THE INVOLVEMENT OF MILF AND NDF AGAINST THE PHILIPPINE

GOVERNMENT: AN ANALYSIS

A Research Paper
Presented to
The Faculty of College of Arts and Sciences
Camarines Norte State College
Daet Camarines Norte

In Partial Fulfillment
of the Requirements in the Subject
History 105: Island of Southeast Asia

By:
Rosalinas, Maricar A.

.
BA HISTORY IIB

February , 2020

OUTLINE:

• Introduction

• Historical background of Mindanao

• Historical background of National Democratic Front

• Historical background of MILF

• The Moros

• Conflict between MILF and NDF against the Philippines government

 • Local clan conflicts

• Mindanao Conflict: In Search of Peace and Human Rights

• Agreement with the MILF

• Solidarity of Filipino People

• Conclusion

• Reference

Why does conflict occur and exist, especially in cases when the decisions involved are made

by careful and rational actors? The lack of unity it might cause of conflict? Multilateral

interaction where every potential agreement is blocked by some coalition of states or

constituencies who can derail it? There are several answers to this question. Given the

importance of the question, and the wide range of answers, it is essential to have a perspective on

the various sources of conflict. In this study we provide an analysis of them roots causes among

the government and other ethnic groups. In particular, we provide not just taxonomy of causes of

conflict, but also some insight into the necessity of and interrelation between different factors

that lead to war.

In terms of conflict in countries there are so many types that can affect our lives as well as in

our nation such as poverty, unemployment, ethnic group, lack of education, corruption, judicial

killing and war. The conflict in war of our country is caused by the natural forces of the people or

organization where great damages can bring in our whole nation and sometimes can loss a

hundred of lives because we cannot prevent this type of occurrences because of the personal

interests and their identity, but we can avoid the too much damages or reduce the casualties when

we have a unity, cooperation and specially the respect of everyone even though we are have a

different personalities and descent.

Let us offer a brief preview of the way in which we categorize causes of war. There are two
prerequisites for a war between (rational) actors. One is that the costs of war cannot be

overwhelmingly high. By that we mean that there must be some plausible situations in the eyes

of the decision makers such that the anticipated gains from a war in terms of resources, power,

glory, territory, and so forth exceed the expected costs of conflict, including expected damages to

property and life. Thus, for war to occur with rational actors, at least one of the sides involved

has to expect that the gains from the conflict will outweigh the costs incurred. Without this

prerequisite there can be lasting peace. Second, as cogently argued by Fearon (1995), there has

to be a failure in bargaining, so that for some reason there is an inability to reach a mutually
advantageous and enforceable agreement. The main tasks in understanding war between rational

actors are thus to see why bargaining fails and what incentives or circumstances might lead

countries to arm in ways such that the expected benefits from war outweigh the costs for at least

one of the sides.

HISTORICAL BACHGROUND OF THE MORO ISLAMIC LIBERATION FRONT

(MILF).

According to Abuza, Z. (2005), The Moro Islamic Liberation Front was officially

formed in 1977 after breaking off from the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF),

which had been fighting the government since the 1960s. Hashim Salamat led the

break from the Moro National Liberation Front, which he believed had emphasized

Marxist-Maoist principles at the expense of Islamic principles. Under the leadership

of Salamat, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front was created with the objective of

liberating Mindanao and surrounding islands from the government and forming them

into an independent Islamic state in the southern Philippines.

In addition of Brussels (2010) From the 1980s to 1990s, MILF gained power militarily

and socially, due to the secluded mountainous geography in the southern region of the

Philippines. In its areas of control, MILF created Islamic communities that reported to MILF’s
own Islamic governing and judicial system, thus in effect establishing a de facto Islamic

community under the weak rule of MNLF’s ARMM. MILF became the strongest representative

for the Moros who were disappointed with the weak conditions of ARMM.

According to the Institute for the Study of Violent Groups, (2010) tactics

used by Moro Islamic Liberation Front members include high-profile kidnappings and

ambushing government security forces. Some members have participated in terrorist

activities, such as the bombing of civilian populations, in retaliation for the

government violating their ceasefire agreements. The Moro Islamic Liberation Front
has an estimated 15,000 members today.

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC FRONT (NDF)

According to De Jong (2010), The NDF is the revolutionary united front organization of

the Filipino people fighting for national freedom and for the democratic rights of the people.

Established on 24 April 1973, the NDFP seeks to develop and coordinate all progressive classes,

sectors and forces in the Filipino people’s struggle to end the rule of US imperialism and its local

allies of big landlords and compradors, and attain national and social liberation.

The most important responsibilities of the NDF include promoting national unity for the

revolutionary struggle. It makes pronouncements on behalf of the revolutionary forces upon their

authorization. It conducts proto-diplomatic and relations work abroad to gather moral, political

and material support for the revolutionary movement.

Since 1992, the NDF has been holding peace talks with the Government of the Republic

of the Philippines (GRP) to address the roots of the armed conflict. Ten Agreements have been

signed between the two parties including the Comprehensive Agreement on Respect for Human

Rights and International Humanitarian Law (CARHRIHL). At present, the current Manila

government under President Benigno Aquino III is carrying out a US-designed counter-
insurgency plan called Oplan Bayanihan. It is intensifying the exploitation and oppression of the

Filipino people. It has sabotaged the peace talks. It seeks only the pacification and capitulation of

the revolutionary movement. On the other hand, The CPP, the NPA and other revolutionary

forces are intensifying their revolutionary struggle. They aim for advancing from the strategic

defensive to the strategic stalemate of the people’s war in the next few years.

Today, the NDF is found in 70 provinces in the Philippines, out of a total 81 provinces.

The New People’s Army (NPA), under the absolute leadership of the Communist Party of the

Philippines (CPP), operates in more than 100 guerrilla fronts throughout the country. In these
fronts, revolutionary organs of political power hold sway and form part of the people’s

democratic government which continues to be built and consolidate.

The NDF has an impressive ability to infiltrate legal opposition groups and influence the

anti-government press. The assassination in 1983 of Marcos rival Benigno Aquino bolstered the

NDF by politicizing many Filipinos, including much of the urban middle, class, students,

teachers, laborers and members of the Catholic clergy. Disillusioned with the traditional political

structure as a vehicle for reform, many of these new activist joined the emerging “cause-

oriented” or issue-based political groups working in a loose coalition referred to as the

“parliament of the streets”. The rise of the legal activist organizations provided the NDF with the

perfect environment, in our view, for coalition building. According to the US Embassy, by 1985

the NDF had grown to approximately 6,000 hardcore urban activists, with a grassroots following

of several million Filipinos.

THE MOROS

The Spanish called Islamized tribes they encountered in the Philippine islands “Moros”

their name for the Muslims of North Africa, who had ruled Peninsular Spain in late centuries. In
recent years, the term “Bangsamoro” (meaning Moro nation) has gained currency among both

the Bangsamoro themselves and the broader Filipino population.

The Moro people comprise the 13 Islamized ethnolinguistic groups of Mindanao, Sulu and

Palawan. Along with the group known as Lumad in Mindanao, the Moros are an indigenous

population that had been living on the islands long before the coming of Spanish colonialism.

Today, the Moro people are found all over the Philippines. However, they are dominant in

the provinces of Maguindanao, Lanao del Sur, Basilan, Sulu and Tawi-Tawi. They are also
numerous in some municipalities of North Cotabato, Lanao del Norte, Davao del Sur, South

Cotabato, Zamboanga del Sur, Zamboanga Sibugay and Palawan.

CONFLICT BETWEEN MILF AND NDF AGAINST THE PHILIPPINE GOVERNMENT

According to Martin (2008), he stated that the Philippines has suffered two major

armed conflicts in recent years – in Mindanao involving the Moro Islamic Liberation Front

(MILF) and a countrywide communist insurgency with the National Democratic Front

(NDF). Because of the violence related to two main causes: a communist-inspired insurgency

and a separatist struggle in the southern Bangsamoro region.

At the heart of the disagreement in Mindanao lies deep-rooted prejudices against a

minority Muslim and indigenous population. The conflict has roots in the colonial period,

but the armed struggle for an independent state began in 1969, sparked by discrimination

and human rights violations under President Marco’s dictatorship. Many armed groups, most

notably the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front

(MILF), fought against the government to establish an independent Muslim region on the

island of Mindanao. Over 150,000 were killed in the decades-long insurgency that ensued

(Brussels, 2007).
 In addition the conflict between the Government of the Philippines and the

communist NDF began in 1968 and since then has caused immense unrest for the civilian

population and claimed more than 40,000 lives. Since 2001, Norway has been the facilitator

of the peace talks between the Government and the NDF but these peace efforts have not

resulted in further agreements, with the latest round of talks ending in 2017. Neither side

has yet explicitly committed to a peaceful solution, which makes confidence building and

compromise more difficult (Martin, 2008).

Discontent arising from the repression of dissent and foreign interference in the

Philippines led to the formation of the Communist Party of the Philippines after World War II. It

aimed to overthrow the government, and remains active; peace talks between it and the

government have so far been unsuccessful.

In addition on this conflict has primarily taken place in the Philippines. The failure of

campaigns in the 1960s to recognize local people’s rights led to the development of nationalist

movements, and various armed groups have since fought the government for greater autonomy.

According to Coronel, (2010) in March 2014 a peace deal was signed between the

government and the largest of these groups, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front. However, not all

of the rebel groups in Mindanao and Sulu archipelago have signed the deal, and clashes in early

2015 highlight the challenges associated with this long and protracted conflict.

However the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) that had split off in1984 from the

MNLF continued the fighting. Ceasefire agreements and peace negotiations with the MILF broke

down several times. The last two “all-out wars” happened in 2000 under President Estrada, and

then again in February 2003, but already in March 2003 peace talks were resumed. In July, the

government signed a new ceasefire with MILF ahead of talks in Malaysia. These negotiations are

under way, and are supported by the Organization of Islamic Countries (OIC).

But violence in the South has been perpetrated by many more groups than MNLF and
MILF, including other armed non-state actors (Pentagon in Central Mindanao, Abu Sayyaf, the

South-East Asian Jemaah Islamiah etc.), Christian vigilante organizations and criminal gangs

(‘Kidnap for Ransom Groups’) and official and semi-official government agencies (human rights

organizations have counted at least 50 extrajudicial killings of drug offenders in the city of

Davao).

LOCAL CLAN CONFLICTS

Despite these successes, poverty and political tensions persist in Mindanao. It

remains the poorest region in the Philippines, and a lack of resources, along with corruption,
means the local government structures are weak. These all contribute to the prevalence of

conflicts. 

  Locally known as “rido” or clan wars, these conflicts are sporadic in nature yet last

for generations, often becoming flashpoints between the state and revolutionary armed

groups. While some cases have been resolved, the region needs improved social and

institutional structures for preventing and resolving these conflicts. Without these, the

security and safety of the people of Mindanao is fragile at best.

Based in an interview with HYPERLINK "https://www.abs-

cbnnews.com/nation/regions/11/23/09/buluan-vice-mayors-wife-media-men-beheaded"

ABS-CBN News in the Philippines 2010, the candidate, Esmael Mangudadatu, who is a

member of a powerful political clan, said that his wife and sister were among the dead, along

with several other members of his family, two lawyers and up to a dozen journalists. Family

members of the victims said that some of the dead had been beheaded..

Murder has become such a regular part of Filipino elections in recent years that a report from

ABS-CBN News on the massacre was headlined: “Beheadings mark start of election season in

HYPERLINK "https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=r1j16Z5wN5c"Maguindanao.” As the

BBC’s Vaudine England noted, “Every election period features assassinations of rivals,

particularly in provincial areas where the forces of law and order are often tightly connected to

local clans.”

In 2007, for instance, at least 126 people were killed during that year’s mid-term elections

— including some who were in the process of counting votes when they were murdered. At the

time, the head of the country’s police force told the BBC that 2007’s election had been

“relatively peaceful,” compared with 2004, when 189 people died.

The Philippine Daily Inquirer reported that Mr. Mangudadatu’s wife, Jenalyn, managed to

call him after the convoy was first stopped and said that the group was being held by about 100
armed men working for the Ampatuan family, which has ruled the province of Maguindanao,

where the killings took place, for years.

The current governor of the province is a member of the Ampatuan family. According

to The Philippine Star, Monday’s violence appears to have been the result of a rivalry between

two powerful families in the region:The Ampatuans belong to an old and powerful Moro clan in

Maguindanao. Their ancestors fought the Spaniards as well as the Japanese during World War II.

The Mangudadatus are related to the Ampatuans both by blood and consanguinity. Like the

Ampatuans, the Mangudadatus also belong to a warrior clan. Both families are known for

stockpiling weapons for protection and as a status symbol.

Based in A Times article in 2007 explained how much of the Philippines is still ruled by a

small number of powerful families: For generations, political dynasties have dominated elections

and governments in the Philippines. They are prominent and moneyed clans, like that of

President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, whose father was president in the 1960s and whose son is a

congressman. Another son is running for congress.As these clans protect their reign, they often

resort to violence to frustrate any attempt by rivals to unseat them. Experts say the influence of

these dynasties has grown more pervasive in recent years. There are an estimated 250 political

families nationwide, with at least one in every province, occupying positions in all levels of the
bureaucracy, according to the Center for People Empowerment in Governance, a Philippine

nonprofit group. Of the 265 members of Congress, 160 belong to clans, the group says.

One outraged Filipino blogger, Patricio Mangubat, wrote on Monday that the patriarch of

the Ampatuan clan, Datu Andal Ampatuan, “is a certified warlord,” and charged that the Filipino

government “is using political warlordism as a counter-force against dissent and secessionist

groups in Mindanao.” Mr. Mangubat added, “I also blame the military. The Ampatuans and

others like them grew in influence and power because they took care of them and use them in

their counter-terrorism campaigns in Mindanao.”

In 2005 the Filipino Web site Newsbreak reported that the Ampatuan clan had a private

army of “about 300 armed civilian volunteers,” who were supplied with guns and ammunition by

the country’s military to help out in the fight against Muslim rebels and communist insurgents.

According to Newsbreak, as early as 2004 the military may have been having second thoughts

about the clan-based militias it was supporting and circulated a confidential memo “on the

effects of the family feuds in Maguindanao.”

On 2005 The Los Angeles Times reported that Eid Kabalu, a leader of the country’s

largest Muslim rebel group, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front, said the murders in Mindanao

were “gruesome.” The reported killing of journalists in the massacre Monday also offered a

reminder of the fact that the Philippines is also a very dangerous place to be a reporter.

MINDANAO CONFLICT: IN SEARCH OF PEACE AND HUMAN RIGHTS

The current armed conflict in Mindanao reflects the recurring call for the fulfillment of

the right to self-determination of the Muslim population in the Philippines in order to obtain

sustainable peace.

With almost forty years of on and off fighting between Muslim armed opposition groups

and the Philippine military forces, and the resulting high toll on human lives, the search for

sustainable peace and full respect for human rights remains a big challenge (Martin, 2008).
 The current armed conflict started in late 1960s, when a Muslim armed group (Moro

National Liberation Front or MNLF) started to advocate for a “Moro homeland.” The Philippine

government responded through military means, resulting in numerous deaths among, and

displacement of, the civilian population (Muslims as well as Christians). In the 1970s, the

Philippine government initiated peace talks and obtained a peace agreement with the then main

Muslim armed opposition group (MNLF) to stop the conflict and address the problems. But

armed confrontations broke out every now and then, between the Philippine military and the

MNLF and also with another Muslim armed opposition group (Moro Islamic Liberation Front or
MILF). For every break out of armed hostilities, thousands of non- combatants are caught in the

crossfire, and suffer displacement and other human rights violations (Martin, 2008).

To emphasize their deep sense of independence as a people, many Muslims in Mindanao

collectively call themselves “Moro,” the word used by the colonial Spanish government to refer

to the Muslim people. This extends to the use of the word “Bangsamoro” (Moro Nation) to

indicate a people separate from the rest of the Philippine population (Martin, 2008).

AGREEMENT WITH MILF

According to the ABS CBN News Coronel (2010), The Government and the MILF met

again on August 22 and 23, 2011, and during this meeting the Government submitted its

counterproposal to the comprehensive compact submitted by the MILF. The MILF rejected the

plan and stated that it would refuse to hold further direct talks with the Government until it

agreed to discuss the MILF’s demand for an autonomous Muslim sub-state in the southern

Philippines. On October 19, 2011, 19 AFP troops were killed in a firefight with MILF rebels in

the southern province of Basilan. Despite this clash, the Government and the MILF resumed

peace talks in early December 2011.

In addition of Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue (2014), in April 2012, the Government and the

MILF agreed to a set of principles to guide the substantive agenda of future negotiations and to
work for the creation of a new autonomous political entity that will share power with the

Government. On July 19, 2012, the Government concluded the twenty-ninth formal exploratory

peace talks with the MILF. Over the course of the three days of talks, the two sides discussed the

realization of a new autonomous political entity to replace the ARMM. Both sides agreed to hold

further discussions in August 2012.

In exploratory talks held from August 7 to 11, 2012, the Government and the MILF both

organized their respective technical working groups on power sharing and wealth sharing. The

technical working groups reached consensus on certain issues relating to power sharing, revenue
generation and wealth generation. Both parties noted progress in the discussion of a framework

agreement and agreed to hold further discussions.

On October 7, 2012, the Government and the MILF concluded the thirty-second

exploratory peace talks with the release of a draft framework peace agreement (the “Framework

Agreement”), which provides a framework for replacing the ARMM with Bangsamoro, a new

autonomous political entity. The Framework Agreement defines the powers and structures of the

new Bangsamoro entity and describes the principles, processes and mechanisms that will shape

relations between the Government and Bangsamoro.

On October 8, 2012 it was announced that the Philippine government had reached a

preliminary peace agreement with the Moro Islamic Liberation Front, the country’s largest

Muslim rebel group, to end the four decade long insurgency that had killed more than 120,000

people. Under the agreement, a new political entity will be created in Mindanao, in the the

southwestern of the Philippines, where there is a Muslim majority. The new entity will be

authorized to raise its own sources of revenue and to levy taxes. The civil court system in the

area will be improved, while the Shari’ah justice system for Muslims will be expanded. The

national government retains jurisdiction over defense and security, foreign policy, monetary

policy and coinage, citizenship and naturalization and the postal system.
 The Framework Agreement provided that the new entity will, subject to certain

limitations, have the power to levy taxes, borrow funds from foreign and domestic lenders and

share in the revenues generated through the development of natural resources within its

jurisdiction. The Framework Agreement reserves the powers of defence and security, foreign

policy, monetary policy and coinage, citizenship, and naturalization to the Government. The

Government and the MILF signed the Framework Agreement on October 15, 2012.

In March 2014, the Philippines and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) signed the

Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro (CAB), which paves the way for the creation of a
new, autonomous political entity by 2016 that will replace the existing and inadequate

Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM). As of the reporting period, the Bangsamoro

Transition Commission, a body consisting of Philippine and MILF representatives, have

completed a draft of a Bangsamoro Basic Law, which the President plans to submit to Congress

for review, followed by a region-wide plebiscite for approval.

In July 2018 President Duterte signed the Bangsamoro Organic Law, and agreed to a

referendum to give voters in the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao the final say in the

future status of the Bangsamoro. The successful vote in January 2019 paves the way for the

establishment of the Bangsamoro Autonomous Regional Government that will replace the

current authorities. The regional government will have greater financial autonomy and a more

representative parliamentary system  (Jacques, 2000).

SOLIDARITY OF FILIPINO PEOPLE

As part of the International Contact Group that supported the signing of the 2014

Comprehensive Agreement, we continue to provide support to the peace process between the

Government of the Philippines and the MILF, including on the implementation of the agreement.

In addition, the government and the NDF negotiation panel has requested us to facilitate some of

their meetings - particularly in the areas of human rights and ceasefires (Jacques, 2000).
 Our work in the Philippines also focuses on community-level conflicts and

community safety and security. In the Bangsamoro region (Mindanao) we are working with

communities to resolve local conflicts, and strengthen relationships between them and local

authorities. Alongside our local partners, we have helped to establish 12 Community Safety

Working Groups in communities across four locations (Martin, 2000).

CONCLUSION

Based from the different data that I gathered many of the tribes fear that because they

lack titles for their traditional territory, they will be unable to claim the resources and exercise
their right to self-governance after a deal is signed. The question is what can be done now to

reassure them that they will retain control of their land. While the peace process with the Moro

Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) may be ill-suited to advancing indigenous rights because its

structure and content do not prioritise these issues, the government and the MILF should take

steps both within and outside the parameters of formal negotiations to respond more concretely

to the concerns of the Lumad.

But the choice for nonviolence must not wait until conflict erupts. It must be built into

society: built into institutions for conflict forecasting, mediation, adjudication, and peacekeeping.

It must be built into education in the form of knowledge, perceptions, beliefs and values in short,

a culture of peace. Societies consciously prepare far in advance for the war response and so

perpetuate insecurity.

For peace to prevail, we must prepare equally far in advance for the better choice. If you

want peace, prepare for peace. The key to resolving conflict is identifying true rather than

perceived threats and then finding strategies to solve them.

Indeed, the ideal of social solidarity is best served when people of diverse yet connected

cultures are able to creatively and freely express, celebrate and share this diversity and

connection with others. What better way to do this than by having families, communities, ethnic
groups and localities cultivate and share their local histories through the cultural thread that best

interconnects and binds them: the writing, telling, and understanding of history.

Reference

• Books:

Abuza, Z. (2005) The Moro Islamic Front at Twenty: State of the Revolution. Studies in

Conflict of Terrorism. Volume 28: Pp. 453-479.

• Periodicals:

• Electronic sources:

Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue. (Janury 25, 2014). The Government of the Philippines
and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front Agree on Final Elements of Peace
Agreement. Retrieve from
http://www.hdcentre.org/en/resources/news/detail/article/1390648821-the-
government-of- HYPERLINK
 "http://www.hdcentre.org/en/resources/news/detail/article/1390648821-the-
government-of-the-philippines-and-the-moro-islamic-liberation-front-agree-on-
final-el"t HYPERLINK
"http://www.hdcentre.org/en/resources/news/detail/article/1390648821-the-
government-of-the-philippines-and-the-moro-islamic-liberation-front-agree-on-
final-el"he-philippines-and-the-moro-islamic-liberation-front-agree-on-final-el.

Coronel, S. (May 10, 2010). The Philippines Moro Islamic Liberation Front.
Retrieve
from
http://www.reuters.com/article/2011/02/05/us-philippines-rebels-factbox-
idUSTRE7140PP20110205.

Jacques, B. (2000). Peace and Conflict in the Southern Philippines: Why the 1996 Peace
Agreement Is Fragile. Vol. 1. Pacific Affairs. Pp. 37-54.
http://blogs.cfr.org/asia/2012/10/09/philippines-signs-framework-deal-with-muslim-
rebels/

The editors of Factbox. (February 5, 2011). The Philippines’ Moro Islamic Liberation
Front. Retrieve from
http://www.reuters.com/article/2011/02/05/us-philippines-rebels-factbox-
idUSTRE7140PP20110205
.