operates at Pointe Noire to develop the ports of Brazzaville, Pointe Noire and
Bangui; the Institute is situated at Brazzaville as well as the Office, which co-ordinates postal
and telecommunication facilities between the four republics.

Whilst British colonial policy (with all its faults) did emphasize the rule of law and the
development of parliamentary democracy, the French colonial policy (with all its faults)
was based on the doctrine of assimilation. The ideals of liberty imbued by the British and the
French in their long history and transplanted to their African colonies are identical in theory, but
in practice it would appear that the parliamentary institutions, whilst comparable, have not
succeeded in creating a stable government in France as they have done in Britain. These ideals
have influenced the political evolution of the English-speaking and French-speaking African
States, so that to-day, the tendency in the former is to encourage the two-party system of
government, whilst the latter tends to foster the one-party system. Of course, there are
advantages and disadvantages in each of these, but the fact is that it has arrested the
growth of Pan-Africanism and made some African leaders wonder what guarantees of
individual freedom would accrue and what role their people would play individually in the
event that sovereignty is surrendered to a federal government of a regional or continental
African leviathan.

The association of English-speaking Africans in the Sterling Area and the French-speaking
Africans in the Franc Zone may present financial problems, but Guinea has shown that it can
have its own currency and survive, although the problems confronting Guinea are well-known to
those who have studied carefully the contemporary history of that republic.

MILITARY ALLIANCE
The entanglement of African States in military alliances with the Commonwealth and the
Community is another issue which must be resolved by the Pan-Africanists in order to allay the
fears which made such alignments necessary in the first place. Most of the African States which
are now independent are small, either in area or in population or in both. In the modern world, no
independent State can afford to stand alone simply by trusting the United Nations (I mean no
disrespect to the United Nations). Ethiopia trusted the League of Nations, but it took World War
II to restore its lost sovereignty. We have seen that Commonwealth connection does not
necessarily imply a military alliance; and we have seen that it does in the French Community,
except in the case of associate members by special agreement. If, therefore, Pan-Africanism
would imply the severing of these military alliances then it would j be necessary to replace
them by equally strong attachments which would be m position to safeguard the territorial
integrity of these small African States.

In some cases, the military alliances have been made public, as in the case of certain members of
the French Community and the Commonwealth. But there is reason to believe that even in the
case of the Commonwealth countries in Africa, there are certain accords and understandings,
apart from written defence agreements, which obligate a Commonwealth country to call upon the
United Kingdom for assistance in case of aggression or invasion. And it is well known that all
Commonwealth States in Africa, without exception, rely on Britain and other countries for
technical assistance in the administration and organization of their armed forces, the training of
their soldiers, the selection and purchase of their weapons, and the commanding of their defence
forces. When Pan-Africanism is realized, it will be up to our leaders to disentangle themselves
from these written and unwritten defence pacts, and also from the open and secret military
alliances which may exist but are generally unknown and unheralded.

In the light of the above facts of past and recent history, my considered views are that Pan-
Africanism has come to stay, and in spite of anthropological, sociological and ideological
problems, it will yet be a shining example to the rest of the world how people of different races,
divergent cultures and diversity of languages can live together in political unity in one continent
with their territory safeguarded from aggression and their civil liberties guaranteed by the
entrenchment of fundamental human rights in their constitutions. Not being a seer, I can only
prophesy that the nature of this political union may be continental or regional, but the fact
remains that Pan-Africanism is destined to be feasible either in the immediate or distant future.

PROBLEMS OF PAN-AFRICANISM
Whether the unity of African States is possible or not depends upon the ability of African leaders
to resolve the problems created by the social intercourse of the inhabitants of Africa. As I said
earlier on, these are mainly anthropological, sociological, and ideological, and they affect not
only the individual Africans themselves but also their societies. It is my candid opinion that if
pursued in the right spirit, most of these problems can be effectively adjusted for the emergence
of a fertile soil that will be favourable for the evolution of some sort of association of African
States.

Pan-Africanism in action has proved the existence of deep- seated fears which exist
in the minds of certain African leaders in some African States. The Principles of Monrovia
demonstrate the nature of these fears, to wit: the right of African States to equality of sovereignty
irrespective of size and population; the right of each African State to self-determination and
existence; the right of any African State to federate or confederate with another African State;
respect for the principle of non-interference in the internal and domestic affairs of African States
inter se and the inviolability of the territorial integrity of each African State. These are well-
known accepted principles of International Law.

The proposal to integrate Togo and Ghana has been a source of anxiety to the
Ghanaian, Togolese and other friends of Pan-Africanism. The claim of Morocco to sovereignty
over Mauritania is a denial of the right to self-determination to the Mauritanians according to
those who believe in Mauritania. The refusal of Sudan to attend the Monrovia Conference
because Mauritania was invited shows the nature of the cleavage between the Casablanca and
Monrovia Powers. The walking-out of the Moroccan delegation from the International Labour
Conference, when the Republic of Mauritania was admitted into its membership, is another
pointer. The fact that the Casablanca Powers support the claim of Algeria to self-
determination, on the one hand, and, on the other, deny the right of Mauritania of self-
determination, indicates the gravity of these problems.

If the issues mentioned in the preceding paragraphs are secondary, it is essential that we also
examine the primary ones. First, the inhabitants of the African continent are not racially
homogeneous. In North Africa, the majority of the population belong to the Mediterranean
group of the Caucasoid race. In Africa south of the Sahara, the majority are Negroid, with the
exception of a small minority of European settlers in southern Africa who are either members of
the Alpine or Nordic groups of the Caucasoids. The coexistence of these racial groups has
created a social problem in Africa as apartheid and Mau Mau have shown.

Secondly, the existence of various linguistic groups in Africa has intensified the problem of
communication and human understanding. Whilst those who live on the fringe of the
Mediterranean are Hamitic-speaking, the Africans of the west are mainly Sudanic-speaking.
The indigenous central and southern Africans are Bantu-speaking. The inhabitants of
eastern Africa are partially Sudanic, Bantu, Hamitic and Semitic. The small European elements
in southern Africa speak either English or Afrikaans. Emerging out of this milieu is the fact
that to millions of Africans either English or Arabic or Swahili or Hausa is the lingua franca,
whilst the rest have to manage as best they can.

Thirdly, the impact of various cultures on African society has created basic problems of
social unity. One example is the activities of the Pan-Arab League which seeks to unite under
one fold all the Arabic-speaking peoples not only of Africa but also of the Middle East. Another
example is the attempt being made in certain quarters to create an Islamic Confederation which
will cut across racial, linguistic and cultural lines. Then there is the move to interpret Pan-
Africanism purely in terms of race and to restrict its membership and activities to the Negroids
and thereby exclude other races who live in Africa who are not black.

These three problems are real. The practice of racial segregation and discrimination is a
disturbing factor in society, as the examples of the United States, the Union of South Africa and
the Central African Federation have shown. The official use or recognition of any particular
language to the detriment of others has not made for harmonious human relations and the
experiences of India, Pakistan, Ceylon, and the U.S.S.R. are a great lesson. My conclusion is that
parochialism in the realms of race, language, culture or religion has often led to social
disintegration. Therefore, it constitutes a social and psychological barrier which must be hurdled
if Pan-Africanism is to become a reality.

If the anthropological problems are basic, then the sociological are complex since
they affect the economic, political and constitutional aspects of the lives of those concerned.
Economically, the existence of tariff walls and barriers has tended to alienate rather than
draw closer the relations of those who should be good neighbours. High competitive markets
have led to cut-throat methods of bargaining and distribution. The use of separate currencies as
legal tender has accentuated social differences. With separate road, railway, aviation and
communications systems, Africans have become estranged to one another.

The political issues are even more confounding. Granted that political union is desirable, the
question arises whether it should be in the form of a federation or a confederation. If the former,
should it be a tight or a loose one? In any case sovereignty must be surrendered in part or in
whole, in which case it will be desirable to know whether it is intended to surrender internal or
external sovereignty or both? In this context, we cannot overlook the struggle for hegemony as
indeed has been the case in the last few years. Hand in glove with the struggle for hegemony
goes the maneuver for the control of the armed forces for the effective implementation of policy.
The constitutional implications of Pan-Africanism present to its builders a challenge to create a
heaven on earth for African humanity. Therefore, the powers of the executive must be clearly
defined, bearing in mind that in most of the progressive States of the world, Heads of States
exercise powers formally and Heads of Governments formulate policy and do the actual
governing. Nevertheless, the vogue is to accept the supremacy of the legislature, as a forum for
airing the views of the electorate and strengthening the hand of the executive.
Pan-Africanists must also guarantee the independence of the judiciary, not necessarily by
stratifying judges as a select and privileged elite but by ensuring that they shall perform their
functions without fear or favour and at the same time be responsible to the people for their
actions and behaviour. To obtain maximum efficiency in the machinery of administration, the
civil service must be insulated from partisan politics. As for the people themselves, their
fundamental rights must be guaranteed and entrenched in any document or instrument creating
any association of African States.

AFRICAN LEVIATHAN
With such a background, the future of Pan-Africanism can be tackled optimistically. I have never
disguised my belief that African States can unite for the achievement of certain political
objectives; but in spite of my optimism, I have never hidden my fears that the barriers to be
overcome are many and variegated. As I see it, there is bound to arise an African leviathan in the
form of a political organization or association or union or concert of States. Such a leviathan may
be formed on a continental basis, in which case, we may have, say, an association of African
States. It may be formed also on a regionalized basis, in which case we may have the
emergence of a union of North African States or West African States or Central African
States or East African States or South African States. It is not impossible for such a leviathan
to be formed on any other basis that may be distinct from a continental or regional pattern.

Once such a leviathan has become a reality, it will be necessary for the nature or
form of its government to be known. Three main forms are known to students of government;
unitary, federal and confederate. If it is to be unitarian, then it will be highly centralized with
some devolution of its internal sovereignty to its local government units. If it is to be federal,
then it will be necessary to decide whether the internal sovereignty of the federal government
shall be explicitly defined, whilst allocating to it the exclusive exercise of external sovereignty,
but reserving residuary powers to its co-ordinate units, as is the case of Nigeria, or vice-versa, as
is the case of Canada, or a mixture of both systems, as is the case of India. If it is to be a
confederate form of government, then both the external and internal sovereignties of the
individual members of the confederation shall remain intact, subject to whatever aspect of
same may be surrendered for the smooth operation of the confederated States. Ghana-
Guinea-Mali Union is an example of this.

Howbeit, such a leviathan on becoming a fait accompli must be accepted as a concert of

African States. In the light of what has happened in Europe and America, I am of the opinion that
a concert of African States, as envisaged, must be properly organized and must have organs of
administration. It should be organized to enable top level decisions to be made probably by
Heads of States or Heads of Governments or their representatives. A Parliament of African
States will have to meet periodically for general discussion of the problems confronting the
African concert. Naturally, it should be organized on the basis of the United Nations Assembly.
To settle disputes amicably, among African States, a Pan-African Court of International Justice
will necessarily be set up and it should interpret the laws of members of the concert in addition to
the accepted principles of International Law. A Pan-African Secretariat, manned cooperatively
by nationals of the concert will be responsible for the administration of the day-to-day affairs of
this African leviathan.

Having established what, for want of a definite name, I have preferred to term a
concert of African States, the need to safeguard its unity and to guarantee the fundamental rights
of the citizens of the States forming the concert becomes apparent. It is essential that the unity of
the concert should be safeguarded because of the problems of Pan-Africanism which hitherto
have been discussed in extenso. Not only that, each State-Member of the concert must seriously
devise ways and means of raising living standards of their inhabitants, to make the union
worthwhile. Whilst doing this, they must realize that the continent of Africa, which has suffered
degradation for centuries, can also set an example of how to restore the dignity of man in Africa.

CONVENTION ON ECONOMIC CO-OPERATION

In the case of the former, I suggest that members of the concert should promulgate a Convention
on Economic Co-operation which should be signed, ratified and enforced by all its signatories
and accessories. This convention should declare a customs union between all its signatories to
enable their inhabitants to break down all tariff walls and barriers which had separated them.
When the Republics of Ghana and Upper Volta removed customs barriers between the two
countries recently, it was a forward step towards African unity. Economic integration of
this nature is destined to crystallize a spirit of oneness and thus quicken the pace towards
political integration.

Another economic factor which can bring political unity nearer is the establishment of a
common market. It is my considered view that this should be one of the stipulations in a
convention designed to encourage economic co-operation among African States. A common
currency should be used as legal tender in any concert of African States. Both Ghana and Nigeria
made inexcusable mistakes when they virtually destroyed the uniting influence of the West
African currency on their attainment of independence; but this mistake can be rectified now and
thus help to revamp the economies of not only Sierra Leone and the Gambia, but those of other
countries which may be willing to join such a concert.

The Convention on Economic Co-operation should not only enforce a common

currency in its territories of jurisdiction but it should ensure the creation of regimes which should
make possible a regional road authority, a trans-African railway system, a Pan-African airways,
and a telecommunications authority. If the West African States would establish a regional road
authority, movement of individuals and goods in their respective countries would quicken and
solidarity of views would be cemented. If their railway, aviation and telecommunication systems
are organized on a uniform basis, the economic integration of these territories would be a
foregone conclusion.
CONVENTION ON COLLECTIVE SECURITY
In order to make secure the safety of the properties and persons who live in the territories of this
concert of African States, I suggest that the members of the concert should also promulgate an
African Convention on Collective Security. This should make provision for the following: a
multi-lateral pact of mutual defence which shall stipulate that an attack on any member of the
concert shall be construed to be an attack on the concert jointly and severally; an African High
Command, consisting of the General Staff of each member of the concert, whose function shall
be to determine military strategy, tactics and logistics so as to safeguard the territorial integrity of
the concert.

In connection with this Convention on Collective Security in Africa, the concert

should postulate a doctrine of non-intervention in Africa, on the same lines as the Monroe
Doctrine in the Western Hemisphere. This doctrine should make it clear that the establishment or
the continued existence of any colonial territory in the continent of Africa, by any European or
American or Asian or Australian power shall be regarded not only as an unfriendly act, but as an
act of aggression against the concert of African States. This is one concrete way of making it
impossible for certain nations who have been forced to surrender their colonial swag in Africa, to
seek by devious methods to continue their insidious game.

Then, there should be incorporated in such a convention a Pan-African Declaration of

Neutralism. This declaration should define what neutralism means. It should explain that it is
coterminous with non-alignment and that it means an independent policy which should not
oblige members of the concert either to inherit the prejudices of other nations or to join forces
directly or indirectly with any bloc of nations against any other bloc in any war, or to act in such
a way and manner as to give the impression that any particular bloc or group of nations is right
or wrong in its approach to the solution of international problems.

CONVENTION ON HUMAN RIGHTS

Finally, the concert of African States should promulgate an African Convention on Human
Rights as an earnest of their belief in the rule of law, democracy as a way of life, respect for
individual freedom, and respect for human dignity. This convention on human rights should
declare categorically the faith of the States-Members of the concert of Africa in freedom under
the law. It should be unequivocal in declaring the right of Africans to life, liberty and the pursuit
of happiness. It should define in detail all the fundamental liberties of the citizen which shall
neither be abridged nor denied to the African, except under due process of law; and it should
make it clear that the African has an inalienable right to free speech, free press, freedom of
assembly, freedom of association, freedom of movement, freedom from discrimination, freedom
from want, freedom from inhuman treatment, freedom from slavery or forced labour, and
freedom of conscience and worship.

That is how I see the future of this African leviathan. From its roots which take us to the days of
the Anti-Slavery Society and the American Colonization Society to the partition of Africa by the
Berlin Conference of 1885, Africa has been evolving from a so-called ‘dark continent’ to a
continent of light. From the days when Edward Wilmot Blyden dreamt of an African personality
to the time when Marcus Aurelius Garvey preached his sermons on ‘back to Africa,’ and Casely
Hayford, DuBois, Affrey, Kenyatta, Javabu, Padmore and other prophets of PanAfricanism
dreamt dreams and saw visions of a new Africa, the continent has experienced a great
awakening.

If we recall the days of the so-called Barbary States and the British West Africa
Settlements, who knew that freedom would, today, transform certain parts of North and West
Africa into strongholds of democracy? French West Africa and French Equatorial Africa were
federations which disintegrated on their manumission; the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan was a
condominium and the East Africa High Commission united the peoples in their respective areas.
In this connection, who knows whether statesmen with vision, like Dr. Julius Nyerere and Dr.
Tom Mboya, Dr. Kamuzu Banda, Mr. Joshua Nkomo and Mr. Kenneth Kaunda, will not
ultimately preserve the unity of East Africa? The Federation of Nigeria has proved that racially
homogeneous African peoples with heterogeneous languages and cultures can be united, thanks
to the far-sighted leadership of the Nigerians. The Ghana-Guinea-Mali Union is an experiment
with great possibilities. All that we can do now is to develop an optimism that these examples of
unity can be a pointer to greater unity for Africa.

UNITY IS POSSIBLE
The Accra Conference of African States demonstrated that African States are amenable to
reasoned appeals for unity. The All-African Peoples’ Conference showed that African politicians
can sink their individual differences. The Saniquelli Conference vindicated African
statesmanship. The conferences of the Brazzaville States-Members of the French Community are
examples of realism in tackling the problems of African unity. The Casablanca Conference
shamed those who thought that African leaders were mainly moderates and tongue-tied
marionettes. The Monrovia Conference presaged the emergence of reasonable and statesmanlike
leadership on a wider scale in Africa. The Tananarive and Coquilhatville Conferences depict the
African as a corn- peer of his European and American comrades when it comes to hard
bargaining and power politics. The All-Africa Trades Union Conference advertised to the world
the role which African labour may play in the solution of African problems.

If this evidence of a sincere attempt to resolve the problems created by the interplay of social
forces can be a guide, then it is patent that no matter what may be the difficulties in the way,
African unity is possible in the foreseeable future. Deep- seated fears exist, it is true, but they are
being gradually replaced by mutual confidence. Granted that complex problems rear their heads
and often confuse the honest efforts of those who believe in African unity, nevertheless solutions
have been suggested and analyses are being conducted to discover the best methods of resolving
these human problems.

PRELUDE TO RESURRECTION
Two great events which inspire one with optimism are the Conakry and the Dakar
Recommendations. These are landmarks in the history of the African continent, because for the
first time all the sovereign States of Africa but two have agreed to co-operate in order that a
greater Africa might emerge as a world force. The implementations of the Conakry and the
Dakar Recommendations are destined to serve as a prelude to the resurrection of Africa from the
debris of the past.
The Casablanca Powers, comprising the United Arab Republic, Ghana, Guinea, Mali, Morocco
and the Algerian Provisional Government, will now seek ways and means of implementing the
recommendations made by the experts of the member States at Conakry, which call for the
establishment of a common market to accompany a growing political union.

The Conakry Recommendations include the ending of customs barriers between the Casablanca
countries o’er five years from January 1, 1962, the ending of quota systems and preferential
treatment from the same date, the creation of a Council of African Economic Unity, and the
establishment of an African Economic Development Bank. Formation of a joint air and shipping
company will be considered later.
The Monrovia Powers, comprising Cameroun, Central African Republic, Chad, Congo
(Brazzaville), Congo (Léopoldville), Dahomey, Ethiopia, Gabon, Ivory Coast, Liberia,
Madagascar, Mauritania, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Somalia, Togo, Tunisia and
Upper Volta, called for the promotion of trade among African countries through a regional
customs union, a common external tariff, harmonized development policies, proposals for a
connecting network of national roads and other communications, an investment and guarantee
fund, exchange of economic information, and an African development bank.

It is believed that if the sixteen resolutions which form the Dakar Recommendations are
implemented it would certainly lead to closer union between the twenty members of the
Monrovia group. Both the Conakry and Dakar Recommendations are so similar that it is
fervently hoped that these would break down the unfortunate misunderstanding between the
Casablanca and the Monrovia groups.

LESSON TO AFRICA
The problem confronting the two groups of African States are almost identical with what faces
Britain in connection with the European Common Market, as Mr. Harold Macmillan pointed out
in his speech in the House of Commons on Monday, July 31 when he made a statement on the
policy of his government towards the European Economic Community. He said:

‘The future relations between the European Economic Community, the United Kingdom, the
Commonwealth and the rest of Europe are clearly matters of capital importance in the life of our
country, and indeed of all the countries of the Free World. This is a political as well as an
economic issue. Although the Treaty of Rome is concerned with economic matters it has an
important political objective—namely, to promote unity and stability in Europe, which is so
essential a factor in the struggle for freedom and progress throughout the world.

In this modern world the tendency towards larger groups of nations acting together in the
common interest leads to greater unity, and this adds to our strength in the struggle for
freedom’.

For a British Prime Minister to admit that economic unity would foster political unity,
even if it means the surrendering of a portion of the sovereignty of the United Kingdom in order
to attain unity in Europe, is an admission which must teach the emerging States of Africa a
lesson in statesmanship.
If the Casablanca and the Monrovia groups of African States would implement the
recommendations of their experts, made respectively, at Conakry and Dakar, Pan-Africanism
would have been realized, without further fuss on the Surrender of sovereignty and on the
jockeying for leadership entailed thereby. But the main task is to reconcile the two groups.

An African federation or confederation, either on a regional or continental basis, has many

blessings for the continent of Africa and its inhabitants. Politically, it will raise the prestige of
African States in the councils of the world; it will make Africa a bastion of democracy, and it
will revive the stature of man by guaranteeing to African citizens the fundamental rights of man.
From a military point of view, such a concert of States will protect the people of Africa not only
from external aggression and internal commotion, but also it would safeguard the whole of
Africa by a system of collective security. Economically, by abrogating discriminatory tariffs, we
create a free trade area over the entire continent and thereby expand the economy of all African
countries involved, thereby raising living standards and ensuring economic security for African
workers. Socially, it will restore the dignity of the human being in Africa.

THE CHALLENGE
In conclusion, it is my firm belief that an African leviathan must emerge ultimately: it may be in
the form of an association of African States or in the form of a concert of African States; backed
by multi-lateral conventions which would enhance the standard of living of Africans, safeguard
but my main point is that so long as the form of government is clearly understood and an
efficient machinery for organization and administration is devised, their existence by
collective security and guarantee to them freedom under the law in addition to the
fundamental human rights, the dream of Pan-Africanism is destined to come true.

Finally, one of the leading Africanists of all times, Edward Wilmot Blyden, said: ‘It is really
high time that a unity of spirit should pervade the people of the world for the regeneration of a
continent so long despoiled, by the unity or consent of these same people. Thinking Negroes
should ask themselves what part they will take in this magnificent work of reclaiming a
continent—their own continent. In what way will they illustrate their participation in the unity of
spirit which pervades the people for their fatherland?’ That was Dr. Blyden preaching Pan-
Africanism in the nineteenth century. For our part, what shall we do? History will chronicle the
choice made by us in the twentieth century.

HABARI AFRICA! KARIBUNI SANA KWA Makeda "The Queen of Sheba"(960 B.C.)
Global Citizen Festival WITH its Clans Menelik I,Menelik II,Haile Selassie I.
In 960 B.C., the nation that is now called Ethiopia, came back upon the center of the stage of
history. Ethiopia was then represented by a queen, who in some books is referred to as "Makeda" or
"Belkis." She is better known to the world as the Queen of Sheba. In his book, "World's Great Men of
Color," J.A. Rogers , gives this description: "Out of the mists of three thousand years, emerges this
beautiful story of an African Queen who, attracted by the fame of a Judean monarch, made a long
journey to see him."
The Queen of Sheba is said to have undertaken a long and difficult journey to Jerusalem, in order
to learn of the wisdom of the great King Solomon. Makeda and King Solomon were equally
impressed with each other. Out of their relationship was born a son, Menelik I. This Queen is
said to have reigned over Sheba and Arabia as well as Ethiopia. The queen of Sheba's capital was
Debra Makeda, which the Queen built for herself.

In Ethiopia's church of Aksum , there is a copy of what is said to be one of the Tables of Law
that Solomon gave to Menelik I. The story of the Queen of Sheba is deeply cherished in
Ethiopia, as part of the national heritage. This African Queen is mentioned in two holy books,
the Bible and the Qur'an (Koran).

Menelik I is traditionally believed to be the son of King Solomon of ancient Israel and
Makeda, ancient Queen of Sheba. He is alleged to have ruled around 950 BC, according to
traditional sources. Tradition credits him with bringing the Ark of the Covenant to Ethiopia,
following a visit to Jerusalem to meet his father upon reaching adulthood.

According to the Kebra Nagast, King Solomon had intended on sending one son of each of his
nobles and one son of each temple priest with Menelik upon his return to his mother's kingdom.
He is supposed to have had a replica made of the Ark of the Covenant for them to take with
them. Upon the death of Queen Makeda, Menelik assumed the throne with the new title of
Emperor and King of Kings of Ethiopia.

According to legend, Menelik I founded the Solomonic dynasty of Ethiopia that ruled Ethiopia
with few interruptions for close to three thousand years (and 225 generations later ended with the
deposition of Emperor Haile Selassie in 1974).

A counterpoint to this legend is that kings of Ethiopia are only attested in record from the 8th
century BC, when there was a kingdom named D'mt located in Eritrea and northern Ethiopia that
existed during the late 8th to 5th centuries BC. Few inscriptions by or about this kingdom exist.
As a result, it is not known whether Dʿmt ended as a civilization before the Kingdom of Axum
was established on the Red Sea coast in the 5th century BC, evolved into the Aksumite state, or
was one of the smaller states united in the Aksumite kingdom possibly around the beginning of
the 1st century AD.

The medieval incarnation of the alleged Solomonic dynasty did not come into power until 1262
AD, claiming descent from the Kings of Aksum. The dynasty, a bastion of Ethiopian Orthodox
Christianity, came to rule Ethiopia on 10 Nehasé 1262 AD EC[4] (August 10, AD 1270) when
Yekuno Amlak overthrew the last ruler of the Zagwe dynasty Yilma. Their predecessors, the
Zagwe dynasty, were said not to be of "the house of Israel" (i.e. of Solomon and Menelik). The
claims of descent of the Aksumite kings preceding the Zagwe dynasty are uncertain, though
early pagan inscription denote the King as "son of the unconquerable [god] Mahrem", while
medieval Ethiopian sources ascribe them a similar claim of descent. This is consistent with the
earliest records that testify that one half of Ethiopians followed the laws of Moses, while the
other half worshipped pagan gods.
Menelik (Menilik) II (1844-1913) was an Ethiopian emperor, who preserved the
independence of his people by defeating a major Italian military expedition and who
strengthened his kingdom through expansion and political and economic modernization.

Menelik II was born Sahle Mariam on August 19, 1844, in Ankober, one of the capitals of the
autonomous central Ethiopian province of Shoa. The infant boy was formally named by his
paternal grandfather, Sahle Sellasie, who was the first Shoan leader to rise to become a negus, or
king. The name, Menelik, recalls the legendary son of Solomon and the queen of Sheba who,
according to Ethiopian tradition, was the first ruler of Ethiopia, and the one to whom the family
traced its ancestry. The story is told that the old Shoan king foretold that the boy would one day
be a great man who would rebuild the Ethiopian empire. That such a day would come, however,
was anything but certain since Ethiopia was then beset by wars and rebellions and lacked any
strong, centralized authority.

According to the biblical account, Solomon had 700 wives and 300 concubines. The wives were
described as foreign princesses, including Pharaoh's daughter and women of Moab, Ammon,
Edom, Sidon and of the Hittites. Menelik I (called Bäynä Ləḥkəm in the Kebra Nagast; also
named Ebna la-Hakim; Arabic: ‫ءامكحلا نبا‬‎, Ibn Al-Hakim, "Son of the Wise"), first Solomonic
Emperor of Ethiopia, is traditionally believed to be the son of King Solomon of ancient Israel
and Makeda, ancient Queen of Sheba.

Haile Selassie,Former Emperor of Ethiopia,

Haile Selassie I,Born: July 23, 1892, Ejersa Goro, Ethiopia, Died: August 27, 1975, Addis Ababa,
Ethiopia, Haile Selassie I, was Ethiopian regent from 1916 to 1930 and emperor from 1930 to 1974. He is
a defining figure in Ethiopian history. He was a member of the Solomonic Dynasty who traced his lineage
to Emperor Menelik I via his Shewan royal ancestors as a great-grandson of king Sahle Selassie.

On May 25, 1963 the Organization for African Unity (OAU) was established with a
permanent headquarters in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. Haile Selassie, Emperor of Ethiopia, was selected as
the first President of the OAU. His acceptance speech appears below.

This is indeed a momentous and historic day for Africa and for all Africans. We stand today on
the stage of world affairs before the audience of world opinion. We have come together to assert
our role in the direction of world affairs and to discharge our duty to the great continent whose
250 million people we lead. Africa is today at midcourse, in transition from the Africa of
Yesterday to the Africa of Tomorrow. Even as we stand here, we move from the past into the
future. The task on which we have embarked, the making of Africa, will not wait. We must act,
to shape and mould the future and leave our imprint on events as they slip past into history.
We seek, at this meeting, to determine whether we are go and to chart the course of our destiny.
It is no less important that we know whence we came. An awareness of our past is essential to
the establishment of our personality and our identity as Africans.

This world was not created piecemeal. Africa was born no later and no earlier than any other
geographical area on this globe. Africans, no more and no less than other men, possess all human
attributes, talents and deficiencies, virtues and faults. Thousands of years ago, civilizations
flourished in Africa which suffer not at all by comparison with those of other continents. In those
centuries, Africans were politically free and economically independent. Their social patterns
were their own and their cultures truly indigenous.

The obscurity which enshrouds the centuries which elapsed between those earliest days and the
rediscovery of Africa is being gradually dispersed. What is certain is that during those long years
Africans were born, lived, and died. Men on other parts of this earth occupied themselves with
their own concerns and, in their conceit, proclaimed that the world began and ended at their
horizons. All unknown to them, Africa developed in its own pattern, growing in its own life and,
in the nineteenth century, finally re-emerged into the world’s consciousness.

The events of the past 150 years require no extended recitation from us. The period of
colonialism into which we were plunged culminated with our continent fettered and bound; with
our once proud and free peoples reduced to humiliation and slavery; with Africa’s terrain cross-
hatched and chequer-boarded by artificial and arbitrary boundaries. Many of us, during those
bitter years, were overwhelmed in battle, and those who escaped conquest did so at the cost of
desperate resistance and bloodshed. Others were sold into bondage as the price extracted by the
colonialists for the ‘protection’ which they extended and the possessions of which they disposed.
Africa was a physical resource to be exploited and Africans were chattels to be purchased bodily
or, at best, peoples to be reduced to vassalage and lackeyhood. Africa was the market for the
produce of other nations and the source of the raw materials with which their factories were fed.

Today, Africa has emerged from this dark passage. Our Armageddon is past. Africa has been
reborn as a free continent and Africans have been reborn as free men. The blood that was shed
and the sufferings that were endured are today Africa’s advocates for freedom and unity. Those
men who refused to accept the judgment passed upon them by the colonisers, who held
unswervingly through the darkest hours to a vision of an Africa emancipated from political,
economic, and spiritual domination, will be remembered and revered wherever Africans meet.
Many of them never set foot on this continent. Others were born and died here. What we may
utter today can add little to the heroic struggle of those who, by their example, have shown us
how precious are freedom and human dignity and of how little value is life without them. Their
deeds are written in history.

Africa’s victory, although proclaimed, is not yet total, and areas of resistance still remain. Today,
We name as our first great task the final liberating of those Africans still dominated by foreign
exploitation and control. With the goal in sight, and unqualified triumph within our grasp, let us
not now falter or lag or relax. We must make one final supreme effort; now, when the struggle
grows weary, when so much has been won that the thrilling sense of achievement has brought us
near satiation. Our liberty is meaningless unless all Africans are free. Our brothers in the
Rhodesias, in Mozambique, in Angola, in South Africa, cry out in anguish for our support and
assistance. We must urge on their behalf their peaceful accession to independence. We must
align and identify ourselves with all aspects of their struggle. It would be betrayal were we to pay
only lip service to the cause of their liberation and fail to back our words with action.

To them we say, your pleas shall not go unheeded. The resources of Africa and of all freedom-
loving nations are marshalled in your service. Be of good heart, for your deliverance is at hand.

As we renew our vow that all of Africa shall be free, let us also resolve that old wounds shall be
healed and past scars forgotten. It was thus that Ethiopia treated the invader nearly 25 years ago,
and Ethiopians found peace with honour in this course. Memories of past injustice should not
divert us from the more pressing business at hand. We must live in peace with our former
colonisers, shunning recrimination and bitterness and forswearing the luxury of vengeance and
retaliation, lest the acid of hatred erode our souls and poison our hearts. Let us act as befits the
dignity which we claim for ourselves as Africans, proud of our own special qualities,
distinctions, and abilities. Our efforts as free men must be to establish new relationships, devoid
of any resentment and hostility, restored to our belief and faith in ourselves as individuals,
dealing on a basis of equality with other equally free peoples.

Today, we look to the future calmly, confidently, and courageously. We look to the vision of an
Africa not merely free but united. In facing this new challenge, we can take comfort and
encouragement from the lessons of the past. We know that there are differences among us.
Africans enjoy different cultures, distinctive values, special attributes. But we also know that
unity can be and has been attained among men of the most disparate origins, that differences of
race, of religion, of culture, of tradition, are no insuperable obstacle to the coming together of
peoples. History teaches us that unity is strength, and cautions us to submerge and overcome our
differences in the quest for common goals, to strive, with all our combined strength, for the path
to true African brotherhood and unity.

There are those who claim that African unity is impossible, that the forces that pull us, some in
this direction, others in that, are too strong to be overcome. Around us there is no lack of doubt
and pessimism, no absence of critics and criticism. These speak of Africa, of Africa’s future and
of her position in the twentieth century in sepulchral tones. They predict dissension and
disintegration among Africans and internecine strife and chaos on our continent. Let us confound
these and, by our deeds, disperse them in confusion. There are others whose hopes for Africa are
bright, who stand with faces upturned in wonder and awe at the creation of a new and happier
life, who have dedicated themselves to its realization and are spurred on by the example of their
brothers to whom they owe the achievements of Africa’s past. Let us reward their trust and merit
their approval.

The road of African unity is already lined with landmarks. The last years are crowded with
meetings, with conferences, with declarations and pronouncements. Regional organisations have
been established. Local groupings based on common interests, backgrounds, and traditions have
been created.
But through all that has been said and written and done in these years, there runs a common
theme. Unity is the accepted goal. We argue about means; we discuss alternative paths to the
same objective; we engage in debates about techniques and tactics. But when semantics are
stripped away, there is little argument among us. We are determined to create a union of
Africans. In a very real sense, our continent is unmade; it still awaits its creation and its creators.
It is our duty and privilege to rouse the slumbering giant of Africa, not to the nationalism of
Europe of the nineteenth century, not to regional consciousness, but to the vision of a single
African brotherhood bending its united efforts toward the achievement of a greater and nobler
goal.

Above all, we must avoid the pitfalls of tribalism. If we are divided among ourselves on tribal
lines, we open our doors to foreign intervention and its potentially harmful consequences. The
Congo is clear proof of what we say. We should not be led to complacency because of the
present ameliorated situation in that country. The Congolese people have suffered untold misery,
and the economic growth of the country has been retarded because of tribal strife.

But while we agree that the ultimate destiny of this continent lies in political union, we must at
the same time recognize that the obstacles to be overcome in its achievement are at once
numerous and formidable. Africa’s peoples did not emerge into liberty in uniform conditions.
Africans maintain different political systems; our economies are diverse; our social orders are
rooted in differing cultures and traditions. Furthermore no clear consensus exists on the ‘how’
and the ‘what’ of this union. Is it to be, in form, federal, confederal, or unitary? Is the
sovereignty of individual states to be reduced, and if so, by how much, and in what areas? On
these and other questions there is no agreement, and if we wait for agreed answers, generations
hence matters will be little advanced, while the debate still rages.

We should, therefore, not be concerned that complete union is not attained from one day to the
next. The union which we seek can only come gradually, as the day-to-day progress which we
achieve carries us slowly but inexorably along this course. We have before us the examples of
the U.S.A. and the U.S.S.R. We must remember how long these required to achieve their union.
When a solid foundation is laid, if the mason is able and his materials good, a strong house can
be built.

Thus, a period of transition is inevitable. Old relations and arrangements may, for a time, linger.
Regional organisations may fulfill legitimate functions and needs which cannot yet be otherwise
satisfied. But the difference is in this: that we recognise these circumstances for what they are,
temporary expedients designed to serve only until we have established the conditions which will
bring total African unity within our reach.

There is, nevertheless, much that we can do to speed this transition. There are issues on which
we stand united and questions on which there is unanimity of opinion. Let us seize on these areas
of agreement and exploit them to the fullest. Let us take action now, action which, while taking
account of present realities, none the less constitutes clear and unmistakable progress along the
course plotted out for us by destiny. We are all adherents, whatever our internal political
systems, of the principles of democratic action. Let us apply these to the unity we seek to create.
Let us work out our own programmes in all fields—political, economic, social, and military. The
opponents of Africa’s growth, whose interests would be best served by a divided and balkanised
continent, would derive much satisfaction from the unhappy spectacle of 30 and more African
States so split, so paralysed and immobilised by controversies over long-term goals that they are
unable even to join their efforts in short-term measures on which there is no dispute. Let us give
neither comfort nor encouragement to these. If we act where we may, in those areas where action
is possible, the inner logic of the programmes which we adopt will work for us and inevitably
impel us still farther in the direction of ultimate union.

What we still lack, despite the efforts of past years, is the mechanism which will enable us to
speak with one voice when we wish to do so and take and implement decisions on African
problems when we are so minded. The commentators of 1963 speak, in discussing Africa, of the
Monrovia States, the Brazzaville Group, the Casablanca Powers, of these and many more. Let us
put an end to these terms.

What we require is a single African organisation through which Africa’s single voice may be
heard, within which Africa’s problems may be studied and resolved. We need an organisation
which will facilitate acceptable solutions to disputes among Africans and promote the study and
adoption of measures for common defence and programmes for co-operation in the economic
and social fields. Let us, at this Conference, create a single institution to which we will all
belong, based on principles to which we all subscribe, confident that in its councils our voices
will carry their proper weight, secure in the knowledge that the decisions there will be dictated
by Africans and only by Africans and that they will take full account of all vital African
considerations.

We are meeting here today to lay the basis for African unity. Let us, here and now, agree upon
the basic instrument which will constitute the foundation for the future growth in peace and
harmony and oneness of this continent. Let our meetings henceforth proceed from solid
accomplishments. Let us not put off, to later consideration and study, the single act, the one
decision, which must emerge from this gathering if it is to have real meaning. This Conference
cannot close without adopting a single African Charter. We cannot leave here without having
created a single African organisation possessed of the attributes We have described. If we fail in
this, we will have shirked our responsibility to Africa and to the peoples we lead. If we succeed,
then, and only then, will we have justified our presence here.

The organisation of which We speak must possess a well- articulated framework, having a
permanent headquarters and an adequate secretariat providing the necessary continuity between
meetings of the permanent organs. It must include specialised bodies to work in particular fields
of competence assigned to the organisation. Unless the political liberty for which Africans have
for so long struggled is complemented and bolstered by a corresponding economic and social
growth, the breath of life which sustains our freedom may flicker out. In our efforts to improve
the standard of life of our peoples and to flesh out the bones of our independence, we count on
the assistance and support of others. But this alone will not suffice, and, alone, would only
perpetuate Africa’s dependence on others.

A specialised body to facilitate and co-ordinate continent-wide economic programmes and to

provide the mechanism for the provision of economic assistance among African nations is thus
required. Prompt measures can be taken to increase trade and commerce among us. Africa’s
mineral wealth is great; we should co-operate in its development. An African development
programme, which will make provision for the concentration by each nation on those productive
activities for which its resources and its geographic and climatic conditions best fit it, is needed.
We assume that each African nation has its own national development programme, and it only
remains for us to come together and share our experiences for the proper implementation of a
continent-wide plan. Today, travel between African nations and telegraphic and telephonic
communications among us are circuitous in the extreme. Road communications between two
neighbouring States are often difficult or even impossible. It is little wonder that trade among us
has remained at a discouragingly low level. These anachronisms are the remnants of a heritage of
which we must rid ourselves, the legacy of the century when Africans were isolated one from the
other. These are vital areas in which efforts must be concentrated.

An additional project to be implemented without delay is the creation of an African Development

Bank, a proposal to which all our Governments have given full support and which has already
received intensive study. The meeting of our Finance Ministers to be held within the coming
weeks in Khartoum should transform this proposal into fact. This same meeting could
appropriately continue studies already undertaken of the impact upon Africa of existing regional
economic groupings, and initiate further studies to accelerate the expansion of economic
relations among us.

The nations of Africa, as is true of every continent of the world, from time to time dispute among
themselves. These quarrels must be confined to this continent and quarantined from the
contamination of non-African interference. Permanent arrangements must be agreed upon to
assist in the peaceful settlement of these disagreements which, however few they may be, cannot
be left to languish and fester. Procedures must be established for the peaceful settlement of
disputes, in order that the threat or use of force may no longer endanger the peace of our
continent.

Steps must be taken to establish an African defence system. Military planning for the security of
this continent must be undertaken in common within a collective framework. The responsibility
for protecting this continent from armed attacks from abroad is the primary concern of Africans
themselves. Provision must be made for the extension of speedy and effective assistance when
any African State is threatened with military aggression. We cannot rely solely on international
morality. Africa’s control over her own affairs is dependent on the existence of appropriate
military arrangements to assure this continent’s protection against such threats While guarding
our own independence.

Africa has come to freedom under the most difficult and trying of circumstances. In no small
measure, the handicaps under which we labour derive from the low educational level attained by
our peoples and from their lack of knowledge of their fellow Africans. Education abroad is at
best an unsatisfactory substitute for education at home. A massive effort must be launched in the
educational and cultural field which will not only raise the level of literacy and provide the
cadres of skilled and trained technicians requisite to our growth and development but, as well,
acquaint us one with another. Ethiopia, several years ago, instituted a programme of scholarships
for students coming from other African lands which have proved highly rewarding and fruitful,
and We urge others to adopt projects of this sort. Serious consideration should be given to the
establishment of an African University, sponsored by all African States, where future leaders of
Africa will be trained in an atmosphere of continental brotherhood. In this African institution, the
supra-national aspects of African life would be emphasised and study would be directed toward
the ultimate goal of complete African unity. Ethiopia stands prepared here and now to decide on
the site of the University and to fix the financial contributions to be made to it.

This is but the merest summary of what can be accomplished. Upon these measures we are all
agreed, and our agreement should now form the basis for our action.

Africa has become an increasingly influential force in the conduct of world affairs as the
combined weight of our collective opinion is brought to focus not only on matters which concern
this continent exclusively, but on those pressing problems which occupy the thoughts of all men
everywhere. As we have come to know one another better and grown in mutual trust and
confidence, it has been possible for us to co-ordinate our policies and actions and contribute to
the successful settlement of pressing and critical world issues.

This has not been easy. But co-ordinated action by all African States on common problems is
imperative if our opinions are to be accorded their proper weight. We Africans occupy a
different—indeed a unique—position among the nations of this century. Having for so long
known oppression, tyranny, and subjugation, who with better right can claim for all the
opportunity and the right to live and grow as free men? Ourselves for long decades the victims of
injustice, whose voices can be better raised in the demand for justice and right for all? We
demand an end to colonialism because domination of one people by another is wrong. We
demand an end to nuclear testing and the arms race because these activities, which pose such
dreadful threats to man’s existence, and waste and squander humanity’s material heritage, are
wrong. We demand an end to racial segregation as an affront to man’s dignity which is wrong.
We act in these matters in the right, as a matter of high principle. We act out of the integrity and
conviction of our most deep-founded beliefs.

If we permit ourselves to be tempted by narrow self-interest and vain ambition, if we barter our
beliefs for short-term advantage, who will listen when we claim to speak for conscience, and
who will contend that our words deserve to be heeded? We must speak out on major world
issues, courageously, openly, and honestly, and in blunt terms of right and wrong. If we yield to
blandishments or threats, if we compromise when no honourable compromise is possible, our
influence will be sadly diminished and our prestige woefully prejudiced and weakened. Let us
not deny our ideals or sacrifice our right to stand as the champions of the poor, the ignorant, the
oppressed everywhere. The acts by which we live and the attitudes by which we act must be
clear beyond question. Principles alone can endow our deeds with force and meaning. Let us be
true to what we believe, that our beliefs may serve and honour us.

We reaffirm today, in the name of principle and right, our opposition to prejudice, wherever and
in whatever form it may be found, and particularly do we rededicate ourselves to the eradication
of racial discrimination from this continent. We can never rest content with our achievements so
long as men, in any part of Africa, assert on racial grounds their superiority over the least of our
brothers. Racial discrimination constitutes a negation of the spiritual and psychological equality
which we have fought to achieve and a denial of the personality and dignity which we have
struggled to establish for ourselves as Africans. Our political and economic liberty will be devoid
of meaning for so long as the degrading spectacle of South Africa’s apartheid continues to haunt
our waking hours and to trouble our sleep. We must redouble our efforts to banish this evil from
our land. If we persevere, discrimination will one day vanish from the earth. If we use the means
available to us, South Africa’s apartheid, just like colonialism, will shortly remain only as a
memory. If we pool our resources and use them well, this spectre will be banished forever.

In this effort, as in so many others, we stand united with our Asian friends and brothers. Africa
shares with Asia a common background of colonialism, of exploitation, of discrimination, of
oppression. At Bandung, African and Asian States dedicated themselves to the liberation of their
two continents from foreign domination and affirmed the right of all nations to develop in their
own way, free of any external interference. The Bandung Declaration and the principles
enunciated at that Conference remain today valid for us all. We hope that the leaders of India and
China, in the spirit of Bandung, will find the way to the peaceful resolution of the dispute
between their two countries.

We must speak, also, of the dangers of the nuclear holocaust which threatens all that we hold
dear and precious, including life itself. Forced to live our daily existence with this foreboding
and ominous shadow ever at our side, we cannot lose hope or lapse into despair. The
consequences of an uncontrolled nuclear conflict are so dreadful that no sane man can
countenance them. There must be an end to testing. A programme of progressive disarmament
must be agreed upon. Africa must be freed and shielded, as a denuclearised zone, from the
consequences of direct albeit involuntary involvement in the nuclear arms race.

The negotiations at Geneva, where Nigeria, the United Arab Republic, and Ethiopia are
participating, continue, and painfully and laboriously progress is being achieved. We cannot
know what portion of the limited advances already realised can be attributed to the increasingly
important role being played by the non-aligned nations in these discussions, but we can, surely,
derive some small measure of satisfaction from even the few tentative steps taken toward
ultimate agreement among the nuclear powers. We remain persuaded that in our efforts to scatter
the clouds which rim the horizon of our future, success must come, if only because failure is
unthinkable. Patience and grim determination are required, and faith in the guidance of Almighty
God.

We would not close without making mention of the United Nations. We personally, Who have
throughout Our lifetime been ever guided and inspired by the principle of collective security,
would not now propose measures which depart from or are inconsistent with this ideal or with
the declarations of the United Nations Charter. It would be foolhardy indeed to abandon a
principle which has withstood the test of time and which has proved its inherent value again and
again in the past. It would be worse than folly to weaken the one effective world organisation
which exists today and to which each of us owes so much. It would be sheer recklessness for any
of us to.

The African Charter of which We have spoken is wholly consistent with that of the United
Nations. The African organisation which We envisage is not intended in any way to replace in
our national or international life the position which the United Nations has so diligently earned
and so rightfully occupies. Rather, the measures which We propose would complement and
round out programmes undertaken by the United Nations and its specialized agencies and,
hopefully, render both their activities and ours doubly meaningful and effective. What we seek
will multiply many times over the contribution which our joined endeavors may make to the
assurance of world peace and the promotion of human well-being and understanding.

A century hence, when future generations study the pages of history, seeking to follow and
fathom the growth and development of the African continent, what will they find of this
Conference? Will it be remembered as an occasion on which the leaders of a liberated Africa,
acting boldly and with determination, bent events to their will and shaped the future destinies of
the peoples? Will this meeting be memorialised for its solid achievements, for the intelligence
and maturity which marked the decisions taken here? Or will it be recalled for its failures, for the
inability of Africa’s leaders to transcend local prejudice and individual differences, for the
disappointment and disillusionment which followed in its train?

These questions give us all pause. The answers are within our power to dictate. The challenges
and opportunities which open before us today are greater than those presented at any time in
Africa’s millennia of history. The risks and the dangers which confront us are no less great. The
immense responsibilities which history and circumstance have thrust upon us demand balanced
and sober reflection. If we succeed in the tasks which lie before us, our names will be
remembered and our deeds recalled by those who follow us. If we fail, history will puzzle at our
failure and mourn what was lost. We approach the days ahead with the prayer that we who have
assembled here may be granted the wisdom, the judgment, and the inspiration which will enable
us to maintain our faith with the peoples and the nations which have entrusted their fate to our
hands.

African Son's and daughter's what's more do we looking for or what more do we were expected
from our comrades ancestors, myself Elizeus JMushobozi I'm so impressed with this Makeda's
Clan I have no more to add about them just to thank God for blessing us African for having these
intelligent and beautifully people whose their wisely words which inherited us African can
bring us in one unification power if the time comes we will put it action and it will lead us in the
better place where by our ancestors were dream us to reach on future days.

From:theostell1986@yahoo.com or theostell1986@gmail.com(0712055981)

@1959.61.2021.jan.84.theostell1986@Elizeus Jerad Mushobozi"I AM REAL john3:16

 What if we can have Monomotapa and Robert Mugabe Global
Citizens Festival, After each 5years in African! so as to let our young generation to
get aware with our late state leaders/empire before the drawing of fake boundries
as a result of hostility between ourself.

In 1440, the empire of Monomotapa was under the leadership of the fierce and
awesome King Mutato, or "Mutato the Great." His vast empire had been developed by Vakarang
immigrants who were invaders. The Monomotapa Empire covered what is known today as
Zimbabwe, Kalahara, Mozambique, and into Transvaal in South Africa.

King Mutato established effective political rule, and promoted economic development and
prosperity. The Monomotapa used iron technology and allied crafts, long before the Christian
era. With over 4000 active mines, and gold being the leading export commodity, iron work was
still highly regarded. The drive for excellence in everything produced was reflected in the artistic
work throughout the empire. The building of the temples and beautiful stone structures, rivaled
the construction associated with the great pyramids in Egypt. The Monomotapa were great
stonemasons and architects. According to records in stone, a highly developed civilization
existed in South Africa, at the same time of the great Egyptian and Ethiopian era, in the North.

King Mutato mastered a plan to unite the Africans throughout the entire Monomotapa
Empire. Their enemies knew that if they could keep the Africans fighting amongst themselves,
they would be a divided people, lacking in power, and the enemy would have access to their
wealth. Mutato moved quickly to recruit, develop, and train armies, under the supervision of
capable generals. Additional strategic leadership by Matope, Mutato's son, who came into power
after Mutato's death, strengthened and unified Monomotapa. However, after Matope's death,
Monomotapa swiftly declined, and the empire began to break up.

Robert Gabriel Mugabe

Robert Gabriel Mugabe born February 21 1924,at kutama,zimbambwe, is a Zimbabwean revolutionary
and politician who served as Prime Minister of Zimbabwe from 1980 to 1987 and then as President from
1987 to 2017.

these are some Quotation from our grandfather;"The only white man you can trust is a dead white
man". Our party must continue to strike fear in the heart of the white man, our real enemy!Was it not
enough punishment and suffering in history that we were uprooted and made helpless slaves not only in
new colonial outposts but also domestically. “Now you still get some people saying because we are
white and you’re black, we can’t give you the honour of equality in the security council. Nonsense! That
should stop. Mr Ban Ki-moon, just tell them for the last time, just as a message that you have heard, for
the last time from here, that there should be real equality in the security council.” - Mugabe to Ban Ki-
moon at the 26th African Union Summit, 2016. South Africans will kick down a statue of a dead white
man but won’t even attempt to slap a live one. Yet they can stone to death a black man simply because
he’s a foreigner.

“Mandela has gone a bit too far in doing good to the non-black communities, really in some cases at
the expense of blacks.” - Interview with Dali Tambo for his series People of the South, 2013 “We equally
reject attempts to prescribe ‘new rights’ that are contrary to our values, norms, traditions, and beliefs.
We are not gays!” - UN general assembly, 2015 Journalist: Sir don’t you think 89 years would be a great
time to retire as a President.
Mugabe: Have you ever asked the Queen this question or is it just for African leaders? Mr Bush, Mr.
Blair and now Mr Brown’s sense of human rights precludes our people’s right to their God-given
resources, which in their view must be controlled by their kith and kin. I am termed dictator because I
have rejected this supremacist view and frustrated the neo-colonialists. If President Barack Obama
wants me to allow marriage for same-sex couples in my country (Zimbabwe), he must come here so that
I marry him first. Even Satan wasn’t gay, he approached naked Eve instead of naked Adam. Say no to
same-sex marriage.

President Robert Mugabe. Africa must set up own ICC to try

Europeans, says MugabeMugabe: ICC not wanted in Africa, Mugabe criticises migrant workers at SADC
summit.

When He was in Gaborone – Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe has reportedly urged
African countries to honour those who fought for the liberation of the continent, saying they
deserved to be recognized. Mugabe said this during the official opening of the 35th Southern
African Development Community (SADC) summit of heads of state and government in
Gaborone, Botswana.

The outgoing SADC chair, who is also the current African Union (AU) chair, urged the continent
to come up with "mechanisms" to honour the legacy of founding fathers such as former
Tanzanian president Julius Nyerere, Mugabe said southern African leaders such as former
Zambian leader Kenneth Kaunda and the late Botswana president Seretse Khama made a sterling
contribution to the liberation of Africa. "Let us remember those that have endowed us with
legacy. This could be in the form of something. Can't we have a fund in their honour?" Mugabe
was quoted as saying.

when he was in Cape Town – Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe, who is also the African
Union (AU) chair, says Africa must establish its own International Criminal Court (ICC) which
would be mandated to prosecute Western leaders who have committed crimes on the continent.

Mugabe said it was high time Africa set up a criminal court which would seek justice for
"serious" war crimes and crimes against humanity committed by the West, particularity during
the colonial era.

"They committed crimes, colonial crimes galore – the slaughter of our people and all that
imprisonment... I have a case, why was I imprisoned for 11 years? We forgave them, but perhaps
we’ve not done ourselves justice... You set up the ICC, we set our ICC to try Europeans, to try
Mr [George] Bush and Mr [Tony] Blair," Mugabe was quoted as saying. Mugabe said the
International Criminal Court was a court for Western countries, dispensing Western injustice on
Africans.

Another son of Africa is Ali Koloni a.k.a Sunni Ali Ber (1464-1492) you
may call him the Conquer let share his legacy;
Sunni Ali, whose real name was Ali Kolon, began as a common soldier in the
army of Kankan Musa, Mandingo ruler of the Mellistine Empire, into which he had been
forcibly enlisted, after the defeat and enslavement of his people, the Songhays. He forced even
to fight his own people, Sunni Ali was overcome with rage at the cruelties of the Mellestine
emperor and swore that one day, he would take up arms to free his people. As for the empire of
KanKan Musa, it exceeded in wealth and magnificence, anything he had ever imagined, and
yet, common soldier that we was, Sunni Ali dared to believe that some day it should be his.

Sunni Ali, together with his brother Selmar Nar, laid careful plans for escape.
Rallying his people around him, Sunni Ali attacked Jenne, and captured it by storm on January
30, 1468. He took city after city, until the forces of KanKan Musa had been entirely driven out of
Songhay territory. His first notable achievement was the capture of the Malian city of
Timbuktu in 1469, with its world famous University of Sankore Mosque. Djenné was the next
city to fall after a siege lasting over seven years. An even bigger prize, it had international
trading links, a university, and also the most brilliant architecture in the region.

He took it in around 1473. To the south, lay the kingdoms of the Mossi, an enemy of the
Songhai. In 1480 they launched a raid on the Songhai city of Walata. They besieged the city for a
month leading Walata to capitulate. The victorious Mossi seized people and booty. In 1483
Sonni Ali's army successfully drove this menace from the kingdom. Sonni Ali established the
Songhai state as the third great West African Empire in this region, after Ancient Ghana and
Mali. It appears that Sunni Ali, ruled his entire kingdom from horseback. On November 6,
1493, Sunni Ali's horse slipped and fell into the Koni River, Ali and his horse were swept over
the falls and drowned. but the legacy of his greatness still exist today and is noted as a key
Muslim in West African history.

Here is another son of Africa Sundiata of Mali

who ruled 1230-1255 AD.

Sundiata was a Muslim, (Niane), and while some historians say it was only
symbolic (nominal Muslim) the only evidence of this is based on his tendency to syncretize
Islam with native beliefs. This however is a Eurocentric or Arabized understanding since Africa
has its own Islamic Orthodoxies that absorb African cultures.

In 1224 King Sumanguru led the Sosso in a devastating raid on the Malian
capital of Djeriba. They razed the city and killed most of the ruling family. Eleven princes were
put to death in the massacre, but Sumanguru spared one of them, a crippled boy called Sundiata.
Six years later, Sundiata triumphed over his disability and became the ruler of the Malians. He
surrounded himself with a private guard made up of the thuggish element of the kingdom, and
began a guerrilla campaign against Sosso dominance. Sundiata's first strike, however, was
against Sangaran, a neighbouring kingdom. After this conquest, he campaigned against Labe and
also the Niger Region.
 During these conquests he gathered an army recruited from among the defeated peoples to
fight the Sosso. In 1235 he challenged the power of the Sosso at the Battle of Kirina. His armies
defeated Sumanguru and destroyed the fortified and well-garrisoned capital of the Sosso. Five
years later, Sundiata seized the city of Ghana and destroyed it. After these military actions, he
returned to the ruins of his capital city, Djeriba, and received the sworn loyalty of the rulers of
the conquered people at a triumphant and impressive ceremony. He allowed the Emperor of
Ghana to retain the title of king. All the other former rulers were given new titles.

Sundiata never again took to the battlefield. Devoting his time to economic and
social development of the empire, he turned his armies into farmers and encouraged a
programme of agricultural expansion. The soldiers grew cotton, peanuts and grains, and were
also encouraged to raise poultry and cattle. He founded a new capital city called Niani. It was
located on the confluence of the Upper Niger and Sankarini rivers. There were other military
actions, however, but Sundiata's generals led them. They marched as far as the Atlantic, seized
lands way to the east, subjugated the southern forest belt, and overpowered the desert regions of
the north. These actions led to Malian control of the gold-fields of Wangara and created the trade
route from there to the new capital of Niani.

We celebrate the legacy of one of Africa’s son

heroesThomas Sankara.

Thomas Isidore Noël Sankara was a Burkinabé revolutionary, Marxist, pan-Africanist

and President of Burkina Faso from 1983 to 1987. Viewed by supporters as a charismatic and iconic
figure of revolution, he is sometimes referred to as "Africa's Che Guevara"Born: December 21, 1949,
Yako, Burkina Faso ,Assassinated: October 15, 1987, Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso

“I want people to remember me as someone whose life has been helpful

to humanity”.
Captain Sankara led Burkina Faso from August 1983 until his assassination in 1987. In
four years, he transformed the country from being a poor country, dependent on foreign aid, to
an economically independent and socially progressive nation. Also Thomas was a true humanist,
fervent Pan-Africanist, iconic revolutionary, Sankara was unapologetically an anti-imperialist
stalwart, and proponent of women’s rights. His legacy continues to inspire a generation, and he
remains one of the most extraordinary and charismatic African leaders, who strongly believed in
African unity, the African liberation struggle, it’s social and economic freedom.

“While revolutionaries as individuals can be murdered, you cannot kill ideas”.“Debt is a

cleverly managed reconquest of Africa. It is a reconquest that turns each one of us into a
financial slave.” Speaking at an OAU summit, 1987.
 “Our country produces enough to feed us all. Alas, for lack of organization, we are forced to beg
for food aid. It’s this aid that instills in our spirits the attitude of beggars”.. “We are not against
progress, but we do not want progress that is anarchic and criminally neglects the rights of
others”. “Inequality can be done away with only by establishing a new society, where men and
women will enjoy equal rights…Thus, the status of women will improve only with the
elimination of the system that exploits them”. “The patriarchal family made its appearance,
founded on the sole and personal property of the father, who had become head of the family.
Within this family the woman was oppressed”. Quoted from ‘The revolution cannot triumph
without the emancipation of women’ speech, Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso, International
Women’s Day commemoration, March 8, 1987.

“Her status overturned by private property, banished from her very self, relegated to the
role of child raiser and servant, written out of history by philosophy (Aristotle, Pythagoras, and
others) and the most entrenched religions, stripped of all worth by mythology, woman shared the
lot of a slave, who in slave society was nothing more than a beast of burden with a human face”.
International Women’s Day commemoration, March 8, 1987. “The revolution and women’s
liberation go together. We do not talk of women’s emancipation as an act of charity or because
of a surge of human compassion. It is a basic necessity for the triumph of the revolution. Women
hold up the other half of the sky”. Quoted in “We are Heirs of the World’s Revolutions”: Lessons
from Thomas Sankara, Akinyemi Adeseye, May, 2010

African Son who were fought for the Legacy of African and
made Africa become unforgettable in the battle field, Samory
Toure "Napoleon of the Sudan" (1830-1900)
Samory Toure, who was a conqueror from West Africa, fought the French from
taking possession of his homeland for over 18 years. He fought with such mastery, that the
French military leaders referred to him as "The Black Napoleon." He frustrated the Europeans to
the degree that they suffered large losses of manpower and money. Samory's expert military
strategy and tactics caused even greater insecurity for the French. Samory was born of humble
means, the son of a poor merchant and a Senegalese female slave.

Samory had become an idol of the other soldiers. Being provoked by jealousy, the
king demanded Samory be removed from the army and sent back to his homeland, Bissandugu,
where he became king. Samory's homeland was attacked by the neighboring King Sori Bourama.
His mother was captured during this raid. Samory was unable to pay his mother's ransom, so he
freed her by taking her place. Samory, always desiring to be a free man, became a favorite of the
king because of his splendid physique, his ability to throw a spear, and his knowledge of the
Arabic language.

Soon he became a bodyguard for the king, and later advanced to counselor of the
people.Samory defied all of his opponents and even conquered his former capturer, King Sori
Bourama. Samory expanded his empire to an area of over 100,000 sq. miles or more, making
him the most powerful native ruler in West Africa. On September 29, 1898, while Samory was
on his knees, outside of his tent praying. A French sergeant, and a French scout, crept upon him
from behind, captured and exiled him to an island for life.

From:theostell1986@yahoo.com or theostell1986@gmail.com(0712055981)

@1959.61.2021.jan.84.theostell1986@Elizeus Jerad Mushobozi"I AM REAL john3:16

Why don't we have Jomo Kenyatta global

citizens festival?
Jomo Kenyatta was a Kenyan anti-colonial activist and politician who governed Kenya as its Prime
Minister from 1963 to 1964 and then as its first President from 1964 to his death in 1978.
Born: October 20, 1891, Gatundu, Kenya

Our children may learn about the heroes of the past. Our task is to make ourselves the
architects of the future.”

“When the Missionaries arrived, the Africans had the land and the Missionaries had the
Bible. They taught how to pray with our eyes closed. When we opened them, they had the
land and we had the Bible.”

“To .. all the dispossessed youth of Africa: for perpetuation of communion

with ancestral spirits through the fight for African freedom, and in the firm faith that the
dead, the living, and the unborn will unite to rebuild the destroyed shrines.” ~from the
dedication in his book Facing Mount Kenya (1938).

“Many people may think that, now there is Uhuru, now I can see the sun of Freedom
shinning, richness will pour down like manna from Heaven. I tell you there will be nothing
from Heaven. We must all work hard, with our hands, to save ourselves from poverty,
ignorance, and disease.” ~from an Independence Day message to the people, as quoted in
Sanford Ungar’s Africa, the People and Politics of an Emerging Continent, New York, 1985.

“The basis of any independent government is a national language, and we

can no longer continue aping our former colonizers … those who feel they cannot do
without English can as well pack up and go.”

“God said this is our land, land in which we flourish as people… we want our cattle to get
fat on our land so that our children grow up in prosperity; and we do not want the fat
removed to feed others.” ~from a speech given in Nyeri, Kenya, 26 July 1952.
“Europeans assume that, given the right knowledge and ideas, personal relations can be
left largely to take care of themselves, and this is perhaps the most fundamental difference
in outlook between Africans and Europeans.”

“Don’t be fooled into turning to Communism looking for food.”

“It Africans were left in peace on their own lands, Europeans would have to offer them the
benefits of white civilization in real earnest before they could obtain the African labour
which they want so much. They would have to offer the African a way of life which was
really superior to the one his fathers lived before, and a share in the prosperity given them
by their command of science. They would have to let the African choose what parts of
European culture could be beneficially transplanted, and how they could be adapted …
The African is conditioned, by cultural and social institutions of centuries, to a freedom of
which Europe has little conception, and it is not in his nature to accept serfdom for
ever.” ~from the conclusion to his book Facing Mount Kenya (1938)

its my honour to bring before you young generation

our late Father of Africa Patrice Lumumba.
Patrice Émery Lumumba was a Congolese politician and independence leader who served as the
first Prime Minister of the independent Democratic Republic of the Congo from June until September
1960. He played a significant role in the transformation of the Congo from a colony of Belgium into an
independent republic. Born: July 2, 1925, Katakokombe, Democratic Republic of the Congo

Tuesday, 17 January 1961, The first and only elected Prime Minister of the Congo Republic,
Patrice Lumumba, was assassinated a few months after Congo gained formal independence from
Belgium. The killing of Lumumba remained a secret for years. In later years it was alleged that it was
sanctioned by the Belgian government and the Dwight Eisenhower administration, acting through the
local agents of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) in the Congo, and was funded and advised by
Brussels and Washington. A staunch enemy of Lumumba and President of Katanga, Congo independent
province, Moise Tchombe, and Mobuto Sese Seko, who became Prime Minister after the death of
Lumumba, allegedly took part in the plot. The killing of Lumumba haunted the Belgium government until
a Commission of Inquiry, chaired by the MP Geert Versnick, was set up to address its past relations with
its colonies. On 5 February 2002 the Belgian Foreign Minister Louis Michel apologised for his country's
role in the assasination of Lumumba and offered a $3,25 million fund in Lumumba's name to promote
democracy in Congo.

“The colonialists care nothing for Africa for her own sake. They are attracted by
African riches and their actions are guided by the desire to preserve their interests in Africa
against the wishes of the African people. For the colonialists all means are good if they help
them to possess these riches”. Speech at the All-African Conference in Leopoldville August,
1960. “Political independence has no meaning if it is not accompanied by rapid economic and
social development”. Speech at the All-African Conference in Leopoldville August, 1960
 “Without dignity there is no liberty, without justice there is no dignity, and without
independence there are no free men”. Letter to his wife, Letter from Thysville Prison, Congo, My
Country. “A minimum of comfort is necessary for the practice of virtue”. Congo, My Country.

“The day will come when history will speak. But it will not be the history which will be
taught in Brussels, Paris, Washington or the United Nations…Africa will write its own history
and in both north and south it will be a history of glory and dignity”. Letter from Thysville
Prison to Mrs. Lumumba.

Lumumba raises his arms, injured by shackles, after

his release from prison in January 1960 Photo: Wikipedia

"The only thing which we wanted for our country is the right to a worthy life, to dignity
without pretence, to independence without restrictions. This was never the desire of the Belgian
colonialists and their Western allies…”

“These divisions, which the colonial powers have always exploited the better to
dominate us, have played an important role — and are still playing that role — in the suicide of
Africa”. African Unity and National Independence speech, March, 1959.

“We know that Africa is neither French, nor British, nor American, nor Russian, that it is
African. We know the objects of the West. Yesterday they divided us on the level of a tribe, clan
and village…They want to create antagonistic blocs, satellites… “African unity and solidarity
are no longer dreams. They must be expressed in decisions”. Speech at the opening of the All-
African Conference in Leopoldville August 25,1960.

Muammar Al Gathafi Global Citizens Festival,

Former Prime Minister of Libya, Muammar Mohammed Abu Minyar Gaddafi, commonly known as
Colonel Gaddafi, was a Libyan revolutionary, politician, and political theorist. Born: June 7, 1942, Qasr
Abu Hadi, Libya ,Assassinated: October 20, 2011, Sirte, Libya

Gaddafi was certainly not killed for humanitarian reasons. He wanted to empower
Africa. He had a plan to create a new African Union, based on a new African economic system.
He wanted to introduce the Gold Dinar to back African currencies, so they could become free
from the dollar. He wanted to protect Africa’s vast natural resources from Western looting. The
imperialists eliminated him.

The text below is a transcript of an interview by Alex Knyazev of Russia TV24 with Peter
Koenig. Koenig is an economist and geopolitical analyst. He is also a former World Bank staff
and worked extensively around the world in the fields of environment and water resources. He
lectures at universities in the US, Europe and South America. He writes regularly for Global
Research, ICH, RT, Sputnik, PressTV, The 4th Media (China), TeleSUR, The Vineyard of The
Saker Blog, and other internet sites. He is the author of Implosion – An Economic Thriller about
War, Environmental Destruction and Corporate Greed – fiction based on facts and on 30 years of
World Bank experience around the globe. He is also a co-author of The World Order and
Revolution! – Essays from the Resistance.

Questions Russia TV24: What were the reasons Mr. Gaddafi was killed and NATO invaded Libya?

PK: Mr. Muammar Gaddafi was certainly not killed for humanitarian reasons. Mr. Gaddafi wanted to
empower Africa. He had a plan to create a new African Union, based on a new African economic
system. He had a plan to introduce the ‘Gold Dinar’ as backing for African currencies, so they
could become free from the dollar-dominated western monetary system, that kept and keeps
usurping Africa; Africa’s vast natural resources, especially oil and minerals. As a first step, he
offered this lucrative and very beneficial alternative to other Muslim African states, but leaving it
open for any other African countries to join.

At the time of Gaddafi’s atrocious murdering by Hillary Clinton, then Obama’s Secretary of
State, and the French President Sarkozy, driven by NATO forces, on 20 October 2011 – Libya’s
gold reserves were estimated at close to 150 tons, and about the same amount of silver. The
estimated value at that time was $7 billion.

It’s your guess who may have stolen this enormous treasure from the people of Libya. As of
this date, it is nowhere to be found. Gaddafi also wanted to detach his oil sales from the dollar,
i.e. no longer trading hydrocarbons in US dollars, as was the US/OPEC imposed rule since the
early 1970s. Other African and Middle Eastern oil and gas producers would have followed. In
fact, Iran had already in 2007, a plan to introduce the Tehran Oil Bourse, where anyone could
trade hydrocarbons in currencies other than the US dollar. That idea came to a sudden halt,
when Bush (George W) started accusing Iran of planning to build a nuclear bomb which
was, of course, a fabricated lie, confirmed by the 16 most prominent US security agencies-
and later also by the UN body for nuclear safety – the International Atomic Energy Agency
(IAEA), in Vienna. Washington needed a pretext to stop the Tehran Oil Bourse which would
have decimated the need for dollars, and thereby most probably would have meant the end of the
dollar hegemony.

Saddam Hussein had the same idea. He promised as soon as the murderous and criminal
embargo imposed by the UN – of course dictated by Washington – would end in 2000, he would
sell his petrol in euros. He was killed.
Gaddafi’s new plan for Africa would have meant an entirely new banking system for Africa,
away from the now western (mainly France and UK) central banks dominated African
currencies. It would have meant the collapse of the US dollar - or at least an enormous blow to
this fake dollar based western monetary system.

So, the Gold Dinar was not to happen. Anybody – to this day- who threatens the dollar
hegemony will have to die. That means anybody other than China and Russia, because they
have already a few years ago largely detached their economy from the dollar, by
implementing hydrocarbons as well as other international contracts in gold or the
respective local currencies. That alone has already helped reducing dollar holdings in
international reserve coffers from almost 90% some 20 years ago to a rate fluctuating between
50% and 60% today.

Also the Washington/CIA induced “Arab Spring” was to turn the entire Middle
East into one huge chaos zone - which today, of course, it is. And there are no plans to secure it
and to return it to normalcy, to what it was before. To the contrary, chaos allows to divide-and-
conquer – to balkanize, as is the plan for Syria and Iraq. One of the Washington-led western
goals of this chaos of constant conflict is to eventually install a system of private central banks in
the Middle Eastern/North African countries controlled by Washington – privately owned central
banks, à la Federal Reserve (FED), where the neocons, the Rothschilds and freemasonry
would call the shots. That is expected to help stabilize the US dollar hegemony, as the
hydrocarbons produced in this region generate trillions of dollars in trading per year.

Gaddafi also wanted to introduce, or had already started introducing into

Africa, a wireless telephone system that would do away with the US/European monopolies,
with the Alcatels and AT&Ts of this world, which dominate and usurp the African market
without scruples. Gaddafi was not only the leader of Libya, he had ambitions to free Africa
from the nefarious fangs of the west. Despite being called a dictator and despot by the west –
they do that to anyone who doesn’t submit to Washington’s rules – he was very much liked by
Libyans, by his people. He had a more than 80% approval rate by the Libyan people. Libya’s oil
fortune had allowed him to create a social system in his country where everybody would benefit
from their land’s riches – free health care, free education, including scholarships abroad, modern
infrastructure, top-notch technology in medicine, and more.

Russia TV24: Why would the gold Dinar be unacceptable for the western leaders?

PK: Yes, the gold Dinar was totally unacceptable to western leaders. It might have devastated the
US dollar hegemony, as well as Europe’s control over the African economy – which is nothing
less than neo-colonization of Africa – in many ways worse than what happened for the past 400
or 800 years of murderous military colonization and oppression - which is, by the way, still
ongoing, just more discretely.

Look at the Ivory Coast 2010 presidential elections. Their arguably ‘unelected’
President, Alassane Ouattara, was in a tie with the people’s candidate, Laurent Gbagbo. Gbagbo
said he won the election and asked for a recount, which was denied. Ouattara, a former IMF
staff, was pushed in, basically by ‘recommendation’ of the IMF. He is the darling of the
neoliberal international financial institutions – and is leading a neocon government – an
economy at the service of western corporations. That’s what they wanted. That’s what they got.
Modern colonization is well, alive and thriving. I call this a financial coup, instigated by foreign
financial institutions.

Gbagbo was accused of rape, murder and other atrocities and immediately transferred to the
International Criminal Court (ICC) – what justice? – at The Hague, where he was waiting five
years for a trial which started on 28 January 2016 and is ongoing. On 15 May 2017, it was
extended at the Prosecutor’s request to collect further evidence.

This by all likelihood is just a farce to dupe the public into believing that he is getting a fair trial.
Already in hearings in 2014, Gbagbo was found guilty of all charges, including murder, rape and
other crimes against humanity. Like Slobodan Milošević, he is an inconvenient prisoner, or
worse, would he be as a free man. So, he will most likely be locked away – and one day commit
‘suicide’ or die from a ‘heart attack’. The classic. That’s how the west does away with potential
witnesses of their atrocious crimes. End of story. Nobody barks, because the ‘free world’ has
been made to believe by the western presstitute media that these people are inhuman tyrants.
That’s precisely what the western media’s headlines proclaimed about Muammar Gaddafi:
‘Death of a Tyrant’.

On the other hand, in 2015, Ouattara was “reelected by a landslide”. That’s what western
media say. Colonization under African ‘leadership’. He is protected by the French army.

Back to Libya: Take the specific case of France and West and Central Africa. The
French Central Bank, the Banque de France, backs the West and Central African Monetary
Union’s currency, the CFA franc. The West African Central Bank, for example, is covered,
i.e. controlled, by about 70 per cent of the Banque de France. Banque de France has an
almost total control over the economy of its former West African colonies. No wonder,
Sarkozy, a murderer and war criminal – sorry, it must be said - backed Hillary’s – also a
murderer and war criminal - push for NATO to destroy the country and kill thousands of
Libyans, including Libya’s leader, Muammar Gaddafi. Hillary’s infamous words: ‘We came, we
saw, he died’. And that she said shamelessly, jokingly, laughing. Would the term human
being still apply to such a monster?

Russia TV24: What countries are mostly interested in the Libyan recovery and why? What are the
chances for the economy of Libya to be repaired?

PK: Well, if anybody should be interested in Libya’s recovery it would be first the Libyans who
are still living in Libya, because they are now living in a Libya of chaos and high crime, of
mafia-economics, of tyranny by gang leadership. They certainly have an interest to return to
normalcy. North African neighboring countries should also be interested in restoring order and
rebuilding Libya’s infrastructure and economy, stopping the spill-over of high crime and
terrorism. They have lost an important trading partner.

Of course, the rest of Africa, who have suffered from continuous colonization by the west, after
Gaddafi’s demise, should also be interested in re-establishing Libya. They know, it will never be
the same Libya that was there to help their economy, to help them prying loose from the western
boots and fangs of exploitation.

And Europe should be most interested in re-establishing order and a real economy in Libya -
cleaning it from a murderous Mafia that promotes drugs and slave trade ending up in Europe.
Libya today is one of the key hubs for the boat refugees from Africa to Europe. Instead of
helping Libyans to come to peace within its borders and to rebuild their country, the European
Commission launched in 2015 a new European Border and Coast Guard Agency, targeting
specifically Libya – destroying refugee boats, if they cannot stop them from leaving Tripoli,
Benghazi and other Libyan Sea ports.

Of course, spineless Europe doesn’t dare say they would like to remake Libya into a functional
state. Libya is Washington’s territory – and Washington wants chaos to continue in Libya. As
such Libya is a formidable ground for training and recruitment of terrorists, drug and slave
trading; a country where crime prospers and the CIA takes their cut, as these criminal activities
are directed by the CIA and their affiliates. The rest of the world doesn’t see that. For them it’s
all the fault of the dictator Gaddafi, who thank goodness was eliminated by the western powers,
lords of money and greed.

Russia TV24: Decades ago Libya was very successful from an economic point of view. What main
things could you remember?

PK: Libya was economically and socially a successful country, arguably the most successful in
Africa. Prosperity from oil was largely shared by Gaddafi with his countrymen. Libya had a first-
class social safety net, an excellent transportation infrastructure, free medical services, and
modern hospitals, equipped with latest medical equipment, free education for everyone – and
students could even receive scholarships to study abroad.

Under President Gaddafi, Libya built friendly relations based on solidarity with other African
States and was always ready to help if a ‘brother nation’ was in trouble. Gaddafi was a bit
like Hugo Chavez in South America. He had a large heart and charisma, maybe not so much for
western leaders, but certainly for Libya’s own population. Yet, he is accused of tyranny by the
West, and is said of having financially supported Sarkozy’s presidential campaign – Sarkozy, the
very ‘leader’ who then helped Hillary lynch Gaddafi. If that doesn’t say a lot about Europe’s
criminal leaders – what will?

Muammar Gaddafi was accused by Washington – an accusation immediately repeated by the

spineless European puppets - of being responsible for the December 1988 PanAm Flight 103
bombing over Lockerbie, Scotland. More than 240 people perished in the crash. Not a shred of
evidence was discovered that Libya was behind the plot. But it was a good reason to start a
program of sanctions against Gaddafi’s regime. It was most likely a false flag. What interest
would anybody have to bring down that flight, other than clamping down on an oil-rich country?

Russia TV24: Now we see oil production has grown to at least 50% of the 2011 level. Can we expect it
to continue growing and affecting the oil market?

PK: Yes, Libyan oil production has increased to about 50% of its 2011 level. Libya is known for
her high premium light oil, commanding premium prices. It is a market niche which might well
be affected by Libya’s stepped up production. But who really benefits from this production
increase? Most likely not the Libyans, but the international corporations, mostly American
and French oil giants. They call the shots on the production levels. They are part of the
international cartel of oil price manipulators, as are the Wall Street banksters, predominantly
Goldman Sachs.

Russia TV24: The sanctions against Libya are lifted and all barriers to foreign investments have
disappeared as well. Does it mean the county will face recovery soon?

PK: Sanctions may be lifted, but that does not mean that foreign investments will now flow to
Libya. The country is still in chaos and disarray and- in my opinion - will stay so in the
foreseeable future. That’s in Washington’s interest. Investors are reluctant to put their money
into a crime nest and a terrorist breeding ground which is working closely with Washington and
its secret services – to provide terrorists to fight US-proxy wars around the Middle East, for
example in Syria and Iraq – and now even in Afghanistan – and who knows where else.

Russia TV24: How do you assess the political situation in the country today?

PK: As much as I would like to end on a positive note, it is difficult. As long as the CIA, chief
instigator of all wars in the Middle East, is using the purposefully created Libyan chaos to
train and recruit Islamic State fighters, Al-Qaeda and other terrorist groups which vary
only in name but have the same objective – namely regime change in Syria – prospects for a
foreseeable bright future are dim.

Of course, a lot depends on the unpredictable Trump presidency. Will he seek peace in the
Middle East? – That would be the surprise of the Century – or will he continue on the track
dictated by the Deep State (not least to save his skin) – continue destruction of the Middle East,
balkanization of Syria – all as a stepping stone to full spectrum dominance – as is written in the
American Bible – the PNAC – Plan for a New American Century – which outlines the
‘American Pax Romana’? They were the bloodiest 200 – 300 years of the Roman Empire.

Here comes the positive note: It is unlikely that the American empire will last that long. It’s
on its last legs. When it finally falters, Libya may recover, and so may the rest of the world.
This article previously appeared in Global Research.

Here are some Colonel Muammar Mohammed Abu Minyar Gaddafi Quotation:
 Americans are good people. They have no aggressions against us and they like us as we
like them. They must know I don't hate them. I love them.… I hear it is a complex society inside.
Many Americans don't know about the outside world. The majority have no concern and no
information about other people. They could not even find Africa on a map. I think Americans
are good, but America will be taken over and destroyed from the inside by the Zionist lobby. The
Americans do not see this. They are getting decadent. Zionists will use this to destroy them

Reagan plays with fire. He doesn't care about international peace. He plays as if he was
in the theater. Reagan wants to dominate the world. He wants to find justification to make war. If
he does this, if it goes on like this, a cataclysm will take place. Reagan should come and see that
I am not a terrorist in a trench with a grenade in my pocket.

The black people’s struggle has vanquished racism. It was God who created colour.
Today Obama, a son of Kenya, a son of Africa, has made it in the United States of America.
During my term in AU, I will initiate an organized compensation claim for Africa and I will
fight for a greater voice for Africa in the United Nations Security Council. If they do not
want to live with us fairly, it is our planet and they can go to another planet

AFRICA MUST WAKE UP.

Senegal’s first President, Léopold Sedar Senghor, is considered one of the most influential
Africans of the 20th century. As a poet, Senghor championed black identity through his literary
works, and as a politician, he showed that democracy and stability was achievable in post-
colonial Africa Dear White Brother, When I was born, I was black, When I grew up, I was
black, When in the sun, I am black, When I am ill, I am black, When I die, I will be black.
Whereas you, white man, When you were born, you were pink, When you grew up, you were
white, When you’re in the sun, you are red, When you are cold, you are blue, When in fear, you
are green, When you are ill, you are yellow, When you die, you will be grey. Well then, of us two,
who is the coloured one?

Speaking on the current struggle between Europe, America and Asia for dominance in Africa,
which he condemned in strong terms, the Former Prime Minister of Chad and current
Chairperson of the African Union Commission (AUC), Moussa Faki Mahamat, told the
Europeans that Africa was not a commodity to be won by the highest bidder.

He said the so-called global superpowers could battle over other things and territories - but not
Africa; because according to him, Africa cannot be 'infantilized'.

The constitutional implications of Pan-Africanism present to its builders a challenge to create a

heaven on earth for African humanity. Therefore, the powers of the executive must be clearly
defined, bearing in mind that in most of the progressive States of the world, Heads of States
exercise powers formally and Heads of Governments formulate policy and do the actual
governing. Nevertheless, the vogue is to accept the supremacy of the legislature, as a forum for
airing the views of the electorate and strengthening the hand of the executive.
Pan-Africanists must also guarantee the independence of the judiciary, not necessarily by
stratifying judges as a select and privileged elite but by ensuring that they shall perform their
functions without fear or favour and at the same time be responsible to the people for their
actions and behaviour. To obtain maximum efficiency in the machinery of administration, the
civil service must be insulated from partisan politics. As for the people themselves, their
fundamental rights must be guaranteed and entrenched in any document or instrument creating
any association of African States.

From:theostell1986@yahoo.com or theostell1986@gmail.com(0712055981)

@1959.61.2021.jan.84.theostell1986@Elizeus Jerad Mushobozi"I AM REAL john3:16