Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Julia F. Saville
Victorian Poetry, Volume 56, Number 2, Summer 2018, pp. 129-146 (Article)
lack of critical self-awareness,4 Hopkins’s soul bears moral obligations not simply to
respect but to celebrate, revere, care for, and defend the natural world—obligations
that, if not fulfilled, indict the ethical worth of human being in itself.
Although Hopkins, like many of his poetic predecessors, was deeply con-
cerned about the spiritual well-being of Victorian Britain, the conditions he
faced w ere somewhat different from those addressed by earlier soul-poets. In
Victorian Soul-Talk, I have argued that in the decades between the Reform Acts
of 1832 and 1884, British poets such as the Brownings, Arthur Hugh Clough,
and Algernon Charles Swinburne, along with their American interlocutor,
Walt Whitman, used a vibrant poetic soul-talk to assert their particular sense
of moral responsibility for the spiritual well-being of the body politic.5 Each with
a particular understanding of soul, its provenance and constitution, t hese po-
ets exploited the rich aesthetic potential of language to create poetry with
striking sensory appeal, encouraging readers to experience the complex effects
of political decisions on public spirit.6 This, however, was before the chang-
ing political landscape and the new science of psychology transformed “soul”
and a relatively homogeneous “soul politic” into the private, individualized
“psyche” and a vastly increased and diversified voting public.
In relation to these poets, Hopkins is an outlier. His conception of soul—
aside from its immersion in Ignatian, Scotist, and Augustinian scholasticism—
owed much to his study of the classics at 1860s Oxford, where curricular reforms
were contributing to an intellectual climate challenging to metaphysics. Under
the leadership of Benjamin Jowett, theories of soul found in, for example, Plato
and Aristotle w ere stimulating newly liberating civic and aesthetic debates
advanced by writers such as Walter Pater, John Addington Symonds, and Oscar
Wilde.7 Furthermore, in an intellectual climate in which new fields such as psy
chology were separating from philosophy, and proponents of British positivism
and utilitarianism debated warmly with enthusiasts of German idealism,
terms with overtly metaphysical and religious connotations, such as the “soul”
or “psuchē,” were often replaced by more empirical, secular alternatives such
as “self,” “psyche,” and “mind,” which displaced collective ethical alliances
between souls, their spiritual fellowship, and their godhead with an emphasis
on individual well-being. Reflecting this moment of cultural transition, Hop-
kins’s talk of soul is generally confined to his poetry and devotional writings.
In the former, his soul-talk seems akin to Romantic and earlier Victorian pre
cedents, but in the latter, his highly specific meditations on the soul’s compo-
sition and functioning help us to understand the importance of his poetry for
articulating vital connections between humanity, the natural world, and di-
vine Being.
Saville ∕ 131
Hopkins had small faith in the state’s will or ability to alter these condi-
tions: in his view, cynicism and expediency pervaded contemporary politics,
where principle was too readily sacrificed to practical interests, particularly to
trade and commerce (Corres., 1: 210). The Liberal Gladstone, for instance, was
to Hopkins a mere “truckler” to other European superpowers and economic
constituencies such as the Freemasons. His reckless administration of foreign
affairs contributed to the shameful demoralization and depletion of the w hole
British Empire (Corres., 1: 431). In poetry, however, Hopkins saw the potential for
ethical intervention. To be sure, when he thought of poetry as an aesthetic pas-
time, he considered it an indulgence incompatible with his profession as a priest.9
But when he experienced it as an expression of his intense devotion to Christ, a
form of giving glory to God, or as a form of public service, he wrote freely.
Indeed, toward the end of Hopkins’s life, he declared passionately to
Bridges and Dixon that poetic production and public awareness of poets con-
tribute significantly to popular education. As with his poetry, the highly wrought
language of his prose—his accentual phrasing, alliteration, assonance, and vi-
brant imagery—renders the energy supporting his convictions palpable to his
readers. “What are works of art for?” he asks, continuing,
To educate, to be standards. Education is meant for the many, standards
are for public use. To produce then is of little use unless what we produce
is known, if known[,] widely known, the wider known the better, for it is
by being known it works, it influences, it does its duty, it does good. We
must then try to be known, aim at it, take means to it. . . . Besides, we are
Englishmen. A g reat work by an Englishman is like a g reat battle won by
England. It is an unfading bay tree. It w
ill even be admired by and praised
by and do good to t hose who hate England, . . . who do not wish even to be
benefited by her. (Corres., 2: 813)
In the claim “Education is meant for the many,” in overlaid echoes and sound
patterns of the phrasing “standards are for public use. To produce then is of little
use unless what we produce is known,” and in the urgent rhythm of the phras-
ing “it dóes its dúty, it dóes góod,” all the passion of the poet’s conviction can
be felt: poetry can be a virtue-inspiring public good. This affective energy, as
I hope to show, exemplifies Hopkins’s own conception of soul as an energy made
manifest through the body. Theorized in scholastic terms, soul is a metaphysi-
cal conduit to divinity and a tripartite ethical resource composed of free w ill,
aided by conscience, and motivated by powerful inclination with the potential
for virtuous action (but, notably, also for error). The complexity of this soul
and its expression in poetry with pedagogical power to cultivate human rever-
Saville ∕ 133
ence for all varieties of being have their roots in Hopkins’s classical education
at Oxford and later in his training as a Jesuit priest.
Soul-Talk at Oxford: Aristotle, Plato, and the Question
of Public Ethics
“Soul,” its characteristics and provenance, is one of many preoccupations evi-
dent in Hopkins’s undergraduate essays, particularly in his studies of Plato and
Aristotle under the tutorship of the Hegelian idealist T. H. Green and the
Aristotelian Robert Williams. In an essay on the “[c]onnection of Aristotle’s
metaphysics with his ethics,”10 Hopkins observes that from an Aristotelian per-
spective, the physics of m atter and the metaphysics of form “meet preeminently
in man, whose essence is a body of matter informed by a soul” (Ox. Ess., p. 264).
Notably the usage of “form” in such discussions is Aristotelian and refers not
to the shape of matter as in today’s discussions of literary form, but to the cre-
ative force generating that material shape. Similarly, the verb “inform” implies
a shaping or imbuing with energy. The body is therefore a manifestation of the
soul, and bodily signs indicate the latter’s well-being and beauty. As Hopkins
himself later puts it, “even bodily beauty, even the beauty of blooming health,
is from the soul, in the sense, as we Aristotelian Catholics say, that the soul is
the form of the body” (Corres., 1: 374); “looks” are therefore “the soul’s own
letters” (“On the Portrait of Two Beautiful Young People,” PW, p. 192).
For Aristotle, humanity is physically “the highest piece of organization
in the world” or “the highest realization of form.” Having agency, humanity can
act as a cause, and its actions have an end peculiar to it: “a property wh. is not
common to trees or beasts,” namely, “mind” (Aristotle’s psuchē or soul) (Ox.
Ess., p. 264). Mind is an end realized through “the concrete science of morals,”
the Nicomachean Ethics being in Hopkins’s opinion the “first systematic work
on Morals” (Ox. Ess., p. 265n2). Notably h ere, as a mere “property,” “mind” does
not attribute to humanity any necessary ethical value above those beings who
do not possess it, such as “trees or beasts.” Rather, humanity must exert itself to
realize its highest end: “the fullest action of . . . mind,” including “a sheaf of fac-
ulties, capacities, or potentialities,” each with its own end or virtue. In due
course, Hopkins’s own brand of virtue ethics takes shape as the periodical train-
ing of the soul, through the Ignatian Spiritual Exercises, to act justly in the ser
vice of God.
Contrasting Aristotle’s preoccupation with the soul’s relationship to the
body, Plato theorizes the transcendent soul. In tutorial notes for Williams (“Pla-
to’s Philosophy—R. W.,” Ox. Ess., pp. 235–255), Hopkins compares Plato’s
ideal, immortal soul with Aristotle’s “enmattered” version (Ox. Ess., p. 246).
134 ∕ VICTORIAN POETRY
Each has its own appeal for the poet, Plato exemplifying an inspiring idealism
and Aristotle a clear-sighted empiricism informing the Roman Catholic incar-
nationist doctrine to which Hopkins later subscribed. He notes the free, spec-
ulative mythmaking that gives rise to diverse versions of the Platonic soul: “all
is mythe with him and his mythes overlap, contradict etc.” (Ox. Ess., p. 246).
If the soul in Phaedo is nonmaterial and simple (without parts), happily freed
from the body in death to allow the unencumbered philosopher to attain abso-
lute truth,11 in the Timaeus “it is split into two parts, rational and irrational”
(Ox. Ess., p. 246), while in the Republic it becomes a tripartite soul comprising
reason, spirit, and appetite or desire. The “kernel of all t hese mythes,” Hopkins
concludes, is that in Plato “[o]ur souls alternate betw. a transcendental and a
phenomenal . . . life,” so that “[o]ur bodies . . . are the tombs of our souls” (Ox.
Ess., pp. 246–247). Since for Plato matter is “a kind of malignant evil,” the health
of soul depends on ascetic living: “everything materialistic is bad, so that one
must be an ascetic” (Ox. Ess., p. 237). For all the Aristotelianism informing
Hopkins’s incarnationist views, and the consequently sensual, phenomeno-
logical character of his poetics, the tripartite Platonic soul still echoes in his
description of soul’s ethical operation. Furthermore, Plato’s metaphysics linger
in Hopkins’s private ascetic practice, his representations of the soul impris-
oned in the body (“Man’s mounting spirit in his bone-house, mean h ouse
dwells” [PW, p. 148]), his painstakingly crafted poetic technique, and his in-
spired natural images of transcendence, such as “the heaven-háven of the
rewárd” or “that glory in the heavens,” where his Christ is immanent (PW,
pp. 128, 149).12
In Hopkins’s undergraduate writing, soul lends a definitive individualism
to his virtue ethics, largely s haped by his resistance to “the Empirical and Utili-
tarian schools” and their consequentialist goal of the greatest happiness. For
instance, while reading Plato’s Republic, he questions Socrates’s analogy between
justice (or right action) as practiced by individuals and justice as a concern of
the city-state. The analogy, in his view, does not hold, for a state can have “no
consciousness, . . . no conscience. To say that the government is the state con-
science wd. be a fallacy” (Ox. Ess., p. 207).13 The acceptance of this analogy
within Greek thought, he surmises, lies in the Greeks’ emphasis on the com-
mon good and the underdevelopment of their conception of individual char-
acter (Ox. Ess., pp. 207–208). However, following the development of private
ethics among the Epicureans and Stoics, Christian ethics become shaped pri-
marily by “the new relation of the soul to God,” from whom “the soul is consid-
ered to receive all its relations of morality” (Ox. Ess., p. 225). According to this
view, the individual’s relation to the collective is secondary to the soul’s
Saville ∕ 135
(p. 238). In other words, Hopkins works t oward a worldview in which all beings,
human and nonhuman, animate and inanimate, are linked by the energy of
“instress,” both their own physical energy and the psychic or soul-energy that
human consciousness brings to them and generates from them, through media
such as poetic language.
Later in his notes on the “Meditation on Hell,” Hopkins inserts supple-
mentary thoughts describing various functions within the soul, and again the
terms “stress,” “instress,” and “scape” recur, suggesting a continuity between the
soul’s interior energy, its source in the godhead, its actions in the world with-
out, and that world’s effects on soul itself within. Three dynamics characterize
soul through their combined operations: a rational, elective will, or voluntas ut
arbitrium; a conscience that acts as the guide to the arbitrium; and an irrational,
affective w ill, or voluntas ut natura. The arbitrium, literally an arbiter or judge,
is the source of soul’s individual being (in Hopkins’s words, “man’s personality
or individuality”) and the aspirational “tendency in the soul towards an infi-
nite object” or God (SD, pp. 138–139). Through the arbitrium, “inchoate posi-
tive stress” is individualized into “the strain of desire, pursuit, and also
consciousness of self” (SD, p. 139). In the afterlife, the individual’s accomplish-
ments remain with the soul as “scapes and species,” and by instressing these,
God indicates his approval or displeasure t oward the life lived (SD, p. 139).
While on the one hand the arbitrium decides action (SD, p. 142),
on the other the voluntas—t hat “faculty which is affected well or ill towards
things”—involves the soul’s inclinations or proclivities, its “fainness, the con-
trary of which is lothness” (SD, p. 142). Although, according to Christopher Dev-
lin, S.J., the elective will’s choice is “an expression of the whole man” (in SD,
p. 116), it is the affective will that supplies the impetus for and ethical inflection
of this choice.17 To rouse the affective will and shape its inclinations is poten-
tially to encourage the elective will to make ethical choices, the two dynamics
working in tandem. But to leave the affective w ill to pursue its inherent pro-
clivities unrestricted is to risk undermining the power of the elective w ill to
strive toward right action. It is h ere that poetry can play a part by vitalizing
the soul through its own inscapes and power of instress.
A last passage from the retreat notes is worth mentioning for the further
insights it offers into the disciplinary connections and continuities underpin-
ning Hopkins’s conception of psychic energy. Taken from the “Notes on the
Rules for the Discernment of Spirits,” the segment considers the diverse states
of soul that make individuals more or less successful at resisting sin, with-
standing spiritual desolation, and deriving spiritual consolation. Just as earlier,
Faraday’s concept of the field and the forms of stress it entailed offered
138 ∕ VICTORIAN POETRY
worth, have through cynicism and apathy lost both the literal energy of vital
being and the self-reflective consciousness linking humanity to all other be-
ings. Two sonnets that express this state of affairs with particular force yet
have garnered relatively little attention from ecocritics are “The Sea and the
Skylark” and “In the Valley of the Elwy,” companion pieces set in Wales.21 Each
represents a spiritually tepid humanity eclipsed by a natural world whose vi-
brant energy can be viscerally experienced through poetry’s sonic patterns.22
“The Sea and the Skylark,” dated “Rhyl May 1877” (although radically
revised in the early 1880s [MacKenzie, PW, pp. 372–373]), evokes the environs
of a rapidly expanding resort town on the north coast of Wales, southwest of
Liverpool, where Hopkins was sent by his superiors for five days’ rest.23 The
octave opens celebrating the vigor and longevity of two exemplars of vibrant
being—one inanimate, the other animate:
holiday makers from large manufacturing towns such as Liverpool.25 The utility,
comfort, and amusement that Hopkins implicitly disdained in utilitarian politi
cal ethics (Ox. Ess., p. 257) predominate in the account of five hotels, a newly
erected “commodious church,” and a likewise “commodious Railway Station . . .
advantageously situated close to the town,” as if churches and trains, as goods
and services, share an equivalent value (Black’s Picturesque Guide, p. 34).
Visualizing a preindustrial age of spiritual vitality, Hopkins matches the
patterning of Anglo-Saxon alliterative verse with a former state of grace: “| Wé, |
lìfe’s príde | and cáred-| for crówn, / Have lóst | that ch,r | and chárm | of
éarth’s | pàst príme.” Voweling on (or assonance) and alliteration, along with
the increased stress of sprung rhythm, sonically enhance the link between hu-
manity as “lìfe’s príde and cáred-for crówn” and “éarth’s pàst príme.” If humanity
enjoys divine favor, we persistently squander it. What is lost, however, is not
materially measurable but a disposition toward supreme Being, a joyful delight
in life: “that ch,r | and charm,” where the circumflex echoes or “afters” the
“(r” through which we may still hear and be revitalized by exemplars of that
energy.
By contrast, prosaic repetition expresses humanity’s current condition,
where nouns and verbs, beings and doing, lose their distinctiveness: “Our make
and making break, are breaking.” For humanity, to make seems inevitably to
involve destroying, and in turn being destroyed, for spoiling and corruption are
inherent to our being. No longer striving to give glory to an ideal greater than
ourselves through a just or honorable life, the soul with its capacities of f ree w
ill,
moral conscience, and affective desire becomes tepid, so that in a reverse evolu-
tion, we revert to primal matter with no claim to ethical value or privilege.
In contrast with “The Sea and the Skylark,” its underappreciated
companion, “In the Valley of the Elwy,” uses “cordial air” as a structuring
metaphor for virtue ethics in which just action is accepted as a civic obligation
for which a physically healthy natural environment provides the paradigm and
support. Once again the octave actualizes exemplary vibrant being, while the
sestet, turning, offers the counterexample of a community impervious to the
sustaining loveliness of its surroundings. Hopkins explains the provenance of
this structuring rationale in a letter to Bridges of 8 April 1879: “The kind p eople
of the sonnet w ere the Watsons of Shooter’s Hill [near Greenwich], nothing to
do with the Elwy. . . . The frame of the sonnet is a rule of three sum wrong, thus:
As the sweet smell to those kind people so the Welsh landscape is not to the
Welsh; and then the author and principle of all four terms is asked to bring the
sum right” (Corres., 1: 352). Where counterpoint and sprung rhythm in the ear-
lier sonnet generated rhythmic urgency, h ere they produce a lilt to match the
Saville ∕ 143
spiritual comfort they describe. For instance, in the opening line, time
rhythm—anapestic and iambic—is overlaid by beat rhythm maintaining the
pentameter’s required five feet, while foregrounding the lyric speaker: “Í re |
mémber | a hóuse | where áll | were góod / To mé, | God knóws, | desér |
ving nó | such thíng” (PW, p. 143). Counterintuitively, the stress on the open-
ing “Í,” rather than conferring authority, identifies the speaker as a self-
conscious witness to his own unworthiness. Other techniques likewise disturb
expected patterns of meaning; for instance, the two initial inversions (trochees)
displace rising anapests and iambs, disrupting the complacence of singsong; the
enjambed line end highlights the habitual virtue of the h ousehold before rov-
ing over to identify the current beneficiary of their goodness: “me.”
Although spiritual, the grace of hospitality is experienced bodily: “Cóm-
for | ting sméll | bréathed at | vér*| éntering, / Fétched frèsh, | as Í | suppóse |
off sóme | swèet wóod.” Beat rhythm brings stress to both the immaterial “sméll”
and the act of its incorporation (“bréathed”) as the domestic ambiance enters
the individual body, connecting it in turn to the more extensive freshness and
sweetness of the natural world without. This choice of smell as the sense that
conveys spiritual comfort reiterates Hopkins’s earlier use of it to illustrate the
relation between soul (scent) and body (wine) as paradoxically both distinct but
indistinguishable (“The probable future of metaphysics,” Ox. Ess., p. 287).
In the second quatrain, the continuities between fresh air and kindness
to outsiders are elaborated as protective and life fostering:
A productive ambiguity arises in the first two lines, which leave unclear whether
“those kind people” act as the protective hood to others by virtue of their cor-
diality or are themselves protected by the hood-like wholesome air. Dissolving
boundaries between benefactors and beneficiaries, the air equalizes them as
sharers and reciprocators—an effect heightened by the repeated elisions that
dissolve syllables and spaces distinguishing words even as alliterative and vowel
patterns link and differentiate semantic entities. Reminiscent of the Holy Ghost
that “over the bent / World broods” (“God’s Grandeur,” PW, p. 139) and antici-
pating the “Wild air, world-mothering air” of “The Blessed Virgin compared to
the Air we Breathe” (PW, p. 173), fresh air’s ethical value inheres in its power to
foster all being, animate and inanimate.
144 ∕ VICTORIAN POETRY
The point is reiterated in the sestet’s turn to the specific region of the Elwy
River valley, the first tercet presenting the problem. Two lines, dense in sonic
patterning, evoke Eden. The l’s and v of “Lóvely” echo in “vales”; garment-like
“air” rhymes with “wear,” reiterating the “hood” of the “cordial air” in the octave,
while affirming “woods” and “waters” as the “world of Wales.” By contrast, the
absence of patterning, the prosaic plod, and shortness of line 11 (“Ónly | the ín |
mate does nót | correspónd:”) capture the dull imperviousness of the valley’s
inhabitants to its loveliness. Freighted with associations of incarceration, social
withdrawal, and the absence of free assent to being, “inmate” is perhaps an
oblique reference to the anti-Catholicism rife in Wales during the 1870s and
1880s.26 But the closing prayer for unresponsive, deficient humanity reverts to
the octave’s lyrical patterning. The image of a divinity “swaying considerate
scales” recalls the defining principle of justice recurrent in Hopkins’s virtue
ethics, at the same time suggesting souls lacking in moral weight, in need of
divine grace to supplement their spiritual deficit.
Although only a small sample of a poetic oeuvre rich in displays of po-
tentially vibrant exchange between human and nonhuman worlds, t hese two
sonnets convey vividly some of Hopkins’s freshest ecological insights: First, de-
spite humanity’s claim to ethical privilege by virtue of its soul, our failure to ex-
ercise soul’s free will for the greater good is evidence of our equally powerful
inclination to favor the ephemerality and inconsequence of material self-interest.
Thus the very soul that might seem to authorize anthropocentrism on the basis
of its potential for ethical action is in fact also the liability that proves such an-
thropocentrism to be unwarranted. Second, and correlatively, quite aside from
the aesthetic and utilitarian value of nonhuman nature, it has a dangerously
under-recognized ethical value: namely, that it fosters long-standing, unexpected
networks of being, without which being of all varieties is impoverished.
Notes
1 Patrick Curry, qtd. in Andrew Dobson, Green Political Thought, 4th ed. (New York:
Routledge, 2007), p. 42.
2 Although ecological study of Hopkins is a relatively new field, it has inspiring lead-
ership in John Parham’s deeply informative, insightful book, Green Man Hopkins:
Poetry and the Victorian Ecological Imagination (New York: Rodopi, 2010).
3 Patrick Curry, Ecological Ethics, 2nd ed. (Malden, Mass.: Polity, 2011), p. 57.
4 Timothy Morton, Ecol ogy without Nature: Rethinking Environmental Aesthetics
(Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 2007), pp. 101, 118, 121.
5 Julia F. Saville, Victorian Soul-Talk: Poetry, Democracy, and the Body Politic (Cham,
Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017).
Saville ∕ 145
6 Herbert F. Tucker observes that “by 1840 . . . matters of soul were the peculiar
province of poetry—bodies being left to natural science, political economy, and, of
course, the novel.” Tucker, “When the Soul Had Hips: Six Animadversions on
Psyche and Gender in Nineteenth-Century Poetry,” in Sexualities in Victorian Brit-
ain, ed. Andrew H. Miller and James Eli Adams (Bloomington: Indiana Univ.
Press, 1996), p. 167.
7 Linda Dowling notes the effect of “the Platonic vocabulary of ‘souls’ ” on the lives
of young men at Oxford in the 1860s, especially apologists of male love, such as
Symonds and Pater: Hellenism and Homosexuality at Victorian Oxford (Ithaca, N.Y.:
Cornell Univ. Press, 1995), pp. 80–81.
8 Hopkins’s politics are, in this respect, closer to those of Thomas Carlyle, John
Ruskin, and Benjamin Disraeli than to the Brownings, Clough, Swinburne, or
Green.
9 Early in Hopkins’s Jesuit career, he confessed to Dixon that he saw poetry writing
as a distraction from his Jesuit duty and “resolved to write no more, as not belong-
ing to [his] profession” (Corres., 1: 317). He l ater reiterates this to Bridges: “It always
seems to me that poetry is unprofessional” (Corres., 2: 681).
10 Gerard Manley Hopkins, “Connection of Aristotle’s metaphysics with his ethics,”
Ox. Ess. pp. 263–266.
11 Socrates in Plato, Phaedo, ed. Eva Brann, Peter Kalkavage, and Eric Salem (New-
buryport, Mass.: Focus, 1998), 64c.
12 For a supple discussion of the body as both the soul’s prison and its route to God,
see William A. Cohen’s chapter “Soul: Inside Hopkins,” in Embodied: Victorian Lit
erature and the Senses (Minneapolis: Univ. of Minnesota Press, 2009), pp. 112–115.
13 Hopkins ponders the viability of continuity between private and political ethics in
three essays written in roughly the same period: “Account of the dialogue of Plato’s
Republic . . . (II, x–vi),” written for Jowett in Lent term 1866; “The Pagan and
Christian virtues,” written for Pater in May–June 1866; and “The possibility of
separating . . . {ethics} fr. . . . political science,” written for Williams in Autumn
1866–Spring 1867. For the dating and context of each essay, see Lesley Higgins,
introduction to Ox. Ess., pp. 16–21, 47.
14 Sjaak Zonneveld offers a penetrating reading of such ethical failure, both political
and environmental, in Hopkins’s “Tom’s Garland”: The Random Grim Forge: A
Study of Social Ideas in the Work of Gerard Manley Hopkins (Assen/Maastricht,
Netherlands: Van Gorcum, 1992), pp. 120–123.
15 I take the phrase from Daniel Brown’s excellent study of the philosophy and phys-
ics underpinning these concepts: Hopkins’ Idealism: Philosophy, Physics, Poetry
(Oxford, U.K.: Clarendon, 1997), p. 42.
16 I agree with Brian J. Day that Hopkins’s “ecological and economic views owe at
least as much to his spiritual beliefs as they do to science and social philosophy,”
although the poet’s investment in the latter signals the range and versatility of his
engagement with modernity. Day, “Hopkins’ Spiritual Ecology in ‘Binsey Poplars,’ ”
VP 42, no. 3 (2004): 181.
146 ∕ VICTORIAN POETRY
17 As Devlin remarks, both Scotus and Ignatius made a distinction between elective
and affective will, and both also presented choice and desire as inseparable. While
Hopkins took particular note of this elective and affective duality whenever it
arose in the Spiritual Exercises, he tended to privilege elective will or dutiful choice
over the delight of affective will’s desires and sympathies, setting the two in opposi-
tion instead of in unison (in SD, pp. 118–119).
18 Jude V. Nixon offers a detailed study of Hopkins’s mobilization of energy tropes in
“ ‘Death blots black out’: Thermodynamics and the Poetry of Gerard Manley
Hopkins,” VP 6, no. 2 (2002): 131–155.
19 Gerard Manley Hopkins, The Journals and Papers of Gerard Manley Hopkins, ed.
Humphrey House and Graham Storey (London: Oxford Univ. Press, 1959), p. 267.
20 Joseph Phelan, The Music of Verse: Metrical Experiment in Nineteenth-Century Poetry
(New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012), pp. 1–12, 118–133.
21 Parham offers suggestive ecocritical interpretations of many of the poet’s most
anthologized poems but makes only brief mention of “The Sea and the Skylark”
(Green Man Hopkins, p. 160) and omits “In the Valley of the Elwy.”
22 For compelling discussions of Hopkins’s representation of nature as resilient, au-
tonomous, and available to subtle interactive relationships with humanity, see
Day’s “Hopkins’ Spiritual Ecology in ‘Binsey Poplars,’ ” and Mariaconcetta Costan-
tini, “ ‘Strokes of havoc’: Tree-Felling and the Poetic Tradition of Ecocriticism in
Manley Hopkins and Gerard Manley Hopkins,” VP 46, no. 4 (2008): 487–509.
23 Alfred Thomas, S.J., reports that Hopkins was sent to Rhyl in May 1877 “for the
good of his health”: Hopkins the Jesuit: The Years of Training (London: Oxford Univ.
Press, 1969), p. 178.
24 Regenia Gagnier provides a succinct account of the shift in priorities from moral to
material well-being in the late nineteenth c entury in “Production, Reproduction,
and Pleasure in Victorian Aesthetics and Economics,” in Victorian Sexual Dissi-
dence, ed. Richard Dellamora (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1999),
pp. 128–130.
25 Black’s Picturesque Guide to Wales (Edinburgh: Adam and Charles Black, 1876),
p. 34.
26 Paul O’Leary attributes the rise in anti-Catholic agitation to the Vatican Council
and declaration of Papal Infallibility of 1870: “A Tolerant Nation? Anti-Catholicism
in Nineteenth-Century Wales,” in From Medieval to Modern Wales: Historical Es-
says in Honour of Kenneth O. Morgan and Ralph A. Griffiths, ed. R. R. Davies and
Geraint H. Jenkins (Cardiff: Univ. of Wales Press, 2004), pp. 204, 206.
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