President and Fellows of Harvard College

Is "Hesychasm" the Right Word? Remarks on Religious Ideology in the Fourteenth Century
Author(s): JOHN MEYENDORFF
Source: Harvard Ukrainian Studies, Vol. 7, Okeanos: Essays presented to Ihor Ševčenko on his
Sixtieth Birthday by his Colleagues and Students (1983), pp. 447-457
Published by: Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41036108
Accessed: 21-02-2016 19:18 UTC

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/
info/about/policies/terms.jsp

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content
in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship.
For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

President and Fellows of Harvard College and Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute are collaborating with JSTOR to
digitize, preserve and extend access to Harvard Ukrainian Studies.

http://www.jstor.org

This content downloaded from 130.113.111.210 on Sun, 21 Feb 2016 19:18:55 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 Is "Hesychasm"theRightWord?
Remarkson ReligiousIdeologyin theFourteenth
Century

JOHN MEYENDORFF

The fourteenth centurywas a turbulentand divisiveperiodin thehistory

of Eastern Europe. However, it also witnesseda new awareness of
religiousand culturalunitybetweenByzantiumand the Slavic nations.
Politically,theempirewas reducedto a symbolicpower.Economically,it
was dependentupon Genoese and Venetianinterestsand politics,which
in turnwere linkedto relationsexistingbetweenthe Italian city-states
and the Mongol and Ottoman authoritiesaround the Black Sea.
However,Byzantiumwas stillregardedas thereligious,ideological,and
intellectualcenterof Eastern Christendom,and the churcheffectively
controlleda centralizedadministrative networkspread across Eastern
Europe, providing the main channel throughwhichGreek texts- and
therefore ideas - were being translated and distributedthere.
Undersuchcircumstances, it was inevitablethatinternaleventsin the
Byzantine church would also influencethe Slavs. Thus, the monastic
in
predominance Byzantine church administration,whichbegan already
under Patriarch Athanasius I (1289-1293,1303-1310)and was sanctioned
bythesuccessivevictoriesof thePalamitesin 1341,1347and 1351,made
it inevitablethat a greatproportionof Greek textsreachingthe Slavs
wererelatedto monasticspirituality. But themonasticpredominancein
theByzantinechurchofwhatis generallycalled "hesychasm"shouldnot
be interpreted in thenarrowsense of thisoriginallyverytechnicalterm.
The purpose of my brief remarksis to challenge the somewhat
exclusive,and thereforemisleading,use of the term "hesychasm"to
describetheeventsin Byzantiumitselfand theirrepercussionsin Slavic
lands.

1. Whatdoes the word"hesychasm"mean in thecontextoffourteenth-

?
centuryhistory
Since the fourthcentury,the termrçauxía was used to designatethe
contemplativemonasticway of life. Accordingto Evagrius Ponticus,

This content downloaded from 130.113.111.210 on Sun, 21 Feb 2016 19:18:55 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
448 JOHNMEYENDORFF

"quietude" (fjaoxía) is "the joy of the truemonk" and implies"life in

thedesert."1St. Gregoryof Nyssa speaks of "hesychasts"(liaoxaaxai)
who "isolate themselvesforfortyyearsfromhumansociety."2Imperial
legislationdefinestheirrightsvis-à-visthe cenobiticmonasteriesusing
the word "hesychast"synonymously with"anchorite"(àvaxû)pT|Tf|ç).3
Since Evagrius, the spiritualityof contemplativemonasticismin the
ChristianEast was always centeredupon mentalprayer.Eventually,
monastictraditionmoved somewhataway fromEvagrian and Origen-
istic intellectualismin interpretingthe meaning of that prayer. It
becamedirectlyinfluencedby thebiblicalunderstanding of theName of
God, as implyingdivine presence itself,and, since Christ was God
incarnate,theEvagrianmentalprayertook thewell-knownformof "the
prayerofJesus."The writings of Ps. Macarius also introducetheconcept
of "prayer of the heart." Possibly reflectingearlier traditions,some
contemplativesof the thirteenth century - particularlyNicephorusthe
Hesychast- recommendedthe use of a breathingtechniqueto reach
permanentconcentrationin prayer.Such is, basically,the historyof
"hesychasm"beforethe debates of the fourteenth century.
In orderto understandthe use of the term"hesychast"in the period
withwhichwe are primarilyconcerned,one should rememberthe very
specificcircumstancesof the initial encounterbetween Barlaam and
Palamas. In 1337-1341, the Calabrian philosopher Barlaam, over-
reactingagainst criticismdirectedby Palamas against his anti-Latin
treatises,ridiculedthe breathingtechniqueused by some hesychastsin
Thessalonicaand Constantinople,callingthemô|icpaXó'|/i)xoi ("people-
having-their-soul-in-their-navel").Attacking more broadly the very
principleof mysticalknowledgeand experience,he soon also launched
theaccusationof Messalianismagainsta muchwidercircleof Byzantine
monks.4Even then,however,Barlaamdid notattackall "hesychasts"as

1 Rer. mon.
2, Migne, PG 40, col. 1253B; also De or. Ill, Migne, PG 79, col. 1192C;
trans.Evagrius,The Praktikos: Chapterson Prayer(Spencer,Mass.; CistercianPublica-
tions,1970),p. 74.
2 In
Psalm., Migne, PG 44, col. 456B.
3
Ouç òr] KCtXeiv àvaxcopTixáçxe kuí r'avxaaxàq eiróOaaiv,Justinian,Novella 5, 3, ed.
R. Schoelland G. Kroll,p. 32. On theearlyand originalformsof hesychasm,see P. Adnes,
"Hésychasme,"Dictionnairede Spiritualité, vols. 44-45 (Paris, 1968),cols. 381-399.
4 For the circumstancesof these
early episodes of the controversy,see my articles
reprintedin ByzantineHesychasm(Variorum, 1974), and my Introduction a l'étude de
GrégoirePalamas (Paris, 1959), pp. 65-80. Cf. also an updatingof the issue in Robert
E. Sinkewicz,"A New Interpretation for the First Episode in the Controversybetween
Barlaam the Calabrian and GregoryPalamas," Journalof TheologicalStudies, 1980,
pp. 489-500.

This content downloaded from 130.113.111.210 on Sun, 21 Feb 2016 19:18:55 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 IS "HESYCHASM" THE RIGHT WORD? 449

such. He expressedadmirationof several"hesychasts"of Thessalonica

who- in his opinion- were not guiltyof the abuses of "omphalo-
psychia."His writings showthathe had someknowledgeofthemonastic
contemplativetradition.5
Whereas Barlaam did not intendto condemn all the "hesychasts,"
Palamas certainlybelievedthattheattackson theCalabrian philosopher
weredirectedagainstthe basic contentand inspirationof the monastic
spiritualtradition.WhileBarlaam was attackingsome unknownmonks
who practicedbreathingtechniques,Palamas publishedhis Triads,"For
the defenseof the holy hesychasts"('Ynèp xcovíepcoçTJauxaCovxcov),
thatis, all hesychasts.But in thismajor workhe devotedonlytwo short
treatises(I, 2 and II, 2) to the issue of the psychosomaticmethodsof
prayer,which he justifiedon theologicaland spiritualgrounds,while
admittingthe possibilityof abuses. In the rest of his work, he raised
much widerquestionsof the God-man relationship.Palamas certainly
knewtheoriginalmeaningoftheword"hesychast,"as synonymous with
"anchorite,"but he also saw thetheologicalissuesinvolvedin Barlaam's
criticism:Is man reallydestinedto communionwithGod, and theôsisi
Can the human body itself be involved in the very reality of
"deification"?What is the nature of the vision of divine Light? If
communionwithGod is real,is it a communionwiththedivineessence
itself?And if not, are the "energies" really "God," i.e., are they
"uncreated"?
These questionsand theiranswersconstitutethe contentof Palamite
theologyand formthe substance of the debate which followed the
Council of 1341, but they are much broader than the issue of
"hesychasm"as such. In 1341, Barlaam was formallyrebukedfor his
attacksagainstthe psycho-somaticmethodsof prayer.In fact,on this
particularpoint,he foundno supportat all. Even Akindynos,who led
the anti-Palamiteparty in Constantinopleduringthe period of civil
war (1341-1347), was formallyand from the beginningopposed to
Barlaam's attacksagainstmonasticspirituality.6 the
In fact,therefore,

5 Cf.
particularlyhis letterto the hesychastIgnatius in G. Schirò, Barlaam Catabro,
Epistolegreche(Palermo, 1954),p. 323. For a more recentevaluationof Barlaam's views,
see G. Podskalsky,TheologieundPhilosophiein Byzanz (Munich, 1977), pp. 125ff.
6 In 1340, he was
wntingto Barlaam that his attacks against the "anchorite (xoòç
àvaxcopoovxaç)are "hypocritical"and "unworthyof a philosopher".(rcpayuaxocà(pi>x>-
aocpcoxáioi)),and that his calling them "Messalians" was both unjustifiedand stupid
(Scorial.gr. Ill II, col. 230-231; quoted in my Introduction
à l'étudede GrégoirePalamas,
p. 73, fn.28). The lettersof Akindynosare presentlybeing preparedforpublicationby
Angela Hero in DumbartonOaks Texts.

This content downloaded from 130.113.111.210 on Sun, 21 Feb 2016 19:18:55 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
450 JOHNMEYENDORFF

debate on "hesychasm"as such took place only for the shortperiod

between1337and 1341.What followedwas a protractedcontroversy on
the theologicalformulaeused by Palamas to express the traditional
doctrineof theôsis,or "deification."
This debate involvedall social groups. The issue was not hesychast
Whereasthevastmajorityof themonkssidedwithPalamas,
spirituality.
therewere also eminentmonasticpersonalitiesin the opposite camp,
includingthe nun Eulogia Choumnaina,relatedto the imperialfamily
and a spiritual daughter of one of the leaders of late Byzantine
hesychasm,the metropolitanTheoleptos of Philadelphia.7Akindynos
himselfclaimedto be a "hesychast."Palamas, however,was supported
not onlyby the formerpatron of Barlaam and otherintellectual, John
Cantacuzenos, but by a clear majority of ecclesiastical
public opinion,
whichled to his victory.
The remarksI have made are importantin orderto dispeltheidea that
in the fourteenth centurythe Byzantinechurchand societywere taken
overby a groupof esotericmysticalsectarians.This idea seemsoftento
be impliedbyhistorians,includingthosewho,forexample,makegeneral
statements about the"dryingup" of Palaeologan artin themiddleof the
fourteenth century,or the attitudeof the Byzantinechurchtowardsthe
study of secular philosophy.The issueis also of majorimportancein any
discussionof the relationsbetweenByzantiumand the Slavs. Indeed
scholarswho consider"monastic rigorism"responsiblefor the end of
the so-called "Palaeologan Renaissance" in art must not only justify
theratherquestionableuse oftheterm"Renaissance" in thiscontext,but
also explaintheindisputablefactthat"Palaeologan" artwas particularly
successfulin Slaviccountries,wheremonasticcontactswerethestrongest
formof Byzantineinfluence.Indeed,Byzantinehumanists(oftensharing
anti-Palamitefeelings)had neitherthe possibilitynor the interestto
promotetheirideas among theSlavs, who knewno Greekand werestill
farfromsharingtheintellectual concernsofa Choumnainaor a Gregoras
or a Gemisthos Pletho. Nevertheless,the artistic "Renaissance"
flourishedin the monasticestablishments of the Serbian and Bulgarian
empires,and, a little in
later, theremote regionsof Muscovy,whereitwas
welcomed by the monasticcircles of St. Sergius of Radonezh. These

7 Cf.
myIntroduction à l'étudede GrégoirePalamas, pp. 120-128.Her verycuriousand
intimatecorrespondencewithher new spiritualfather(afterthe death of Theoleptus)is
soon to be publishedby Angela Hero,

This content downloaded from 130.113.111.210 on Sun, 21 Feb 2016 19:18:55 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 IS 'HESYCHASM" THE RIGHT WORD? 45 1

circles,however,did nothidetheirconnectionswithPatriarchPhilotheos
and otherleadersof Palamismin Byzantium.8
All thisshowsthattheuse of theword"hesychasm"to definethevast
movementofideas,specifically religious,politicaland cultural,whichcan
clearlybe seen as a major phenomenonof East European historyin the
fourteenth centuryis inaccurate.Indeed,iftheterm"hesychasm"stands
for anachoretism, it certainlydoes not correspondto the concernsof
PatriarchPhilotheos,who exhortedand, indeed, orderedSt. Sergius,
around 1363, specificallyto abandon anachoretismand establish a
cenobiticcommunityat Holy Trinity,near Moscow.9 If "hesychasm"
designatesonlythepracticeof mentalprayer,sustainedby thebreathing
disciplinedescribed by Nicephorus the Hesychast in the thirteenth
centuryand implyinga highlyindividual form of spirituality,one
wonderswhythosewho are generallyconsideredas themain promoters
of hesychasm - PatriarchPhilotheos,PatriarchEthymiusof Trnovo,
St. Theodosius of Trnovo and MetropolitanCyprian of Kiev- were
mostessentiallyconcernedwithsuch subjectsas theliturgy,therubrics,
and the promotionof a unifiedliturgicalTypikon- thatof St. Sabbas
of Palestine- in both Byzantiumand Slavic lands. Most prominent
among their activitieswere administrative, political, intellectualand
literary pursuits.These men were united
certainly bya commonmonastic
backgroundand formation, but thereis no evidencethatsuch hesychas-
tic practicesas the psycho-somaticmethod of prayerconstitutedan
obligatoryor even a particularlyimportantaspect of theirspirituality.
Shall we then abandon the term"hesychasm,"when we speak of
the broad phenomenonof spiritualand ecclesiasticalrevival in the
fourteenth century?Not necessarily.It has become a convenientand
probablyirreplaceabletermencompassinga broad religiousand political
movementwhich struggledfor a common set of values, promoted
politicaland culturalprioritiesinheritedfromByzantium,and, in the
face of challengescomingfromthe East and the West,maintainedthe
universalism and thedynamismof OrthodoxChristianity amidstdrastic
social and politicalchanges.
But, in using the term,we should be careful to avoid technical
associations with anachoretism,obscurantism,or esotericmysticism.
Certainly,the mysticaltraditionof ancient Hesychasm receivednew
strengththroughthe victoryof Palamism, but neitherthe monastic

8 Cf.
myrecentbook, Byzantium and theRise of Russia (Cambridge,1981),pp. 138-144.
9 Cf. the textsreferred
to in Byzantiumand theRise of Russia,pp. 134-135.

This content downloaded from 130.113.111.210 on Sun, 21 Feb 2016 19:18:55 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
452 JOHNMEYENDORFF

revival which preceded and followed that victory,nor the overall

characterof the Byzantineinfluenceupon the Slavs in the Palaeologan
periodwas "hesychastic"in a narrowsense.
This can be illustratedby a short case study involvingpolitical
ideology,spiritualprioritiesand ecclesiasticalconcerns.The case can be
seen as connectedwithwhatwe call todaythe"hesychastmovement"of
the fourteenthcentury,because it involvedmajor personalitiesof that
movement,namely,PatriarchPhilotheosKokkinos and Metropolitan
Cyprianof Kiev, among others.It offersan opportunityto discussthe
whole ideologicalframework thattheyshared.

2. A Case Study: The ThreeLithuanianMartyrs

The so-called Voskresenskaia Chronicle signals that in 1347 three
youngChristianswereexecutedin Vilniusby thepagan grandprinceof
Lithuania,Olgerd (Algirdas).The youngmen, who had changed their
pagan names Kruglets,Nezhil, and Kumets to the Christiannames
Anthony,John,and Eustathius,had been officialsof Olgerd'scourt,but
had refusedto complywithLithuanianhabits,such as shaving,and had
ostensiblyobservedOrthodoxfastingrules.10
ProfessorIvan Dujcev has rightlynoted in a recentstudythatSlavic
saintswereveryseldomacceptedin the liturgicalcalendarof the Greek
church.11However, there are signs indicatingthat, in this respect,
theByzantinechurchunderitsnewmonasticleadershipbecameless self-
centeredand more universalin its hagiographieoutlook. Such signs
include,forexample,the compositionof the Life of St. Theodosius of
Trnovo by PatriarchCallistos. In thisconnectionI would like to point
out the case of the threeLithuanianmartyrs,which has been largely
ignoredin spiteof its obvious ideologicaland historicalimportance.12
This particularepisode of martyrdom has sometimesbeen regardedas
legendaryby historians,who wereacquainted onlywithlate Muscovite
accounts. Indeed, Olgerd, though a pagan, was not a persecutorof
Christianity.He himselfwas successivelymarried to two Orthodox

10 Cf. E. E. Golubinskii,Istoriiakanonizatsii
sviatykhv russkoitserkvi(Moscow, 1903),
pp. 69-71,p. 542.
11 "Slawische
Heilige in der ByzantinischenHagiographie," Medioevo bizantino-slavo
(Rome), 2 (1968): 202-223.
12 A more detailed
studyof the case is givenin J. Meyendorff,"Byzantium,Moscow,
and Lithuania in the FourteenthCentury:The Three LithuanianMartyrsin Literature
and Iconography,"Eikon and Logos (Festschrift Onash), 1981.,

This content downloaded from 130.113.111.210 on Sun, 21 Feb 2016 19:18:55 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 IS "HESYCHASM" THE RIGHT WORD? 453

princessesand his relationswiththeOrthodoxchurch,whichincludeda

majorityof his principality's population,weregenerallyquite good.
However, the martyrdomof Anthony,John, and Eustathius are
witnessedand interpreted by contemporarydocumentsof exceptional
importanceand greatinterestthathave so farbeen ignoredbyhistorians.
These documentsincludeone Slavonic Vita,a Greek Encomionof the
threemartyrs, and the image of Anthony,John,and Eustathiuson the
"Major Sakkos" of MetropolitanPhotius,now in the Armoryof the
Moscow Kremlin.
The textof theSlavonic Vita,accordingto itseditor,M. N. Speranskii,
was composed by a Serbian author.13Aftergivingan account of the
martyrdom, the author reportstwo importantfacts: (1) that afterthe
martyrs'deaths,the sons of Olgerd,also convertsto OrthodoxChris-
tianity,helped to preservethe martyrs'relicsand that Olgerd himself
agreedto buyland fortheconstructionof a churchin theirmemory;(2)
that in 1374 and "during the patriarchateof ecumenical Patriarch
Philotheos"(1364-1376),portionsof the saints' relicswere carried"to
the most holy and great church," where they were venerated and
performed miraculoushealings.
The chronologyin the Vitaand the extraordinarily positiveinforma-
tion given about Olgerd and his family,as showinga new sympathy
towardsOrthodoxChristianity, reflectverywell the developmentsthat
occurredin the 1370s. It is preciselyin thoseyearsthatthePatriarchate
ofConstantinopleoccupiedby PatriarchPhilotheosabandoned therigid
pro-Muscovitepolicyof the previousperiod and began to show active
concernforthe futureof the Orthodoxpopulation of the Lithuanian-
dominatedareas. In 1373-1375,a patriarchalenvoy,theBulgarianmonk
Cyprian,engagedin activeefforts of reconciliationbetweenthewarring
principalitiesof the Rus'. He established solid connections at the
Lithuanian court, which led to his appointmentas metropolitanin
Lithuaniain 1375.14The solemntransfer of therelicsto Constantinople
in 1374was certainlyperformed on hisinitiative.And ifone wereto seek
a possibleSerbianauthorof the Vita,a man interestedin theaffairsof
the Rus' and close to Cyprian, one would necessarilyconsider the
SerbianmonkIsaiah, abbot of the Rus' monasteryon Mt. Athos,who,

13 "Serbskoe zhitie litovskikhmuchenikov," Chteniia v

Imperatorskomobshchestve
istoriii drevnosteirossiiskikh(Moscow, 1909), pp. 1-47. A later Russian versionbased
on the Serbian original appears in Makarii, Velikiia Minei Chetii, vol. 2, Izdanie
Imperatorskoiarkheograficheskoi kommissii(Moscow, 1912),cols. 438-443.
14 Cf.
MeyendorfT, Byzantiumand the Rise of Russia, pp. 187-199.

This content downloaded from 130.113.111.210 on Sun, 21 Feb 2016 19:18:55 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
454 JOHNMEYENDORFF

in 1371, translated into Slavic the writingsof Ps. Dionysius the

Areopagite.A copy of this translation,in the hand of Metropolitan
Cyprianhimself,is stillpreserved.15
The GreekEncomionof themartyrswas composedby a rhetorof the
Great Church, Michael Balsamon. I am showingelsewherethat the
probable date of the Encomionis ca. 1390, i.e., a timewhen Cyprian
finallyassumedhis post as metropolitanin Moscow and whenhis policy
of encouragingfriendshipbetween Moscow and Lithuania received
formal support in Byzantium,as well. Balsamon calls the martyrs
Rhõsoi('PcÍKJOiyàp ovxeç),althoughhe is also awareoftheirLithuanian
origin.Actuallyforhim"Lithuanians"seemhardlydistinguishable from
Rhõsoi. "They are Rus'," he writes,"but not from among those
who, fromthebeginning,have been comingto us by boat ..., but from
among those who are called Lithuaniansand fire-worshippers" (ouç
Außouc còç 5è Kai nvpcoXáxpaq ó Xóyoç KaÀ,eï).16Balsamon also
reportsthe fact of the transferof the relics and theirvenerationin
Constantinople,giving all the credit to PatriarchPhilotheos,whose
reputation,prestige,and policieswerefullyacknowledgedin Byzantium
after1390:
"And our own City," Balsamon writes,... "has receivedsome parts of the
martyrs'relics..., fortheywerebroughthereby holy hands [of Cyprian?],as
substitutesfor armamentand security,and were receivedby the even holier
hands ... of the great Philotheos(OiÀ.o6éoutoO rcávu)..., who was firstin
veneratingthem as martyrsand honoringthem with icons, prostrating,and
annualliturgicalcelebrations."17

The appearance of images representingthe martyrson a remarkable

piece of embroidery,
symbolizingthespiritualand politicaltiesbetween
Constantinople and the Rus', is even more significant.The sakkos of
MetropolitanPhotius, which can be dated between1414 and 1417,18 is
decorated,in thelowerfrontpart,witha sceneof theAnastasis(see fig1,

15 Cf. B. Moshin, "Zhitie startsa

Isaii, igumena Russkogo monastyriana Afone,"
SbornikRusskogoarkheologicheskogo obshchestva vkorolevstveIugoslava(Belgrade,1940),
pp. 125-167.The possible identification
of the authorof the Vitaas the monk Isaiah has
been suggestedto me by Dr. HermannGoltz of Halle.
16
Speranskii,"Serbskoe zhitie," p. 36. The Encomionwas also published twice by
M. Gedeon in Néa ßißA.io6f|KT| ¿KK^riaiaaiiKOv CTuyypaípécov, vol. 1 (Constantinople,
1903), pp. 85-102, and in Apxeîov èKKA.TiaiaaxKfjç îatopiaç, vol. 1 (Constantinople,
1911),pp. 152-174.
17 Ed. cit., 47.
p.
18 Cf. D.
Obolensky,"Some Notes Concerninga ByzantinePortraitof John VIII
Palaeologus," EasternChurchesReview4, no. 2 (1972): 141-146.

This content downloaded from 130.113.111.210 on Sun, 21 Feb 2016 19:18:55 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 IS "HESYCHASM" THE RIGHT WORD? 455

p. 457). Below the figure of the rising Christ, there are frontal
representations of two couples. On the one side- EmperorJohnVIII
Palaeologus and his firstwifeAnna (d. 1417),daughterof Grand-Prince
Vasilii Dimitrievichof Moscow. On the otherside- the grand prince
Vasiliihimselfwithhis wifeSophia, daughterof Grand PrinceVitovtof
Lithuania. The ideological and artisticsignificanceof these portraits
has oftenbeen discussedby historians.However,the additionalimpor-
tance of the tripleimage founddirectlyunderthe Anastasis scene and
betweenthetwo princelycouples is also notable.It represents our three
martyrs, clearlyidentified by Greek inscriptions as John,Eustathius, and
Anthony, the Rhõsoi (oí Tgxtoi - , as in theEncomion of Balsamon).19
I do not thinkthat this image, seen against the generalideological
conceptionreflected on thesakkos,needs muchcommentary. Its signifi-
cance is self-explanatory. The threemartyrsof Vilniuswere witnesses
of the survivingOrthodoxChristianity in Lithuania,whichsince 1386
- underVitovt- was no longerruledby pagan princes,but founditself
underthe Roman Catholic Polish monarchy.However,as metropolitan
"of all the Rus'," Photius,on behalfof the ByzantineOrthodoxchurch
and empire,bore responsibility fortheentireterritories ofboth Muscovy
and Lithuania. The success of his ministrydepended upon peace and
agreementbetweenthe rulersof both principalities. This peace- in the
understanding -
of Byzantinediplomacy could be achievedonlyunder
thesymbolicaegis of thestillsurvivingEmpireof theNew Rome. This
conceptionwas entrustedto Photius when he succeeded Cyprian as
metropolitan of Kiev and all theRus'. As Obolenskysuggests,thesakkos
was givento himin Constantinopleas an objectiveand solemnreminder
of his mission.
Two othersmallartobjectsbear witnessto thevenerationof thethree
martyrs.One is a golden reliquarycross of the late fourteenth or early
fifteenth century, foundat theHoly TrinityMonastery(Zagorsk),which
traditionidentifies as a giftof PatriarchPhilotheosto St. Sergius.The
Slavonic inscriptionindicatesthatthe reliquarycontainedpieces of the
True Cross, relicsof martyrsfromConstantinople,and, also, relicsof
"the newmartyrs of Lithuania."20Anothersilverreliquary,dated 1414,
with relics of "the newly-manifested Lithuanianmartyrs"and which

19 Cf. a recentand excellent

reproductionin A. Bank, ByzantineArtin the Collections
of SovietMuseums(Leningrad,1977), pl. 303.
¿v O. A. Belobrova Posol stvo
Konstantinopolskogo patnarkha Filoteia k Serguu
Radonezhskomu," SoobshcheniiaZagorskogo gosudarstvennogoistoriko-khudozhestven-
vol. 2 (Zagorsk, 1958), pp. 12-18.
nogo muzeia-zapovednika,

This content downloaded from 130.113.111.210 on Sun, 21 Feb 2016 19:18:55 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
456 JOHNMEYENDORFF

likewisecontaineda golden cross with a Greek inscription,was also

keptat the TrinityMonasterybefore1917. Its presentwhereaboutsare
unknown.21
The symbolicsignificanceof the threemartyrsis therefore manifold:
theirveneration,in Byzantiumand among the Rus', was a reminderto
the Roman Catholic rulersof Lithuaniathatthe Great Churchand its
representative,themetropolitanof theRus', was concernedwiththefate
of the Orthodox population of Lithuania. It also impliedan appeal,
addressedto the Muscoviteprinces,not to indulgein narrowMuscovite
provincialism,but become leaders of the Rus' as a whole. Was thisa
"hesychast" legacy? Certainlynot, if one uses "hesychasm" in the
word's narrow sense. But it was a legacy implyingcertain spiritual
priorities.
The prioritiesentrustedto Photius included the preeminenceof
Orthodoxyover secular concernsand the perpetuationof an imperial
ideology which placed the mythof the New Rome (in fact, a very
"aging" reality),above the emerging Slavic nationalisms. But if
Byzantiumwas all but dead, thesupra-national, spirituallegacybrought
to theSlavs by the Byzantinemonasticrevivalof thefourteenth century
lived on. It was to have littleeffecton the officiallevel of Muscovite
politics,sinceMuscovygraduallydefineditselfin termsofa nation-state,
butitwas maintainedin thelate fifteenth and earlysixteenth centuriesby
influential like
personalities Nil Sorskiiand Maximus the Greek. It was
not allowed to ventureveryfarfromthe "hesychastic"refugesbeyond
the Volga, but it neverlacked followersuntilour own time.

FordhamUniversity
and
St. Vladimir'sSeminary

21 Bclobrova,"PosoFstvo,"
pp. 14-16.

This content downloaded from 130.113.111.210 on Sun, 21 Feb 2016 19:18:55 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 IS "HESYCHASM" THE RIGHT WORD? 457

c g; on <L) 1) (U

£ -S _; TJ C <L>

älisg.1

H e&> §^ e

S cc«
i .S|s u |5 .-a
|•^ *o

l?llîll
^ 2 > ^ := "-S
[5 &CO CS ^ ^

jiiïJ*
•£?*ü
CE -S fr§8
S <>

This content downloaded from 130.113.111.210 on Sun, 21 Feb 2016 19:18:55 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions