PERSONALITY TYPES AND THE DIVISION OF LABOR

EVERETT CHERRINGTON HUGHES

McGillUniversity

ABSTRACT
The objectsof occupationalselectionare personsmostof whomhave been
rearedin families in whichtheyhave inherited setsof socialobjectsand attitudes
moreor less commonto the community. The divisionof labor operateson these
persons, in an urbanized
world,by mobilizing themfromtheirmilieunatal (Durk-
heim)and makingthemavailableat thepointswherecompetition willgivethema
place. The completenessofthismobilization variesin differenttypesofoccupations:
thecompleteness ofpersonality
changeofthosewhoentertheoccupation varieswith
it. Sometimes themobilizationofthepersonis ofanothersort,involving conversion,
longprofessional training,
and development ofesoteric skilland interests.The more
mobileandesoteric theoccupationaltype,themorecompletely are familialand local
tiesandmoresleftbehind.The personfindsa "life-organization" in theoccupational
group,socialobjectsand attitudes,
and definitionsofhiswishes.
A divisionoflabormaybe sacredor secular.In a castesystem oneis bornto a
stationanda sacredsetofprerogatives; hispersonality is a stereotype.In ourworld
but feware bornto theirstations.A man'stradethusbecomesmoreimportant
thanhisfamily.
Each occupation tendsto haveits peculiarrealmof sacredand secularobjects.
The sacredobjectsare its interests
and prerogatives. Its secularobjectsare within
the realmof,its technique.Classificationof personsintotypesby theseobjective
criteriais perhapsmoresignificant
foran understanding of modernsocialorganiza-
tionthanare suchgeneralclassifications as represented by the familiarPhilistine,
Bohemianclassification.A classification
of personality typesaccording to divisions
of labormustbe supplemented by further classificationwithineach unit. Certain
typesmoveeasilyand almostnecessarily fromone occupation to another.But the
personswhodo so becomethemselves a distinct
type.

INTRODUCTION
Literatureand commonsense,and in theselatterdays, the
press,have givenus stereotyped picturesof personsengagedin
variousoccupations:theold-maidschoolteacher,theparson,the
villageblacksmith, the farmer,the professor, the politician,the
financier.All theseand manyothertypesso createdare expected
to reactto thesituationsoflifein characteristic
manner.To many
thecartoonist addsa faceand costume.Socialscientists and philos-
ophershavetakenthecue and havesometimes relatedtypesofmen
to theirtasks,as AdamSmithinhisclassicparagraphonthenature
of the differencesbetweenthe philosopherand the man witha
754

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 PERSONALITY TYPES AND DIVISION OF LABOR 755

wheelbarrow. In common-sense discussionthequestionis notasked

as to the mannerin whichthe differences arise: it onlytalksof
themas factsor fiction.
In ourbranchof social sciencemuchattention has latelybeen
turnedto theclassification ofpersonsintotypes,accordingto their
behavior.Someof theolderclassifications, as goodand bad, crim-
inaland and law-abiding, richand poor,havebeencalledintoques-
tion-not because the classes indicateddo not exist,but because
theydo not give sufficient clues to the behaviorof people. Dr.
Burgesshas undertaken to studythedelinquent as a person,taking
intoaccountsequencesofbehavior,therolesassumedbytheperson
inhis group,theroleaccordedhimbyhis group;and withthefur-
therprovisionthatone take intoaccountthe groupin whichthe
personwishesto have status.That is to say,thegroupin whichhe
"lives." The delinquency, or thebreakingofthelaw,thusbecomes
a mereitemin a patternof behavior,and emphasisis put on the
factthatthisone itemis notalwaysthesame,evenwhentheovert
act involvedcomesundera givenlegalcategory.In thisis a recog-
nitionthatbehaviortypesdo notnecessarily coincidewiththecom-
mon-sense orlegaldefinitions.
In this paper we appear to be revertingfromthe position
alreadygained; lookingfora set ofpersonality typesin a classifi-
cationofpeopleaccordingto theworktheydo. A numberofques-
tionsat once arise. To whatextentdo personsof a givenoccupa-
tion"live together" and developa culturewhichhas its subjective
aspectin thepersonality?Do personsfindan area forthesatisfac-
tionof theirwishesin theassociationswhichtheyhave withtheir
colleagues,competitors,and fellow-servants? To whoseopinionsis
one sensitive?Whatpartdoes one'soccupationplayin givinghim
his "life-organization"?'
A prerequisitefortheanswering of thesequestionsis studyof
personsengagedin variousoccupations, to determine thenatureof
occupationalselection,and whathappensto a persononcehe does
finda placein thedivisionoflabor. A numberofsuchstudieshave
beenundertaken.Someare statisticalstudies;othersare whatone
mightcall case studiesofoccupations, as Mrs. Donovan'sworkon
1 See Thomas, The Polsh Peasant,I, 27.

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 756 THE AMERICAN JOURNALOF SOCIOLOGY

in thispaperthanto put the

thewaitress.2We can go no farther
and illustratefromone occupa-
problemintoa frameof reference,
tionalgroup.
HUMAN ECOLOGY AND THE DIVISION OF LABOR
We are indebtedto Durkheimfora distinction betweentwo
typesof socialunits,thesocial segmentand thesocial organ.The
social segmentis thatsortof minutecommunity whichexistsin
independence ofall others;its membersgrowup underconditions
so uniform thattheirconsciencesare concrete,uniform, and strong.
It is also characterizedby thepresenceof as manygenerations as
the longevityof the groupallows. It is different in a numberof
waysfromall othercommunities. The individualcannotimagine
anyothersetofsocialattitudesthantheonecommonto thepeople
of his owngroup.The social organ,on theotherhand,is depend-
entforlifeuponothercommunities; onlya unitin the
it represents
divisionoflabor,and mustengagein exchangewithothercommu-
nities.This exchangerequiresat leasta minimum of understand-
ing betweenthegroupsof communities involved.The divisionof
laborrepresents a set of exchangesbetweencommunities whereby
thesecommunities becomeinvolvedas functioning partsofa larger
community. This largercommunity, however, has no commoncon-
science,or onlya verytenuous,vague,abstractone. As the divi-
sionof laborproceeds,thelifeof each social organis morecondi-
tionedby the others;the forceswhichhold it in place come to
includeneighborsas wellas thesoil beneathone's feet.It is this
patternof socialorgans,treatedspatially,withwhichhumanecol-
ogyconcernsitself.
SACRED DIVISION OF LABOR
In thetypeof community whichDurkheimcalls a "social seg-
ment"the division of labor is eitherverysimpleor veryrigid. It
maybe mereincidentofthesocialorganization ofthecommunity,
consistingin sets of sacredprerogatives, as in the caste system,
wherea personis bornto his tradeand station.We may call this
sortof divisionoflabora sacredone. The prerogatives ofa given
castemayor maynotconstitute a unitoftechnique.
In a studyofthedivisionoflaboramongpreliterates, doneun-
IDonovan, The WomanWhoWaits.

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 PERSONALITY TYPES AND DI VISION OF LABOR 757

derthetutelageofDr. Farisat theUniversity ofChicago,thewrit-

er isolateda setofoccupationswhichhe called"preliterate profes-
sions,"including healers,performers ofrituals,charmers,medicine
men,etc. In themhe foundassociatedwitha certainamountof
practicaltechniquea greatamountofsecretritualand prerogative
whoseconnections witheach otherweretraditional and arbitrary
and fortified by taboos. In a societywherethedivisionof laboris
ofthischaracter, its relationto personality
is fairlyobvious,espe-
ciallyifit includethe"caste" featureof evaluationand a complete
setofsocialrelationships involvedwithit. This typeofdivisionof
laboris essentiallya phenomenon of an unchanging, immobileso-
ciety. There may be a tendencyforit to developin a changing
society,or at least to persist.For instance,one can thinkof no
principleof techniquewhichnaturallyassociatestheactivitiesof
theclergyman:he directsthebusinessaffairsof his parish,mar-
ries,baptizes,comforts thesad,praysfortherecovery of thesick,
and acts as interpreter of moralsand theology.The functions are
set in a traditional
and somewhatarbitrary complex;theyare pre-
rogatives.'

THE SECULARIZATION OF THE DIVISION OF LABOR

In contrastto thistypewe may characterizethe divisionof
labor in our worldas secularized.New occupationsare created
everyday,and theconcatenations of functions
ofold onesare sub-
jectto change.The industrial revolutionsofeverydaymeanto the
individualthathe is notsureofhisjob; or,at least,thatoneis not
sureof one's son's job. This is trueofwholeregions,as wellas of
individuals;changesin transportation, methodsofproduction, ex-
tensionofthefrontiers ofcommerce do violenceto themostdeeply
rootedand sacredprerogatives.4
p. 255. "A group in which status, occupation,
'North, Social Differentiation,
and culture havebecomehereditary is knownas a caste.As a matterof fact,how-
ever,thedistinctionbetween baseduponcasteand onein whichopenclasses
a society
prevailis simplyoneofdegree.Therearepresent in all societies
forceswhichtendto
crystallizetheformofsocialinstitutions
and socialorganization. Andit is merely
a
questionofhowfreely theseforceshavemadethemselves or workedthemselves out
to a logicalconclusion."
p. 255. "The discoveryof new territoryor nat-
'North, Social Differentiation,
theappearanceofnewinventions
uralresources, or newfieldsofindustry,
thecom-
ing of war-all tendto upsetthe old arrangementand makeforan exchangeof

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 758 THE AMERICAN JOURNALOF SOCIOLOGY

Occupationalselectionbecomesa majorprocess,to whichso-

cial organizationis incidental.This selectionbecomesa fierceproc-
ess whichbeginsanew each day, atomizingfamiliesand tearing
themloosefromtheirsoil.
We may call the divisionof labor "secularized"bothin that
newoccupationsor unitsof function are developed,whichare not
hamperedby tradition, and in thatthepersonswhoentertheoccu-
pationcome withoutverydefinite, traditionalnotionsabout the
way of carryingon the occupation.'We shall pursuethispoint
further in consideration ofwhattheoccupationalselectionprocess
is and whatit doesto theperson.
OCCUPATIONAL SELECTION
In hisrecentwork,Wirtchaftsleben imZeitalterdes Hockkap-
italismus,6Sombarthas madehis majorthemetheselectionof the
leadersof industry,as well as thatof the proletariat.The chief
pointin regardto the formeris that the life-historiesof a very
largepercentageof themshowsmallbeginnings.The corporation
and thecreditsystemhavemadethispossible.This factofdemoc-
ratizationdoesnotmeanan increasein thechancesofthepersonof
low degreeto risein theeconomicand social scale so muchas an
accelerationof change,the disappearanceof old occupations,and
theriseofnewones. Sombartmakesthisclearinhisconsideration
of the sourcesof theproletariat.The proletariatcomesfromthe
ranksof those,says he,whohave beendislodgedfromtheirtradi-
tionalplaceson thesoil,and fromthosewhosebirthand familydo
notpresumeforthemany place in the economicsystemexcepta
place whichtheindividualhimselfmayfind.Selectionof occupa-

placeson thesocialladder.A highstateofintelligence and communication willmake

to pass up or downin thescaleaccording
it possibleforindividuals to theirabilities
andcharacter."
5Sombart,Hochkapitalismus, p. 30.
6 Sombart,"The Extraction of the Entrepreneur," Hochkapitalismus, p. 19.
"Finallytheeconomic leadersin theage ofHochkapitalismus are newaccording to
theirextraction.If we considerfirstof all thefieldof recruitingtheentrepreneurs
witha givenbodyof people,also theirsocialextraction, we shallfindas themost
important of our epocha far-reaching
characteristic democratization of leadership:
theleadingmenofeconomic lifeclimbup fromeverbroaderand everdeeperlayers
ofthepopulation."

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 PERSONALITY TYPES AND DIVISION OF LABOR 759

tionsof the proletariansort dependslargelyon timeand place

availability,bothofthejob and thepersonwhofillsit. Dr. North
concludes7that "the determination of the precisetask thatmost
individualsperform withinthe largerclass of occupationslies in
chieflylocal,temporary, and fortuitous circumstances." The sum
totalof conclusionsfrommostof contemporary discussionis that
one can predictneithertheoccupationalfateoftheindividualnor
theoriginof thepersonwhowillnextfilla givenjob. It amounts
to a' recognitionof theessentiallycomplicatednatureof theproc-
essesinvolved.
In certaintypesof occupationsthe processcan be analyzed
withincertainlimits;as, forinstance,in theclergyof evangelical
churcheswhereone needsa moredefinite "call" to theprofession.
This call comesmorefrequently to ruralyouthsthan to urban.
The countryfurnishes the ministersforthe city. Also the more
evangelicalchurchesfurnish theministers fortheless evangelical.
The Unitariandenomination furnishes practically no ministers,but
mustrecruititsprophetsfromemancipated onesofmoreorthodox
denominations. The occupationoftheparentundoubtedly has cer-
taintendencies to affect
thatofthechildren.The minister's son,for
example,has a flareformoreemancipatedoccupations,but still
retainssomeof the father'stendencyto appraiseratherthanpar-
ticipatein thelifeofthecommunity. Sociologyis fullofministers'
sons. Theseprocessesofselectionmaywellbe studiedbothbycase
studiesof occupationsand of families.
THE DIVISION OF LABOR AND THE MOBILITY OF THE PERSON

The secularizeddivisionof laboris a mostpowerfulmobilizer

of persons.Durkheimstatedthisfactas one of the firstorderof
importance amongtheeffectsofan increaseddivisionoflaborupon
sociallife.8
p. 235.
'Social Differentiation,
8Durkheim, De la divisiondu travailsocial,2d ed., p. xx. "For to live by a
metieronemusthave clients, and he mustsallyforthfromhishouseto findthem;
he mustsallyforthalso to enterinto relationswithhis competitors, to struggle
againstthem,and to conversewiththem.Moreover, metierssupposemoreor less
cities,and citiesare alwaysformedand recruited
directly, by meansof
principally
immigrants whohave quittedtheirmilieunatal."

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 760 THE AMllERICAN
JOURNALOF SOCIOLOGY

The personswhobecomecommodities or functionaries

in the
divisionof labor are personsmostof whomhave been rearedin
families.In thefamilythepersonhas acquireda set of social ob-
jectsand attitudesmoreor less commonto thecommunity. To get
intotheoccupationalworld,onemustbe mobilized.This mobiliza-
tion,accordingto its degree,impliesa removalfromthe base of
one's morals. The studyof The Polish Peasant in Europe and
America(Thomasand Znaniecki)showsnothing moreclearlythan
thatthisremovalendsin radicalpersonality changes.Miss Rem-
melin,in herstudyof The Itinerants, suggestedthattheitinerant
is, by his veryitineracy,cut offfromthemoresettledworldover
whichhe moves. These two examplesrepresent, an
respectively,
extremeof initialmovement and an extremein degreeof mobility
in a giventypeof occupation.The essentialfactof themobilizing
ofthepersonforparticipation in economiclifeis onlyless,notdif-
ferent, in characterin otherand morecommoncases. The process
of findinga place in competition withothersis one involvinga
greatdeal of spatial movementin a worldwhereurbanizationis
proceeding at a rapidrate. ProfessorSorokingivesus statisticsto
showthatin I920 one-third ofthepeopleoftheUnitedStateslived
outsidethe statesin whichtheywereborn. He assumedthatthe
numberlivingoutsidethe communities in whichtheywereborn
wouldbe muchhigher.9
The generalcirculation ofpopulationoverthefaceoftheearth
is continuallyputtingindividualsin countrieswhoselanguagethey
do notknow,and in whosesocialschemetheyhave no place. The
effectof thismobilizationon existingsocial groupsis called,by
studentsof familydisorganization, atomizingof the family.One
large familygroupshowsthe following mobilizationof the chil-
drenand grandchildren ofone couple:
Seventeen sonsand grandsons, and onegranddaughter, distributedin ii
occupations. Resident cities.Each of thosewho
in io statesand i6 different
hasmovedawayfromthehomecommunity hashissociallifeessentially
in the
professionalgroupto whichhe belongsin hispresent placeofresidence.One
ofchemistry
is a professor in a stateschool;he hasbecomean averred agnos-
ofa Methodist
tic; oneis president college;he decriestheun-Christiannature
Sorokin,Social Mobility,p. 383.

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 PERSONALITY TYPES AND DIVISION OF LABOR 76I

of educationin statecolleges.Onegrandson is a lawyerandpolitician; he is

conservativeRepublican,a Philistine. His sisteris a singerandactress;sheis
emancipated to thefull.Fourhaveremained farmers; theyare in thehome
community, goodMethodists, whodo notsmokeor swear.Practically all of
thosewhohavelefthomeandchanged occupation do both,varying in amount
accordingto theprofessions in whichtheyare engaged and'thedistance from
home.In sucha family all thatis leftincommon is a memory. Eachlivesina
worldmadeby his occupation, andis sensitive to hisprofessional reputation
ratherthanto hisfamily one(privatemanuscript).
The Catholicclergyprobablyrepresents themostcompletere-
movalof thepersonfromhis milieunatal forprofessional life. In
a WestSide community in Chicagothewriterbecameacquainted
witha numberof Irish familieswho had sons in a seminary.In
each case the attitudeof the familywas one of conflictbetween
prideat the son's achievement and heartbreakbecause of losing
him. To quote fromone father: "The wifeis proudof the boy.
But he breaksherheart. He ain't our boy any more. He doesn't
talk to us thesameway. He neverstayshomelong,and whenhe
does he seemslike a stranger.We are goingto keep theyoungest
home. We gave twoto thechurchalready."
The veryprocessofmakinga priestis to envelopthecandidate
in the ecclesiasticalworld,definitelyto limiteventhe numberof
lettershe can writetohis family,to givehima newformalized lan-
guage; in short,to makea newpersonofhim,withnewdefinitions
ofhis wishes.This does by disciplinewhatsectsattemptto do by
conversion;namely,to erase theperson'spast so thathe maybe
completely mobilizedforcarrying outhismission.
This cuttingoffofthepersonfromhishomebase simultaneous-
ly withhis entranceintoan occupation,withhis changefromone
occupationto another,or even fromone job to another,is that
characteristicphenomenon of themoderndivisionof laborwhich
carrieswithit personality change.The changeis ordinarily more
casual than the changefromlaymanto priest,or fromPole to
American.It maybeginwitha movefroma ruralto an urbancom-
munity.Even if it be onlythe entranceintonew groupsin one's
homecommunity, it maylessenthecontactswiththe family,and
thepartofthefamilyin determining one's socialattitudes.

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 762 THE AMERICAN JOURNALOF SOCIOLOGY

CLASSIFICATION OF UNITS IN THE DIVISION OF LABOR

We maymakea roughclassification of thetypesof places in
thedivisionoflaboraccordingto (i) themannerin whichpersons
enter,(2) theattitudeofthepersonto his occupation, and (3) the
impliedstandingof the occupationin theeyesof thecommunity.
One maybe bornto his place. Thereare stillhereditary titlesand
prerogatives. Someare bornto a lifeofleisure,butwithouttheas-
sumption thattheirparentswereso born,orthatthepersonmaybe
assuredbysocietyofthisposition.
i. Those occupationsto whicha personis called or converted
we maycall missions.The moreviolentthecall or conversion, the
less are theethicswithintheoccupationalgroup.One maybecome
convincedthathe is a servantwitha specialmission.The evan-
gelist,forinstance,proselytizes fromthecongregations of regular
denominations;for these regulardenominations have departed
fromthetruefaith.The missionary easilybecomesa fanatic,in-
spiredof God, havingno earthlycolleagues,and recognizing no
one'ssalvationexcepthisown. A remnant ofthisattitudemaysur-
vivein old and well-established institutions.The Protestantmin-
istervaguelyhopesto converttheCatholics,and thepriestrejoices
overone Protestant soulbroughtintothefold.The missionary be-
longsto a cult,whetherit be a healing,soul-saving, utopiansocial
ordercult,or a sacred branchof learning.Editorsof organsof
opinionacquirethissenseof a mission.In suchoccupationsa pe-
culiarlanguageand metaphysics are developed,whichonemayun-
derstandonlywhenhe has partakenof the emotionalexperience
commonto thegroup.
2. The professions and near-professions. The professions are
enteredby longtraining, ordinarilyin a mannerprescribedby the
profession itselfand sanctionedby the state. The trainingis as-
sumedto be necessaryto learningthescienceand techniqueessen-
tialtopracticeofthefunction oftheprofession. The training,how-
ever,carrieswithitas a by-product assimilation ofthecandidateto
a set of professionalattitudesand controls,a professionalcon-
scienceand solidarity.The profession claimsand aimsto becomea
moralunit.It is a phenomenon ofthemodemcitythatan increas-
ingnumberof occupationsare attempting to gain forthemselves
thecharacteristics of
and status professions.

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 PERSONALITY TYPES AND DIVISION OF LABOR 763

3. The enterprise dealswitha commodity. Sombartmakesthe

pointthattheentrepreneur findshisfunction changing almostdaily
in themodernworld.If he entershis businesswiththesenseof a
missionorofpreserving somevalueto theworld,he is in dangerof
beingsupersededby someoneless hampered-by traditionalideas.
To carryon an enterprise it maybe necessaryforone to have long
training oftheso-called"practical"sort.If thistraining makesthe
personunfitto engagein otherenterprises, he becomessomething
ofa professional.
4. The artsarepresumably enteredbya combination ofa spe-
cial talentor abilityplusa trainingin a technique.
5. The tradesare verycloseto thearts; so close thatsomeof
theartsare associatingthemselves withthetradesformutualpro-
tection.The tradeis enteredpresumablyby the acquisitionof a
certainskill.
6. Beyondthese typesare the occupationswhichare called
jobs. The methodof acquiringa job of the morecasual sortis
simplyto presentone'sselfat thepropertimeand placewhenman-
powerof a certainage, sex,and perhapsa certaingradeof intelli-
gence,is wanted.The hobohimself, forall ofhis reputedaversion
to work,has an occupation.Thereare certainjobs forwhichhe is
fittedand forwhichhe is wanted.
All oftheseclassesofoccupationsmaydemanda degreeofmo-
bility.Certainspecialistswithintheseclassesare especiallymobile,
as casual laborers,actors,ministers, etc. Othershave a technique
or skillwhichis presumably capable of beingpracticedanywhere,
as medicine;but medicineas actuallypracticeddependson local
and personalacquaintance.Othersare limitedto places wherean
appreciativeclientexists,as theartist,theminister, etc. Another
important variableinoccupationsis thenatureofthecontactofits
practitionerswitheachother,and thenatureofcompetition.

SOCIAL ATTITUDES AND THE DIVISION OF LABOR

Withinsomeoccupationstheremaybe personswhorepresent
any one of the foregoing typesof unitsin the divisionof labor.
Especiallyis thistruein theworldofbusiness.These different de-
greesof devotionto thebusinessor to one's function,
differentde-
greesof casuality,status,different
degreesof sensitivityto one's

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 764 THE AMERICAN JOURNALOF SOCIOLOGY

colleagues,representdifferent types. In the individualtheseare

factsof his life-organization
and ofhis personality.
In thosewhocometo assumetheprofessional attitudetheoc-
cupationis represented both as a cultureand a technique.The
techniqueis developedwithreference to certainobjectsor activi-
ties. The techniqueof the physicianis in relationto the human
body. It mustbe forhima different sortof objectfromwhatit is
forthelayman.To thelaymanit is a sacredthing,and an objectof
sentiment. To thereal-estateman,real-estatelaw and theland it-
selfare objectsof technique.If he opposeschangein real-estate
law,it is notfromsentiment, butas a matterofpolicy.In relation
to its techniqueand theinterestsof thosewhouse thattechnique,
theoccupationalgrouptendsto buildup a set of collectiverepre-
sentations,moreorlesspeculiarto theoccupationand moreor less
incomprehensible tothecommunity. The interests, whichtheoccu-
pationalgroupcouchesin a languagemoreor less its own,are the
basis of thecode and policyof theoccupationalgroup.The code
is theoccupation'sprescribed activityoftheindividualswithinto-
wardeach other;thepolicyrepresents its relationto thecommu-
nityinwhichtheyoperate.Thereis alwaysa limitto thedegreein
whichthecode and policyof an occupationcan deviatefromthe
generalcultureof thecommunity. Its membersare productsof a
lay society.The practiceof theoccupationdemandssomedegree
ofsocialsanctionby theoutsideworld.
This cultureand technique,theetiquetteand skillof thepro-
fession,appearin theindividualas personaltraits.The objectsbe-
cometo theindividuala constellation ofsacredand secularobjects
and attitudes.In general,we maysay thatthelongerand morerig-
oroustheperiodof initiation intoan occupation,themoreculture
and techniqueare associatedwithit,andthemoredeeplyimpressed
are itsattitudesupontheperson.
Someoccupationsare enteredintoand leftso casuallythatno
collectiverepresentationsdevelop.But thecasual workerhimself,
becauseoftheverycasual natureofhiswork,maydevelopcertain
characteristic traits.Althoughdistinctly casual, waitressesseem
to livetogether so muchthattheyhave developeda languageand a

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 PERSONALITY TYPES AND DIVISION OF LABOR 765

though
individualistic
setofsocialattitudespeculiarto themselves,
theybe.10
PERSONALITY TYPES ON THE FRONTIER

The essentialphenomenon ofthefrontieris a changein thedi-

visionof labor. By extension ofthefrontierin Chinaor India,we
meanthatthosecountriesare beingsweptintoa largerdivisionof
laborand thatthehitherto divisionoflabor
localand self-sufficient
is beingdestroyed or altered.In India,accordingto Messrs.Joshi
and Wadia (Money and theMoneyMarketin India), thenexus
betweenthelocal worldof India and theoutsideworldis madeby
certainhalf-castebankersor money-lenders, themahajanand the
shroif,whofreelyswindletheIndianpeasant and whotranslatehis
cropsintoEuropeanbankcredit.A Chinesestudentsaysthereis a
similartypeof money-lender in China who literallysells his own
peopleintothehandsoftheoutsidecommercial world.In Western
Canada Chineseare said to engage in the business ofhiringmenof
theirownnationality forCanadianemployers of labor. These are
personalitytypesdevelopedin thechangingdivisionof laboron a
frontier.Such personsare withoutethicalor moral precedent.
Theyare unscrupulous in thattheyoperateto undermine thesocial
and economicorderoftheirpeoples.

THE PERSON IN THE NEW OCCUPATION

In his paper on ecologylast year Dr. McKenzie introduced

"thecenterof dominance."Amongotherthingsthecenterofdom-
inanceis theplace ofa verygreatdivisionoflabor. It is, likewise,
a frontierin whichnewoccupationaltypesdevelop.Amongthese
newtypesis theman of finance,forthecenterof dominanceis a
centerofcreditand finance.Sombartgivesus a pictureofthisnew
type.The newtypemustupsettheexistingorder.11
10Donovan, The WomanWho Waits,p. 128. "The waitressis markedly indi-
in herattitudetowardlife,and thestatusof heroccupationas it exists
vidualistic
todaytendstowardtheindividualistic. She does onlywhatshe has to do to earn
herwages,and heronlyrealinterest is in thetip. In herworkshe does not often
considerthehouse,themanager, norherfellow-workers, only,and she
but herself
seldomhesitatesto advanceherowninterests at theexpenseof others."
" Sombart, p. 29. "The newmenare as suchfreefromthe
Hochkapitalismus,
to thetradition
reference ofthefamily, ofthebusiness, Sitten.Earlier
ofmercantile

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 766 THE AMERICAN JOURNALOF SOCIOLOGY

Whenthisnew type,the financier, was just beingdeveloped,

hewas unscrupulous notonlyinhisdealingswiththeoutsideworld,
buttowardhis competitors and colleaguesas well. The biography
of Daniel Drew,"2one of the firstoperatorson Wall Street,tells
storiesofboardsofdirectorsofcorporationswhobetrayedthevery
companiestheyweresupposedto represent.The lifeof Garyby
Ida Tarbelltellssomething of thesame story,and tellsof theeti-
quettewhichincourseoftimethisnewelementin economiclifede-
velopedfortheirprotection.13 As theoccupationgrowsolderit be-
comesa socialclimber,biddingfora fixedorimproved statusin the
community. The individualsin theoccupationbear themarksof
thissocialclimbing.Oncethisstatusis gained,theindividualsinit
become"regulars,"and thepersonswhoattemptto breakin with
newtechniquesare in turnunscrupulous upstarts.
TYPES IN THE REAL ESTATE BUSINESS
The real-estatebusinessis a comparatively new one. In its
ratherbriefhistoryit has gonethroughpartof thecyclefroman
upstart,unscrupulous businessto a settled,somewhatrespectable
one. We mayillustratethetypesofpersonality in a unitofthedi-
visionoflaborfromthereal-estate menof Chicago.
The realtor.-The "realtor,"or regularreal-estateman,repre-

largebusinesslay mostlyin thehandsof aristocratic families

withseigneurial tend-
encies,who shiedanxiouslybeforeunsoundchangesor makeshifts, who held the
viewthatit is morehonorableto preserve thanto win,who therefore were'neo-
phobes,'filledwitha predilection fortradition.That theSittenand usageswhich
regulated the individualmerchant in his behaviorwereverystrictstandsin close
relationship withthe essentially traditionally mindedentrepreneurship. From all
thesebondsand barriers theupstartis free;he transforms theworldfreely accord-
ingto hispurpose... . The old families livein thecontinuityof business.
Thenewmenareunscrupulous."
laWhite,TheBookofDanielDrew.
13 Tarbell,Gary,p. v. "JudgeGarybelongsto a groupofpowerful menwhoin
thelastfifty yearshaveled in thecreation in theUnitedStatesof whatwe call Big
Business.The mostconspicuous of theseleadershave beentheelderRockefeller in
oil, the elderMorganin banking, E. H. Harrimanin railroads, and in the earlier
halfof theperiod,AndrewCarnegiein steel. The menof undoubtedfinancial and
commercial geniustypified certainattitudesof mindtowardbusinessand werethe
sponsorsof practicesand an etiquetteessentialto understand if we are to have a
realizing and helpfulsenseof theactualdevelopment and meaningand potentiality
ofBig Business."

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 PERSONALITY TYPES AND DIVISION OF LABOR 767

sentsthe typewho has been in the businesslongest.He thinks,

moves,and has his beingin theworldof real estate. He is fairly
wellassimilatedto a codeofreal-estate ethicsorpractice,supports
thepolicieswhichtheleadersofthebusinessconceiveto be forthe
ultimatewelfareofthetrade.The real-estate boardis hisclub,and
generallyhis onlydowntown club. It is amonghis fellowsthere
thathe has hisprofessional or businessstatus.He sponsorsaction
to makeitmoredifficult forothersto getintothebusinessand into
theboard. A fewoldermembers oftheChicagoReal Estate Board
havemadealmosta missionoftheirbusiness,and in so doinghave
well-nighlost theirbusiness. They are occupationallyconscious
and jealous. Theirnameis intendedas an advertisement of their
place in thereal-estate
world.
The real-estator.-Thememberof theCook CountyReal Es-
tateBoardis poorerthanthe"realtor."He is perhapsless success-
ful,and espousesthe cause of democracyin real estate. He ac-
cusestherealtorofbeinga monopolist and a representativeof"big
interests."Whenhe becomesmoresuccessfulhe usuallybecomesa
"realtor."
The foreign-language agent.-He has a morecasual connection
withthe real-estatebusiness.He getshis businesswithpeopleof
his ownnationality, and livesin partby acceleratingforeign inva-
sionsof nativecommunities. The collectiverepresentations of the
organizedreal-estateworldmeannothingto him. He lives in his
own languagegroupand capitalizeshis acquaintancewiththis
group.His neighbors are his clients.
The salesman.-The salesmanis thecasual of the real-estate
business.His servicesare enlistedby ads whichassurethepros-
pectthatno experience is necessary.Accordingto therealtor,the
salesmanis thelowestorderof thereal-estate man. He cameinto
the businessbecause he could not get a job elsewhere.He stays
onlylongenoughto getan advancedrafton commissions, and will
notgovernhisoccupationalconductin theinterests ofhisemployer
orthereal-estatebusinessin general.Everysalesmancomplainsof
mistreatment fromhis former employer and of "dirtydeals" given
himbyhisfellow-salesmen. He is theIshmaelofthebusiness;like
the waitress,he accuseshis fellowsof havingstolenhis tips,and

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 768 THE AMERICAN JOURNALOF SOCIOLOGY

proceedsto stealtheirs.He considerstheformulated codesofbusi-

nessas checksuponhis enterprise.
The promoter or boomer.-The real-estate businessin Chicago
startedin a landboom; theheadsofnowrespectable and conserva-
tivefirms wereonceboomers,as wildin theirownday as themore
recentboomersof Floridaand Muscle Shoals. The boomerof to-
day,however,is to theman upstart.He takesmoneyfromthesa-
credlocalmarket.The boomer,inturn,callstheconservative local
real-estateman a selfish,short-sightedpig. This boomeror pro-
moteris the functionary of the land mania. In manner,he is a
salesmanof the mosthigh-pressure sort; whathe happensto be
sellingat themomentis merelyincidental.His optimism turnsit-
selfwithfacilityfromone thingto another.His ethicsare imme-
diateexpediency, and he is mobile,changingboththesubjectsand
objectsofhis activityfrequently. To him,likewise,restrictions of
any sortput upon the businessby law or the trade itselfare a
handicap.
The centerofthereal-estate businessis occupiedbya groupof
menwhosefortunes, cientele,andstanding inthebusinessaremore
or less secure.Theyare no longerupstarts.Theircompetitors are
theirbosomfriends.To them,theirreal-estateboardhas become
almosta religiousorganization;it is certainlya fraternity. To be
presidentof thatboardis an objectiveto whichtheylook forward
whentheyare wellon in theirlivesand careers.One couldnamea
groupofmenin theChicagoReal EstateBoardwhoconsidered it a
religiousdutyto attendmeetings oftheBoard,to serveon itscom-
mittees,etc. They clearlysoughtstatusnowhereso muchas in
theirbusinessgroup.
Especiallywhenan occupationdevelopsitsowninstitution for
controlof the occupation,and protection of its prerogatives,
is it
likelyto developwhatwe may call a culture,an etiquette,and a
groupwithinwhichone mayattainthesatisfaction of his wishes.
This etiquettemaybe moreorlessincomprehensible to theoutside,
or lay, world.The hobo or casual, on theotherhand,developsa
set ofattitudesand wishessuchthathiswishesare satisfied, notat
work,but away fromit. He is nonetheless sensitiveto theopin-
ions of people of his own occupationalsort,and he undoubtedly
constitutes a personality
type.

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