Comparative Studies in the Archaeology of Colonialism edited by Stephen L. Dyson BAR International Series 233 1985B.A.R 5, Centremead, Osney Mead, Oxford OX2 OES, England. GENERAL EDITORS AR Hands, B.Sc., M.A., D.Phil. D.R. Walker, M.A. UAR -$233, 1985: "Comparative Studies in the Archaeology of Colonialisa’. Price £ 10.00 _ post free throughout the world. Payments made in dollars must be calculated at the current rate of exchange and $3.00 added to cover exchange charges. Cheques should be made payable to B.A.R. and sent to the above address. © me dividual Authors, 1985 ISBN 0 86054 302 1 For details of all B.A.R. publications in print please write to the above address. Information on new titles is sent regularly on request, with no obligation to purchase. ‘Volumes are distributed from the publisher. All B.A.R. prices are inclusive of postage by surface mail anywhere in the world, Printed in Great BritainADDRESSES OF CONTRIBUTORS Professor Athol! Anderson, Department of Anthropology, University of Otago, Box 56, Dunedin, New Zealand Professor Brad Bartel, Department of Anthropology, San Diego State University, San Diego, California 92182 Professor Mary Beaudry, Department of Archaeology, ‘Boston University, 232 Bay State Road, Boston, Massachusetts 02215 Professor Kathleen Deagan, Department of Anthropology, The Florida State Museum, University of Florida, Gainesville, Florida 32601 Dr. Timothy Dilliplane, Department of Natural Resources, Division of Parks, 619 Warehouse Drive, Suite 210, Anchorage, Alaska 99501 Professor Stephen L. Dyson, Department of Classics, Wesleyan University, Middletown, Connecticut 06457 Professor Robert L. Hoover, Social Science Department, California Polytechnic State University, San Luis Obispo, California 93407 Professor R. lan Jack, Department of History, The University of Sydney, Sydney, N.S.W. 2006, Australia Or, Susan Kaplan, The University Museum, University of Pennsylvania, 33rd and Spruce Street, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 19104 Dr. Jack $. Williams, 3232 N. Tucson Boulevard #206, Tucson, Arizona 85716TABLE OF CONTENTS Addresses of Contributors Introduction: Stephen L. Dyson ey Brad Bartel Comparative Historical Archaeology and Archaeolog- ical Theory Athol] Anderson The Scandinavian Colonisation of the North Swedish Interior 500-1500 A.D. Susan Kaplan Eskimo-European Contact Archaeology in Labrador Canada Kathleen Deagan Spanish Colonial Archaeology in the Southeast and the Caribbean Robert L. Hoover The Archaeology of Spanish Colonial Sites in California Jack S. Williams Archaeological Evidence of Spanish Military Policy in Northern New Spain 1700-1821 Mary C. Beaudry Colonizing the Virginia Frontier: Fort Christanna and Governor Spotswood's Indian Policy R. fan Jack The Archaeology of Colonial Australia Timothy Dilliplane Studying Russian America: Research Problems in Need of Attention Page 38 53 7 3 M5 130 153 "77INTRODUCT LON The idea for this volume arose from two sources. The firs was my interest as a Roman historian and archaeologist in the spread of systems of Roman political and economic control, especially in the western Roman Empire, and the way that control was reflected in the distribution of material goods (Dyson 1985a). Roman archae~ ologists are familiar with the way that the same types of pottery and lamps show up in the most remote outposts of the Empire and even beyond the frontier. They serve as a reflection not only of Roman power and influence but also of achanging native life style which required these goods and the social rituals for which they formed a base. This abundant material culture was also a reflection of a pow: erful and flexible economy strong in both craft production and marketing skills. The Romans were probably the greatest producers of attractive items for the ordinary man of any society until the eighteenth century (Dyson 1985b). We do not have the written docu- ments that allow us to trace the economic and social structura changes behind these developments, but archaeologists have been skillful in locating the sources of production, dating the item: produced and reconstructing something of their distribution patterns (Peacock 1982). The second inspiration came from my work as an historical archaeologist in Middletown, Connecticut (Dyson 1982). The prosper ous middle class houses of the Middletown mercantile class with their abundant English ceramics and glass reminded me of prosperous Roman provincial villas and town houses in France and Spain with their imported lamps and terra sigillata pottery One difference that became obvious quickly to a Roman oriented historian was that while the Roman historian is ever conscious of the Roman provincial site as being part of that larger social, political and economic system which we label the Roman Empire, the historical archaeolgists working in North America showed much less of a consciousness that the society they were studying was part of a world wide process of change that was military and political but was also social, economic and material. While one particular subsystem was receiving a great deal of attention, the larger entity was neglected as was the total picture of world-wide change of which both were a part. The reasons for this more limited focus in historical archae~ ology are several. Host historical archaeologists in North America have been trained either as anthropologists or historians with a specialty in a particular region. They are not students of English or Spanish colonial history or archaeology. They have tended to stress the special quality of one part of the New World experience rather than its place in a much larger processAnother factor also accounts for this perspective. Roman archaeology as a discipline began in the core country of Italy during the Renaissance, even though local antiquarian studies of Roman pro: vincial archaeology soon developed in other parts of Europe. What we in North America call historical archaeology is either just beginning to emerge in the core countries of the modern colonial world system or has not begun at all. The British Post-Medieval archaeologists are the most developed in their interests and techniques and are beginning to produce important studies on the sites, material culture and cultural processes that were behind the spread of British objects and influences to its colonial world and beyond. Similar research in France, Holland, Spain and other continental colonial countries i either much less well developed or non-existent. In studying an historical process that spread out from a core and shaped a number of provincial scenes, this lack of knowledge of developments at the center is a major proble Another problem is the lack of comparative work between the provincial areas themselves. ‘In the former Roman provinces, archae~ ology as a discipline developed in a nunber of areas at about the same time. While these national and local traditions of archaeology have evolved at different paces and today produce models of differing sophistication, still it is possible through archaeology to compare the process of Romanization in Britain, Spain and Germany and high light both similarities and differences This is not the case with the historical archaeologists. Dur- ing the period of the sixteenth through the nineteenth centuries European colonial influences spread into virtually every part of the globe. Yet inmost of these areas, the post contact periods have seen little archaeological attention and often what little has been done has received only local o regional attention. Historical archae- ology in North America has been most abundant and the North Amer cans can be considered the founders of the discipline of historica archaeology, yet even here one sometimes finds a certain parochial ism with Spanish and Anglo oriented historical archaeologists having limited contact and even Spanish colonial archaeologists working in the west and southeast having less than optimum communication The time seems ripe to break out of this parochialism and develop a discipline of comparative colonial archaeology. Histo such as Immanuel Wallerstein and Ferdinand Braudel (Wallerstein 1980, Braudel 1984) have stressed the concept that there emerged in the post medieval world a new world system that involved both Europe and areas of America, Asia and Oceania in a complex military, social, economic and commercial relationship. This spread of European politi cal, social and economic influence and the emergence of world inter- connection was by the late seventeenth and eighteenth century accom- panied by changes in production systems that led Europe and especially England to produce increased quantities of material goods that could be spread along these networks, ans The increase in the quantity and types of material goods is of key importance here. The industrial and consumer revolution which was centered in England made a greater variety of goods available on the world market than at any time since the collapse of Rome. These are actively marketed by merchants at all levels of societyof society (McKendrick, Brewer, Plumb.1982). Many of these goods were in rela~ tively permanent materials such as ceramics and glass which became part of the archaeological record and provide complementary documents to allow the archaeologists as well as the historians to study this colonial process It was to encourage this type of global thinking about archae~ ology and the colonial process and to help break down localism that this volume was conceived. The editor wanted to bring together papers by a variety of scholars working on the subject of western colonialism. Emphasis would be on the various processes of post medieval colonialism, but some effort would also be made to consider those processes as they existed in the medieval and even the clas: cal world. The decision was made to include just the west, even though the archaeology of Islamic and Chinese colonialism would have provided very interesting comparisons. These latter fields are very complex and deserve collected studies in their own right Invitations were sent out to scholars working in virtually every area of western colonial archaeology. Since these papers had to be something that scholars were willing to prepare for thi special volume, we had to depend on the special interest of the con- tributors. These are not papers produced for a special meeting Since several of the scholars were working in subject areas relatively unknown to archaeologists outside of their region, | asked that the papers be as synthetic as possible. In the end | was pleased by the range of papers that we obtained. Several significant areas are, however, missing due either to the lack of research in the field or, as in the case of the historical archaeology of northern Ireland and Greenland, from the press of work which did not allow archaeologists working there to contribute. The editor hopes, however, that thi volume will stimulate other similar collections and ultimately a international meeting in which historical archaeologists working world- wide can assemble to discuss problems of mutual interest and concern One of the tasks of an editor is to provide a precis of the volume and a few comments on each of the papers. | will not attemp! to summarize each of the papers, but rather will state briefly wha} I see as the significance of each for the volume in hand. Both chronologically and in terms of theoretical concerns, Professor Brad Bartel's paper quite rightly opens the volume. As an anthropologis he attempts to place the process of colonialism in as wide as possible a context viewing it from both the side of the dominant power and those who were dominated. As an archaeologist he reminds us of the fact that most of the people affected by colonialsm and imperialism were illiterate or only partly literate and that the changes brough| about in their lives by the colonial process can only be studied with any degree of objectivity through the process of material cul- ture studies, the most important subdivision of which is archaeology h his special interest in the western Roman provinces, Professor Bartel connects the modern colonial cycle with the first really comprehensive western colonial experience. The striking parallels between Roman and post Roman colonialism in certain areas encourages social scientists to find similar patterns in complex human behavior in different areas and periods. The essay by Professor Atholl Anderson provides a good transi-tion both in time period and in the type of colonization. The end of the Roman Empire had seen what might be called reverse colonization with groups outside of the Roman Empire crossing the imperial borders, raiding but also settling within the territory of the Old Empire This process of complex, internal colonization continued throughou the Middle Ages. One of the most imporant developments involved the colonization by core European groups of the border areas to the north and east of Europe. The most dramatic example of this expansion was the push of first Germans and then Russians to the east which even- tually carried Russian power to Siberia and the Pacific Ocean. Professor Anderson discusses a more limited example of thi process in Scandinavia. He shows that a model of peasant expansion into new relatively undeveloped agriculture land is too simple and that such fringe areas provided the core European area with a complex variety of resources. He also shows that the process of expansion into such marginal areas was a prolonged one involvinga number of cycles of ebb and flow. Archaeologists and historians here as else- where have to work closely together to illuminate these often poorly documented episodes in European expansion. Finally, Professor Ander son's paper reminds us of the fact that by the time the so-called Age of Discovery began, the Europeans were experienced colonialists The paper by Dr. Susan Kaplan takes us into two other aspects of the colonial process. The first is the long history of marine resource exploitation and trading that preceded the actual coloniza tion of North America. In some areas such as New England, this re~ presented a "softening process" which not only accustomed the indige nous population to the Europeans, but through the spread of disease decimated the natives and disrupted their social structure. Such immediate collapse was not the fate of all native soc eties in North America, especially those located outside areas where European settlement was feasible. The natives whose social structure remained intact often underwent complex social and economic changes as they adjusted to the European presence around and within their territory. Historians generally tend to write history from the colonists! view of the frontier and have often ignored the complex process of change which took place within the native society on the other side of the frontier. Dr. Kaplan shows how archaeology and ethno-history can be combined to trace changes in the Neo-Eskimo groups in Labrador from the sixteenth-nineteenth centuries which are reflected not only in the portable material culture but also in such basic forms as house types and how these changes reflected forces operating inside and outside the eskimo society The Spanish established the first great colonial system in the New World. The archaeology of much of that system remains poorly studied. However, the research of archaedlogists working in Florida, the Caribbean and in the United States' Southwest and California have begun to change that situation. Professor Deagan provides an over- view of one of the oldest and most complicated of the Hispano- American cultural areas, that of Florida and the Caribbean. Two special points in the paper require emphasis. The first is that the Hispanic colonial enterprise was a complicated movement that changed the shape of the Western world. The second is that the Spanish were more successful than the English in integrating the natives intotheir system. Archaeology reminds us of the fact that while native cultures in Florida and the Caribbean may have disappeared from the historical record this was due in part to the fact that they became part of the Spanish American society. The high percentage of indi genous ceramics on early Hispanic American sites, especially in Florida provide vivid testimony of this development. The excavation in Florida also provide a vivid indication of the growing power of the English economic machine and its ability to produce materia goods for the world market. The Spanish may have gained politica control of Florida for a brief period after the American Revolution but the area remained strongly under the influence of British eco- nomic power. If towns have tended to be the focus of the archaeology in the Spanish Caribbean, missions and forts have drawn the principa attention of archaeologists working on Spanish sites in California and the Southwest. Professor Robert Hoover in his review of the past and current state of mission archaeology in California remind us of the importance that the mission sites have, not only for understanding the development of ecclesiastical ‘architecture in the New World, but also for reconstructing the acculturation processes that were going on in the areas under the control of the missions Their major role was to gather the Indians around a central place and to turn them into Christians practising a basically agricultura economy. The archaeology of the missions provides important, complex information on the ways in which these natives did and did not become what the Spanish wanted them to be. The article also forcefully reminds us of the problems in preserving and recovering one of the earliest colonial archaeological records in the United States in one of its fastest growing areas As a student of the Roman frontier, | have been made acutely aware of the role of the military on the frontier, not only as a power factor but also a complex social and economic institution which had a profound effect on life within and beyond the frontier region The same situation has existed on more recent colonial frontiers: Using this perspective, Dr. Jack Williams seeks to illuminate the complex history of the Spanish northern frontier. He shows how thi complex interaction of remote European planning, inadequate resources and the specific frontier conditions shaped the Spanish military institutions in very particular local ways which affected not only military tactics and strategy but also the way that the soldier: lived on the frontier With the paper by Mary Beaudry, the focus on the frontier shifts from New Spain to New England and the problems that the governors of colonial Virginia had in developing an Indian policy which would provide better protection for indigenous groups on the colonial frontier and control both the attacks of the settlers and the unscrupulous actions of those engaged in frontier trade. The special concern of her paper is the frontier policy of Alexander Spotswood, governor of Virginia, which led to the foundation of Fort Christanna and the.way that excavations have illuminated the structures of the fort and the life of the small group that lived there. The ongoing research at Fort Christanna allows an increasing- ly detailed understanding of the way that a complex, shifting fron: tier policy affected the settlement pattern and lifeways of onesmall segment of the Virginia frontier. One of the major concerns of this volume was to show not only how different colonial systems functioned at various times and places, but also the way that the same colonial system developed in very different areas. For this purpose, the essay of Professor R lan Jack on Australia is of special importance. He provides a very detailed overview of the active program of historical archaeologica research in Australia and the way that this has illuminated the material culture side of life in Australia through the nineteenth century. The developments in Australia should provide a model for historical archaeology in other British colonial areas and allow us to put the North American experience in a larger colonial context Focus on the British, French and Spanish colonial systems can lead to a neglect of a fourth major example of frontier expansion which is that of Russia. Moving steadily eastward, Russian colonists ultimately reached the northwestern shores of North America where they established a presence which lasted well into the nineteenth century. Timothy Dilliplane lays special stress on the neglect of this aspect of the North American colonial experience and lays out an agenda of issues to be addressed as the presently very limited number of investigations in Russian Anerican sites increases In concluding, the editor of these papers can only repeat the point that what is assembled here is only a small fragment of wha is being done and can be done in the field. The cursory examination of a nineteenth century map showing European colonial dominion show: how many areas are not represented in this volume. Hopefully, the papers will demonstrate the value of interdisciplinary interaction. They will also, hopefully, remind archaeologists and historians of the degree to which the colonial process was expressed in materia terms and how,for many elements of that process, especially aspect centering on those groups that were colonized, the archeological record is often the major or only source. A full understanding of the colonial process in all its aspects can thus only come from a full collaboration between the archaeologist and the historian BIBLIOGRAPHY ation and Capitalism, 15th-18th Century, Braudel, F., 1981-84, © Collins, London. Dyson, S. L., 1982, "Material Cutlure, Social Structure and Changing Cultural Values: The Ceramics of Eighteenth and Nineteenth Century Middletown, Connecticut," Archaeology of Urban America Roy S. Dickens, Jr., ed., Academic Press, New York, pp. 361-380 - 1985a, The Creation of the Roman Frontier, Princeton University Press, Princeton. - 1985b, "The Villas of Buccino and the Consumer Model of Roman Rural Development," Papers of the Third Conference of Italian Archaeology - Cambridge, 1984. C. Malone and S. Stoddart, eds., sh Archaeological Reports, Oxford .NcKendrick, N., J. Brewer, J. H. Plumb, 1982, The Birth of a Consumer Society, Indiana University Press, Bloomington. Peacock, D. P. S., 1982, Pottery in the Roman World, Longman, New York. Wallerstein, 1. M., 1974, 1980, The Modern World System, Academic Press, New York.1, COMPARATIVE HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL THEORY Brad Bartel ABSTRACT The data base for historical archaeology could be used more ef- fectively when analyzed in terms of variable situations involving policies of social domination. Definitions and processes related to colonialism, imperialism and cultural responses by indigenous popula- tions are discussed utilizing historic and ethnographic examples. The potential for pattern recognition analysis aiding comparative archaeological interpretation is also included. Introduction The Romans held portions of the country, not entire regions but such districts as happened to have been subdued...the soldiers wintered there, and cities were being founded. Gradually the barbarians [Ger- mans] adapted themselves to Roman ways, getting acé customed to holding markets, and assembling peace~ fully. But they had not forgotten their ancestral ways, their inborn nature, their old proud way of life. ...As long as they were unlearning their ancient customs gradually...they did not protest against these changes in their mode of life. But when Quinctillius Varus was appointed governor. and attempted to take these people in hand, stri to change them, ...their patience was exhausted [Cassius Dio 56, 39-41). Within one insightful observation, this Roman author of the 2nd century A.D. has essentially discussed the usual pattern of push-pull Social relationships entailed within colonialism and native response. Often historians (e.g. Duby 1974) and archaeologists (e.g. Wells 1972) assume that the dominating power holds securely all regions obtained through warfare or treaty, with total acculturation by the indigenous populations to the dominating value systems. For example, Millar (1967: 9-10), in speaking of the Roman Empire states by 200 A.D. a social uniformity in language and material culture existed. He goes ‘on to say that: _.outside of Italy and Greece, the society and culture of all areas of the Empire was formed by the importation, by conquest, emigration or assi lation of a dominant alien culture, and its imposi tion on, or fusion with, the pre-existing native culture [1967: 9-10]. Clearly such simplistic statements are not warranted when one understands complexity of human behavior with regard to social control situations known from historical, archaeological or ethnographic data. Our purpose is to discuss the variation within the social pro-cess of colonial-imperial activity, using examples from many different ecological, temporal and social situations in order to show how ar- chaeologists can develop research strategies to account for singular fieldwork examples, and to integrate all within a probablistic model of dominance and response. Finally, the archaeological use of pattern recognition will be discussed with examples from British and Roman forms of control. This chapter is not meant to exhaust all examples of this form of behavior, but to acquaint the archaeologist with types of social control which are most archaeological ly visible. Operationalizing Colonialism and Imperialism The social science literature discussing power and dominance is quite varied. Often, colonialism and imperialism are used as inter- changeable terms, or not explicitly defined. For example, Whittaker (1978: 63) states that a mark of imperialism includes such traits as: direct territorial conquest and annexation» + provincial administration, + levying of tribute, + land exploitation, + unequal alliances, + trade monopolies. ore ne Others (e.g., Horvath 1972) would suggest that 1, 2, and 4 above would be primary defining characteristics of colonialism, while in a recent volume on the subject (Garnsey & Whittaker 1978), none of the contri- butors could agree on definitions of either term. Garnsey and Whittaker (1978: 1) see imperialism as any oppressive or abusive rule, Finley (1978) views it as mostly economic exploitation, while Thornton (1965: 2) views it as an image of dominance. For all social science disciplines the importance of explicit and programmatic definitions of these terms is a critical first step in organizing research and generating theory. There have been over 4,000 years of numerous state societies controlling other groups. Under what conditions (e.g., ecological, social) does such a state society instigate dominance? Does a colonial-imperial power control a band-level society different from a chiefdom group? These and re- lated hypotheses asked of the data are needed to be placed in some model which enables prediction or postdiction. Previous social sci- entists have infrequently examined sufficient nunbers of colonial case studies, or when examining social power have not even given considera~ tion to the long-term process of how dominance and native response are displayed. After a full century examining colonialism and imperialism, the anthropologist has yet to develop any comprehensive theory. Recent ethnological (e.g., M. G. Smith 1974; Burling 1974; Fogelson and Adams 1977) and archaeological studies (e.g., Trigger 1974; Friedman ‘and Rowlands 1977) devoted to political relations have sidestepped a synthetic treatment of the colonial question. There are so many different definitions of colonialism and im- perialism as to make the terms almost useless. For example, to Thornton (1965: 1977), colonialism is imperialism ‘seen from below'; an that being by the natives of their plight, while imperialismethos of governance; a form of national aggressiveness (1965:4). Differential emic perspectives always come into play, and are clearly portrayed by Soviet and United States dictionary definitions. Kolonizatstya [colonialism] is defined in Soviet dictionaries as "the Seizure of a country...accompanied by the subjection, brutal exploita~ tion and sometimes annihilation of the local population." Webster's definition is "the system in which a country maintains foreign colo- nies for their economic exploitation." The Soviet emphasis on force- ful and all-encompassing exploitation laid down in Marxist theory and reconsidered by Lenin (1939) differs in degree and kind from the in- herent technical problem of economic exploitation used by the United States or Britain. Finally, some powers, like the Egyptians, did not ave specific linguistic term for imperialism or colonialism (Kemp 1978). From an etic perspective, what we are dealing with is some form of domination and control by representatives of a state society over another people and territory. As will be made clear through various examples, the form of domination usually is military, economic or ideological, while the representatives may be direct political or military staff of the dominating state, or, in many 18th and 19th cen- tury examples, quasi-formal representatives (i.e., charted companies) (Sutherland 1952). Some colonies have even been privately owned (e.g., King Leopold's Congo) (Slade 1962). It would be a mistake to believe that almost all colonial or imperial ventures were for economic ex- ploitation and resulted in profit for the power. Only a very few colonies have been profit makers (e.g., Congo for Belgium, Indonesia for the Dutch). The vast majority of colonies never were economical ly profitable, but gave powers political leverage in international deal- ings with other empire-building nations. There is no doubt that the very process of colonial and imperial control has had a major social effect upon indigenous populations throughout the world, and indirectly on the material culture composing the archaeological record. For example, at the peak of the British Empire (1933), approximately 25% of the world's population (502 mil- lion) and 23.85% of total land surface (12.2 million square miles) were controlled by this single power; a process which took 300 years (Fieldhouse 1967: 222). Such control must have had a dramatic effect upon the future archaeological record of societies worldwide. These statistics take into account only one of many European powers con- trolling populations all across the globe at that time. Adding to the consequences for archaeology has been the histori- cal layering effect of when more than one power controls the same territory and societies successively; such as the Dutch and then ish control of South Africa (Thompson 1960), or the French then British control over Egypt. Each power will bring its own stamp of ethnicity, policy and rationale for existing on foreign soil. Some areas of the world, such as North Africa, have been under a multitude of colonial powers (e.g., Roman, French, British) for over 2,000 years. Along with this problem of layered temporal colonial control, the archaeologist must also be aware of spatial limits on control which are related to diplomatic agreement rather than physical bound- aries. It is sometimes assumed by the archaeologist that control will =10-have a high correlation with natural boundaries of a region (e.g., a whole island, large river corridor). There are numerous examples where control is divided artificially between two or more powers with little regard for physical boundaries. A good example is the split of Borneo by the Dutch and British during the 19th century (Vanden- bosch 1944). Archaeological sampling strategies would have to be structured accordingly to take into account such possibilities, since greatly different strategies of control and kinds of native response may be taking place within each territory. The archaeological data base remains crucial -to an understand- ing and explanation of colonial and imperial control. Almost all historical colonial situations have been examined solely from written documents without archaeological data. Wells' (1972) analysis is an exception, but his use of Roman and Germanic archaeological data is used only for confirmation of chronology, spatial location and move- ment of legions; not the understanding of the social processes which oceur when societies come into, contact and conflict. The historical material must be supplemented by archaeology due to inherent bias by authors, or misleading statements about exact~ ly which ethnic group is being controlled. For example, it is ut clear from Julius Caesar's Commentaries whether Germanic or Celtic groups existed on a given portion of the Rhine (Wells 1972: 30). Aside from the archaeological record being used as independent confirmation of information derived from ethnographic accounts (e.9., Tacitus' Germania) or inscription, it acts to test hypotheses about the native society's responses to colonial or imperial domination. Most of the groups which have been controlled are illiterate, and the only balanced research strategy to examine colonialism and imperial~ ism must involve archaeology. My own research concerning Roman stra~ tegies of control in the provinces of Pannonia and Upper Moesia must, of necessity, include a great deal of archaeology owing to 1) an ab- sence of native IIlyrian-speaking literacy, and 2) relatively little textual information or inscriptions when compared to other parts of the Roman Empire. Finally, it seems as if we are wasting over 4,000 years of material culture data base for making comparisons among various situations of control, and ultimately firmer predictive power if we do not use archaeology. Figure | presents a probablistic matrix model of the strategies devised by controlling powers. As will be discussed in a later por- tion, the figure represents the most likely situations which may have occurred historically and ethnographically. The major distinctions presented here are operationalizing colonialism and imperialism as control through the presence or absence of settlers from the dominat- ing group respectfully, and their use of three strategies (i.e., eradication / resettlement, acculturation, social equilibrium). The combination of a given strategy with a form of control will result in a specific outcome; each with different consequences for the archaeological record. It is felt that if archaeologists center their hypothesis testing and fieldwork techniques around this matrix, more productive theory building will result. This matrix model was first devised by Horvath (1972) to examine ethnographic examples of control. Here it is adapted with modification for both ethnographic and archaeological consideration.Each of the six matrix outcomes may or may not be the exclusive control adopted by a nation. It is rare that a controlling power utilizes one such policy for a given society, ecology, or for the en- tire extent of their empire. Often, many of the solutions are used together or sequentially for maximum populational control and exploi- tation. Spain in the Americas and Russia in Central Asia both had to conquer and control large populations comprising a multitude of ethnic groups. A flexible approach utilizing combinations of colonial equi- librium and imperial resettlement was successfully undertaken. The archaeologist should expect a combined controlling approach in all situations where there is social and/or ecological variation. Two other considerations need to be discussed. First, in order to understand the extent to which a given colonial force impacts upon a native society, the indigenous population must be examined by the archaeologist as to pre-contact adaptation (technological, social, ideological), during control, and after control has ceased. There- fore, the archaeology of colonialism must of necessity include a large temporal span for any given situation. Secondly, the archaeologist must be sure of the identity of the ethnic groups under control. The detection of ethnic identity from the archaeological record is just being developed (e.g., Hodder, 1977, 1978, 1979), since much of the social theory from which it is derived is recent (i.e. Barth 1969). Some control situations are extremely complicated, like the identification of Illyrian, Dacian, Thracian and Celtic groups along the Danube corridor under Roman rule (Bartel 1980). Material signs of self-identification (e.g., dress, jewelry, food preparation) and mechanisms of boundary maintenance must be ex- amined so that one can coordinate written data with the archaeologi- cal. Throughout the following sections of this chapter, various his- torical and ethnographic examples are offered for each of the six outcomes of the matrix, along with some comments about native re~ sponses to these methods of control. Archaeological expectations for hypothesis-testing relative to each outcome are also presented. Social Perspectives on Controlling and Being Controlled Primary to an overall understanding of colonialism and imperi- alism, one has to understand the original intent of the society want- ing to control others. The historical record is striking in si larity of emic perspective for societies. Intent seems often to be associated with the concept of 'mani~ fest destiny’ regardless of whether it is Rome under Augustus, vari- ‘ous 19th century European powers in Asia and Africa, or fledgling United States in Texas and California. Much of it has a racist over- tone; Augustus seeing expansion as a divine mission, Caesar's Commen- taries or Cicero's speeches viewing Roman expansion bringing alory, territorial security and economic advantages (Brunt 1978: 161), Pliny the Elder suggesting the Romans' ability to conquer all those around them is due to greater piety (Balsdon 1979: 2), or British paternal- ism of caring for those societies different in social institutions, usually smaller in population and less technologically equipped. 12>Along with philosophy of original intent for control, one must look at the dominating group's policy of control. Here there is a great deal more variation. The French fall at one extreme, having developed a conscious policy of assimilation for natives (at least those which were urban-living) (Deschamps 1953). Colonies which were classified as being incorporated, such as the Antilles, had 100% French citizenship (Roberts 1929). In other areas, such as parts of North and West Africa, only those who were urban or French enclave- dwellers became citizens, while rural populace remained unaccultur- ated and had no legal rights as French (Fieldhouse 1967: 306-307). Colonial powers such as the Dutch and British did not want full or even majority assimilation by natives to their values. A minority of British colonies comprised full legal rights (i.e., do- minion status) with the vast majority of natives in other areas classified as ‘protected persons’ with minimal legal status and no concerted effort to assimilate. Whereas the French system fostered the highest degree of acculturation by the native upper classes (urban dwellers), the more selective British system resulted in highest degree of acculturation by indigenous middleclass who com prised civil service and military positions (especially in India). Although much of our understanding of dominating rationale comes from the last 300 years of colonial history, we do have some written documentation from earlier periods. Much of this data comes From Roman sources. The Roman Indo-European heritage and legal system fostered the concept of family household members and servants being exploited by the male household head. On a macro-level of governmental policy, provinces were treated in a similar fashion--dominated by Romans but entitled to just treatment, even though natives were not con- sidered equal. Romans believed that domination of people and terri- tory brought about asphaleia--security against external attack for natives and administrators. However, it seems as if this concern was really for those who lived in cities (Nutton 1978: 210-211). In any case, Roman policy amounts to an early version of ‘white man's burden’. The upper-class Romans tended to hold natives in contempt. For example, Velleius thought that Germans only had voices and limbs in common with humans, while Cicero labelled various Celtic and North African societies as savage or barbaric (Garnsey 1978: 252). As important for a complete understanding of power problems is any information concerning what controlled populations believed about their plight. Since most dominated groups were illiterate and authors were not interested in native world view, we have very little data about this subject. The Jews saw their conquest by the Romans as punishment for Biblical misconduct (de Lange 1978: 258). For the most part, the Jews were passively resolved to their situation, but saw themselves ‘as superior to those who conquered them. Romans were perceived as great sinners. The Greeks also held the Romans in contempt, and saw themselves -13-as superior. This was due to a longer tradition of scholarship (Crawford 1978). Many Greeks rejected Roman citizenship; either individually or collectively as a city. Acculturation rates remained low. This historical information has been confirmed by archaeologi~ cal excavation of Greek cities in Sicily (Blake 1947: 228) where architectural styles remained the same through time. Upper-class Romans also believed the Greeks intellectually superior. Romans in Italy had a high rate of Greek language use and Greek material cul- ture preserved. Here we have a rare case of selective reverse accul- turation. Looking at ancient or modern examples of domination we may be able to understand various emic orientations to controlling and being controlled. The most important question for the archaeologist is whether the various emic rationales are as important as etic exami nation of social control processes per se. Some historians have re- jected any synthetic analysis of colontalism-imperialism because of the lack of written records from the side of the controlled popula- tion, or that we have only thé emic perception of the controlling elite (e.g. Thornton 1965). In a sense this criticism has merit. However, the historian or political scientist forgets that the archae- ological record is a source of testing for variables forming the structure of dominance situation. Although much of the emic per- spective is lost in archaeology, the patterning material culture al- lows explanation for both why and how a society or region was con- trolled. Eradication and Resettlement Although not @ common strategy, owing to resulting social re- percussions fostered by its use, eradication and resettlement have been used as an initial step within the entire process of social domination. Sometimes it has been used when certain natural re- sources are found to be important or after establishment of control as a reminder of continued force. For example, in 55 6.C. Julius Caesar massacred a German tribe which crossed the Rhine because he felt they would combine with disloyal Celtic groups then under Roman control (Brunt 1978: 174). Eradication may be a slower process than single examples of warfare. The Tasmanian eradication (Calder 1874; Plomley 1969) is one such example. Archaeologically, eradication through battle leaves relatively little trace, except for fortuitous mass burial, settlement burning or battlefield artifacts. Resettlement is a more frequent solution, being less costly in life and time. Resettlement occurs frequently when plural situations exist in a given region with potential interethnic conflict, or when a region becomes ecologically important. For example, in 60 A.D. the Roman legate Tiberius Plautius Sivanus Aelianus relocated ap- proximately 100,000 people of Sarmatian heritage away from the Danube southwards, thus allowing the traditionally Danubian Illyrian, Dacian and Thracian peoples to resettle within the vacated zone (Millar 1967: 271). Julius Caesar ordered the Helvetii to return to their previously held territory in order to rebuild settlements and return to agricultural pursuits (Wells 1972: 35). Such resettlement policies, sometimes encompassing hundreds of “Thethousands of people of diverse ethnic membership, have great implica~ tions for the archaeological record. Any time a society, or a number of ethnic groups are relocated, they will come into contact with pre- viously unknown societies, thus touching off new networks of social and economic communication which will alter patterns of material culture distribution (through trade, intermarriage, ecological adaptation) . Policies of colonial eradication or resettlement will occur when settlements of people from the dominating power now replace those where native populations once lived. These new colonial settlements exist in the region for economic exploitation or territorial boundary cortrol. In these instances one will have a sudden artifactual re- ptecement of an entirely new culture stratified above the traditional Imperial policies of eradication or resettlement will leave a region totally devoid of human settlement. The archaeological record wll appear as an empty cell, with what was seemingly the 'death' of the society which existed in the location. In any case, archaeological examination of movement or slauchter o* human populations is a relatively difficult task. Large-scale migrations of groups is often archaeological ly in- sbie (Crossland and Birchall 1973). There have been notable hi tor cally documented mass migrations (e.g. Slavic migrations of the 6th century A.D.) which have left almost no material trace. Migra~ tions which do not have a specific geographic goal may have the archae- © ovical appearance of random-walk, and only through appropriate simu lat'on modelling will we have an opportunity to position displaced groups. Policies of Acculturation By acculturation we mean the change of values brought about by posure to, and acceptance of, new customs and traditions. It does not matter whether this change is voluntary or forced, as long as it leads to social change. The social anthropologist most often views this change as individual choice rather than group decision. Import- ant to consider in cases of colonialism is whether, as in the case of France, active acculturation of natives is part of official policy and philosophy, and whether the indigenous societies, owing to their own social institutions are sufficiently flexible to allow for such change. The use of the term acculturation with our matrix model is not meant to mean total acculturation to the values of the dominating group. There have not been any such historically or ethnographically known cases. Rather it is meant to mean a majority of natives cross~ cutting all social classes or descent groups being transformed through them. Acculturation of a society will take a long time and usually occurs first with the indigenous upper or middle classes with a trickling effect into other part of the society. As Fallers (1965 ‘and others have stressed, the impositions of any colonial administra~ tion will still leave some form of traditional leadership and decision making at the kinship level. Thus one might expect in situations of -15-colonial acculturation to have a change in technology and economic systems (occupations, production, consumption), with less change in ideology and kinship. By cases of imperialistic acculturation we mean transformations of only economic sectors of native life. When colonizing settlement and social interaction between native and colonizer is even more re- stricted, we view that as an equilibrium situation (see below). Often a dominating society utilized a flexible approach incor- porating aspects of colonial and imperial acculturation. One of the best examples comes from colonial policy by various powers in handling ns of North Africa. Examination of principal North African powers (Roman, French, Italian, Spanish) shows remarkable similarity in terms of the philosophy of acculturation used to control very simi lar indigenous societies. Although never analyzed in detail, one feels that the similarity of control policy for North Africa is pri- marily due to ecological variables, such as Mediterranean coastline, spatial location of urban sites, natural resource location, and in- land pastoral adaptation with low population density. Roman colonization brought about legion movements into the area and large-scale native resettlement programs with Roman take~ over of the best agricultural land. Northern (coastal) land was ap- propriated on a massive scale, and Roman colonizers granted large plots (120 acres/colonizer) for farming and grazing. Later, as common practice, retired legionnaires and acculturated provincials were granted plots (Garnsey 1978: 224). Whole tribes with a high degree of acculturation were granted land tracts (Garnsey 1978). Colonial control of coastal cities by all powers has been close to total in North Africa. Within these settlements, accultura~ tion rates, especially among native elite groups have been especially high. Neighboring toms and villages, strongly controlled economic~ ally and socially by these principal cities, also had high rates of acculturation. This colonial acculturation policy for coastal North Africa was combined with imperial forms of acculturation in more rural sec- tions of central and southern zones. Prior to any colonial power existing in North Africa, the periodic market was an important focus for economic redistribution, integration and the dissemination of social information. More recently, the sug continues this trend. All the colonizing powers in North Africa recognized the social and economic power of the periodic market. Although allowing it to continue, they altered the locations and conditions of existence to suit their governance. The pre-colonial market was held in a given location over 12- 18 days (solar schedule). This schedule was adjusted slightly so as to coincide with the Roman lunar pattern of every 14 days (1/2 lunar month) (Shaw 1979: 97). -More recent colonial administrative powers in North Africa essentially continued the 14 day schedule. The location of many markets remained the same after colonial rule. Such periodic markets are consciously placed in locations near ~16-good water supply, at crossroads of trading cara\ans, and neutral bor- ders between tribal territorial holdings. The traditional market served the colonial power economically asa location for finding seasonal labor for harvestina, as tax col- lection points, and as propaganda stations for receiving and trans- mitting sensitive information. Owing to fears of large assembly leading to rebellion, there always existed some minimal colonial presence at a periodic marketplace. The Spanish policy in parts of the New World also rearticulated the traditional market system in order to aid in control and increase degree of assimilation (e.g., C. Smith 1976; Bromley 1976). Other Roman ruling situations offer good examples of large- scale accultura The indigenous upper classes within the province of Spanish Baetica abandoned their traditional language, dress and total assemblage of ethnic identification in favor of Roman lifestyle and legal citizenship, while much of northern and western Spain re~ tained traditional Ibero-Celtic lifestyle and material culture. The difference in acculturation is due primarily to southern Spain (Baetica) having longer Roman rule and containing a clustering of vital metallurgical resources (Millar 1967: 156). Tactitus’ account of his father-in-law Agricola's policy as governor of Britain is an example of forced acculturation of the native elite to Roman values. A similar situation seems to have existed in Germany, where archaeological evidence from the cemetery site of Bad Nauheim has upper class native burial with typically Augusta-Roman ceramics (Wells 1972: 233). The thrust for policies of colonial acculturation may initial- ly take religious and ideological tracts. For example, the first line British colonialism into China and Japan was via Christian mis~ sionary work (Greenberg 1951). The multitude of other Indo-European societies controlled by Romans were relatively easy to acculturate (compared with non-Indo European) because of interpretatio Romana namely the equation of native deities with Roman ones (Nock 1972: 752). The deities worshipped by such Indo-European groups as Celts or II lyr- ians were comparable to the Roman ones because of a 5,000 year shared heritage. Aside from conscious policy allowing for high rates of accul- turation, certain ecological factors may come into play and foster such a cultural change. Recent colonial powers have been maritime controlling empires. The only recent exception to this is the 19th century Russian colonization of adjacent land masses (Central Asia). Nations such as Portugal, Spain and France controlled island group- ings distant and small in territory. This lack of large territory to control may foster increased social relationships among natives and administrators, eventually leading to large-scale and long-term accul- turation. Good examples of such island control include Portugal's holdings in East Asia (Fieldhouse 1967: 147) and French control of Guadeloupe, an island of only 584 square miles, but which had over 1100 colonial administrators (Thornton 1965: 185). Such large numbers of bureaucratic officials relative to area must eventually have an acculturative effect upon the population. -17-The archaeological implication of colonial and imperial policies of partial or full acculturation has never been tested. If accultura~ tion is occurring, one would expect a change through time in material culture to occur within households of native populations to increased amounts and classes representing a total range of exposure to the foreign value systems. Along with settlement material, burial data which can document change in corpse disposal, body orientation, spa- tial location of the cemetery, or grave goods may be important. The spread of acculturative values and material culture may be quite like that of Clarke's regional sub-cultural assemblage (1968: 237). Gradu- ally through time one would see increased amounts of 'foreign' arti- facts within traditional assemblages, culminating in almost total, or complete change to these new forms of material culture; the materi~ al ‘death’ of a previous culture. Historical and ethnographic cases of colonial acculturation exhibit tendencies for acculturation to occur first and with greatest rates of change among the elite of the indigenous populations (if the society is internally stratifiéd to begin with). However, the arch- aeologist must not lose sight of the fact that culture change can occur whereby the direction of acculturative change is directly op- osite the usual pattern of natives changing to values held by the controlling society. For example, in Manchu dominated China, the dominant minority was acculturated to customs of traditional society (van der Sprenkel 1962). Instances of imperialism with acculturation are more subtle questions of archaeological discovery. The social changes take place within economic institutions, usually the marketplace or trade net~ work. Other components of the society, including the material cul ture, may not be drastically affected. What would be needed is a research design examining long-term temporal changes in spatial loca~ tion of markets, commodities traded, and transport networks. Equilibrium Situations The control situation which is historically most conmon is one of colonial settlers or administrators confined to specif settlements within a territory of a given society or geographical re- gion. Almost all daily activities for the controllers are conducted within the confines of this enclave settlement, which usually has a specific function. Thus the enclave resembles in part a typical resi- dence settlement incorporating life activities with some additional functions. The enclave lifestyle, including house architecture, subsistence, and discard strategy, may resemble to a great extent that of the 'mother' nation. For example, the enclave colonies founded in lonia and Megara by Greeks have great similarities in overall material culture to Greece (Graham 1964: 5), The repetition ‘of such similar enclaves can be quite extensive. The Greek city of Miletus founded 75 enclaves throughout the Mediterranean; each a duplication of Greek way of life. The rationale for enclave control through minimal social ex- posure to native population is usually in terms of wanting stabilized economic transactions and decreased civil administration--a low- profile strategy. This approach allows for the most efficient control -18-and exploitation of locations believed important (e.g., coastlines, waterways, natural resource sites) while indigenous populations are limited in cultural exposure and retain their native values. Where empires controlled vast tracts of land (e.g., Britain in India, Spain in the Americas) this was the only feasible approach to ac- quiring resources and keeping pacified large populations. Unlike the previously discussed policies, acculturation of natives was not con- sciously part of the enclave approach. One of the best examples of large-scale and long-term enclave policies comes from the Russian conquest and colonization of Centra Asia during the 19th century (e.g., d'Encausse 1967; Pierce 1960; Bacon 1966). The Russians were confronted with a multitude of so eties differing greatly in degree of sedentism, language and tech- nology (but for the most part Islamic in belief). Strategy was one of establishing military centers at socially important locations, supplemented by treaty obligations with powerful groups (e.g., Uzbeck Khanates of Bukhara). Gradually the military enclaves were trans~ formed into both military and civil-administrative centers with native elders retaining control in traditional villages and Islamic laws prevailing in most situations. By the end of the 19th century, Russian settlers moved into the area for farming and pastoral ism with the resulting displacement of native pastoralists and increasing forced acculturation of the remaining native population If one examines the British strategy in India (Thompson and Garratt 1934), Spanish in the Americas (e.g., Parry 1940, 1966), or Roman in Pannonia and Upper Moesia (Bartel 1980), one would see re markably similar approaches of controlling large and ethnically d verse populations through enclaves of small numbers of colonia military and administrative settlers. There is considerable variation in type of colonial enclave Some like the Greeks in Sicily or Europeans in North America amount to organic extensions of settlement lifestyle in their homeland. The European settlers in eastern North America tookwith them as much ma terial culture as could be transported (Fieldhouse 1967: 99). Often these settlement enclaves were spatially located where there was little interaction with natives. For example, the first European colonial enclave in Africa was by Dutch settlers along the Cape o Good Hope in the 18th century. No native settlement barred their activity. It was only later, during British control and Zulu expan- sion from the northeast, that an enclave situation was transformed into a colonial frontier wave problem of conflict (De Kiewiet 1937) One of the very best archaeological examples of colonial en- claves comes from the Egyptian Middle and New Kingdom conquest and control of Nubia (Kemp 1978). Walled towns incorporating civil and religious functions for administrators were established; all cul- turally isolated from the indigenous population. These ‘temple towns had on a smaller scale behaviors of large Egyptian city to the north. In a similar fashion, the Roman coloniae, usually composed of retired legionnaires was a settlement enclave with standard constitution and legal rights existing in a provincial situation surrounded by native groups (Millar 1967: 84). Enclaves which were established in Celtic or Greek regions by Romans have material cutlure and settlement architecture more in common with that of Italian Roman cities than -19-the immediate environs. A variation on the settIment enclave would be those situations where native settlements already exist in locations desired by the colonizing power. A take-over with building alteration would ensue, having the effect of possibly changing functions of the site. For example, a Celtic hill-top settlement existed at the strategic loca~ tion of the junction of the Sava and Danube rivers for hundreds of years prior to Roman movement into what is now Serbia, Yugoslavia. These waterways were crucial to control and trade, so the Romans took the location and transformed the previous Celtic settlement large military fort (Singidunum). Archaeologically, such situations should be plainly seen in the stratigraphy and artifacts of a given site through time. This example still remains an enclave strategy, since the native inhabitants would be displaced. Such forts are examples 6f specialized function enclaves. En- claves of this type usually are located as part of a moving ‘wake! of frontier expansion (Bartel 1980: 19-23) during a period of con- quest and boundary control. Some forts, like those in the British- held Carolinas of North America (South 1977a), were of short duration, sometimes in use for only six months to two years. Other specialized. enclaves occur frequently, and could have great consequences for the long-term complexion of control. European presence in Australia began as locations for British criminals (penal enclaves). These sites were quite sizable; from the first such penal colony in Sydney in 1788 up to 1868, 130,000 convicts had been sent to Australia (Fieldhouse 1967: 247). The administrative and merchant support populations for the penal sites eventually founded settlement enclaves (Mills 1915). These civilian settlements were the result of private initiative; not begun by British policy. The most common form of enclave is the one related to special- ized economic concerns. Almost every colonizing power has established such enclaves devoted to extraction, production and transportation of goods. There are numerous examples, including Portuguese planta~ tion enclaves in Brazil (Boxer 1963), Spanish silver mines and facto- ries throughout the Americas, Roman lead and iron mines in Spain and Yugoslavia (Healy 1977) or Japanese market centers and ports of Taiwan (Crissman 1976). Enclaves of a specialized economic pursuit exhibit a degree of regularity in spatial configuration across the landscape. This regu- larity has been analyzed by economic geographers. In such situations there tends to exist a single colonial city of greatest economic and administrative importance (i.e., primate city). This settlement is located so as to take advantage of efficient transport (coastal, riverine) and coordinate economics of production and export of nati natural resources, as well as administrative control of the colonial hinterland (Smith 1976: 30-32). Such urban colonial centers, along with smaller and more spe~ cialized task sites form a system organized for economic purposes. It is a vertical hierarchy of settlements encompassing, at the lowest ~20-level, single purpose extraction and production sites and rural mar- kets, then native district market towns, and finally the single pri mate city. This solar system, unlike classic central place coord tion or networks has all the flow of commodities towards the single primate city. Such a system has been analyzed in modern African colonial situations (Vance 1970; Johnson 1970). The establishment of urban primate cities may have some import- ant cultural consequences for the indigenous population, and hence for the archaeological record. For example, during the 50 years of Japanese control of Taiwan during the late 19th and. early 20th cen- turies, a series of marketing and administrative enclaves were established. The construction of road networks and importance of markets into these centers made for easy access by the native popu- this in turn made for a significant difference in native social interaction and marriage patterns (Crissman 1976). The dif ferences in descent and residence would have an effect upon distri- bution of native domestic material culture. Equilibrium situations involving imperialistic policies have also been common. We are referring to those times when treaty or clientage arrangements are established between two societies, but without any, or only a low level of administrative or military forces existing in territory of a controlled group. The usual rationale for such treaties to occur is also economic, but it may occur where an empire needs a ‘buffer zone’ between its possessions and another power. One of the best archaeological examples comes from the Egyptian imperial policy in Southwest Asia (especially Syria) during the New Kingdom (Kemp 1978: 38-39). Here the Egyptians were faced with long established city-state groups with traditions of urbanism, literacy, high-grade technology and large populations relative to Egypian military strength. A series of clientage treaties were formed between hereditary Asian kings and Egypt, whereby the king maintained city-state control while swearing allegiance to Pharoah and offering yearly tributes. Archaeologically, such a relation~ ship may only be seen through written treaty documents and a trickle of trade goods between patron and client. ‘Along the Roman frontier (limes system) there existed another example of imperial equilibrium. Various pastoral chiefdom societies (i.e., Sarmatians, Huns) had treaties to cease raiding in return for marketing privileges in the various fort enclaves (Mécsy 1974). More recently, during 18th century European exploitation of the east and west coasts of Africa, material culture was traded for slaves or gum trees. No European military, administrative or civil settler population existed. During the 20th century the strategy was changed to colonial enclaves with British supervision, but day- to-day administration in hands of hereditary chiefs with native law and courts (i.e., Dual Mandate policy) (Dilley 1937; Lugard 1965; Perham 1937). On a larger scale such economic influence as Islamic control over Europe in the 12th century or Japanese influence in modern United States could be considered macro examples of economic imperi- -21-alism in equilibrium. An archaeological strategy to deal with these larger forms is probably beyond our financial and sampling boundaries For both colonial and imperial situations, we are specifically referring to what D. L. Clarke (1968: 49-50) called metastable equi librium. Such a system is in cultural balance between colonial or imperial nation and natives only in the absence of a suitable cata~ lyst, which if introduced, would significantly alter the existing social relationships. An armed rebellion against an enclave by natives (such as in Roman Germany) may change policy from one of colonial equilibrium to that of eradication. As in Russian Central Asia, an influx of settlers may change policy towards forced accul- turation. Therefore, all archaeological situations hypothesized to be some form of equilibrium control should be investigated with suf- ficient temporal scale so that potential catalysts of social change leading to shifts in organizational policy may be obtained. Indigenous Response to Contro. The potential for, and kinds of group-oriented responses to being controlled by another group are some of the most interesting behavioral studies conducted by social anthropologists. Our major problem lies in the degree of archaeological visibility of such action. The most frequent type of response is some form of military uprising. Such a response may stem from many circumstances. Ex amples include the American Revolution of European settlers, Indian Mutiny of 1857 (Chirol 1910), and the Boer War of 1899 (MacMillan 1964), all against Britain (only the Indian example is a true in digenous response); the slave revolt in Haiti against the French in the late 19th century (Stoddard 1914); the Herero uprising of 1904-7 in southwest Africa against Germany (Henderson 1962); and the Abyssinians against Italians in 1896 (Darkwah 1971). As an example of resistance to Roman rule, a local North African leader named Tacfarians formed a coalition. of pastoral groups warring (unsuccess~ fully) against the provincial rule for seven years (Garnsey 1978: 252). With the exception of the American and Abyssinian examples, ‘all the rest were not successful and brutally suppressed Such a response may have a degree of archaeological visibility similar to the eradication policies previously discussed. Shor or long term warfare, often amounting to skirmishes, has low materia visibility. With protracted rebellion, changes in patterns of set tlement location, and existence of small camp sites, may even have the archaeological appearance of some forms of sites generated by band societies (Binford 1980) Another form of indigenous response is in terms of ideologica revitalization movements. Such nativistic revivals are seen fre~ quently in the ethnographic record (e.g., Worsley 1957). There have also been such movements in the past. In 69 A.D. a person named Marcus of the Celtic Boii claimed to be divine and accumulated ap proximately 8,000 followers. This nativistic revolt was crushed by another Celtic group, fully acculturated to Roman values (Milla 1967: 152). In rural Roman-held Algeria of the 3rd century A.D -22-annual fairs were held without colonial administrative permission, owing to divine commandment of three local non-Roman deities (Juba, Genius Vanisnesi, Dii Ingirozoglezim) who spoke through visions to local leaders (Shaw 1979: 94-100). Revitalization movements have never been studied archaeologi cally. It appears that unless ideological movements are on a large populational scale, or if textual material occurs, analysis may not be archaeologically visible or mistaken for continuation of previous ideological beliefs without intervention by the dominating power. Rather than a response to control, they may be mistaken for a formal policy of allowing these people to continue beliefs (some equili- brium policy). These responses, either military or ideological, tend to be the last resorts conducted by sections of the indigenous population. The most frequent response to policy is not as reactive; namely acceptance of some degree of acculturation. Use of Pattern Recognition in Colonial Archaeology During the last decade there have been some important advances in technique of quantitative analysis related to colonial studies. South (1977a, b; 1978a, b; 1979) and his associates (e.g., Ferguson 1977; Lewis 1977) have investigated British patterns of control in the United States during the 18th century, examining intra and inter-site functioning, ethnicity and social stratification. What is being analyzed are the ways a British Colonial System will per- petuate behavioral regularities, which will in turn pattern them- selves as by-products in the archaeological record. South found that by excavation of the entire range of British sites (civilian homes, shops, forts) and ordering of material cul- ture into certain classes of objects (e.g., kitchen, architectural) one can derive various important contrasting patterns which would “fingerprint! a British Colonial System observed archaeological ly in the United States without further historical documentation. South, following Kaplan (1964),calls this method of archaeo- logical inquiry pattern recognition. By pattern we mean a relation~ ship between two or more elements; the elements related repeatedly, directly or sequentially in the real world (Kuhn 1974: 66). Any pattern consitutes an information set. This consitutuent informa~ tion enables the archaeologist as observer to make inferences about something other than the pattern itself - or at least other than the observed portion of the pattern. The inferences made are a function of the pattern and its relation to the forces that pro- duced it, and the observer's prior knowledge of a given pattern and the forces which created it. The recognition of patterns involves ‘a formal meta-process by which uncoded sensory inputs from a given pattern in the environment selectively activate a coded pattern or groups of patterns already learned and stored in the cerebral cortex, leading to an inference that an instance of that pattern currently can be viewed in the environment. Therefore, recognition of pat- terns is an act of decoding information from a given input. -23-Briefly, South (1977a) had delineated three patterns which re~ occur at sites of the British Colonial System in the eastern United States. The Brunswick pattern is the spatial regularity of secondary refuse disposal at entranceways to varfous ruins, such as houses, shops and forts. The Carolina pattern is one of high ratios of artifact types subsumed under the artifact class ‘Kitchen’ relative to artifact types subsumed under the class ‘Architecture’, and rela~ tive to other artifact classes (e.g., furniture, arms, clothing). The Frontierpattern exhibits an inverse ratio to that of the Caro pattern; high architecture types relative to lower kitchen types in approximately the same magnitude of frequency percentage. What are the behavioral relationships expressed through these patterns of refuse? The Brunswick pattern is highly reflexive of ethnicity and the enculturation process of socialization. For example, in a study comparing 18th century British-Colonial and German-American garbage disposal patterns, there was found to be a significant dif~ ference in spatial location of the refuse (Carrillo 1977). The d ferences between the Carolina-and Frontier patterns are not that easily explained. They may be due to a flurry of building activity over a relatively short temporal span in frontier-colonizing situa~ tions forming high percentages of architectural artifacts (e.9., nails, clamps) compared to economic conditions in politically more stable domestic areas (Carolina pattern) whereby kitchen middens accumulate and kitchen artifacts have a greater probability of being in massed discard and archaeological recovery contexts. It is felt here that the method of pattern recognition, modes of analysis, and the classes of patterns found for the British Colonial System are highly adaptable to almost all colonial archaeo- logical situations worldwide. The rationale for this rests with: 1) behavioral regularities associated with colonial/imperial control, namely high probability of either eradication, forced as- similation or form of metastable equilibrium; 2) limited sets of indigenous societal responses to colonial control, namely strong ethnic self-identification maintenance, ac- culturation, metastable equilibrium; 3) replication of the enculturation process for a given eth- nic group (i.e., Brunswick pattern), namely ethnicity perpetuation and low-level ethnic change on individual basis; 4) spatial and functional nature of colonial domestic stabi I~ ization behind the ‘wake’ gradient of frontier military expansion and conflict; and, 5) such a restricted set of behavioral regularities corre- lated with a concomitant set of regularly reoccurring archaeological refuse, Using the archaeological situation in the Roman provinces of Pannonia (western Serbia, eastern Croatia) and Upper Moesi (eastern Serbia), we have begun to examine the applicability of pattern recognition for this specific colonial Empire. During the last 15 years a number of archaeological sites spanning the 2nd-4th centuries A.D. (dating based on numismatic, ceramic, inscription and ethnohistoric data) have been excavated for Pannonia and Upper Moesia (N6csy 1974), They span a range from urban settlement (e.g., Sirmium = modern Sremska Mitrovica) with a 2hlarge diversity of ruin types (e.g. public forum buildings, shops, villas, sports arenas) to large military camps (e.g., Singidunum = modern Belgrade, Viminacium = modern Kostola¢), small forts (e.g., Boljetin on the souther bank of the Danube), and specialized mining sites (e.g., Kraku'lu Yordan, Mt. Kosmaj). Also excavated have been Roman ruins of unknown function, such as the site of Gamzigrad near Zajetar which has been variously claimed to be an emperor's palace, large hunting villa, or Moesian administrative center. The diversity of excavated sites within a 200 year occupation span allows for a concrete test of the pattern recognition model. The Moesian-Pannon- ian example is a worthy test of the pattern recognition model's validity because it meets all necessary criteria (South 1977a: 90): a) Large collection from totally excavated sites (Sirmium villa), b) Large collection from sampled site (Kraku'lu Yordan) , ion (Sirmi c) Examples of domestic occupa’ m, Cari€in Grad, Gamzigrad, Minicipium DD), 4) Examples of site on which specialized activity occurred (Kraku'lu Yordan, Sirmium shop sites), e) Examples of secondary midden immediately adjacent to ruin in the yard (Sirmium villa, Boljetin, Viminacium, Carigin Grad) , f) Example of secondary midden discarded in ruin after occu- pation of structure had ceased ium forum, villa), 9) Example of secondary midden deposited at a place removed from the immediate vicinity of the occupants discarding the refuse (Singidunum, Viminacium) , h) Examples of midden resulting from domestic occupation (Sirmium, Caragin Grad, Gamzigrad) , i) Examples of midden resulting from military occupation (Singidunum, Viminacium, Boljetin) , J) Examples of midden resulting from public occupation (Kraku'lu Yordan, Sirmium shops, Viminacium) , k) Collection representing a wide range of activities reflect- ing human behavior (Sirmium), 1) Collection recovered in a controlled manner using screens to recover small speciments (Kraku'lu Yordan) , m) Collections from which total artifact counts were avai !- able, and no selectivity of artifacts on the basis of value judgments have been made concerning curation of objects. (Only approximate example is from Kraku'lu Yordan, with total counts from sampled and screened soundings.), n) Collections covering at least 100 years in combined time of occupation represented (all sites), 0) Collections from sites distributed over some spatial dis- tance (The Pannonian-Moesian sites span a total territory of approx- imately 36,000 square miles.) Unfortunately, as with some of South's sites, none of these Roman sites was originally excavated with pattern recognition in mind, and only one, Kraku'lu Yordan, was excavated under screening and sampling procedures -25-With this caveat understood, let us look at some preliminary statistical comparisons among these Roman sites in terms of the formu- lae developed by South, and then compare the Roman patterns to thai from the British-American system, The Romano-Brunswick Pattern Only a limited set of totally excavated ruins are available for Upper Moesia and Pannonia, These include the villa site at Sirmium (Locality 4), Cariin Grad villa, and Sirmium shops. Densi ties of ceramic and metal artifacts found at Sirmium in both the villa and shop areas are three times greater in the rear portions externa to the structures. For the shop localities this would be the zone parallel and behind the street. The villa sites at both Sirmium and Caritin Grad also show the same rear entrance/exit disposal of second- ary refuse. A similar pattern to that of the British-American Colonia System is also exhibited in a low bone to artifact ratio (1:40) in the refuse deposits adjacent to thése occupied ruins As a tentative generalization until more complete excavations are conducted, we may state that on Romano-Illyrian sites of the 2nd~ Ath centuries A.D., concentrated refuse deposits will be found at rear point of entrance/exit in dwellings and shops. No military fortifi cations have been excavated in necessary totality to judge refuse patterning for such a class of ruin. ‘The Romano-Carolina Pattern a paucity of total and controlled excavation , some patterns are discernible which approxi a colonial pattern. Although there of Roman ruins in Ser mate that of the Caro! Raw counts and frequency percentages are available for various artifact types falling under the classes of kitchen’, 'architecture', ‘person’, ‘activity’, ‘arms', and ‘clothing’. The settlement ruins located within politically stabilized portions of these provinces show similarities in the ratio of high amounts of kitchen artifacts versus lower amounts of architectural artifacts; thus equate with the British-American situation (Table 1). Included are the ruins of domestic function at Sirmium (villa), Cariin Grad (villa), Municipium DD (horrem), and Gamzigrad. Although the range of variation is large within each class and the ranking of the artifact classes of less value are changeable, there are scale and ranking patterns among all sites having high kitchen versus low architecture ratios. As with the British-American Colonial System, we hypothesize this refusé pattern is reflexive o low-output day-to-day consumption behaviors. Comparing the overal statistics for the British-American and Roman-IIlyrian ruins show similar scale and ranking of artifact classes. The major difference is that Romano-Illyrian sites tend to have greater amount of manufact- uring activities within domestic ruins -26-‘The Roman Frontier Pattern The grouping of Danubian forts and encampments (Singidunum, Vim- inacium, Boljetin) and the frontier stabilized site of Kraku'lu Yordan exhibit a high architectural versus low kitchen ratio of artifacts (Table 2), This is the pattern shared with the British~American colonial system and probably represents large-scale short-span build- ing activity. Also, all British~American and Romano-I Illyrian mili- tary sites show high ratios (upwards of 90%) of nails versus all other metal artifact types. The wide range in percentages of artifact classes for the Romano- Ilyrian group is due to the inclusion of the Kraku'lu Yordan ruin (Bartel, Kondic and Werner 1979). This ruin was included for two reasons: 1)it is the only site excavated through sampling and screen- ing procedures, and 2) it represents a non-military frontier site. The ruin's iron manufacturing specialty is seen quite clearly from the counts and frequency percentages per artifact class in Table 3. In fact, this site consitutes research on a new pattern, that of manufacture. All bone material (for glue production), 90% of the ceramics and 30% of the metal artifacts are related to utilitarian aspects of tool production. If this ruin was not included in the comparison, there would be a stronger relationship between the mili- tary frontier zones for the two colonial systems. The three other Romano-I Ilyrian sites exhibit an extremely high percentage of archi- tecture artifact types. Preliminary statistical analysis has shown scale and ranking similarities among provincial Roman sites and between British~ American and Roman-I1lyrian Colonial Systems. The important question raised is why such patterns should occur? Although a great deal of controlled systematic excavation is needed in the future, it is hy- pothesized here that certain behaviors cross-cutting different social control situations were in operation. First, we have two identical patterns of refuse disposal (Brunswick pattern) reflexive of separate ethnic enculturation. Secondly, the Carolina patterns represent social control stabilization and acculturation in colonial areas re- moved from the ever-changing frontier line. These frontier patterns of rapid deployment and abandonment of military outposts occur wher- ever potential intergroup conflict may arise, or during temporary establishment of territorial borders. South's work is notable for a number of reasons. First, it amounts to fieldwork excavation and artifactual measurement techniques for dealing with colonial archaeology. The classes of artifacts used (e.g., architecture, kitchen, personal) to compare ratios occur and reoccur at sites generated by a given colonial power within all tert tory controlled. South's original excavation strategy calls for complete excavation of ruins; an expensive and time consuming task which is not always possible. However, if proper sampling strategies are used, such restrictions should not hold. Secondly, our comparative examination of British and Roman colon- ial behaviors clearly shows the more generalizing outcome of the approach. Pattern recognition is worthwhile in analyzing certain regularities which cross-cut different colonial powers. It is a standardized technique useful regardless of controlling society or -27-time period. This is due to, in thé case mentioned here, the same policies by British and Roman administrations. In both instances colonial enclaves (i.e., Frontier Pattern) and colonial acculturated settlements (i.e., Carolina Pattern) existed. The artifacts and classes of artifacts are to be expected as such military enclaves and stabilized domestic settlements. Finally, the Brunswick Pattern representative of ethnic enculturation in discard is not related to any of the six outcomes from the matrix model; but could be used to pinpoint ethnicity of either a given native society prior to culture contact, or the ethnicity of the controlling settler population. South's work is therefore limited to two outcomes of colonial policy (colonial equilibrium and acculturation) and says nothing about im- perialistic policy or strategyof eradication and resettlement. But its virtue outweighs the present limitations, since it does enable standardized cross-cultural measurement. Summary and Conclusions We have attempted to develop a probablistic model of social domination which will account for almost all situations faced in the archaeological record. The regularity through which many different powers have manipulated native societies and land cannot be dismissed. From our examination, certain testable hypotheses emerge for further archaeological research: 1. Policies of acculturation occur most frequently where empires control small populations occupying small ter- ritories, and when a given empire has acculturation as a conscious part of their philosophy of governance. 2. Enclave policies occur when controlling large popula~ tions occupying large territories. The archaeologist should expect an enclave strategy to be socially unstable. 3. Eradication and resettlement policies tend to precede enclave development and occur where land will be used by the domi- nating power for natural resource exploitation or boundary maintenance. 4, Native responses, although having a large military component, tend to also contain a strong ideological component neces- sary to stimulate native cohesion. Finally, it is felt that the archaeological data base holds the key to the true development of a comparative anthropological theory of social power and control. -28-BIBLIOGRAPHY Bacon, Elizabeth E., 1966, Central Asians under Russian Rule, Cornell, Ithaca. Balsdon, J. P. V. 0., 1979, Romans and Aliens, University of North Carolina, Chapel Bartel, Brad, 1980,"Colonialism and Cultural Responses: Problems Related to Roman Provincial Analysis," World Archaeology 12(1), pp. 11-26. Bartel, Brad, Vladimir Kondi¢, and Michael R. Werner, 1979, "Excava~ tions at Kraku'lu Yordan, Northeast Serbia: Preliminary Report, 1973-76 Seasons," Journal of Field Archaeology 6, pp. 127-149. Barth, Fredrik, ed., 1969, Ethnic Groups and Boundaries, Little, Brown, Waltham, MA. Binford, Louis R., 1980, "Willow Smoke and Dogs' Tails: Hunter Gatherer Settlement Systems and Archaeological Site Formation," American Antiquity 41(1), pp. 4-20. Blake, M. 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D., 1972, "The Roman Army and the Roman Religious Year In Essays on Religion and the Ancient World, Z. Stewart, ed. pp. 736-790, Harvard University Press, Cambridge. Nutton, V., 1978, "The Beneficial Ideology." In Imperialism in the Ancient World, P. D. A. Garnsey and C. R. Whittaker, eds., pp. 209-222, University Press, Cambridge. Parry, J. H., 1940, The Spanish Theory of Empire in the Sixteenth Century, University Press, Cambridge. -1966, The Spanish Seaborne Empire, Knopf, New York. Perham, M., 1937, Native Administration in Nigeria, University Press, Oxford. Pierce, Richard A., 1960, Russian Central Asia, 1867-1917, University of California Press, Berkeley. Plomley, N. J. B., 1969, "An Annotated Bibliography of the Tasmanian Aborigines," Royal Anthropological Institute Occasional Papers 28. Roberts, S. H., 1929, History of French Colonial Policy, 1870-1925, 2 vols., F. Cass, London. a Shaw, Brent D., 1979, "Rural Periodic Markets in Roman North Africa as Mechanisms of Social Integration and Control." In Research in Economic Anthropology, Vol. 2, George Dalton, ed., pp. 9I-T17, SAT Press, Greenntch (eH). Slade, R. M., 1962, King Leopold's Congo, Institute of Race Relations, London. Smith, Carol A., 1976, "Regional Economic Systems: Linking Geographi- €al Models and Socioeconomic Problems," In Re: : Wl. tr Economie Systens, Carol A. Smith, ed, pp. 363; Academic Press, New York South, Stanley, 1977a, Method and Theory in Historical Archaeolog) Academic Press, New York ---1978a, "Pattern Recognition in Historical Archaeology," Ame, Antiquity 43(2), pp. 223-230. ---1978b, "Research Strategies for Archaeological Pattern Recognition in torical Archaeology," World Archaeology 10(1), pp. 36-50. ---1979, “Historic Site Content, Structure, and Function," American Antiquity 44 (2), pp. 213-237 -32-South, Stanley, ed., 1977b, Research Strategies in Historical Archae- ology, Academic Press, New York. Stoddard, T. L., 1914, The French Revolution in San Domingo, Houghton Mifflin, New York. Sutherland, L. S., 1952, The East India Company in Eighteenth Century Politics, University Press, Oxford: Tacitus, Cornelius, 1967, Agricola and Germania, H. Mattingly, trans., Penguin, Baltimore. Thompson, E. and G. Garratt, 1934, Rise and Fulfillment of British Rule in India, Macmillan, London. Thompson, L. M., 1960, The Unification of South Africa, 1902-1910, University Press, Oxford. Thornton, A. P., 1965, Doctrines of Imperialism, John Willey, New York. ---1977, Imperialism in the Twentieth Century, University of Minne sota Press, Minneapol Trigger, Bruce, 1974, "The Archaeology of Government," World Archae- ology 6, pp. 95-106. Vance, C., 1970, The Merchant's World, Prentice-Hall, Englewood Cliffs (way. a _ Vanderbosch, A., 1944, The Dutch East_Indies, University of California Press, Berkeley. van der Sprenkel, S., 1962, Legal Institutions in Manchu China, Athlone, London. Wells, C. M., 1972, The German Policy of Augustus: An Examination of the Archaeological Evidence, Clarendon, Oxford. Whittaker, C. R., 1978, "Carthaginian Imperialism in the Fifth and Fourth Centuries." In Imperialism in the Ancient World, P. D. A. Garnsey and C. R. Whittaker, eds., pp. 59-90, University Press, Cambridge. Worsley, P., 1957, The Trumpet Shall Sound: A Study of ‘Cargo’ Cults n Melanesia, MacGibbon and Kee, London. -33-o°00t 0°01 Leqoy Te - 9 Te. & Te TT SOraEAtaoy a eel - BL - ars sadig 0290) ee - 1 vg - 9 ae ore Suryao19 £9 - OL air se s sway viru 7 rw s z eunguuang Loz - Lt vile - L’6L ze $782 34n9993 Lysuy Lek - 6th 2769 - BLS 9°85 veg wayoa)) abuey x abuey x uray weep dnoug qoe5144y PUL LOVR)-OURWOY euLLoueg PUL LOue)-oURUIOY pul loueg susaqqed 224 {34 UL [oAeg-oURWOY y eUL LOUD By, “| aLaeL =3h-0°00L 0°01 LeqoL eet ver ee Tt SaLayarqoy a Orb - 6L 5 v6 Sadiq oo9eq0) gs - Oo pone uv z [euosuag Stu ge -e “ ee Bury3019 eel - ve - HL 96 vs sway vee eo-v s 2 aanqtuang pie - BL Sls - O'eb oe orzs 34n3993 LyDuy eve - LOL Sve - zz 222 oz uayoay abuey x abuey x uray ueay dnowg qoegta4y ue yak [J -OuRWOY eo Luauy-ys 19 14g uey4f| [T-ouRwoy eo}. sauy-Yys19 14g susaqqeq 421JUOAZ URLAA| [[-OURWOY F URDLuaUY-YSLIL4g B4L “Z aLgeL ~35-Table 3. Kraku'lu Yordan Artifact Pattern Artifact Group Count % Activity 11,306 87.52 Kitchen 1,303 10.08 Architectural 235 1.82 Personal 63 +50 Arms n 08 Totals 12,918 100.00 -36-Colonialism Imperialism (settlers) (ro setters) abrupt . Eradication- culture change _fegional | Resettlement (replacement) ‘empty cell slow slow Acculturation indigenous indigenous culture _ change change in economics settlement indigenous Equilibrium enclaves cultural (metastable) 2cultures’ maintenance Figure 1: A matrix of probable behavioral outcomes in situations of power domination, based upon ethnographic and historical examples (after Horvath 1972). -37-2. THE SCANDINAVIAN COLON! SATION. OF THE NORTH SWEDISH INTERIOR, 500 - 1500 A.D. Atholl Anderson ABSTRACT During the late Iron Age and Medieval periods there was an expansion of Scandinavian settlement into the interior of northern Sweden particularly to central Jamtland. The colonists were economical ly dependent upon farming, fishing, trapping and the extraction of bog iron. Consideration of various attractions to settlement in the in: terior suggests that growing possibilities for trade in skins, furs and iron were most influential, and that the decline of these in the later Medieval period led to a partial contraction of settlement Introduction Norrland, the northern two-thirds of Sweden, is a land of dark conifer forests pocked with tarns and mires and slashed by cold ribbon lakes and rivers; unmistakeably an extension of the great Eurasian taiga. Even today much of it has a character foreign to the milieu of the Malar province and the South, the inhabitants of which epitomize the differences in the saying that "North of the Da river there are no more oaks, crayfish or nobles." In historic times (post 1500 A.D.) Norrland was colonised pre- dominantly by Fennoscandian peasants drawn to what had become virtu- ally the last frontier of Europe, a wilderness so little known and sparsely populated that even in the 1850's ''...people talked about its ‘unlimited possibilities! almost as Americans did about their West" (Gottman 1969:167). They were encouraged to migrate there by the Swedish crown, anxious to settle its northern territories acquired during the expansion phase of the 17th century, and equally as determined to hold them in the face of Cossack plundering during the retreat from empire in the 18th century. Beyond the coastal towns most of the historical colonists were small subsistence farmers until the late 19th century, when a period of famine and the labour demands of rapidly expanding timber and metal industries saw the decline of trans-humant pastoralism (faboding), and withdrawal from the most difficult agricultural areas. This historical phase of colonisation was not, however, the initial attempt by Scandinavians! to create permanent settlements in the north, nor the only time that the western and northern thrust of the agricultural frontier into the interior had faltered. It was, -38-in fact, a millennium earlier that the first extensive settlements of the interior forest of Norrland began. This earlier colonisation phase and the reasons for its growth and partial decline are the con- cerns of this paper, The Norrland Interior For present purposes, that part of the interior of Norrland which is of most interest can be defined as the area lying between the Ljungan and Ume rivers and stretching from the’ Norwegian mountains to within 50-80 km of the Bothnian coast; which generally means to the point of the highest quaternary shoreline (Figure 1), below which fine-grained sedimentary deposits are common and have been period cally settled by people practising a rather modest agriculture since approximately 2500 B.C. (Huttunen and Tolonen 1972). Inland, on the glacially-planed Archaean Shield, soils for the most part are thin podsolised and infertile. In southern Jamtland and from the north stretching far into Lappland, pine heaths predominate (Figure 3), bu in central Jamtland there exists a richly undergrown spruce forest (Lindqvist 1966) which reflects the conjunction of two uniquely favourable circumstances; a band of lime-enriched Cambro-Silurian rocks (the 'Siluromr&de' in Figure 3) and the penetration of Atlantic climatic influences across the western mountains, which at this lati tude are narrower and lower than anywhere else along the Scandinavian chain. Central Jamtland is thus quite unlike the remainder of the Norrland interior in its unusual suitability for agriculture. True only 3% of its land is arable (Bruno 1960), but arable land barely reaches 1% in any other district of the north. A second consequence of these advantages is that the richness of the forest in deciduous species provides a more favourable environment in central Jamtland for the principle wild ungulate, the moose (Alces alces), than else~ where in the interior. Lastly, and perhaps most Importantly from an historical point of view, the same topographical features which per- mit the intrusion of Atlantic weather appear to have been exploited by travellers and traders crossing to. and from the Bothnian shores since at least the Neolithic period (Clark 1948), and certainly by the later Iron Age the central Jamtland routes were regularly tra versed. The Course of Colonisation How early Scandinavians first began to settle the interior forests of Norrland is a matter of conjecture, for amongst the defi ciencies of the earliest relevant data are any unequivocal means to distinguish Scandinavian from other populations (particularly Saamic), or the diffusion of Scandinavian traits from secure evidence of settlement. Opinions are polarised on the first of these issues with Baudou (1978:23), Zachrisson (1976:99) and Anderson (n.d.) adopting the view that the indigenous inhabitants of the Norrland interior, by the Iron Age, were ancestral to the Saamer and Selinge (1979:182-91 arguing that they were more likely Scandinavian, although of a dif- ferent population and socio-economic structure than their codsta contemporaries. -39-The second is a more complex matter, not least because the first five or six millennia of Norrland's interior prehistory are represented by camping and hunting sites, but the first millennium A.O., when al the main changes took place, almost exclusively by burial sites. Since the earliest category of the latter, the 'lake graves' (Figure 2) exhibit construction modes, burial customs and artefacts of distinctly Scandinavian form, and even a few bones of sheep or goat, Baudou (1978) proposes that this is evidence of at least seasonal use of the inter jor by an agriculturally proficient Scandinavian population. Yet is curious that the nearest such population, along the south Norrland coast, built graves of quite another form. ‘The inland ‘forest’ or ‘lake! graves are typical not of any contiguous farming popula but of similar graves in the interior of Dalarna to the south which only in turn appear to be derived from the farming settlements of the older Iron Age in the MSlar and Lake Vanern regions (Selinge 1976:70) Add to this the relative paucity of palynological evidence for forest clearance in the interior and the correspondence of the lake grave locations with indigenous hunting camps and, says Selinge (1979:91) an hypothesis of internal change stimulated by the diffusion of mor- tuary customs, amongst other things, is more appropriate. In any event, the growing interest of coastal and souther! Scandinavians in the interior which is demonstrated by the early ‘lake graves,' whatever their interpretation, soon after culminated in the growth of a permanent settlement around the ‘Great Lake! (Storsjén of central Jmtland (Figure 1). This settlement began in the Migra~ tion period (5th=6th centuries) and is warked by grave mounds of typical late Iron Age form in which, amongst the funerary offerings there is evidence of arable and pastoral agriculture. The artefacts and burial customs of the mounds indicate contacts with the establishe farming districts of both the Tréndelag and the Bothnian coast which are so close that there can be no question of anything but an actua colonisation from one or both of these regions, especially the former Partly From the same period (about 6th-8th centuries A.D.), are deposits of artefacts, many in caches which might mark the former existence of burials, along the line of the large lakes to the north of Storsjénj in the Hotingssj8, Vilhelmina and Arjeplog districts (Zachrisson 1976:104, 117, 122). in central Jamtland the grave mounds show that the earliest settlement was concentrated around the southeastern shores of Storsjén and nearby. In the Vendel period (7th and 8th centuries) there was a limited expansion to Mattmar in the northwest and to Frésén, the main island, where a fort was bu te In the Viking period (9th-IIth centuries) the strongest expan sion began. Settlement of areas previously colonised was intensified and new settiements sprang up around the northern and western shores of Storsjén and around the lakes to the southeast (Janson, Bidrnstad and Hvarfner 1962, Selinge 1976). Further afield, there were smal outposts established along the upper Indal River and in the great forest stretching to thenorth of Storsjdn. In the latter case there were settlements both reasonably close to Storsjdn at Lit, Offerda and Hammerdal, probably also at Stréms, and some at a considerable distance (and not necessarily originating from Storsjén) at Jormlien Arjeplog and most notably. at Langén in Hotingssjé (Figure 1). To the south of Storsjén, in the mountains of Harjedalen, several concentra- tions of Iron Age mounds (Figure 3), mostly of Viking age, probably reflect the parallel expansion of Norwegian settlement into the -40-interior (Selinge 1976:56). At the beginning of the early Middle Ages (11th-13th centuries) Christianity spread rapidly through the north. One of the consequences was that burial customs changed in ways that severely reduce the archaeological visibility of graves (mound building and lavish grave offerings were both abandoned and it became desirable to be buried in the churchyard rather than out at the homestead). However, archaeological evidence does indicate that the northern outposts notably Langén, were abandoned by the end of the llth century (Hvarf- ner 1953) and there is no evidence, archaeologicat or historical, of settlement continuing in these isolated areas. Elsewhere the post Vth century course of colonisation is, in the main, only able to be reconstructed from historical records. These indicate that settle- ment continued to expand through the forests north of Storsjén up to Stréms during the early Medieval period and to the southeast in the Revsund district, but that in the later Medieval period (13th-I5th centuries) there was a strong retrenchment. Taxation books from the early 16th century record that in J&mtland some 300 farms had been abandoned as the settlement frontier retreated towards Storsjén and the east, and a similar retreat of the agrarian frontier--in these cases towards the coast--seems to have occurred in Angermanland and Nedelpad as well (Selinge 1976, 1979: 140-144) Attractions of the Interior tor Colonists Why were Scandinavians drawn to the Norrland interior in the first millennium 4.0.2 In the case of the first undisputed Scandina- vian settlement, at Storsjén, we can immediately rule out, | think, any such attraction as an escape from land hunger elsewhere or a change of environmental conditions significantly favourable to farming in the interior. In the late Iron Age, cultivable land was still readily available (Engelmark 1978:48) and much more accessible on the Bothnian coast than in the interior, and climatic conditions for farming were worse during the Iron Age up to the Viking period than they had been at any time for three millennia previously (Zackrisson 1976:14). The Storsjén colonists were certainly involved in farming and preferen: tially settled the relatively sweet lands of the Siluromrade (| 3), but it was not their only, or perhaps primary, means of subsistence. Even in historical times pioneer farming in Norrland could hardly be described as much more than complementary to Fishing, fowl ing and hunting, The development of the main adaptational practices-- burn beating (svedjan) to create temporary grain fields and then cattle forage as the birch, rowan and other species returned; the use of water meadows to promote hay growth; and the mobile pasturing of farm stock at seasonal camps (fabodar)--only provided farming with a relatively precarious hold in the interior. About an acre of barley--which might fail to ripen one year in three--a dozen cattle and 20 sheep or goats were typical of a family farm in the 18th and 19th centuries (Tegengren 1952, Bylund 1956). It is unlikely thal Iron Age agriculture was any more productive. Much of the subsistence and any luxuries, probably had to come from the proceeds of fishing, fur trapping and hunting as in historical times. With respect to the latter in particular there is abundant evidence in central Jémt- land and it is concentrated in the areas of Iron Age settlement hyThe moose was, and is, the principle game beast of Norrland to the south of the Ume watershed. In the interior, moose drift into the western mountains in the summer and back into the forest and valleys in the winter. This fact has for time immemorial been held against them in the form of moose trapping pits (f&ngstgropar) placed across the line of movement. Some 20,000 trapping pits have been found in Norrland, the greatest concentration of which, and the larg- est number of pit-trap systems (where pits have been built in rows across the countryside, sometimes extending for more than 10 kilo- metres), is to be found in the territory immediately to the north of Storsjén (Selinge 1974, 1976). Since the use of trapping pits was not proscribed until 1864 A.D. many are undoubtedly of historica age, but they were constructed as early as 3000 B.C. in the interior (Jensen 1973) and radiocarbon dates indicate that at least some of those north of Storsjén, including pits in large trapping systems date to the Viking period (Selinge 1974:33). There is also histor cal evidence to suggest that trapping moose in the forest north of Storsjén was an important occupation of Jamtlanders as early as the 13th century (Janson and Hvarfner 1966:52) and estate transfer docu- ments from throughout the Middle Ages stress the value, sometimes preeminent value, of established pit systems against the farm itself (e.g. Janson and Hvarfner 1966:58). Hunting, especially for moose, must therefore be regarded as an attraction to settlement in the interior, specifically to Storsjén and the country extending along the line of major lakes to the north, where the Siluromrade provides a greater abundance of moose forage than elsewhere in Norland! interior. It can hardly be doubted that trapping and trading beaver and other fur-bearing species for an external market was an important attraction to colonists as well, but this activity has left no direct traces in the archaeological record and it was probably declining in importance, due to over exploitation and changing patterns of trade (below), by the beginning of the historical period. During the Viking period fur trading seems to have been important in the areas nort of Storsjn where traditional accounts of fur trading with the Saamer, especially in Egil's saga (Jone 1960), reinforce the archaeologica evidence of Scandinavian outposts far from settled country or good arable land but inhabited by people of comparative wealth and far reaching contacts (Janson and Hvarfner 1966). The period during which Langén, the principal outpost, was a Scandinavian cemetery corresponds quite closely with the time span of the Viking trade along the Russian rivers to Byzantium and the Caliphate. Amongs the grave goods from L&ngén the oriental bronze belt mountings in grave 12 (c. 900 A.D.) and the purse of Indian lizard skin in grave 6 (0th century) reflect the penetrating influence of the eastern trade far into the northern wilderness, whilst the 5 silver coins from western Europe in grave 10, the last interrment on the site (c. 1100 A.D.), underline the waning attraction of the east by this time and the growth of local and European markets, not nearly so ready or able to pay the prices demanded of the silver-rich Arabs and Byzantines for the luxury of beaver and sable fur. Another marketable commodity of the Norrland interior, for home and Scandinavian consumption at least, was iron smelted from the deposits of limonite dug in the swamps. Storsjén, especially in the south and east, was a major centre of this domestic industry during -42-the later Iron Age and early Medieval times (Magnusson 1974). Bog iron smelting had existed in nearby areas of Norway from the last centuries B.C. and although there is no convincing evidence of the ‘lake graves! people being involved in this industry (Baudou 1978:20) it is conceiv- able that it was an important factor in the initial colonisation of central Jamtland. ron smelting ovens there have been consistently dated to the Viking period and a few to as early as the third century A.D. (Magnusson pers. comm.). By the late Iron Age, iron blanks for kettles, tools or weapons were being regularly traded between the Atlantic and Bothnian coasts through Storsj&n, which must itself have been one of the major sources of supply (Thalin 1973) Subsistence farming, moose trapping, beaver trapping, iron smelting or trade: all may have been important. factors in the colon- isation of the Norrland interior, but which amongst them were the most influential? In my view it was the opportunities for trade based primarily upon furs and secondarily upon hides and iron. We do not know, but it is not too fanciful, | think, to view the north: ern spread of the 'lake graves! out of central Sweden, perhaps along the old inland trail (Baudou 1978:22), as a manifestation of the early stages of a fur trade. Some local wealth, and furs are the obvious choice, mist have been extracted in return for the import of foreign artefacts, whether the people were Scandinavian or not. | is also worth pointing out that there are morphological similarities between the early 'lake graves! of southernNorrland and those of northern Jamtland and Angermanland in the Viking period, as at Langén, where their connections with the fur trade are not in question Fur trading is widely held to have been the original attraction for settlement in the Migration period at Storsjén (Janson, Bidrnstad and Hvarfner 1962, Bidrnstad 1965) which was the main 'way-station for Norwegian colonists travelling back and forth between Trdéndelag and their wealthy Bothnian colonies (Slomann 1950, Bakka 1971). The marked growth of settlement in the Viking and early Medieva periods could be related to a small amelioration of the climate (Zackrisson 1976) which would have facilitated an expansion in the agricultural frontier, and this explanation seems the most likely in the case of the grave mounds situated high in the Harjedalen mountains; they are probably the graves of seasonal herders. Never: theless, the Viking period was also the time when the flourishing trade to the east demanded above all, from Scandinavia, the furs which were the natural wealth of Norrland. Central Jamtland was fortunately placed in this respect because it was located in the heart of the fur-bearing region, and it lay athwart the most practi- cable route, from the east to Southwestern Norway and Europe, north of the pirate-infested Danish straits. Nidards (later Trondheim was an important trade centre and it is worth observing that one- third of all Arabian coins in Norway have been found in Tréndelag (Marstrander 1956). Luuko (1967:152) notes that Trénder Vikings maintained posts on the Bothnian coasts at which they moored their ships for the winter before travelling the Storsjé route to Trondheim. The participation of the Jamtland people in the trade flowing through their settlement is marked, inter alia, by graves of unusua wealth around Storsjén. At Résta, for example, are burials in which traders (an occupation marked by sets of scales to weigh coins and -43-hacksilver) were buried in richly appointed sleighs complete with horses and silver decorated trappings and along with the weaponry that no good Viking was ever without (kjellmark 1905). The sleighs and also sets of crampons, reflect the importance of the winter for fur trading journeys into the forest. Selinge (1976:71) argues that moose hides were probably a major trading item as well, a view sus tained by the importance of leather working in Iron Age Sweden in general and extending across the Baltic to such early towns as Novgorod (Thompson 1967). In short, colonising the interior, which involved developing the iron industry, exploiting the fur bearers and investing a considerable effort in the moose trapping systems, is convincingly attributable to the bringing of Norrland into developing Scandinavian trading networks. Causes of the Settlement Retreat Precise data on the time of abandonment of most settlements are not available, but it seems that the northern outposts such as Langin had been abandoned by the beginning of the 12th century, and many of the pioneer farms in the hinterland of Storsjén during the 14th and 15th centuries. The end of the northern settlements is most plausibly associated with either, or both, the end of economic trapping, or the end of a viable trade. Both probably occurred. Historical record: indicate that most of the fur regions of European Russia were seriously depleted by the 12th and 13th centuries (Veale 1966) and the same i likely to have been the case even earlier in central Norrland. Cer- tainly the later fur trade, which sought squirrels in particular and was controlled by the Finnish 'birkarlar' merchants, concentrated on the forests of northern Norrland and Finland. The eastern trade routes of the Vikings became increasingly difficult in proportion to growing resistence from the citizens of Kiev and Novgorod and were cut altogether by Tartar attacks in the 13th century. By this time however, warfare between Sweden and Novgorod had rendered any regular commerce impossible (Serning 1956) The decline of settlement in Central Jimtland is more difficul to account for. Many of the deserted homesteads may have been aban doned, almost at an instant, during the ravages of the Black Death which reached Norrland in 1349-50 A.D. Another possibility is tha the expansion of settlement which occurred during the climatic ameli- oration of 800-1300 A.D. was correspondingly followed by a settlement contraction as early effects of the ‘Little Ice Age’ began to bite On the whole this does not look particularly likely. The ‘Little Ice Age! would not have been troublesome for arable agriculture, the most sensitive aspect of interior economies, much before the mid-15th century and widespread crop failures, judging by historical evidence from elsewhere in Norrland (Zackrisson 1976:14), are unlikely to have occurred before the 16th century. Besides, arable agriculture was a comparatively minor component of Medieval subsistence in the interior The broader possibility raised by climatic changes is of some long-term, almost regular, ebb and flow in colonisation against the margins of agricultural viability. Selinge (1979:144) has suggested that agricultural settlement of marginal areas in Norrland may have followed such a cyclical pattern of expansion and contraction; the three expansive periods being in Migration, Viking-Early Medieval and hhHistorical times. He does not attribute the cycles to climatic events but it is difficult, beyond orthogenetic models, to see how else such an hypothesis could be supported. A shift in trading patterns has, | suggest, more to recommend it as a general hypothesis for settlement recession in the Later Middle Ages. In the 13th and 14th centuries, changes which were al detrimental to the commerce of the Central Norrland interior became unbearably heaped one upon another. The earlier attenuation of the eastern trade, the rise of Novgorod, Karelia, and the monopolist "birkarl' merchants, all of whose interests lay in the high north of Fennoscandia rather than Central Norrland, and the rise of the Hanse in the southern Baltic, with its attention directed towards dried fish and other products of southern Scandinavia, combined to reduce Jamtland to something of a mercantile backwater. It is also quite probable that reserves of one of the main subsistence and trading resources, the moose, were becoming seriously depleted at the same time. It is difficult to find any evidence of this one way of the other, but there may be significance in the fact that during the 13th and l4th centuries there were several promulgations seeking to regularise moose hunting customs in Jamtland and prevent slaughter during the spring and summer (Janson and Hvarfner 1966:52, 60, 62) Conclusions The initial colonising phase of the Norrland interior is far from being fully understood, for although the broad sequence of set- tlement is clear enough the patterns of life and the impetus of ex- pansion remain obscure. Agriculture was undoubtedly a component of subsistence which made settlement around Storsjén a rational choice, but, in Bidrnstad's words (1965:76), "...the Storsjd settlement i Jamtland can scarcely be explained as a peasant colonisation." Ex: cept at the widest continental scale of Alexander's (1972, 1978 ‘moving frontier’ model, it would thus quite misrepresent the evidence to interpret it as the last ripple of agricultural diffusion i Europe. The colonists of the Norrland interior were farmers, certain ly, but they were equally fishers, hunters, trappers, metal workers and traders, and they seem to have accommodated all these functions on a largely domestic basis. This kind of mixed economy, which make: the Norrland evidence fit colonisation models such as those of Bil Tington (1967) rather uncomfortably, is an entirely appropriate re: sponse to the uncertainties of the circumpolar existence, and can be found elsewhere amongst contemporary Scandinavian colonies at these latitudes, such as in Greenland (Gad 1970:39, 56-57, 80-86). However, it must be emphasised that it does not seem to have been simply the opportunity to practise this subsistence strategy which attracted colonisation, since people with basic proficiency in it had lived on the margins of the interior and travelled through it for centuries before they settled there. The inertia was over- come, it is suggested, by the demand for boreal forest products which developed during the late Iron Age and reached its peak in the Viking and early Medieval periods. The Scandinavian demand for iron and the international demand for skins and furs found the central inter- ior of Norrland not only well-endowed as a source of supply, but also neatly placed in the middleman's position along an important -h5-route of the trading network. As the international trade disintegrated and resources became depleted or no longer in demand, settlement fell back upon the central area and into its historical mould of a peasant existence. Not 1. The term 'Scandinavian' is used to distinguish people of initial southern Scandinavian origin from those of generally Saamic (Lappish) ancestry (c.f. Zachrisson 1976). ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Some of the information contained in this paper was gathered in Sweden in 1975. Amongst the people who assisted me so generously then | must mentior rofessor Evert Baudou (Umea), Dr. Klas-Goran Selinge (SHM), Lars Lathman (SHM), and Gert Magnusson (Jamtland County Museum). For more recent material | am most grateful to Professor Baudou and Dr. Selinge. My thanks to Ann Rayner for the typing and Martin Fisher for the maps. =h6-BIBLIOGRAPHY Alexander, John, 1972, "The ‘Frontier! Concept in Prehistory: The End of the Moving Frontier," in J.V.S. Megaw (Ed). Hunters, Gatherers and First Farmers Beyond Europe: An Archaeological Survey, Leicester University Press, Leicester, pp. 25-40. Alexander, J. A., 1978, “Frontier Studies and the Earliest Farmers in Europe," in David Green, Colin Haselgrove and Matthew Spriggs (Eds.), Social Organisation and Settlement: Contributions from Anthropology, Archaeology and Geography, British Archae- Blogieal Reports Tnternstionsl Series Wy pp. 13-29. Anderson, Atholl, n.d., "Economic Change and the Prehistoric Fur Trade in Northern Sweden: The Relevance of a Canadian Model," Norwegian Archaeological Review, forthcoming. Bakka, E., 1971, "Scandinavian Trade Relationships with the Continent and the British Isles in Pre-Viking Times," Early Medieval Studies 3, Kungliga Vitterhets Historie och Antikvitets Akademien, Stockholm, pp. 37-51. Baudou, E., 1978, "Archaeological Investigations at L. Holmsjén, Medelpad,"" in E. Baudou, R. Englemark, 1. U. Olsson, I. Renberg (Eds.), Archaeological and Palaeoecological Studies in Medelpad, N. Sweden, Early Norrland 11, Kungliga Vitterhets Wistorie och Antikvitets Akademien, Stockholm, pp. 1-24. Billington, Ray Allen, 1967, "The American Frontier," in Paul Bohannan and Fred Plog (Eds.), Beyond the Frontier, Natural History Press, New York, pp. 3-2. — Bidrnstad, M., 1965, "'Norrland in the Younger Iron Age - As Source of Raw Materials and as Market," in H. Hvarfner (Ed.), Hunting and Fishing: Nordic Symposium on Life in a Tradi Hunting and Fishing Milieu in Prehistoric Times and Up to the Present Day, Norbottens Museum, pp. 73-82. nal Bruno, W., 1960, "The Storsjé District from a Geographic-Cultural Viewpoint, " Ymer 80 (2-3) :81-95. Bylund, E., 1956, "Koloniseringen av Pite Lappmark t.o.m. ar 1867," Geographica 30. Clark, J. G. D., 1948, "Objects of South Scandinavian Flint in the Northernmost Provinces of Norway, Sweden and Finland," Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 9: 219-232. Englemark, R., 1978, "The Comparative Vegetational History of Inland and Coastal Sites in Medelpad, Northern Sweden, During the Iron Age," in E. Baudou, R. Englemark, 1. U, Olsson, and I. Renberg (Eds.), Archaeological _and Palaeoecological Stud- ies_in Medelpad, Northern Sweden. Early Norrland IT, Kungliga Vitterhets Historie och Antikvitets Akademien, Stockholm, pp. 25-62. -4y-Gad, Finn, 1970, The History of Greenland, Vol. 1, Hurst, London. Gottman, Jean, 1969, A Geography of Europe, 4th ed., Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, New York. Huttunen, P. and Tolonen, M., 1972, "Pollen-Analytical Studies of Prehistoric Agriculture in Northern Angermanland," in P. Huttenen, 1.U. Olsson, K. Tolonen, and M. Tolonen (Eds.), Palaeoecological Investigations in Northern Sweden. Earl Worrland~ T+ Kungl tgs Vitterkets Historie och ine tiv teete Rkademien, Stockholm, pp. 9-34. Hvarfner, H., 1953, "Gravfaltet p§ L&ngin, Hoting, T&sjd sn, Anger- manland, " Vol. 7 in $. Janson, Rapport dver arkeologiska unders®kningar av FjallsjOalvens kallomrdde Rérstrdmssjéarna i Dorotea socken, Angermanland, Hotingsjén i T&sjé socken, Bodumsjén i Bodum socken, Fjallsjén i Fj&l1sj8 socken och Fj3llsjdalven fran Si] till Akvisslan, Fjallsjd, Ramsele och Adalstiden socknar, Angermanland, 1951-1952, Unpublished Report - Riksantikvariedmbetet, Stockholm. Janson, S., Bidrnstad, M. and Hvarfner, H., 1962, Jamtlands och Harjedalens Historia: Arkeologisk Inledning Norstedt, ‘Stockholm. Janson, S. and Hvarfner, H., 1966, Hunters and Settlements in the Mountains of Sweden, Stockholm. Jensen, R., 1973, "Den Norrlandska Hallkonstens F&ngstmil jo," Un~ published Thesis, Institute of Northern European Archaeology, University of Stockholm. Jones, G., 1960, Egil's Saga, Syracuse University Press. Kjellmark, K., 1905, "En graffalt fran den yngre jarnaldern i As i Jamt land," Ymer 25(4), 351-371. Lindqvist, 8., 1966, "Vegetation and Floral Elements," Atlas dver Sverige: Svenska sallskapet fr Antropologi och Geograft, 3-h, ~ Luuko, A., 1967, "The Birkarlians in the Melting Pot," The Scandinav- ian Economic History Review XV (1 and 2) 148-157. Magnusson, G., 1974, 'Jamtlandsk Jarnhantering: med sdrskilt avseende pd Myssj0, Ovikens och Bergs socknar," Unpublished Thesis, University of Stockholm. Selinge, K. G., 1974,"F&ngstgropar," Fornvardaren 12. 1976, *Manniskan i Landskapet: fSrhistoriska kulturmil joer Jamt land och Harjedaten," Fornvardaren 14, 1979, "Agrarian Settlements and Hunting Grounds: A Study of the Prehistoric Culture Systems of a North Swedish Valley," Theses and Papers in North-European Archaeology 8, Stockholm. -48-Serning, |., 1956, Lapska Offerplatsfynd fr8n jarn@lder och Medeltid i de svenska lappmarkerna Acta Lapponica XI. Slomann, W., 1950, Medelpag og J&mtland i eldre jern&lder, Univer- sitetet_i Bergen Arbok 1948:1-88. Tegengren, H., 1952, "En Utddd Lappkultur i Kemi Lappmark: Studier i Nordfinlands Kolonisations - historia, Acta Academiae Aboensia, Humaniora XIX (4) Abo Akademi. Thalin, L., 1973, "Notes on the Ancient Iron Currency Bars of North- ern Sweden and the Nickel Alloys of Some Archaeological Objects," Early Medieval Studies 5, Kungliga Vitterhets Historie och Antikvitets Akademien, Stockholm, pp. 25-41. Thompson, M. W., 1967, Novgorod the Great: Excavations at the Medieval City Directed by A. V. Artsikhovsky and B. A. Kolchi Evelyn Adams and MacKay, London. Zachrisson, 1., 1976, Lapps and Scandinavians: Archaeological Finds from Northern Sweden. Early Norrland 10, Kungliga Vitterhets Historie och Antikvitets Akademien, Stockholm. Zackrisson, 0., 1976, "Vegetation Dynamics and Land Use in the Lower Reaches of the River Umealven," in R. Engelmark, 1. Olsson, 1. Renberg, and 0. Zackrisson (Eds.), Palaeoecological Investi- gations in Coastal Vasterbotten, Northern Sweden. Early Norrland 9, Kungliga Vitterhets Historie och Antikvitets Akademien, Stockholm, pp. 7-74. 49Atlantic Ocean Gulf of Bothnia zs Revsund = tatimar Coke Storsién HARJEDALEN vnltighest quaternary shoreine VP 2. \ aa 30 100km 3 Ne Figure 1: Features and localities mentioned in the text. -50-\ KEY R Lake graves \ at ) a2-4 \ A515 i Aus: ‘! i a yf i ! C ) q \ > » 1 * » Y —=_—— NC » * 0 50 100km Figure 2: The distribution of ‘lake graves' (after Selinge 1976). -5I-3. ESKIMO-EUROPEAN CONTACT ARCHAEOLOGY IN LABRADOR, CANADA Susan Kaplan Environmental Setting Labrador, a geographically and environmentally diverse land, is a triangular-shaped peninsula and the northeastern limit of the Aner- ican continent (figure 1). This 1,619,000 km* area includes a plateau or tableland which reaches an elevation of 600 m in the in- terior; rivers which drain to the coast from the plateau; and broad bays, long and deep fiords, and complex island clusters which give the coast a tattered appearance. Majestic snow-capped mountain ranges rise along the central coast and dominate the north coast. The tip of Labrador consists of low lying barren hills. Caribou, black bears, fish and birds inhabit Labrador's inter- jor. Coastal waters team with fish, sea mammals, and birds. The coastal environment has supported a larger human population than has the interior, due to the abundance of marine resources and the ease of sea and ice travel along the coast. The coastal environment of Labrador is marked by highly season- al cycles. Throughout the winter months inner island, inner bay, and fiord environments lie under a cover of landfast ice, while pack ice flows off shore of outer islands and headlands. After spring breakup of landfast ice coastal waters become choked with pack-ice. Finally, during part of the summer the coast is ice free, save for icebergs, which are present year-round (figure 2). The seasonal ice and open water cycle affects life along the coast in a number of ways. Marine mammals are sensitive to snow cover, ice conditions, and water temperatures. Fast ice, an ideal winter and spring environment for the denning ringed seal, is avoided by the harbour seal, an open water dependent animal. The harp seal and the bowhead whale migrate through open water in the fall and spring, while the narwhal and walrus inhabit Labrador's winter and spring ice-choked waters. Few of these animals live in Labrador throughout the year, and once in the area, they shift their habitats (figure 3). People dependent on these animals for food, shelter, and clothing must change their settlement locations and hunting orientations throughout the year in accordance with the habits of the game. Research Background The outlines of Labrador's prehistory were known by 1977, largely as a result of m Fitzhugh's work in Hamilton Inlet and Nain (figure 4) (Fitzhugh 1972, 1977), but also due to the efforts of Junius Bird (1945), Douglas Leechman (1950) Patrick Plumet and Raoul Hartweg (1974), James Tuck (1975), Peter Schleder- mann (1972, 1976a, 1976b), Steven Cox (1977), Christopher Nagle (1977), and Richard Jordan (1974, 1977). 53According to archaeological investigations, Labrador was firs’ inhabited approximately 7000 years ago when Maritime Archaic Indians settled along the south-central coast. Pre-Dorset Eskimos arrived 3000 years later. Since that time, both Indian and Eskimo group have occupied the region, trading and warring with one another, and competing for many of the same lithic and faunal resources. Neo” Eskimos, the subject of this paper, were the last native North Ameri can people to settle in Labrador. They, along with Nascopi Indian: and Euro-Canadians, inhabit Labrador today, While the central coast of Labrador, particularly the section between Nain and Okak, was well surveyed by 1977, the north coast was relatively unknown archaeologically. Ethnohistorical data indi- cated that this stretch of coast--which in 1977 was uninhabited save for a single town in the Killinek region--had once supported a number of Neo-Eskimo settlements, as well as Moravian Mission stations and Hudson's Bay Company posts. A few archaeological surveys of the north coast (Leechman 1950; Plumet 1979) suggested that prehistoric sites would be found here as well. Extensive archaeological surveys of northern Labrador were undertaken during the summer of 1977, 1978, and 1981 by small teams of Smithsonian Institution and Bryn Mawr College archaeologists Prehistoric and historic Indian and Eskimo sites, and European settle- ments were located, mapped, tested, and in some cases excavated. By far the greatest number of sites located related to the Neo-Eskimo occupation of Labrador. As a result of this field survey, as wel as previous work, close to 200 major Neo-Eskimo sites have been re~ corded between Hamilton Inlet and the Killinek region Investigations focusing on the extent and nature of Neo-Eskimo culture change have involved the analysis of archaeological subsis~ tence and settlement pattern data, as well as research into the eco- logical and geographical settings of human occupation and the history of Eskimo-European contact. An ecologically focussed study which neglected historical developments, and an historically based study ubich neglected consideration of the opportunities and limitations imposed by the environment in which contact took place, were seen as inadequate examinations of factors affecting Neo-Eskimo life. A close scrutiny of archaeological, ethnographic, ethnohistorical, and ecological information was undertaken in the belief that these dis~ tinct bodies of data would provide the ingredients for a study of how Neo-Eskimo groups dealt with their changing natural and socia environments. This paper is a summary of investigations into the ways in which, over the course of 500 years, Labrador Neo-Eskimos adapted to a complex geography, a dynamic environment, and other native North Anerican as well as European groups Neo-Eskimo Settlement of Labrador Approximately 500 years ago Neo-Eskimos, a group of Eskimos whose origins can be traced to northwest Alaska, began to settle along the north coast of Labrador. They arrived with dog-drawn sleds, kayaks, and umiaks, and were able to move long distances with’ speed and ease. They entered a land inhabited by maritime adapted Dorset Eskimos in the north and Point Revenge Indians in the south. 54The nature of Dorset Eskimo and Neo-Eskimo interaction in the eastern Arctic has been the subject of discussion for a number of years (Fitzhugh 1969; Bielawski 1979; Jordan 1979; Plumet 1979; Thomson 1981a, 1981b). In Labrador, radiocarbon dates from Late Dorset and early Neo-Eskimo sites, Dorset and Neo-Eskimo toggling harpoon head forms, reoccupied Dorset semisubterranean sod houses, and Neo-Eskimo myths which describe earlier peoples are among the few pieces of information suggesting contact between these two groups. Point Revenge Indian sites dating between A.D. 1485 and A.D. 1625 (Fitzhugh 1978) have been located along the central coast, as have Neo-Eskimo sites dating to this period. However, no material evidence of contact between these two groups has been isolated. Along sections of the coast where both Point Revenge Indian and Neo- Eskimo sites have been found, the Point Revenge Indian sites are in inner island regions while the Neo-Eskimo sites are on outer islands. This patterning suggests that the two groups avoided one another, and exploited different resource zones. Early Neo-Eskimo Occupation The outer island locations of Early Neo-Eskimo settlements (figure 5) and faunal remains recovered from sites dated to this period indicate that the Neo-Eskimos practiced a modified maritime adaptation. They focussed on the procurement of large marine mammals such as bowhead whales and walrus, as well as white whales, and ringed, harp, harbour, and bearded seals. Fish, birds, caribou and bears were hunted as well. The small size of the 16th century Neo-Eskimo semisubterranean sod house and the presence of a single sleeping platform across the rear wall of the dwelling suggest that the house was occupied by a nuclear family. Groups of between three and five families, possibly comprising one or two extended families, lived in a settle- iment « Semisubterranean sod houses were occupied in the fall and winter. Snowknives, found in sod house sites, and ethnohistorical descriptions of snowhouses (Taylor 1976) suggest that snowhouses served as temporary shelters in the winter and spring. Rectangular and oval stone structures, found on outer islands and next to inner island rattles, are probably the remains of early fall, late spring, and summer structures that were roofed over with skins. Hunting was probably a cooperative settlement effort. Whaling required the combined skills of a number of people from one or two settlements. Walrus hunting was probably most efficiently done by groups of hunters as well. Caribou hunting required the cooperation of an entire settlement. Women and children may have driven the animals towards hunters armed with bows and arrows and concealed behind blinds, or into water where hunters in kayaks waited with spears (Saladin d'Anglure and Vezinet 1979). Late spring and summer fishing at weirs was a collective effort with dozens of people spear~ g, splitting, drying, and smoking the fish. The few burials dated to the 15th and 16th centuries identified in Labrador contain no suggestion of status differentiations among 55individuals. In all likelihood, excellent hunters and powerfu shamans were key figures in Labrador Neo-Eskimo society. Most de~ cisions involving a settlement were probably reached by consensus of individual family heads. Materials analysis studies hold the promise of providing data concerning Neo-Eskimo exchange networks. Among the artifacts re- covered from Neo-Eskimo sites are a series of tools made out of fine grained slates and green nephrite. The slates and nephrite may be exotic to Labrador, and may be indications of Neo-Eskimo long distance trade networks. Within Labrador, trade in unworked soapstone or Finished soapstone lamps and pots, and ivory, wood, and feathers seems likely, as these materials are not uniformly distributed along the coast. The Neo-Eskimo colonizers arrived in Labrador equipped with the technologies and strategies necessary to exploit the highly seasonal and dispersed marine and terrestrial resources of the region. Fif- teenth and sixteenth century sod house settlements between the Nain and Killinek regions attest to the success of this small, mobile, and probably aggressive group of people Expansion South Ethnohistorians (Martijn 1974; Martijn and Clermont 1980 Taylor 1980) are presently embroiled in a debate regardina the south- ernmost distribution of permanent Neo-Eskimo settlements at the time of initial contact. The debate centers around whether the native people described by early European visitors were Montagnais Indians Beothuk Indians, or Neo-Eskimos. A group of Neo-Eskimo tools re~ covered from the St. Paul's River region suggests that Neo-Eskimos penetrated the Strait of Belle Isle. Whether they settled along the Strait is not known, No semisubterranean sod houses or tent rings attributed to Neo-Eskimos have been located south of Hamilton Inlet Presently, this heavily forested stretch of coast is poorly known archaeological ly. By the mid-16th century Basque whalers were sailing to Newfound land yearly. The Basques were hunting large whales feeding in these productive waters. Between twenty and thirty ships left Spain for Newfoundland in mid-June. They remained in the New World until mid January, when they returned to Europe heavily loaded with oi1. While in Newfoundland, the Basques established blubber rendering and cask making stations on shore. Since the whalers expected to return to Newfoundland every year, they cached eqiipment and supplies at shore stations. These caches contained wood for the manufacture of casks nails, spikes, and red roofing tiles for the building of shel ters; and small boats used to ferry men between the larger boats and So eal 1973; 1974; 1977a; 1977b; 1978; 1980; Tuck and Grenier 1981). Throughout the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries Neo-Eskimos expanded their settlements south of Nain. They first settled in Hopedale, a major bowhead whale and seal hunting locale. Three o: four families, possibly from Hopedale, ventured further south and settled on Eskimo Island, a small island in the Narrows of Hamil ton Inlet. Eskimo Island was a considerable distance from Hopedale 56While the rich fish, seal, and bird resources of the Narrows probably assured this small community an excellent subsistence base, the settlement was in Indian territory and vulnerable to attack from that quarter. Excavations of late sixteenth century Neo-Eskimo sod houses in Hopedale (Bird 1945; Kaplan 1983) and on EskImo Island (Jordan 1974; 1977; Jordan and Kaplan 1980; Kaplan -1983) reveal that in addition to traditional native material culture the Eskimo Island settlers were in possession of metal spikes, a piece of a small anchor, sherds of earthenware, fragments of thin Venetian-like glass, glass beads, red roofing tiles, and European hardwoods. These materials resemble artifacts excavated from Basque shore sites in the Strait of Belle Isle (Tuck and Grenier 1981; Tuck 1982) and were probably recovered by Eskimos who came upon Basque caches and abandoned shelters. The Neo-Eskimos incorporated these materials into their traditional tool kit. Metal spikes were hammered into knife blades and harpoon heads, hardwood fragments were used to fashion hunting weapons, and roofing tiles were used as whetstones. Initial contact between the Labrador Neo-Eskimos and Basque whalers was probably minimal. The whalers were in Europe throughout the winter and early spring when Eskimos may have visited the Strait of Belle Isle. From the Eskinos' perspective, travel was easy du this time of year and danger of confrontations with strangers was minimal. The first mention of face-to-face contact with natives appears in an account left by a Basque crew forced to overwinter in Labrador in 1547 (Barkham 1978). 9 Dutch whalers and traders began to ply the waters of Baffin Island and Labrador in the early 17th century (Kupp and Hart 1976). A Dutch presence in Labrador has not been established archaeologi- cally. However, historical documents studied by Kupp and Hart indi- cate that a class of small Dutch trading ships travelled to Labrador and Baffin frequently. Dutch-Labrador Neo-Eskimo contacts were both amicable and hos~ tile. They were also short-term, for unlike the Basques, the Dutch did not establish seasonal stations in Labrador or Newfoundland. However, the European presence had far reaching implications, for the general Eskimo population became acquainted with European goods and with the European market for baleen, oil, and ivory. It should be noted, however, that throughout this period the majority of European goods in the hands of Labradcr Neo-Eskimos came by way of European stations in southern Labrador-Newfoundland. The Eskimos living along the south-central coast had easiest access to these goods and began to take advantage of their position, developing a profitable exchange of European and native materials with their Eskimo neighbors in the north. By the late 17th century the Basque and Dutch whaling industries had collapsed and the French were exploiting the fish resources of the Strait of Belle Isle and southern Labrador. A number of. fish~ fermen established year-round residences in the New World, wi others fished and seal hunted in Labrador waters seasonally. European goods became highly prized commo 57teenth and eighteenth century Eskimos. Flotillas of over 100 Eskimo boats are reported to have travelled to the Strait of Belle Isle where Eskimos traded with the French, plundered French settlements, and murdered hostile foreigners (Hill, Drachardt, Haven, and Schloezer in Lysaght 1971). The Eskimo forays, in which numbers of natives died in transit, at the hands of Europeans (Trude! 1978; 1980), and probably from European diseases, equipped the central coast Neo-Eski- mos with wooden boats, metal tools, and quantities of miscellaneous items. During this same period individual French traders establ ishe trade relations with certain Eskimos. Louis Fornel, and later hi wife, operated a trading post in Hamilton Inlet and sent a ship there annually (Zinmerly 1977). By 1680, one hundred years of contact had taken place and groups of Eskimos from as far north as Nain were visiting the Strait of Belle Isle in search of European goods Settlement Nucleation The most obvious feature of an 18th century Neo-Eskimo site i the large rectangular semisubterranean sod house with a long entrance passage and multiple sleeping platforms. This large sod structure appears only in Labrador and in sections of Greenland, with no clear precursors in either place, raising questions concerning the origin of this house form and the relationship between Greenland and Labrador Neo-Eskimo groups. The large eighteenth century sod house has been referred to as a "communal house" (Schledermann 1972; 1976b; Jordan 1974; Jordan and Kaplan 1980; Kaplan 1980), '“longhouse"" (Petersen 1974-75; Gulldv 1982a; 1982b), and "common house’ (Petersen 1974-75). Richard Jordan has argued that the communal house was a social response to externa European contacts rather than an adaptation to changing climatic con- ditions as suggested by Petersen (Petersen 1974-75) and Schledermann (1972; 1976a). According to Jordan's line of reasoning, the house functioned around a head of household who had power and wealth ac~ quired through control over whaling activities and the European trade. J. Garth Taylor (1976) developed a similar notion concurrent with Jordan, and based his discussion on the study of Moravian Mission records dating to the late eighteenth century. Taylor correlates the adoption of the communal house with the development of long dis- tance trade networks, through which native goods moved south in ex change for European manufactured goods. These networks were con trolled by powerful traders of "middlemen." While archaeologists have focussed attention on questions re garding the origin of the eighteenth century sod house, other eigh teenth century developments have only recently been recognized (kaplan 1983). Eighteenth century census figures (Curtis 1774; Taylor 1974) and archaeological ly and statistically derived models of Neo- Eskimo population trends suggest that as a result of the Neo-Eskimos highly successful adaptation to Labrador the population had grown quite large (figure 6). Historical accounts also mention that a Labrador Neo-Eskimo dog team consisted of up to 14 animals, as com- pared to the three or four dogs maintained by the Central Canadian Eskimos (Taylor 1974). In order to support large human and dog populations Neo-Eskimos 58evidently shifted their sod house settlement locations from outer island to inner island regions (Figure 7). From the inner island locations hunters could exploit a variety of microenvironmental zones ranging from the outer island ice edge to the interior. Archaeologi- cal evidence also indicates that in addition to a shift in settlemen locations, settlements increased in size. According to Taylor's analysis of Moravian Mission documents, two hundred years after contact the Labrador Eskimos were living in multi-family households, each headed by an individual who often had two or more wives. The father-husband was the authority figure i the house. He was recognized as such by virtue of his kinship posi tion and abilities. Often, he was the owner of an umiak, an expen: sive and critical piece of hunting equipment. As owner of the umiak and other hunting gear, the head of the household held considerable influence over younger members of his extended family, who cooperated with him in order to profit from collective hunting and trading ef: forts. Interestingly, the description of an eighteenth century house~ hold resembles that of a sixteenth century settlement Archaeological investigations of eighteenth and early nineteenth century burial practices reveal that unlike the sixteenth century certain men were singled out for special treatment. These individual were buried on prominent points of land along with their weapons sleds and kayaks. KohImeister and Kmoch (1814), Moravian missionaries who travelled the length of the coast, mention the practice of burying excellent hunters and powerful shamans on high points of land European accounts of eighteenth century Labrador Neo-Eskimos contain descriptions of influential and wealthy individuals whose spheres of activity reached beyond that of the household (Taylor 1974 Lysaght 1971; Kaplan 1983). The descriptions suggest that by the eighteenth century certain men had heightened political and economic roles. Often, these individuals were long distance traders or broker: who forged interregional networks and travelled widely. Through the combined efforts settlements along the length of the coast were linked in an exchange network whereby baleen, oil, sealskins, ivory, and feathers were traded south, eventually reaching Europeans. European- made goods, including beads, spikes, cloth, guns, and glass were ex- changed north to Eskimos along the length of the coast. The most powerful of these "leaders" were men who combined the traditiona leadership qualities of a shaman and an excellent hunter with those of an entrepreneur. Excavations of an eighteenth semisubterranean sod house on Eskimo Island, and the testing of other sod houses from this time period revealed that in addition to native produced materials, the Eskimos along the length of the coast were in possession of quanti- ties of French and some British manufactured goods. A single Eskimo Island house contained approximately 8,000 trade beads, 5 French clasp knives, hundreds of spikes and nails, gunflints, glass, ceramics, kaolin pipes, cast iron pot fragments, and miscellaneous trinkets The complex of materials -From Eskimo Island suggests formalized trade relations with Europeans. The quantities of goods in the house sug gest that its occupants were traders. Indeed, the Eskimo Islanders were taking advantage of their proximity to European goods and the single point of entry of these goods into the Eskimo economic system, 59This group, living at the southern limit of Neo-Eskimo permanent occu pations were in no sense a "fringe people. Rather, they were entre: preneurs involved in a highly lucrative trade The 1763 Treaty of Paris granted England rule over Labrador Initially, this transaction between European nations had little im pact on the Neo-Eskimos, who continued to trade with Europeans, as well as war with them. The British attempted to reduce the vulnera: bility of their subjects and to oust the French competition by pro hibiting year-round occupation of Labrador by Europeans. This pla had little impact on the activities of Europeans or native Americans In 1771 the first year-round European settlement north of Hamilton Inlet was established when Moravian missionaries, under agreement with the British government, erected a mission station and trading post in Nain Bay (Whiteley 1964; Hiller 1971a; 1971b). The Moravian missionaries wanted to convert the Eskimos to Christianity. They saw the trading post as a means of attracting Eskimos to their mission and as a way of eliminating the Eskimos’ need to travel south to British fishing stations for European goods. Stations and associ ated trading posts were established at Okak (1776) and Hopedale (1786) as well. While the missionaries made some inroads into the Eskimo com- munity, the Church's refusal to sell firearms or ammunition to the Eskimos, and the overseas baleen market kept the native long distance trade networks active: The Noravians finally changed their trading policies and began stocking firearms Since the sixteenth century Europeans exploited bowhead whales and walrus in the Davis Strait-Labrador Sea region. By the early nineteenth century the stocks were overhunted and these large marine manmals were rare along the Labrador coast (Elton and Ashburner n.d.) Their scarcity had serious implications for a large human populatior that maintained large dog teams. In order to feed people and dogs the Neo-Eskimos had to intensify their exploitation of alternative meat and blubber resources. The fall and spring harp seal hunts de veloped a new importance. Caribou and fish became critical backup resources during the winter months. The depletion of whale and walrus stocks forced the Neo-Eskimos to alter their subsistence practices. Rifles and fish nets, available from Europeans, played key roles in the development of new subsistence strategies. Rifles increased access to caribou by eliminating the necessity of settlement level caribou drives. Hunters, working in pairs, could now hunt these animals without coordinating schedules with others, and could bring down game virtually anywhere. Rifles soon replaced the bow and arrow as the most efficient way to procure numbers of caribou. Rifles never replaced harpoons, however, because during certain times of the year seals that are shot and killed immediately sink and are difficult to retrieve. A harpooned anima can always be recovered European-made fish nets gave the Neo-Eskimos access to. great numbers of ocean-running fish throughout the summer and fall. Pre: viously people had been limited to winter fishing through the ice spring fishing at weirs, and summer jigging. Eskimo families coul 60now cache quantities of fish for use during periods of food scarcity. The fish net could be tended by one or two people: Regionalism During the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries the Moravian missionaries began to see their native membership grow. In addition to the religious implications of conversion, Church member- ship affected the economic and social life of the new Christians During periods of food scarcity the Church provided its membership with dry food stuffs. Mission Eskimos were advanced credit at assoc: iated trading posts, and were loaned fox traps and fish nets. Con- verts were also encouraged to hunt and fish close to the Mission stations in order to cache food against hard times and to lessen the possibilities of encountering heathen Eskimos. In fact, the converts were admonished to avoid interaction with heathens. Those who fol lowed the Church's wishes refused to share food with their heathen neighbors, stopped attending native dances and ceremonies, and lived at the stations, apart from their families and friends In the early 1800s the Hudson's Bay Company began to operate trading posts in the Hamilton Inlet region. By the mid-1800s they had expanded their operations into the Nain region. The long distance trade networks which had characterized eighteenth century Neo-Eskimo economics no longer existed. The European market for baleen had collapsed, whale stocks were depleated, and the trading posts staffed by missionaries and European traders destroyed the key to the organi- zaiton of the eighteenth century trade--the single point of entry of European goods. However, along the far north coast and into Ungava Bay long distance networks were still in operation. Traders journeyed to Okak and Hebron trading posts, where they acquired European qoods which they sold to Killinek and Ungava Bay Eskimos at inflated prices Three distinct contact uations existed at one time along the length of the Labrador coast in the early nineteenth century. On the far north coast Eskimos came in direct contact with Canadian and American fishermen on occasion, and they made periodic journeys to Moravian Mission and Hudson's Bay Company trading posts when they desired a European made item. No European's resided among the north- ern Eskimos and for the most part the Eskimos initiated the contact. Along the central coast the resident Moravian missionaries controlled much of the contact and their influence on the Eskimo population liv~ ing along this section of the coast was great. In Hamilton Inlet a number of Eskimo women had married French trappers and traders, and the native population interacted with independent traders and fisher~ men as well as Hudson's Bay Company employees (Zimmerly 1977). By the 1870s the contact situation had changed. The Moravian Mission and the Hudson's Bay Company openéd a number of stations and posts along the north coast of Labrador, and increasing numbers o American and Canadian cod fishermen plied coastal waters. Eskimo settlements flourished between Hamilton Inlet and Killinek, many appearing along stretches of coastline which previously had not been permanently inhabited. Settlement locations were determined by proximity to or distance from European trading establishments rather than being based on the productivity of local resource zones 6The Moravian Mission and the Hudson's Bay Company vied for the business and loyalties of north coast Eskimo groups. This competi tion resulted in a race for control of the north coast and gave rise to a leap-frog arrangement of stations and posts. The Moravians in- habited Okak and Hebron, the Hudson's Bay Company worked out of Sag~ lek, the Moravians occupied Ramah Bay, and the Hudson's Bay Company traded in Nachvak (figure 8). Archaeological investigations of late nineteenth century sites have revealed that people were living in small semisubterranean and above ground sod houses and European made materials had almost con- pletely replaced native material culture. The small square houses had glass windows and wooden doors. They contained earthenware dishes, kaolin pipes, European clothing, metal knives, scissors, files, glassware, jewelry, rifles, and metal traps. The nuclear family was the efficient economic unit of the late nineteenth century for a number of reasons. These include the lack of large sea manmals, the introduction of new hunting technologies, and an emphasis on trapping and fishing--all which eliminated the need to maintain cooperative economic relationships extending beyond the nuclear family. European trading posts along the length of the Labrador coast allowed virtually anyone access to European goods with which to earn a living. Young people could become economically independent at an earlier age than could their eighteenth century counterparts. Finally, European institutions operating in Labrador encouraged people to think in terms of individuals and their immedi- ate families rather than in terms of extended families and settle- ments. Late nineteenth century settlements differed from those of the preceding period. During the eighteenth century a process of nucle- ation around household heads and interregional leaders developed, and settlements were located along sections of the coast where a wide range of marine and terrestrial resources could be procured. When the Moravian Church began to operate in Labrador, missionaries en- couraged settlement around Mission stations. In the nineteenth century the Moravian station settlements had grown too large for the local resources base, and the missionaries found that they had to establish satellite stations. The idea.was that these satellite stations would more evenly distribute the population and food re- sources. While the nineteenth century marked a return to a nuclear family based household, the soci! and economic organization in opera~ tion did not resemble that of the sixteenth century. In the nine- teenth century a community consisted of a number of individual fami- lies. Each family appears to have maintained its own economic rela~ tionship with representatives of a European institution. Cooperation between settlements was nonexistent, as individual settlements were marked by loyalties to local European posts. The Labrador coast was inhabited by a modified maritime oriented population that came to rely heavily on certain terrestrial resources and European goods. Its population was moving towards a trapping, and ultimately a cash econ- omy. 62Summary The changes in domestic house forms, burial practices, materia culture, and subsistence and settlement patterns identified in the archaeological record are the material remains of rapid changes in the Labrador Neo-Eskimo social and economic systems. The Neo-Eskimo population aggressively responded to opportunities and problems which arose in an ever-changing natural and social environment General knowledge of European goods, and limited access to those goods, resulted in changes in Neo-Eskimo social and economic organi~ zation. Aggressive and clever exploitation of this new resource propelled certain individuals into new statuses and roles while infusing the preexisting trade network with new activity European goods continued to reach Neo-Eskimos from southern European settlements for almost two hundred years. During this period, the population grew dramatically due to the Eskimos’ highly successful adaptation to the coast. Settlements were relocated to inner island resource zones from outer islands, as this large popu- lation exploited a broad range of marine and terrestrial resources While the number of settlements in Labrador increased slightly from the preceeding period, the major trend was toward a growth in the size of settlements, such that each settlement consisted of a number of multifamily households. Long distance exchange networks, fully developed by the mid- eighteenth century, moved European goods north along the coast, while baleen, oil, ivory, and feathers were moved south. A class of men acted as brokers, traders, middlemen, and suppliers. Men who com: bined the qualities of an excellent hunter, shaman, and trader achieved great status, power, and wealth. These men functioned as settlement and regional leaders The communal aspect of the social, economic and politica organization of the eighteenth century Neo-Eskimo society stands in direct contrast to the system developed in the late nineteenth cen- tury. At this time a population subject to reduction in numbers due to European introduced diseases lived in small dispersed settlements Settlement locations were selected with proximity to European posts and stations, rather than abundant natural resources in mind. The organization of settlements was such that individual Eskimo families maintained major economic relations with the representatives of the European establishment nearest their settlement. For the mos part, social and economic systems of cooperation among Eskimo fami lies collapsed. This study has shown that Labrador Neo-Eskimo culture underwent repeated, rapid, and major changes over a 500 year period in response to ecological, demographic, and social developments. Analyses sug- gest that initially Labrador Neo-Eskimo social and economic organ zation was structured largely around ecological considerations. By the late eighteenth century strategies of resource exploitation changed in response to a rapid growth of the population. In addi- tion, exploitation of and control over European goods became a foca point of social, economic, and political activities, and settlements along the length of the Labrador coast functioned as an economically 63integrated unit. During the nineteenth century ecological and geo- graphical conditions continued to have impact on Eskimos. However, the subsistence and settlement patterns of the small, dispersed, and socially and economically isolated nineteenth century Eskimo conmuni- ties were largely affected by and organized around European establish ments. 64BIBL. 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