PAGANISM IN THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE AND IN BYZANTIUM | |BYZANTINA ET SLAVICA CRACOVIENSIA —I— PAGANISM IN THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE AND IN BYZANTIUM edited by Maciej Salamon CRACOW 1991Recenzenci ALEKSANDER KRAWC2UK JOZEF WOLSKL Projekt okladki MIROSLAW KRZYSZKOWSKI Praca wydana x dotacji Ministra Edukacji Narodowe} © Copyright by Macie} Salamon and Towarzystwo Autorow i Wydawedw Prac Naukowych ,UNIVERSITAS”, wyd. 1, Krakéw 1991 Redaktor . MARIA KOCOJOWA Konsultant techniczny JACEK MACIEJASZ Korektor JUSTYNA LIGEZA-SALAMON Sklad komputerowy ZDZISLAW A. GOLDA. ‘Yaméwienie realieuje: TA i WPN ,UNIVERSITAS” 31-007 Krakéw, ul. Golgbia 24. ISBN 83-7052-027-8 ‘Wykonano z gotowych dostarczonych oryginaléw w Drukarni Uni- wersytetu Jagielloriskiego w Krakowie, ul. Pilsudskiego 13 ‘Ark. wyd. 10, ark, druk. 13 (w tym 1,6 ark, ilustracii) Naklad 1500 ege. (w tym 200 in crudo) CONTENTS Foreword 2... Lellia Cracco Ruggini, Quirinus and Peter: ‘The Ideologi- cal Function of an Ancient Cult (III-IV Century) . Blibieta Jastrzgbowskit, Deux sarcophages (enfants aux catacombes de Novatien & Rome Maria Dzielska Ipazia e la sua cerchia intellettuale . . - Augustyn Eckmann, Pagan Religion in Roman Africa at the Turn of the 4" Century as Reflected in the Letters of St. Augustine... ss eae Kazimierz Ilski, Die Gesetzgebung Theodosius IL gegen dieHeiden 2... ee eee eee Helena Gichocka, Zosimus’ Account of Christianity Marck Wilezyiiski, Bemerkungen iiber das Verhiltnis der Wandalenkénige au den Ueberresten des Heiden- tums in nordafrikanischen Provinzen Michael Whitby, John of Ephesus and the Pagans: Pagan Survivals in the Sixth Century lise Rochow, Der Vorwurf des Ieidentums als Mittel der innenpolitischen Polemik in Byzanz Malgorzata Dabrowska, Hellenism at the Court of Despots of Mistra in the First Half of the Fifteenth Century. . . Anna Rééycka Bryzek, Miraculous Flight on Clouds in Byzantine Art: Antique Imagery ‘Transformed 35 45 61 79 89 105 u1 133 187 169FOREWORD In the Middle Ages Cracow the furthest east of the university towns of Europe, was the capital of a Kingdom, which, though closely bound with the Roman Catholic Church ruled vast terri- tories belonging to Eastern civilization. It thus proved to be a particularly convenient mecting point between western and east- ern Burope. From 1390 Glagolitic monks celebrated the Slavic liturgy at the Holy Cross Church in Clepardia (then near Cracow). In the 15" century three Gothic chapels in the Wawel Cathedral were decorated with graeco opere paintings commissioned by King Ladislas Jagicllo and his successor, Casimir. Exactly 500 years ago, in 1491, at the print shop of Svebaldus Fiol in Cracow the fisst texts printed in the Cyrillic alphabet appeared: Octocchos (Osmioglasnik) and Horologion (Casoslovec). In the 16% century Greck was taught at the Jagiellonian University and among its students were even poets who tried their hand at Greek verse. However, the tradition begun between the 15-16" centuries did not find any continuators. ‘The University of the Jagicllons — the royal dynasty that opened Poland to the Byzantino-Slavic culture — did not develop as a contre of investigation of the exl- tural world of the New Rome. Not until towards the close of the 19" century, in the days of intense development of the modern Byzantine studies, was academic research in this realm initiated also in Cracow by Leon Sternbach, professor of Greek philology at the Jagiellonian University. Already in the period between the two world wars the Uni zantine and Slavie att history, Professor Voyslay Molt. He rusted with the organisation of a Department of Slavic Studies, of which he became the director. Moreover, the Polish Academy of S: and Lette on early Byzantine literature. Cor ssily acquired an eminent expert had decided to begin research equently, preliminary studies were undertaken for a critical edition of the works of Gregory of Nazianzus.Alas, the further development of Byzantine studies in Cracow was suddenly halted. Half a century ago the dramatic events of war interrupted the activities of the University and subsequently, under the communist regime, their free development was seriously hampered, affecting also the Byzantine studies. In 1940 Professor L, Sternbach died in the Sachsenhausen concentration eamp. The Department of Slavic Studies was liquidated in 1950, though Pro- fessor V. Molé was able to continue his lectures at the Institute of Art History until 1960. ‘The genius loci or, rather, the growing interest in a world so near but so poorly known are propitious to the Cracow studies on the Eastern Roman Empire. At the University, lectures and seminars on the Byzantine and Byzantino-Slavie history, art his- tory and culture have been resumed, Chairs of Byzantine History and Byzantine Art History have been created and cooperation between Cracow specialists and other Polish and foreign experts Degun. In 1987 a symposium was organized by the University and this present book is a selection of the lectures delivered. With it ye hope to initiate a series of publications concerning the prob- Jems of the Byzantine past and traditions in a wide range — from the Late Roman Empire up to Slavic cultures within the sphere of Byzantine influence. Collections of studies, or monographs, and even source editions will be published. Colleagues from other centres are cordially invited to cooperate with us, We hope that the tradition of the Byzantine studies in Cra- cow, though hitherto modest and erratic, will become more firmly established and benefit the development of this branch of learning. Gracow, 1991 Anna Rétycka-Bryzek Maria Deielska Maciej Salamon Lellia Cracco Ruggini (turin) QUIRINUS AND PETER: THE IDEOLOGICAL FUNCTION OF AN ANCIENT CULT (I-IV CENTURY) In a couple of bare and enigmatic formulae in the feriale of Philocalus (of which the second, especially, is very controversial) two festivities are registered, one referring to the apostle Peter and the other to the saints Peter and Paul, for the first time joined together in the same dies festus: VIII Kal(endas) Martias. natale Petri de cathedra; II Kal(endas) ul(ias) Petri in Catacumbas et Pauli Ostense, Tusco et Basso consulibus (258 A.D.). Both in- dications, though each in its own way, might thus be taken as @ symbol of a religions life which then in Rome was undergoing a transformation in the objects and in the places of the cult, in wor- ship as in ceremonial. Fifty years later Jerome was to proclaim exultantly mouetur urbs sedibus suis as he described the crowds which now were deserting the traditional temples of the Campi doglio to pour in ever greater numbers into the suburban areas where the martyrs were venerated". ‘The chronography published in 354 by Furius Dionysius Philocalus (a celebrated librarius and later cultor and amator of Pope Damasus, that is, his friend and collaborator) also provides, asis known, the first Roman list of saints and of their festivities we + Hieronymus, Bp. 107. (CSEL. 55) p.291 (403 A.D.);P. Brown, Dalla ‘plebs Romana? alla ‘plebs Dei. Aspetti della eristianizza Roma, in P. Brown, L. Cracco Rug. ne di a, M. Maza, Governan tellettuali, popolo di Roma e popolo di Dio (I-VI secolo), Passatopresente, 2, ‘Torino 1982, pp. 123-145,10 possess (feriale) and includes liturgical texts such as the Deposi= tio martyrum — doubtless drawn form the episcopal archive — in which the two Petrine celebrations being discussed are mentioned. ‘The document seems to date from 336, and should therefore be considered — and I believe this should at once be underlined — as a faithful mirror of the pious observances accepted by the Roman lurch in the first half of the fourth century A.D.?. ‘At the beginning of the fourth century the twenty-second of February thus saw the celebration of an anniversary in honour of the apostle Peter in relation to his “episcopal seat” (cathedma). ‘The interpretations advanced regarding this festivity de cathedra are many. Is it a reminiscence of a celebration older than the joint Iestivity of the two apostles Peter and Paul on the twenty-ninth of June?*. Does it commemorate the dedication of the basilica founded by Constantine in Vatican?*, Or was it the celebration 2 See esp. Th. Mommsen, MGH., AA., IX, 1, Berlin 1602, pp. 13- MM, cap. 71, 59 (ae a, 258); HL. Stern. Le ealandrier de 964, Etude sur son toate et ses illustrations, Paris 1953, esp. p. 44, with further bibl ography; O. Cullmann, Sen Pietro. Disecpolo — Apostolo — Martire, in Il primate di Pietro net pensiero contemporaneo, Bologna 1965 (from the Stuttgart ed. 1952), pp- 3-384, esp. 165 ME Ch. Pietri, Roma chris tiana, Recherches sur UEiglise de Rome, son organisation, sa politique, son idéotogie, de Miltiade @ Siste IIT (341-440), BEFAR. 224, Roma 1976, vl esp. pp. 365 ff; J. M. Huskinson, ‘Concordia Apostolorum’, Christion Propaganda at Rome in the Fourth and Fifth Centuries. A Study in Barly Christian Iconography and Iconology, BAR. Int. Ser. 148, Oxford 1982, esp, pp. 81 ff; G. Zecehini, La storiogriafia eristiana latina del IV secolo (da Tatlansio a Oresio), in I eristiani e Vimpero nel IV secolo. Atti del Coll sul Cristianesimo net mondo antico (Macerata, 17-18 dic. 1987), ed. by G. Bonamente, A. Nestori, Macetata 1088, pp. 169-194, esp. 180-188. 2G, Brbes, Die Todestage der Apostel Paulus und Petrus und ihre rémischen Denkméler. Kritisehe Untersuchungen, Leipsig 1809, p. 44; Cullmann, Son Pietro, p. 167 (more cautiously), 41 W. seston, Hypothéee sur ta date de ta Basitique de St-Pierre de uu of the transfer of holy relies in Catacumbas (namely to St. Sebas- tian’s on the Appia)?. Or the dies natalis of Peter's martyrdom in 63 A.D.? Or again, as Ruysschaert has suggested in a stimu- ating study, was it a Vatican festivity to exalt the apostolic seat, created on the very threshold of the fourth century on the model of the imperial nataticia?®. Whatever the truth may be, three points are incontrovertible. Firstly, in the Depositio the celebration of the twenty-second of February does not appear to be associated with any precise locality in the city. This fact would seem to ex clude a commemoration ad corpus, that is, by the tomb of the saint. Secondly, there exists an undoubted relationship between the festivity de cathedra and the pagan one — celebrated for cen- turies on the very same day — of the Cara Cognatio or Caristia, still mentioned in the 354 calendar as a traditional recurrence in which every Roman family, after having carried out rites for its dead, proceeded to a joyous banquet during which the surviv- jing members put aside their mutual animosities and conflicts’. ‘Thirdly, the funerary significance of the celebration — on which Rome, Cahiers @’Archéologie, 2 (1945), p. 153-199; Piet ri, Roma Chris. tiana, I, p. 381-389 (with further bibliography), esp. 384 with n. 1. 5 J, Carcopine, De Pythagore aus Apstres. Btudes sur la conver. sion dc monde romain, Paris 1986, 1965, pp. 225 ft. © s.Ruysschaert, Lee deus fetes de Pierre dans ta ‘Depositio mar- tyrum' de 954, Rend. della Pont, Acc. Rom. di Archeol., H's. 38 (1965-1966), pp. 173-284, esp. 176. It seems meaningful that Galla Placidia — requested by Pope Leo Magnus, shortly before her death — wrote to Theodose IT advo- caling the primacy uf the cathedra Petrf over that of Cs very date, the twenty-second of February 450: ef. Leo, Bp. $5, PL. 54, col. 858-866; M. Guarducei, Riflssioni sulla statua bronze di San Pietro nella Basilica Vaticana, Xenia, 16 (1988), pp. §1~72, esp. 64-65. Jontinople on the T Ovidius, Fast, 2, ve 617 Mf; Valerius Maximus, 21.8; Martialis, 9 54-55; Tertullianus, De idolatria, 10; Malales, CSHB. p. 180; concerning Philocalus and Polemius Silvius ef. CTL, 1,1, pp. 258-259, 310 (Th, Mommsen, who fines the character12 in particular ‘Thomas Klauser has greatly insisted® — remains du- bious as it finds support only in testimonies which are far away in time and space with respect te the order of the Roman feriale. It is in fact the Gallic chronographer Polemius Silvius, at the time of the emperor Valentinian IIT and of Pope Leo who associates in explicit (and undoubtedly correct) terms the apostolic festivity of the twenty-second of February with that of the Cara Cognatio, but attributes to it that character of funerary celebration which the canons of the Gallic council as late as the time of Gregory of ‘Tours would seem also to suggest, linking the twenty-second of February with the funerary banquets celebrated locally in xelation to the ancient and deeply-rooted pagan custom’; while one may presume that the link between the Christian celebration of the twenty-second of February and that of the Cara Cognatio lay in the simple fact that, in the banquets of the Caristia, it was eus- tomary to reserve a place at the table for the deceased and this was called the cathedra (indeed Cathedra was the name sometimes given to the festivity itself). On the other hand, with the term cathedra the Christians designated the presumed episcopal seat of Peter’, All this has been and will be debated. But what it is impor- tant to underline here is how, in the first decades of the fourtl of Jeriae privatac of the Caristia); G, Wissowa art. Caristia, RB, TIT (1899) coll, 1592-1592, ‘The same Inck of association with any precise local ity in Rome of the celebration of the twenty-second of February, observed in the Depositio, is to be found also in the Martyrologium Hfieronymianum less than two centuries later (in the latter text however, whose tradition is very composite, ion of the twenty-second of February is linked with, ishop in Antioch, doubled in Rome on the eighteenth of January). 8 ph, Klanser, Die Cathedra im Totentult der heidnischere und chriatlichen Antike, Minster 1927, pp. 158-188. ® Pietri, Rome ehristiana, T, p. 386 (the author observes that it is not methodologically correct to juxtapose commemorative banquets and re- {frigeria, as Klanser docs) 10 CID, 1,4, p. 259 (Polemius Silvins): Depositio Sancti Petri 13 century, the link with the pagan family festivity of the Caristie or Cathedra contributed in Rome towards a better definition of the spititual supremacy of the apostle Peter, consolidating the “paci fying” function within the great Christian family of the proto~ bishop by endowing it with the evocative aura of a tradition which was already strong and long-standing! Far more complex connotations may be found in the second celebration mentioned in the Depositio martyrum, that of the twenty-ninth of June, when — the liturgical text asserts — Pe- ter in Catacumbas (St. Sebastian on the Appia) and Paul on the Via Ostiensis were celebrated at the same timel?, ‘The formula transmitted by Philocalus for the twenty-ninth of June does in fact contain a number of obscure points and contradictions; but T agree with Charles Pietri in believing that one should resist the scholarly temptation to amend a text when it is puzzling’. In this particular case such a temptation has influenced L. Du- chesne and, following his authoritative example, scholars such as HL Lietzmann, H. Delehaye, J. Carcopino and ‘Th. Klauser! who et Pauli. Cara Cognatio ideo dicta, quia tune etsi fuerint vivorum paren: tum oda, tempore objtus deponantur; Piet ri. Roma christiona, I, p. 282; Cullman, San Pietro, p. 167, m. 208 (with further bibliography). 11 See the letter from Galln Placidin to Theodose II quoted above (n. 6) 1 erne place of Saint Paul's celeb: be reco mm on the Via Osticnsis rust fined in the mertyriwm dedicated to the apostle by Constantine, which only later (291 A.D.) was replaced by a basilica competing for size and splendour with that of St, Peter in Vatican: cf. R. Krautheimer, Rome. Profile of a City, 312-1908, Princeton 1980, pp. 42 ffs Pietri, Roma cliristiana, I, pp. 38 ff. Huskinson, ‘Concordia Apostolorum’, p. 35. *8 Roma christina, I, pp. 365 ff 1 Gf, cop, L, Duchesne in his edition of Liber Pontifical, Paris 1886, p. CV; Idem (]), La ‘memoria Apostolorum’ de le Via Appia, Mem. ein Pont. Acc. Rom. di Archeol, IIIs. 1, 1923 (Miscell. G.-B. De Rossi), pp. 1-28 (Duchesne developed a brilliant hypothesis already for-4 have completed Philocalus’ text with the later Martyrologium Hie- ronymianum, which at first sight seems to make explicit the more clliptical references of the earlier work’®, But while the two texts have in common the double festivity on the same day, it remains true that the writings of the earlier liturgist lack both the ref- erence to the cult of Peter on the Via Aurelia — in that ager Vaticanus where Constantine had undertaken the construction of ‘a great cathedral dedicated to the princeps apostolorum — and the mention of Paul together with Peter in a joint cult in Cata- cumbas. Philocalus’ silence on the first point may be understood by reference to the archeological evidence made available by the cavations in the area of the Vatican basilica; in fact, it is probable that in 336 the new basilica, whose construction still had to be completed after the work had been begun by Constantine years Defore, was not yet ready for the ceremonies of the cult. Not less than fifty years later a Hymn attributed to the bishop of Milan, Ambrose, was to recall all three of these points in the topography ‘of Roman apostolic cults in exactly the same way as they are given in the Martyrologium Hieronymianum in the fifth/sixth century (Ambrose, in fact, was a member of the senatorial family of the mulated by GB. De Rossi); H. Lietzmann, Petrus und Paulus in Rom, Berlin 1927, p. 114; H. Delehaye, Magiographie et archéologie ro. maines. Le sanctuaire des Apdtres sur la Voie Appienne, AB., 45 (1927) pp. 297-322,e5p. Il, pp. 297-210; Tem, Les origines du eulte des mar tyra, Subs. Hagiogr. 20, Bruxelles 1933, pp. 264-269; Carcopino, De Pythagore, p. 260;Th. Klauser, Dic romésche Petrustradition im bichte der newen Ausgrabungen unter der Petruskirche, K@ln-Opladen 1956, p. 22. 1 AA, $5. Nov. U1, 2, 0d. by H. Quentin, H. Delehaye, Bruxelles 1431, pp. 943-242: Romae, natale zanetorum apostolorum Petri et Pauli Petri in Vaticano, Via Aurelia; Pauli vero in Via Ostiensiz utrumgue in GCatacumbas; passi sub Nerone, Basso et Tusco consulibus. ‘The dating by reference to consuls is however erroneous, as far as the year of Peter and ‘concerned: in fact it corresponds to 258 A.D. Paul's martyrdom 15 ‘Aurelii and had lived in Rome during the papacy of Liberius at the very time when Philocalus was compiling his calendar)'®, In- deed, already at the time of Constantine the siting of the burial of Peter within the Vatican area and of Paul on the road to Ostia were considered certain, as may be read, for example, in Euse- bius of Cacsarea!?. On the other hand, the excavations at the cataconibs of St. Sebastian on the old Appia (1915) have shown beyond doubt that here there existed since as early as the middle of the third century — on the site of a Roman villa of the first century A.D. provided with a private cemetery area with tombs and dove-cotes — a group of structures utilised to celebrate the memory of Peter and Paul conjointly by means of refrigeria (or funerary meals offered in honour of the deceased). ‘These must have taken place in a little mausoleum with an apse containing burial niches and called Platonia or Platoma (from platoma aslab of marble). Beside the mausoleum, on the eastern wall of a loggia, numerous graffiti inscriptions have been found, written both in Greek and in a more or less demotic Latin which in turn enable us to date the inscriptions between the middle of the third and the middle of the fourth century. They recall the meritorious offering of a refrigerium by the faithful and invoke the intercession of the holy couple (neither of whom is ever called on separately)'*, An epigeam of Pope Damasus (366-884 A.D.) recalls in turn the 18 Aubrosius, Hymn. Tl, PL. 17, coll. 1215-1216 (trinis celebratur vile / festum sacrorum martyrum: on the Via Aurelia, the Via Ostiensis, the Wie Appia); Kuskinson, ‘Concordia Apostolorum’, p. 83 MT Eusebius, He By 25 25, 5-7, GCS. pp. 176-178 J. Ruye sehaert, Let documents lttésaives de la double tradition romaine des tombes apostoligues, RUE. $2 (1957), pp. 791-831, esp. 812 Mf. (who attaches ireat importance to it). 18 Pietei, Roma christiona, I, pp. 40 ME (with further bibliography on p. 41, m2); see also P. Tolotti, Memorie degli Apostoli ‘in Cate- cumbas'. Relievo critica della Memoria ¢ detla Basilica Apostolorum al It ‘miglio delta Via Appia, Roma-Citta del Vaticano 1953; R. Marichal, Les16 double and equal veneration accorded to the two apostles in this place. ‘The epigram was found in the mausoleum and its exact position in quo loco platonam ipsam is confirmed by the Liber Pontificatis in the Vita Damasi!®, Confronted by the lectio difficilior of Philocalus’ text, should one wish to respect it, one may only conclude by formulating the hypothesis, in order to resolve the contradictions (and particu- larly that of the single cult of Peter mentioned in Catacumbas), that we are in the presence of an older phase in the organisation of the Roman liturgy, earlier than that of the age of Damasus as seflected in the Hymn by Ambrose and in the Martyrologium ieronymianum; perhaps a particular “moment” when the heads of the papal Curia deliberately set out to reduce the importance and extension of the veneration accorded to Paul by dividing it topographically in a balanced symmetry with that aceorded to Peter: only Peter on the Appia and only Paul on the Ostien- sis, in a period in which the cult of Peter on the Aurelia was dates den graft de St. Sébastien et leur place dans Uhistoie de Ueriture latine, ©. . Ae. Incr. ok Belles Lettres (1963) pp. 60-685 Hem, Lee dates des grafiti de St. Sébastien, Rev. des Se, Rel 36 (1962) pp. 121-354 (193 feats inscriptions, 8 of which in Greek; M. Guarducei, Due prenmnte date consolari a S. Sebastiano, Rend. dela Pont, Ace. Rom. di Archeol, 28 (1058) pp. 161-100, esp. 190, disagreed with Marichal on this dating, which has een accepted, on the contrary, by Klawser, Die rémiscke Petruatre dition, p. 75); Callnann, San Pietro, pp. 178-179 with m. 236; A, Ferrua, S. Sebastiano~Juori-fe-mura, Chiese illustrate 98, Roma 1968. 19 Gf. M. Ihm, Damasi Epigrammata, Leiprig 1893, nr. 26 = A. Fer rua, Bpigremmé Demavioni, Roma 1942, nt. 20, pp, 139-144: hie habitasse prias sanctos cognoscere debes, /nomina quisque Petri priter Poulig(te) ‘eguiis [+]; on the controversial interpretation of these sibyline verses see further on, pp: 25-26); Liber Pontficais, 39 (Damasus), ed. by L. Duches- nne, Paris 1886, p. 212 hic (sil. Daravus) fecit beslicas duass (.-+] et in Catacumbas, ubi iacuerunt corpora sanctorum apostolorum Petri et Pauli (eee also further on, n. 24). ur still in the midst of reorganisation. ‘The precise reasons escape ‘us. However it seems to me worthwhile to point out how it was the legalistic reaction itself to the excesses of Paulinism on the part of the Marcionites which contributed, again after Constan- tine, to the construetion of the figure of Peter as a new Moses, in support of the supremacy of the cathedra Petri which was then achieving its definitive formulation?®, Marcion had been active in Rome around the middle of the second century but the importance and influence of his Church had grown during the third century and gave signs of diminishing only in the fourth/fifth century. Nor should certain convergences in doctrine between Marcionites and Gnostics be forgotten (Valentinus was one of the greatest spiritual guides in the Christian community of Rome in the same generation that produced Marcion). The use of Paul’s writings in gnostic and manichean literature was, in fact, very extensive (not to mention the role of Paul as the model of the mission- ary which was adapted to Mani himself)". In particular in the 2 GA. Van den Bergh van Eysinga, Saint Pierre, second Moise, Ann. d’hist, du christian. (Congrée d’hiet. du christian., Jubilé A. Loisy), ea. by P-L. Couchoud, Paris 1928, Il, pp. 181-181; Pietri, Roma christiana, 1, pp. 217 Ml. (La typolegie de Pierre-Motve), 320 ft. Pagoni, cbrei e cristiant: oilio sociologico ¢ of teologico nel mondo antico, in XXVI Sett. di St. del Centro Nt. di St. sull’Alto Mediocvo (“Gli Bbrei nell’Alto Mediocvo™, Spoleto, 30 marzo — § apr. 1978), Spoleto 1980, I, pp. 15-117, esp. 68 f. (Liimagerie de Pierre législateur); L. Craceo Ruget 21 P.Decret, Aspects du manichdisme dans l'Afrique romaine, Paris 19705 Adem, Afant et la tradition manichéenne, Paris 1974; Idem, b’AYrique smonichéenne (1Ve-Ve s. Btude historique et doctrinale, Paris 1978, 2 voll; I.Dupont, Gnosis. La connaissance religicuse dens les Epitres de Saint Paul, Louvain 19003; R. MeL. Wilson, Gnosis and the New Testament, Oxford 1968; P. Brown, The Body and Society. Men, Women, and Sccuel in Barly Christianity, Columbia Un. Press, New York 1088, Dp. 105 6. (ae letters of Paul were central — as was the Gospel of St. ohn Renunci — to the teaching of the gnostic Valentinus of Alexandria, who was active18 Rome of the mid-second century and at the same time as the out- burst of gnostic heresy, there had also gained ground the heresy of the followers of Carpocrates, a gnostic sect with Egyptian and Platonic roots, which, beside the images of Homer, Pythagoras and Aristotle also worshipped those of Jesus and of the apostle Paul (the name of Paul in this context appears only in Augus- tine; but also Epiphanius of Salamina in his Panerion at the end of the fourth century, at the very point where he considers the Carpocratian heresy, greatly insists on the simultaneous presence in Rome of Peter and of Paul and on the fact that both were — together — the “first bishops” of the city. In the fourth century also, anong the pagan intellectuals of Rome who desired and theorized the advantages of a pacific co-existence among all religions, the figure of the Roman citizen Paul — and certainly not that of Peter, the fisherman-apostle of Galilee — exercised a considerable fascination. This seems to be shown by the probable composition in this very milien — after 324 and before 392 — of an apocryphal correspondence between Seneca and Paul, the emblem of a fruitful convergence between Christianity and the pagan cultural tradition in pl sa losophy and rhetoric™, in Rome between 128 and 166 A.D.). About the strong influence of Paul's ‘writings on the theology of Mani ef.1,D.Bet 2, Paul in the Mani Biography (Codes Manichaicus Coloniensis), in Coder Manichaicus Coloniensis. Atti del Simposio Int, (Rende-Amantea, 3-7 sett. 1984), ed. by L. Cirillo, Amneris Roselli, Cosenta 1986, pp. 215-234 (see also F. Bolgiani, Conelusioni, Tbid., pp. 381-388, esp. 285-386). 2? Augustinus, De harry 1 Pl. 42, col, 27: sectac ipsius fuivve traditur quacidam Marceltina, quae colebat imagines Tesu et Pault et Momeri et Pythagorac, adorando incensumgue ponendo ...; Bpiphanins, Pa- nar, 1,2, haeres. 27, PG. 41, coll. 273-376; L. Craceo Ruggini, Il po goncsime romano tra religione e politica (984-994 d. C.J: per uno reine terpretazione det ‘Carmen contra paganos", Mem. Ace, Naz. dei Lincei, CSc. Mor., St. ¢ Filo, VITTs, 25, Roma 1979, pp. S141, esp. 99 ff 28 |, DoceioliniPalagi, Spistolario di Seneca e San Paoto, Firen- 19 Therefore it is possible that it was the apostle Paut’s role it- self among the heterodox milieu in the Rome of the third/fourth century (a role that had become even too eminent), which gave rise to a certain concern among the papal Curia, a concern which in a first phase was to cause emphasis to be given — for the first time — to the absolute parity in role of the two apostles, which was greatly to the advantage of Peter; and later, at the beginning of the fourth century, led to a certain degree to the discouragement — through the silence of the official liturgy — of that devotion for Paul which, now irrevocably equal with that for Peter, found expression in those years through the countless graf {iti inserip the eatacombs of St. Sebastian. Perhaps it is not a coincidence that a few years after the composition of Philo- calus’ liturgical document, Damasus took care, in the course of his Jong papacy, to control this intense devotional life in Catacumbas by managing it more actively with direct interventions. In fact it was Damasus who completed the basilica apostolorum whose construction had formerly been undertaken by Constantine™, It ze 1985 (eritical edition, Italian translation, commentary, Introduction, with further bibliography); L. Cracco Rug nella Roma pagana e eristiana del IV seeolo, Augustiniasuan, 26 (1988) (XVI , Ha lettera di Anna a Senece Incontro di Studiosi del'Antichita Cristiana: ‘Cristiancsimo e giudaisma: ereditd e confronti’, 7-9 maggio 1987), pp. 201-225. In the letter 11 (142) from Seneca to Paul, the fire of Rome is moved to the twenty-eighth of March G4 A.D, (instead of the nineteenth of July), probably to justify the meation letter sent to the apostle, whose martyrdom was dated at the 1 of Jisne in the Fourth century: cf A. Mami gliana, Note sulle leggenda del eristianesimo di Seneca (1960), in Mem, Contributo alla storia degli studi classiet, Roma 1955, pp. 12-82,esp. 19. 3 phe archaeological evidence suggests that the construction of the Dasilien ad Catacumbas vens wndertaken at the beginning of the fourth cen- tury, even though Pope Damasus was granted the exclusive merit of the Dullding by the Liber Pontificalis (see above, n. 19): ef. R. Krautheimen, S. Corbett, Corpus Basiliearum Christianarum Romac. Le basiliche eris-20 was Damasus who dedicated in loco an inscription to the two apostles and who conferred on both events the nature of deliber: ate propaganda, propaganda which has also left its mark in the distorting emphasis of the Liber Pontificalis of the sixth/seventh century (where, in the Vila Damasi, the pope is granted the ex- clusive merit of the new building in this place of worship). At the same time, on the other hand, Damasus discouraged the practice, which he rightly believed tended towards paganism, of the refrige- ria at the tombs of martyrs, as Ambrose, a man of considerable affinity with Damasus, was also to do, with great energy, after becoming bishop of Milan (376-397 A.D.)°%. Perhaps it is this very fact which explains the reduction in number and later disap- pearance of the grafliti inseriptions made by the devout offering refrigeria in Catacumbas after the middle of the fourth century. Furthermore, the Pope initiated a more precise definition of the authority of Peter, while still reiterating the parity between Peter and Paul in missionary merit. At the time the function assigned to the apostolic pairing also made it necessary to re-affirm its identity in the day of their passio. And this dies natalis in the course of the fourth century was placed in fact on the twenty- ninth of June, on the festivity in Catacumbas which, according to the liturgist of the Depositio martyrum around 336, was still to be linked with an event of 258, Tusco et Basso consulibus (which is not described and to which I shall return later). By the time of Damasus anyone who maintained that there was a difference tiane antiche di Roma (ace. 1V-IX), IV, Citta del Vaticano 1976, pp. 95 #, esp. 110 ft 3 Seo L. Cracco Ruggini, Aquileia ¢ Concordia: il duplice volte i una societa urbana nel IV secolo d. C., in Vita sociale, artistic © com mereiale di Aquileia romana, Antichith Altoadriatiche 29, Udine 1987, I, Pp. 57-95, esp. 78 H:, with n. 45; Badem, Storia totale di una piecola eittis Vicenza romana, in Storia di Vicenza, I (Il territorio — La preistoria — L'eta romana), ed. by A. Broglio, L. Cracco Ruggini, Vicenza 1987, pp. 205-303, esp, 291-292 with m. 348, 295 a4 in time of the year and in the day of the martyrdom of Peter and Paul was accused of heresy. And this identity in time was repeatedly re-affirmed in the second half of the fourth century and in the early years of the filth?®; for example, by Prudentius in the Peristephanon, by Jerome in the De viris illustribus, and in the pseudo-Augustinian Sermo 201. ‘This was a way to up. hold the concordia Apostolorum, the new “twin” founders of the Roma Christiana through the effusio sanguinis of their martyr- dom, contrasting with the criminal shedding of blood of the first pagan founders of Rome, the twins Romulus and Remus. And this was also a way to stress the primacy of the Roman church over Constantinople??. But in an authentie Sermo of the “provin- 1” Augustine — as in the almost contemporary work already 2 pround 318 Lactantins, De mort. pers. 2, 6, already grouped the martyrdoms of Peter and Paul on the same day. ‘The so-called third canon of the council held by Damasus in Rome in 382 states that Paul non diverse, sicut hacretifei] garriunt, sed uno tempore une eodemgue die glo- riose morte cun Petro in urbe Roma sub Caesare Nerone agonizans coro nnatus eet [+++] (the so-called Deeretum Gelasianum, of the VIth century, in C. Hl. Turner, Beclesiae Occidentalis Monumenta Turis Antiquissima, 1, Osford 1899, pp. 157 #1, 245 Mls for further sources Huskins on, ‘Con: condia Apostolorum’, pp. 81 ff; H. Chadwick, St. Peter and St. Paul in Rome. The Protlem of the Memoria Apostolorum ad Catacumbas, ITHS, n. 5, § (1957) pp. 31-52, esp. 49 Mf. *T prudentius, Perist., 12 (Passio apostolorum Petri et Pauli), CSEL. 61, pp. 420-428 (Prudentius, however, desctibes the plebs Romulea he two sanctuaries on both sides of ‘Tiber on the twenty- 1¢ of Peter and the shrine of Paul moving toward. ninth of June — that is, 1 Vatican sla on the Via Ostiensis —, without any mention of the sanctuary on the Via Appia; Hieronymus, De v. inl., Ph 23, coll. 606 ff Ps.-Augustinus, Sermo 201, 2, PL. 39, col. 2120 (Peter and Paul pasei una die and simul); M.Forlin Patruceo ‘Regnasse mortem avidam sanguinis!, La memoria el passato pagano nelle ‘Itistoriae’ di Orosio, in Atti della V Sete. di Studi, ‘Sungue € Antropolopia. Riti e eulto', Roma 1984, pp. 1701-2718.22 mentioned of Bpiphanius of Salamina, also a “provincial” with respect to Rome — we find, on the contrary, that while the si- multancous celebration of the two apostles on the twenty-ninth of June is affirmed, there is also proclaimed — heretically from the point of view of the Roman Curia — the difference in time of their respective martyrdoms. For Augustine this fact assumed a symbolic function in that it underlined with even greater force the deep and equal unity and the complementarity of service and purposes between the two saints’®, Only Gregory the Great, at the end of the sixth century when the superiority of Peter over Paul had been openly recognised by his predecessor Pelagius II*", only Gregory was to dare to alter the liturgy itself and delay by one day the festivities for the “birth” of St. Paul (nataticium on the thirtieth June) while at the same time admitting that Paul had undergone martyrdom a year after Peter. It must have been ‘a consequence of this exclusive emphasis on Peter given to the festivity of the twenty-ninth of June that the de cathedra celebra- tion of the twenty-second of February fell into complete disuse as 28 Augustinus, Sermoncs 295-209, PL. 38, coll, 1948-1376, and partic, Sermo 295.1, col, 1352: wnus dies duobus Apostolis. sed et ill duo unum erants quamquam diversis diebue paterentur, unum erant [.+.}5 E. Josi, La venerasione degli apostolé Pietro © Paolo nel mondo cristiano aantico, Saecularia, Citta del Vaticano 1969, pp. 158 fs V. Saxer, Le cutte des apdtres Pierre et Paul dans les plus vicuz formulaires romaine de ta messe du 29 juin. Recherches sur ta thématique des sections XV-XVI du sacramentaire béonien, Saceularia, Citt8 del Vaticano 1969, pp. 217 f., 230. ‘Augustine underlines the proximity of the apostles’, feast (the ¢wenty-ninth of June) to the day in which Alatic entered Romie in 410 (the twenty fourth of August: of E. Stein, Histoire du bas-empire, I, ed. by J-R. Palangue, Bruges 1959, pp. 259, 856 with n, 25; during the sack, however, the churches of Peter and Paul did not suffer any pillage or destruction). 2 pL. 72, col, 729 (Petrus, qui et Paulum superat); F. Susman, It culto di $. Pietro a Roma dalle morte di Leone Mogno a Vitaliano ({61- 672), Arch, della Soe, Rom, di St, Patria, Ied ser. 15, Roma 1964, pp. 1-194, esp. 163, 185 ft 23, it was now deprived of any function or meaning", When Con- stantina, the wife of the Byzantine emperor Maurice, wrote to Gregory the Great in 594 asking him to make her a gift of the head of St, Paul which she wished to place in a church in Con- stantinople she had dedicated to the apostle, the Pope replied not only with an obvious refusal (to safeguard the superiority Rome could still boast of with regard to Constantinople — the political capital — for the very reason that it was the Christian capital of the Roman community) but also by promising her, almost as if to replace the invaluable relic she had requested in vain, some iron filings which the Pope claimed could be obtained from what remained of the chains of St. Peter®!, Thus, in spite of some apparent concurrence between Augus- tine and Gregory the Great regarding the different times of the martyrdoms of Peter and Paul, their motivations are completely opposite. Far from exploring new ways to assert the supremacy of Peter, Augustine’s affirmations should be deciphered in the light of his implicitly critical position with regard to an apostolic cult (end especially a Petrine one) which, in an attempt to exalt the city of Rome through new charismata at a time when it was be- coming less and less important politically, risked degrading Peter to the level of a pagan guardian deity of the Urbs while losing the more profound and universal values of the apostolic message: sumus enim Christiani, non Petriani, Augustine declared in his comment to the Psalm 443%, 8 Huskinson, ‘Concordia Apostolorum’, pp. 85-86. 81 Gregorius, Reg. Epa 4. 90 (£94 AD), COL. 140, pp. 248-250, L. Craceo Ruggini, Grégoire le Grand et le monde byzantin, in Grégoire ily, 15-19 Sept. 1982), Paris 1986, pp. 82-94, esp. 88, ustinus, Bn, in Ps 44. 28, COL. 38, p. 511: Tague sus citantes semen jratré suo (sell. Christo), quotquot genuerunt, non Paulianas ut Petrianos, sed Christianos noménaverunt (...] ostendatur mihi Romae in honore tanto templum Romuli, in quanto ibi ostendo memoriam Petri, In Petro quis honovatur, nisi ille defunctus pro nobis? eumsus enim Christians,2 On this point, too, Augustine, with his extraordinary under- standing of events and things, had effectively realised that which had been and continued to be the greatest risk in the process of the Christianization of society, above all in a world such as that of the Urbs where the weight of ancient and vigorous traditions was particularly felt. And this brings us back to Philocalus’ formula from which we began. ‘The most mysterious and controversial indication of the De- positio martyrum for the twenty-ninth of June is to be found in the consular date of 258, a date repeated — albeit with a gross misunderstanding — also by the Martyrologium Hieronymianum ‘As this cannot be the date of the martyrdom of either Peter or Paul it is clear that this year must be linked to some liturgical event of great significance, though for the purposes of this paper it seems of secondary importance whether to opt for one of the many proposals among which research has debated so far. ‘There are those who, like Duchesne, have maintained that in 258, a year of persecution under Valerian, the remains of the two apostles were removed from their respective original burial places (in cemetery areas which were greatly frequented and certainly already well- known and therefore watched over) and transferred for safety's non Petriani {..«J- In fact, outside the Urbs and its almost “municipal” at- mosphere (increasing more a seem to have been very different: Masi ‘was threatening Italy, tried to make the devotion of his flock towards Peter theit Festivily day stronger; however his efforts were unsuccessful, in proved to prefere by far the veneration for the local martyrs Octavius, Adventus, and Solutor: cf. Maximus Taurinensis, Sermones, $.2-8 and 12, CCL. 28, pp. 10-11 and 41-42; R. [ strutture eeclesinsticke nella cilta tardoantica (L' ‘Italia Annonaria’ nel IV V secola), Bibl. di “Athenaeum” 9, Como 1989, pp. 185-186, L. Cracce ‘one nelle citih dell” Italia settentrionale (IV-VI ‘more during the fifth century), points of ‘of Turin for example, when Alaric 24, Vescovi e Rugeini, La evistiani secola), in Deutech-italienischer Kongress: ‘Die Stadt in Norditalien und in den nord-mestlichen Provinzen dee rdmischen Reiches' (Universitat KéIn, Istituto Hatiano di Cultura, Kéln 18.-20 Mai 1989), in print. 25 sake in Catacumbas along the Appia. A conviction of this kind is certainly present in the Liber Pontificalis, where the author speaks of the corpora of Peter and Paul which iacuerunt [...] in Catacumbas, in the place known as Platoma where Pope Damasus was later to dedicate his commemorative inscription®®. ‘This in- scription, however, as has been pointed out, when referring to the two apostles on the Appia makes use of the curious expression hic habitasse, here they dwelt. The meaning of funerary deposition attributed to habilare by Jérome Carcopino really seems by ni means certain™, ‘Therefore it has been suggested that the term should rather be understood in a metaphorical sense (the presence of relies) of even in a literal sense (as a trace of a real presence of the apostles in the place which in the first century A.D. we know had been a private villa)®®. A transference of the holy bodies is suggested or explicitly affirmed also by the Passio S. Sebastiani in the fifth/sixth century®, by a letter of Pope Gregory the Great at the end of the sixth century (where, however, there is given as a certainty the later removal of the remains from the Appia and their placing respectively on the Aurelia and on the Ostiensis)* 38 See above, n. 19. 4 Carcopimo, De Puthagore, pp. 244 ft. 38 Delehaye, Hasiographie et archéologie romaines; Ruys schaert, Les documents littéraives, p. 82%. 36 AA. $5. Januari 1, Patis 1800, pp. 621-660 = BHL. 7095 (relies of the saint buried on the Appia, in initio eriptae iusta vestigia Apostolorum); Chadwick, St. Peter and St. Paul, pp. 46 ff: Huskinson, ‘Memoria Apostolorum’, p. 82, 37 Gregorius, Reg. Bp. 4. 30, CCL. 140, pp. 248-250: De cor poribus vero beatorum apostolorum quid ego dicturus sum, dum constet, quia co tempore quo passi sunt ex Oriente fdeles venerunt, qui corum core ora sicut eivium auorum repeterent? quae duct ueque ad secundum ur. bis milliarium, in loco gui dicitur Catacumbas, contocata sunt. sed dum ea ezinde levare omnis corum multitudo conueniens niteretur, ita eos wis toni-26 and by the Itineraria of the seventh century?®. But the idea, of a transference, however temporary, encoun: ters rather strong objections. First of all the total absence of any testimony, before the fourth century, either of persecutions being extended to Christian cemeteries with the profanation of the re- mains of martyrs, or of the transference of relics (their cult, on the contrary, makes its first appearance in the east in the late second century). ‘The two aspects are reciprocally connected but rather characterize the fourth century (one may recall the vicissitudes of the remains of John the Baptist under the reign of Julian the Apostate)". Furthermore, the cemetery area of St. Sebastian on tru atgue fulguris niméo metu terruit ac dispersit, wt catia denuo nullatenns templare praesumerent. Tune autem ezeuntes Romani corm corpora, qui hoc ez Domint pictate meruerunt, levaverunt, ct in locie quibus mune sunt condita posuerunt. Following the Liber Pontifeatis (22, Cornelius, p. 150 Duchesne) Pope Comelius (f 253/264), urged by the pfous matron Tac I of June corpora apostotorum beati Petri et Pauli de cina, on the twenty Catacumbas (sic) levavit noctu and located then of the Indy on the Via Ostieneie fueta locum ubi decotlatus est (sil. Paulus), respectively, in » pracdium and among butials of other holy bishops in femplum Apollinis, in monte Aureum (sie), in Vaticanum palatit Neroniani (Peter). ‘This passage of the Liber Pontificalie led some scholars to suppose that the twe of June of 258 had heen celebrated as the day in which the bones of Peter and Paul came back to their respective, former tombs. However, It seems to have been usual to celebrate the adventus day of holy relies in a given holy place, and rot af all Uneir removal day: ef, Duchesne, edition of the Liber Pontifialis, p. VIL 88 Cf, Duchesne, edition of the Liber Pontifiealis, p. CV (sepulehna ‘apostolorum Petré et Pauli in quibu XL annos requiescebant). 9 Concerning the venerati for the relics of the martyr Polyearpus, bishop of Smyrna, cf Cullmann, San Pietvo, p. 183. Concerning the vicissitudes of the remaine of John the Baptist, ef Rufinus, Jl B.,2, 27 28, GCS. pp. 1033-1034; Theodoretus, HB. 3,7, GCS. p. 182; Craceo Concordia, pp. 18 ff. with m. 45. Ruggini, Aquileia 27 the Appia is a short distance from the statio of police near the mausoleum of Cecilia Metella and does not seem to possess those characteristics of a remote and safe place which alone would have justified such an undertaking during the persecution. On the contrary from a topographical point of view it seems important to point out the nearness of the catacombs of St. Se- bastian to the Christian cemetery of St. Callistus which, at the time of Pope Pontian (c. 233-288) had been used for the burials of the bishops of Rome, successors to the apostles, In this light the hypothesis of Delehaye undoubtedly becomes more plausible. He tended to believe that the two apostolic bodies remained in their original burial places and that on the festivity of the twenty-ninth of June of 258 there had, on the contrary, been instituted a litur- gical celebration peshaps connected with the installation in Cata- cumbas of symibolic relics (that is, by contact, brandea) a prac- tice which was to become typical of the later western tradition. From this time on, alongside the rites set up by the ecclesiastical authorities, these spontaneous manifestations of devotion devel oped, manifestations which we may still witness in the numerous grafliti inscriptions brought to light by the excavations on the site, In any case, it seems nonsensical to me to infer that a group of Novatian hereties were located in Calacumbas, owing to the simple fact that the depositio of Novatian took place on the twenty-ninth of June around the middle of the third century (cf. L.C. Mohiberg, A.M. Schneider, E. Dinkler). How may one explain, then, that the Depositio martyrum — an or thodox document hostile at the most to the anti-Pope, Novatian — assumed a date of the Novatian liturgy? Neither does the hypothesis put forward by H. Quentin seem more worthy of con- sideration. He envisaged an improbale conflating, in the feriale * Cf Cullmann, San Pietro, p. 181 #1 Cf ELM. Me Culloh, The Gult of Relics in the Letters and Dialogues! of Pope Gregory the Great: A Lexicographical Study, Traditio, 32 (1978), pp. 145-184,28 of Philocalus, of two different liturgical texts, written side by side in two parallel columns: so that the date of 258, referring to the festivity of Saint Cyprian in Carthage, accidentally slipped into the column concerning the apostles, Peter and Paul in Rome’?. All this seems to me to prove that on the twenty-ninth of Tune, 258, there took place some undertaking of an extraordinary nature which was intended to intensify ot to direct the veneration of the faithful for Peter and Paul in the place in Catacumtas, a suburban locality probably already linked to the memory of the two apostles and perhaps then transformed in memoria thanks to the contribution of relies by contact, which in the West had the same meaning and function as holy bones. The central problem remains that of clarifying why such an undertaking took place in that year and above all on that date and why it joined together the two apostles in the cult for the first time officially. ‘The year 258 in which the event took place may plausibly be explained by the fact that it would give heart and strength to the Christian community in Rome at a difficult time of per- secution. The presence together of Peter and Paul, as suggested above, may partly be justified by the need to counterbalance on the side of orthodoxy a devotion for Paul alone which might be vulnerable to influences exercised by small groups of Marcionites, Manicheans, Gnostics and Carpocratians who were then very ac- tive in Rome. But why choose this very date, the twenty-ninth of 42 LG, Mohilberg, Osservaziont storico-critiche sulla iserisione tombale di Novasiano, Ephemerides liturgicae, 51, pp. 242-2495 Idem, His- loriseh-kritische Bemerkungen sum Ursprung der sogenannten Memoria Apostolorum an der Appischen Strasse, in Colligere Fragmente. Festsche. ‘A. Dold, Beuron 1952, pp. 52-74; A. M. Schneider, Die Memoria Apos. tolorum an der Via Appia, Nachr, der Gesell. der Wiss. m Gottingen, Phil-Hist, KIL, Gattingen 1951; B. Dinkler, Die Petrus-Rom-Frage, ‘Dheol. Rundschaw, 25 end 27 (1959 and 1961), pp. 189-220, 269-335, 33— 4; Cullmann, San Pietro, pp. V74-175, 182-183. Concerning the se- cond hypothesis cf. H. Quentin, Tuseo et Basso Consulibus, Rend. della Pont, Ace. Rom. di Archeol., 5 (1928), pp. 145-147. 29 June, for the double celebration? ‘This is a question for which Os- car Cullmann has proposed an attempt at an explanation which is very interesting though incomplete and therefore still under valued. On this day, in fact, the god Quirinus had once been celebrated in Rome, as we discover in a fragment of the Fasti Vindobonenses in 4 A.D.%, This celebration — it has been ob- jected — later disappeared from the official ceremonies and so it, appears difficult to establish a direct connection between it and the Christian festivity instituted 250 years later. There is no doubt that the Augustan age represented the moment of great development for the official cult of the eponymous god of the Quirites. It was thanks to the predilection of the gens Iulia for this so obscure god that there asserted itself in this very period the identification of Quicinus with Romulus (Cicero, Virgil and Horace). ‘The assimilation of Quirinus — god of the city, of the curiae, and of the Quirites — with Romulus, protector of the ‘community, was not lost even later, as may be seen in quite late sources. For Claudian Quirinus is Romulus, the son of Mars and the sceptred warrior king who had bound the various peoples of Italy to Rome". The festivity of the Lupercalia — a fertility rite 88 of om. 1,4, p. 320, 4 Of. G. Radke, Quirinus. Hine kritisehe Dberprijung der Obert. ferung und ein Vereuch, in ANRW., Il, 17, 1, hsg. von W. Haase, Berlin~ New York 1981, pp. 276-294; D. Porte, Romulus-Quirinus, prince et dieu, dieu des princes. Bude sur le personage de Quirinus et son évolution, des origines & Auguste, Ibid., pp. 300-342; J.D. Evans, The Legends of Barly Rome Used as Political Propaganda in the Romaan Republican and Augustan Periods, Ph. D. Diss. Univ. of Pennsylvania 1985, Ann Arbor Mich. 1988, pp. 255-256. 291-266, Concerning the Romulus/Quitinus? iconography, cf, J.J, Bernoulli, Rémiscke-Itonographic, T, Stuttgart 1882, pp. 8-205 0. Vessberg, Studien sur Kunstgetchichte der rdmischen Republik, Lund 1941, p. 119; P, Castagnoli, s. v. Romolo e Remo, Encielop. delVarte nt, cl. or VI(1968), p. 1024; L. Cracco Ruggini, Apotcosi e politica senatoria nel IV 4, d. Cx il dittico dei Symmachi al British Museum, RSL,30 which took place around the Palatine on the fifteenth of Febru- ary, two days before the Quirinalia on the seventeenth of the same month, in fact led the spectators back to Romulus and Remus, the presumed founders of the two groups of Luperci who faced each other. Still at the time of Odoacre and Theodoric the Ro- man senate, by now formally Christian, was to issue bronze coins showing Roma invicta linked with on the obverse Romulus, Re- mus and the she-woll", While at the end of the fifth century (495 A.D.) Pope Gelasius was to be obliged to condemn as a use- less relic of the past the desire to continue celebrating in the Urbs the Lupercatia on the fifteenth of February and still under the 80 (1977), pp. 425-489, esp. 472-473 with n. 160 (with further bibliography’). See Claudianus, De quarto cons. Hon., vv. 492-493 (398 A.D.); Idem, De sezto cons. Hon., vv. 9, 642 (404 AD.). I poganesimo romano, p. 27 (with fur- ion of Romulus, Remms “© Ch Craceo Ruggin ther bibliography at 1. 63); about the representa ‘and the she-wolf also on the contorniati, the well-known pseudlo-coins of the Fousth-fifth century Rome, ef. A. AL{31di, Die Kontorniaten, Ein verkann- tes Propagandamittel der stadtrmischen heidnischen Aristokratie in ihrer Kampfe gegen das christliche Kaisertum, Leiptig 1943, T, pp. 113, nrr. 85, 85; 116, ner. 112, 112; TT, Tafel XDIIL, 2; IX, 12, 45 X, 6-8; see also A, and Elisabeth AMGldi, Die Kontorniat-Medaillons, I, Berlin 1976, p. 202, nr. 02 5, 1943) and Tafel 12, 2. The memory of Romulus/Q to be well preserved in late fourth century Rome through various places and rmous here (for the aedes Quirini see wis appeared monuments connected with the epor esp. De vir. ill, 2, 19-14; for the aedes Rormuli on the Palatine — in its turn called mons Komuleus by the Historta Augusta, Gall, 13.4: probably « coll ‘uial expression — see esp. Hierany mus, [nterpr. libri Didymi de Spirit Sancto, Pratf Pl 23, col. 103, who identifies the cedes with the éugurium Pousti; another aedes Romuli — whose traces, however, desappeared afler 78 A.D. — existed on the Capitol): f. 5. B.Platner, Th. Ashby, A Topo graphical Dictionary of Ancient Rome, Roma 1965 (an. repr. of the Oxford ced. 1928), pp. 449-450, 101-102, 438-139. See also Ausonins, Praccatio, Av. d and Bp. 25, ¥. 64 31 patronage of Christian senators who saw in this ceremony a sort of rite able to ward off evil and therefore useful against enemies and barbarians. Were not the ‘Lupercalia’ celebrated even when ‘Alaric devastated the city? the exasperated Pope demanded. And ‘more recently what happened to the ‘Lupercalia’ while Rome was being torn apart by the civil war between Alaric and Ricimerus?*. Romulus/Quirinus himself not only enjoyed a long life as an ex- ample of imperial apotheosis (about which Augustine was still to argue with Cicero)*", but remained prominent especially as bella- for, and as a model for the Roman emperors as we may read, for example, in Themistius and Claudian®®, and as we may see in the current iconography (which in the imperial age continued repre- senting him as the young vanquisher of Aeron, beardless and with spear and cuirass: thus had Romulus already appeared, dressed in 48 Golasins, Adv. Andromachum, 3-4 and 19, ed. by G.Pomarts, Gétase Ter, Lettre contre les Lupercales et diz-huit Messes du Secramen taire Léonien, SC. 65, Paris 1959, pp. 154-165, 1763 ef. Coll. AvetL, 100, 25, CSEL. 25, p. 461, referring to 472: numguid Lupercalia deerant, quando Alericus evertit? et nuper, cum Anthemit ct Ricimeris civili furore subversa est — scil. Roma — , ubi sunt Lupercalia?; K. Hopkins, From Violence to Blessing Symbols and Rituals in Ancient Rome, in City-States in Classi- cal Antiquity and Medieval laly. Conference Papers (Providence, May 7-9 4989) (the Acts are now in print). 47 CL Augustinus, De civ, Dei, 22, 10, CCL. 48, p. £28 (an dicent etiam se habere deos ex hominibus mortuis, sieut Hereulem, sicut Romulum, sicut alios multos, quos in deorum numerum receptos opinantur?); Craceo Ru ggini Apoteosi « politica senatoria, p. 426 48 Por Claudian see above, n. 44, and alo Claudianus De cons, Stil. 2, v. 870, 3, v. 99 (400 A.D.: Romulus as warrior god lated with Bellona); for Themis exaltation of the emperor Gratian in the Or. 13 (316 A.D.), ef Ph. Brugisser, Gratien, nouveau Ro- sand mule Historia testis. Mélonges @épigraphic, d'histoire ancienne et de philolopie offerte a T. Zawadzki, ed. by M. Pigrart, O. Curty, Fribourg 1989, pp. 189-205, LT