Guitarra Armada

The Role of Music in the Nicaraguan Revolution

By Greg Landau

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Dedication………………………………………………………………………….…iv

Table Of Contents……………………………………………………………………v

Preface………………………………………………………………………………..vi

Vita…………………………………………………………………………………xxiii

Abstract……………………………………………………………………………xxiv

Introduction..................................................................................................................... 8

GRAMSCI AND MACHIAVELLI...............................................................................12

NOTES FOR INTRODUCTION........................................................................... 263

FIELD INTERVIEWS.................................................................................................. 13

CODING, ENCRYPTING, SLANG AND INVENTING NEW WORDS...................14

ORAL HISTORIES AND MUSIC............................................................................... 16

NICARAGUAN ORAL TRADITIONS AS CULTURAL RESISTANCE...................17

LATIN AMERICAN MUSICOLOGY......................................................................... 20

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Chapter 1: ..................................................................................................................... 36

The Influence of Nueva Canción on Nicaraguan Music...............................................36

NOTES FOR CHAPTER ONE..............................................................................264

THE EMERGENCE OF A “NEW SONG”.................................................................. 39

“EL CHE”; MODEL FOR THE NEW MAN............................................................... 41

The Yanquis are Coming: Cultural Invasion From the North....................................... 44

FROM PROTEST TO NUEVA CANCIÓN ................................................................ 50

LA NUEVA TROVA CUBANA................................................................................... 57

LA NUEVA CANCIÓN CHILENA..............................................................................64

Folk Music Revival and Nueva Canción in Mexico .................................................... 72

THE NUEVA CANCIÓN GETS OLD......................................................................... 78

Chapter Two:................................................................................................................. 82

The Evolution of a Nicaraguan Musical Voice ............................................................ 82

NOTES FOR CHAPTER TWO............................................................................. 266

Language as History......................................................................................................83
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Musical Influences and Mestizaje...............................................................................102

Epic Songs: The Romance, Corrido and Villancico....................................................104

Sandino........................................................................................................................118

NOTES FOR CHAPTER THREE ........................................................................ 269

Chapter Three:.............................................................................................................127

The Rise of the Dictatorship....................................................................................... 127

THE IDEOLOGICAL FRONT- BRECHT, CIRCUS AND POETRY..............134

EL SON NICA-THE NICARAGUAN SOUND............................................... 150

Chapter Four:.............................................................................................................. 165

Music becomes an Active Political Voice.................................................................. 165

NOTES FOR CHAPTER FOUR........................................................................... 271

LET THE WAR DRUMS SOUND............................................................................. 181

Chapter Five:...............................................................................................................185

Music, Religion And Revolution Liberation Theology...............................................185

REVOLUTIONARY CHRISTIANITY IN NICARAGUA........................................187

NOTES FOR CHAPTER FIVE............................................................................. 273

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CHAPTER SIX:.......................................................................................................... 211

THE FINAL INSURRECTION.................................................................................. 211

NOTES FOR CHAPTER SIX................................................................................274

EXILE AND INTERENATIONAL SOLIDARITY...................................................222

AGITATION AND PROPAGANDA IN NICARAGUA............................................ 230

THE FINAL OFFENSIVE..........................................................................................255

EPILOGUE................................................................................................................. 258

ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATTION

The Role of Music in the Nicaraguan Revolution- Guitarra Armada

By

Gregorio Landau

Doctor of Philosophy in Communnication

University of California, San Diego, 1999

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Professor Daniel Hallin, Chair

This essay will attempt to examine the role of music in Nicaragua during the

1960s and 1970s: The thrust of my argument is that revolutionary music, if carefully

dissected, can offer insight into the cultural and political changes that brought together

the people who ultimately made the Nicaraguan revolution. The idea behind this

thesis, is that lyrics and rhythms taken together, can offer the scholar interesting clues

into how a revolutionary movement provided its adherents and potential sympathizers

with messages whose implications went beyond the scope of what the lyrics said and

the rhythms implied. Sandinista composers and singers translated and synthesized the

revolutionary rhetoric and ideology into narratives, images and concepts that were

familiar to Nicaraguans. Popular culture provided a useful terrain to challenge the

status quo and to chip away at the "aura of invincibility" of the dictatorship.

Moreover, this thesis proposes, revolutionary songs of the era provide

anthropologists and historians with a unique source of testimony, a documentation

source for understanding the political strategies and ideological foundations of the

Sandinista movement. Because of its nature, music offers penetrating glimpses into

the thinking and planning of a revolution, subjects often so nuanced that they elude

other written texts. At times of active political confrontation the revolutionary songs

used slogans and rally phrases to make simple and direct statements, while in other

moments of clandestine activity they use heavily coded and nuanced forms of

spreading political messages. And, finally, the revolutionary songs became a vehicle
 7

to narrate the details and lessons that reflect the moral codes and values systems of an

emergent popular culture.

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INTRODUCTION

This essay will attempt to examine the role of music in Nicaragua during the

1960s and 1970s: The thrust of my argument is that revolutionary music, if carefully

dissected, can offer insight into the cultural and political changes that brought together

the people who ultimately made the Nicaraguan revolution. The idea behind this

thesis, is that lyrics and rhythms taken together, can offer the scholar interesting clues

into how a revolutionary movement provided its adherents and potential sympathizers

with messages whose implications went beyond the scope of what the lyrics said and

the rhythms implied. Sandinista composers and singers translated and synthesized the

revolutionary rhetoric and ideology into narratives, images and concepts that were

familiar to Nicaraguans. Popular culture provided a useful terrain to challenge the

status quo and to chip away at the "aura of invincibility" of the dictatorship.

Moreover, this thesis proposes, revolutionary songs of the era provide

anthropologists and historians with a unique source of testimony, a documentation

source for understanding the political strategies and ideological foundations of the

Sandinista movement. Because of its nature music offers penetrating glimpses into the

thinking and planning of a revolution, subjects often so nuanced that they elude other

written texts. At times of active political confrontation the revolutionary songs used

slogans and rally phrases to make simple and direct statements, while in other

moments of clandestine activity they use heavily coded and nuanced forms of

spreading political messages. And, finally, the revolutionary songs became a vehicle

to narrate the details and lessons that reflect the moral codes and values systems of an
 9

emergent popular culture.

A new linguistic system also appears in these songs: the elevation of the

vernacular language into poetry and the derivation of sacred images from the lives of

ordinary Nicaraguans. Taken as a collection of texts and rhythms, the revolutionary

songs paint a national identity portrait of a people who had been disparaged in public

institutions and in public rhetoric.

The thesis proposes that through the new music, the rising political power of

Sandinismo could inculcate in individuals a sense of heroic identity, allowing them to

feel that their life goals transcended the details of their routines. Through popular

music, the revolutionary artists formulated a language that encouraged workers,

peasants and soldiers to imagine an optimistic alternative, a vision of a good society

that was worth risking their lives to build.

This music emerges during chaos, change and social disruption, as a prism

Nicaraguans can visualize the possibilities of change, the idea that their individual and

collective actions could change the course of history. During the period of

revolutionary change, these songs did literally strike chords that reflected a fusion

between revolutionary ideology and an emergent culture, a merger that in turn echoed

the dynamics of social and political changes.

In order to reach its public, however, the musicians used the vernacular

language of the street, a constantly shifting set of linguistic codes, filled with nuances

and inflections. This new musical perspective placed value on the everyday

expressions of popular culture and ultimately on the ingenious strategies for survival

and resistance that Nicaraguans had been forced to develop over centuries. Music
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became not only an important voice, but an ideological force. It helped create a voice

of resistance, one that could spread messages in forms easily comprehended and

highly accessible, while simultaneously elusive of the ubiquitous censor.

This thesis also suggests that in Nicaragua, during the decades of insurrection

and revolution, music created a unique bridge between ideology and oral folk

traditions. The music and lyrics in this collection of songs describe an emergent set of

new values. Instead of accepting the prestige of the rich and powerful and deprecating

the poor, the lyrics of the new songs bestowed honor on the humble and their the daily

toil, while debasing the values the wealthy had erected to reward themselves. The

revolutionary artists created laboring people into heroes and their mundane routines

into heroic acts of survival and production, a metamorphosis of a symbol: from

weakness to strength. Lyrics of corridos and ballads also narrated epic stories of

guerrilla fighters killed in battle, sanctifying them in secular idiom, glorifying their

example as moral people who made the ultimate sacrifice for the cause. Through

these songs, the names of young people that died in combat became household names,

symbols of the revolutionary cause with which Nicaraguans could identify. Musically

the artists used a palette of Nicaraguan folk styles, Latin American rhythms and

timbres that emphasized further this reordering of the social and cultural hierarchy. To

explain this phenomenon, the thesis refers to historical chronology to show how these

artists created musical shorthand that translated and synthesized abstract political

concepts into popular imagery.

Music also linked sectors of the secular revolutionary movement to parallel

grass roots religious movements that tapped into the deep sense of spirituality one
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finds engrained in Nicaraguan culture. Carlos Mejia Godoy's Misa Campesina reflects

the progressive church's use of Catholicism to address the same economic and social

issues that the revolutionaries had raised to challenge the Somoza government. The

songs in this revolutionary mass also honor the everyday work lives of the poor; as

symbols of virtue and integrity. The progressive church used the songs, as did the

secular Sandinistas, to inspire and empower Nicaraguans to think of their lives in a

context antithetical to the rigid set of social hierarchies provided by the Somoza

regime. As Somoza proclaimed the powerlessness of the masses, the Misa Campesina

referred to the purity of their moral power. This multi-layered discourse aimed at

transforming passive Nicaraguans into agents of history willing to risk losing their

lives.

Finally, the Sandinistas found songs as a medium for political communication.

These revolutionary songs provided important historical markers for Nicaraguans,

phrases, people and events to remember. The songs also offered analyses of historical

events and an integrative worldview rooted in Nicaraguan popular culture. They tell a

story of David and Goliath: poor Nicaraguans confronting seemingly impossible

opposition.

One argument this thesis will offer is that the music movement, which

developed during the war against Somoza, turned into a counter-hegemonic cultural

force. Precisely because of its ability to hide under the benign label of "music," the

new songs could focus public attention on the moral weakness of the dictatorship and

question the legitimacy of the government, in the public arena.

During this period of revolutionary activity the songs of Carlos Mejia Godoy,
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Otto de la Rocha and Grupo Pancasan, began to capture public imagination,

competing successfully with the productions of the multinational music companies.

They did this by changing the message from the usual love song lyrics into

conveyances of strategies for daily survival. They employed popular codes and icons,

some of which lay buried in oral traditions, to give their music both the lure of

immediacy and the challenge of a word puzzle. Without explicitly saying so, this

musical voice contested the thin veneer of morality that the dictatorship had developed

to justify its rule.

GRAMSCI AND MACHIAVELLI

I found Antonio Gramsci's concept of hegemony useful as a way to analyze the

Somoza family's ability to maintain power for four plus decades, despite the dramatic

absence of popular support. Behind Gramsci, of course, stands his older countryman,

Machiavelli, who held it as axiomatic that power is ultimately maintained by the

Prince's willingness to use force.1 The Somoza dynasty, like the fascist regime

Gramsci knew, cultivated an aura of invincibility, by using the National Guard

ruthlessly and then proclaiming as a lesson to all the people that the Guard does not

tolerate disobedience. The omnipresent National Guardsmen, the Nicaraguan

equivalent of Mussolini's Brownshirts, meant that few would dare to question the

Somozas' thin veneer of legitimacy. 2 By violently suppressing opposition, the

Somozas created a climate of fear that, as Gramsci relates, takes on institutionalized

airs and becomes a political and cultural way of life for succeeding generations. This

institutional power and the absence of any serious challenges to the dictator's power
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led Nicaraguans to accept Somoza's authoritarian rule as the "natural order. The

Sandinistas had to discover methods to challenge not only Somoza's power per se, but

the culture and ideology he had created to buffer his personalismo.

Music and poetry proved to be potent weapons to attack the weak spots in

Somoza's veneer and simultaneously provide a means to inspire individuals and

groups to begin to disrespect the very power and authority that so wantonly wiped out

those who had dared to challenge it. The musical texts may provide what Raymond

Williams called the “structure of feeling” to help explain what motivated people to

perform heroic deeds in the face of seemingly impossible odds. 3 Empirical studies

document the movement of social, economic and political forces, charting the

succession of rebellious events but, as Williams argues, this type of analysis omits

those elements that push people to leave their life role and transform themselves into

agents of history.

FIELD INTERVIEWS

To try to capture the "feeling" of the moment and to understand how

Nicaraguans understood these songs, I interviewed a wide variety of people. My

research brought me into conversation with intellectuals and market vendors, illiterate

peasants, factory workers, dancers and front line soldiers; and even an ex-General in

the National Guard, now living in Miami.

Only a few interviewees had no opinion of the music. Most Nicaraguans of all

ages and classes, living in Nicaragua and in the United States, knew the songs to

which I referred. Many even remembered the lyrics, sometimes ten to fifteen years
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after they had last heard the songs. In an informal discussion with members of Los

Ramblers, a Nicaraguan dance band now based in San Francisco, two of the musicians

actually sang protest songs they had not heard for decades, tunes from the 1950's.

When I asked them how they remembered these obscure songs, each tied his

explanation to a chain of experiences through which these songs became etched in

their memory.

In the fall of 1979, I witnessed first hand the impact and the popularity of

revolutionary songs. Just months after the July, 1979 overthrow of Somoza, I toured

the country, with the music group Pancasan, visiting Sandinista army bases where

troops had begun to demobilize. At each base, the music provoked an intense reaction

in the young soldiers. They danced and sang along, occasionally shouting slogans

with enthusiasm or joining in as a chorus. For them, these songs were a crucial link to

the Sandinista political process, and a crucial reference point for their understanding of

revolutionary ideology. Members of Pancasan referred to the revolutionary music as

"the little red book" of Sandinismo. 4 Just as Chinese once used Mao's sayings as kind

of a revolutionary Bible, so did the new lyrics become an important reference for

understanding Nicaraguan revolutionary ideology and practice.

CODING, ENCRYPTING, SLANG AND INVENTING NEW WORDS

Later, in the 1980s, as a musician-researcher in Nicaragua I observed how

music played a constant role in people's lives. Music blares from radios, played at full

volume, street vendors play it over loud speakers; broken down trucks at the side of

the road pump music at full blast for passing motorists. Groups of itinerant musicians
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perform in marketplaces, bars and restaurants. The constant barrage of music was not

generally limited to one style or genre but rather reflected a complex selection that

was difficult to decipher. Radio stations offered a variety of musical styles that

seemed incongruous to my US trained ears. I tried to imagine what connections a disk

jockey was making between a cumbia, a Donna Summers song and a hit song by a

popular Mexican rock group.

I was puzzled by the obvious appeal of markedly different styles of music that

I heard on the radio or sung in concerts and parties. As people tried to explain why

they liked this or that song, I began to realize that even listening to popular music, in

Nicaragua, contained an encryption and encoding process. "Nothing is what it seems"

a musician friend told me. Mario Montenegro specialized in creating tongue twisters

and double entendres in his lyrics. "Each song is popular for a reason", he explained

patiently, as if I was retarded, "We like some songs for their rhythm or for the

ingenious use of innuendo and poetic references, while others may be popular for the

way the English words rhyme with vulgar words in Spanish. We love to find new

ways to interpret the music and to find hidden treasures of meaning in deepest crevices

of a song."5

He delighted in testing my cultural awareness of Nicaragua by asking me to

decode his slang; then, he would frequently humiliate me in most inventive ways he

could imagine when I failed his tests. As a consolation, he patiently explained

elements of the signification system that Nicaraguans used to decode their slang, a

playful method that also involved creating new words and concepts. The meanings of

words and phrases frequently change, he confided. "We innovators use the vernacular
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constantly to create new poetic expressions -- whenever the opportunity arises."

My apprenticeship never ended. I lacked a set of childhood experiences and

historical references that would have grounded me in the culture to understand the

subtleties and layered meanings in the vernacular.

Through these and other painful experiences I began to analyze not only the

lyrical content of the songs but also the opinions of listeners, who interpreted these

songs differently than I did. I needed the input of people who had lived through this

historical period to understand the real meaning of songs that on a first hearing would

appear to be obvious. They were not. Often the musicians bury messages in a

complex coding system that used oblique metaphors and subtle nuances of Nicaraguan

oral poetry to describe political conditions and establish historical links. Composers

alluded to historical events and social phenomena in abbreviations, creating linguistic

shortcuts that then became part of the popular lexicon.

My interviews and subsequent discussions about music sometimes pushed the

subjects themselves into deeper deliberation. They too began to look deeper than they

previously did for the meaning in the songs. These songs represented important

watersheds for many of the individuals I interviewed because the songs captured the

poetry, events and political issues of the time.

ORAL HISTORIES AND MUSIC

Nicaraguan historian Carlos Mantica proposes that music, poetry and the

creative use of language in everyday life have become the literary site where

Nicaraguan history can be found. Mantica suggests that historians have yet to
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document Nicaragua's past in a serious manner. The reason for this, he adds, is that

few written documents exist, aside from a few chronicles by travelers, priests and

missionaries. According to Mantica, there was no outlet for poor people to write their

histories and the elite did not want their record of corruption and exploitation

recorded. Such documentation would ill serve their heirs. The Nicaraguan

bourgeoisie, unlike neighboring countries, did not foster an intellectual class or

develop research institutions in the University to document the past. 6

Nicaraguans describe their country as a land of poets where everyone from the

poorest campesinos to the richest landowners can recite and compose poetry at a

moment's notice, despite the lack of formal cultural institutions and academies of high

culture. Nicaraguans take pride in their artful use of language and the complex

systems of meaning that they have constructed within the colonial tongue. They have

embedded it with elements of their indigenous cultures, often including hints that offer

readers or listeners a chance to place meaningful subtexts in ordinary conversations.

NICARAGUAN ORALTRADITIONS AS CULTURAL RESISTANCE

Nicaraguans put on the first recorded theater piece in the Americas, El

Gueguense, a ballet/drama transcribed in a combination of Nahuatl and Spanish

shortly after the conquest. This theater piece embodies the concept of cultural

resistance and is an important reference to the later generations of revolutionaries.

Through it, rebels still connect with forms of opposition adopted by the anti-

colonialists. The ancient theater piece uses language as a form of ideological warfare

that the Sandinistas would later adapt in their cultural campaign to undermine the
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hegemony of the dictatorship.7

While the elite dominated Nicaragua's sparse written culture, oral culture

flourished among the poor. Nicaraguan Spanish contains a wide range of idiomatic

mixtures of indigenous (Nahuatl and a few Mayan) words and concepts that constitute

an important source of cultural identity. For generations, Nicaraguans have jealously

guarded Nahuatl words as precious strands of their incomplete past. One finds

Nahuatl words and cultural practices preserved in everyday language. Historical

songs and poems that survive through the centuries also provide lessons and keys to

survival in times of crisis.8

Nicaraguan poet and folklorist Ernesto Mejia Sanchez argues that music can

act as a prism of collective memory. Certain music, he writes, reflects the way that

socio-economic changes and new cultural influences affect poor people, those without

any audible voice in the public discourse. If one could hold up a folk song, as if it

were a prism, one could see or hear in them the hidden meanings, coded messages of

defiance and resistance to authority. Nicaraguans document their history in their own

perspective through music and poetry, capturing historical events in their own

idiosyncratic language.9

Nicaraguans learn as children narrative songs that recount the mid 19 th Century

invasion of Nicaragua by American filibusterer William Walker. The songs also refer

to the traidores, Nicaraguans who collaborated with the foreign invaders. 10 Other

popular songs enshrine the memory of Sandino and the events that took place during

his spectacular organization of resistance to the US marines' occupation of Nicaragua

in the late 1920s.11 Older musicians teach younger ones, fathers teach children, friends
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sing to and with each other at rites and rituals that get passed down through

generations. These songs replace the written record; they become the means through

which historical memory survives and reproduces itself. When new social movements

arise, they also act as midwives for the old songs, which are reborn with new

meanings attached to them. The Sandino of songs in the 1970s and 1980s was a far

different Sandino than the one in the 1930s. He reemerged as the apostle, the father of

the Sandinistas and indeed, the new Nicaraguan nation.

Mantica demonstrates how indigenous phrases, words and cultural practices

have become embedded in the Mestizo language. He argues that Nicaragua's

indigenous people did not lose all of their culture after conquest, but rather maintained

key conceptual elements of the old ways by fusing them with the artifacts, rituals and

ceremonies of the conquering, emergent culture. 12

Cuban folklorist and cultural scholar Fernando Ortiz contends that each culture

possesses its own dynamic and never remains static. Rather, cultures, adapt and

change as social and historical conditions demand. Ortiz describes, in great detail,

how Africans in Cuba during the centuries of slavery incorporated their belief system,

which included their musical practices, into the dominant culture. He called this

process transculturation.13 Ortiz also shows how, over generations, new cultural forms

arose that drew on African concepts frameworks and religious influences.

Ortiz’s work offers insightful guidelines for a study of culture that examines

the process of cultural creation. He focussed on the socio-historical roots of cultural

texts in order to penetrate the grammar and syntax of music inside of a larger cultural

framework. Ortiz's methodology calls for the unification of the study of social activity
 20

and music inside of a concrete historical experience. Only by taking these steps, he

argues, can one isolate and then examine the threads of cultural influences that peoples

from different cultures weave together. Ortiz also examines the dynamics of social

activity that provokes the creation of hybrid cultures and gives meaning to their

cultural practices.

LATIN AMERICAN MUSICOLOGY

The study of Latin American music is hardly a well-developed field. Ortiz and

his colleagues, Alejo Carpentier, Argeliers Leon, Maria Teresa Linares and Leonardo

Acosta, broke new ground in musical research. They provide tools for interpreting the

confluence of forces that have affected popular music throughout the 20 th Century and

for the study of the revolutionary Nicaraguan music movement 14

Cuba has witnessed an abundance of musical innovation over the last four

centuries. Cuban musicians have converted their country into a living museum of

musical diversity. The works of these Cuban musicologists apply beyond Cuba's

borders. Their studies also probe deeply into the legacies of slavery, colonialism and

imperialism, elements that gave rise to Cuba's and Nicaragua's contemporary cultural

mixture. By adjusting Ortiz's method to Nicaraguan circumstances, one can turn his

Cuban model into a guide for studying Nicaragua as well.

Fernando Ortiz’s work explored the fabric of Cuban culture by cataloguing and

classifying it. Over a period of 60 years, he analyzed the diverse manifestations of

African religions, from across Africa. He dissected the musical hybrids, from Moorish

Africa, sub-Saharan Africa and Spain and as well as the evolution of a vernacular
 21

language that combined elements of Yoruba, Taino and Spanish. 15

Ortiz’s concept of transculturation also provided subsequent researchers with

an important tool for analyzing how cultural mixtures occur and the role that music

plays inside this process. Music, he concluded, reflects and gives voice to emerging

cultural undercurrents inside evolving societies, highlighting audible manifestations of

change that might not yet be visible or fully articulated.

While Ortiz examined the inner workings of cultural practice to illustrate the

significance of musical texts, musicologist Susan McClary looks at the way that social

reality is reproduced within the internal structures of music itself. McClary argues:

Like any social discourse, music is meaningful precisely insofar as at

least some people believe that it is and act in accordance with that
belief. Meaning is not inherent in music, but neither is it in language:
both are activities that are kept afloat only because communities of
people invest in them, agree collectively that their signs serve as valid
currency…

Music and other discourses do not simply reflect a social reality that
exists immutably on the outside rather social reality itself is
constituted within such discursive practices. It is in accordance with
the terms provided by language, film, advertising, ritual or music that
individuals are socialized: take on gendered identities, learn ranges of
proper behaviors, structure their perceptions and even their
experiences. But it is also within the arena of these discourses that
alternative models of organizing their social world are submitted and
negotiated. This is where the ongoing work of social formation
occurs.16

McClary proposes that music can provide a unique perspective into the

socialization process as well as opening windows into the actual development of social

consciousness. In a conflictive situation such as Nicaragua’s revolutionary war it is

important to gain insight into how people change from passivity into activity and what

factors provoke or convince them to risk property or life itself. What makes a man,
 22

woman or even child stop being a carpenter, housewife, accountant or street imp and

begin to act in a disciplined political manner to challenge a seemingly invincible

dictatorship. Music provides one interesting avenue to explore the interaction of

culture and political movements.

Cultural critics have already discovered how absurd it is to write

histories of the 1960's without playing close attention to the crucial
role played by music. I suspect that this is true of most of the other
moments in Western history as well…To the large extent that music
can organize our perceptions of our own bodies and emotions, it can
tell us things about history that are not accessible through any other
medium. 17

McClary was referring to United States in the 1960's, but her suspicion also

applies to the Nicaraguan experience, which was a social movement with boundaries

that could not be defined in exclusively political terms. The unique political rhetoric

of those peculiar times reflected the cultural changes that were taking place throughout

the world. Culture, and especially music, became more than a mere backdrop for

politics; it emerged in some places and during certain events as a dynamic part of

political action.

As rock music forged youth identity in the United States during the 1960s in a

most dramatic form, commercially and non-commercially, so too did music begin to

play a similar role in Latin America. Musicians began to explore and expand the

boundaries of popular and traditional music styles and at the same time introducing

new forms of poetic expression. These musical innovations represent new expressions

of hybrid cultures that reflect the process of adaptation to changing economic and

social and the charged political climate of this era.

Cuban novelist and musicologist Alejo Carpentier traces the development of

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Latin American cultural identity through music. Carpentier traces not only the

evolution of popular and classical music inside Hispano America, but also analyzes

those Latin American voices based on Western European musical traditions.

Carpentier inspects the ebb and flow of cultural and social influences in each

culture and the cross-fertilization process when cultural workers interact. He explains

that music helps define “Creole” identity because it alone captures the complex

confluence of historical, social and cultural strands that make up the post-colonial

society. Each Latin American culture has developed its own musical culture by

artfully combining elements of European, Indigenous and African cultures into notes,

rhythms and lyrics that reflect the diversity and cultural ambiguity that characterize

Latin American cultural identity.

Alejo Carpentier proposes that:

…for those that study Western European music the development

process appears to be logical, following an organic pattern of
techniques, tendencies and artistic movements that are represented by
great artists, till we get to the more audacious sounds of the present.
When we are faced with Latin American music, on the other hand, we
find that the development doesn’t progress based on the same values
and cultural events but rather are reactions to phenomenon,
influences, issues of growth, spiritual pulsations, racial hierarchies,
hybrids and transplants. It would be strange for someone to try to
employ the same analytical methods to an art form that is driven by
the constant conflicts and balancing of our own culture and the
“other” imported one. 18

Carpentier also suggests that because Latin American music has linked itself to

cultural and social conflict it has also become the object of attack. A Cuban

government-sponsored paper summarized Carpentier's position during the 1st

Congress of Education and Culture in Havana in 1971.

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National identity is reflected in the music produced at the grass roots,

where we find the ethnic mixtures and the process of transculturation
of many musical elements. The current movement that has
developed is geared towards a reevaluation of our identity through
music, a counterweight to the musical colonization that we were
subjected to for centuries and then to neo-colonial imperialism.
Music is the self-defense against imperialism that tries to effectively
wipe out the specific national characteristics of each people in order
to introduce “universal” or “contemporary” influences. 19

Cuban musicologist Zoila Gomez argues that the tools for cultural research in

Western academia are designed to protect and reinforce the divisions between rich and

poor, South and North. She proposes that the academic disciplines of anthropology

and ethnomusicology specifically were promoted to justify the colonial rule and the

superiority of the European culture. Gomez claims that the Eurocentric orientation of

these academic fields make it difficult to conduct serious cultural research in Latin

America. She also argues that the export of culture from Europe and the United States

perpetuates and reinforces the myth of cultural superiority.

The struggle to protect our cultural patrimony is an important part of

the battle that people in underdeveloped countries must wage. Latin
America has been looted of its patrimony and the ideological and
cultural penetration of imperialism seeks to wipe out our identity,
putting it in a vacuum, removing it from the its source as a fountain of
resistance and historical memory. 20

Gomez's critique coincides with that of Leonardo Acosta, who lamented that

the export of cultural products sent to Latin America offer a wealth of unattainable

dreams. They propose that these exports tend to depict Western consumer society as

the “normal way of life” to people who have no hope of achieving this lifestyle.

This argument has several parallels to Theodor Adorno’s study of the culture

industry in the United States. Adorno proposed that the commodification of popular
 25

music in the twentieth century resulted in the standardization of musical forms to

create uniformity and passivity. He contended that the culture industry produced

commodities that reduced popular taste to its lowest common denominator. He argues

that the makers of these products embedded them with the ideology of the capitalist

system, which, in turn, encourages those who buy the products to conform and to

accept the status quo.

Adorno concluded that a culture industry had evolved to make profit from the

leisure time of the masses. At the same time, however, cultural commodities also

serve to reproduce a particular aesthetic to deflect attention from the class

contradictions in capitalist society, or unrequited love songs that promote passivity as

a way of life.

The culture industry creates a mythology based on a fictitious view of social

reality, one that tends to justify and uphold the dominant ideology. Adorno shows how

the products of the culture industry tend to standardize and make predictable the form

and content of the “works of art” they produce.

The culture industry piously claims to be guided by its customers and

to supply them with what they asked for. But while assiduously
dismissing any thought of its own autonomy and proclaiming its
victims its judges, it outdoes, in its veiled autocracy, all excesses of
autonomous art. The culture industry not so much adapts to the
reactions of its customers as it counterfeits them. It drills them in
their attitudes by behaving as if it were itself a customer. 21

Adorno’s argument resonated in Latin America among leftist intellectuals who

themselves were trying to integrate the rapid changes taking place in their cultures.

Eduardo Galeano, Ariel Dorfman and Armand Mattelart began to criticize the culture

products that the United States exported into Latin America.

 26

Galeano argued that the introduction of American cultural products had a

political meaning as well. They prepared the cultural terrain for the creation of deeper

dependency. Cultural dependency, he warned would turn into a precursor for

economic and political dependency as well. The economies of Latin America had to

depend on the US economy, he reasoned, because of the unequal economic relations

that existed between the North and South. The South exchanged raw materials at low

prices for high priced, finished industrial products.

Galeano alerted his fellow Latin Americans to the dangers that would ensue

from an influx of cultural commodities. The introduction of “American” cultural

models into Latin American societies, he said, meant a pernicious cultural penetration

that would further dig Latin America into cultural dependency.

Leonardo Acosta asserted that the strong social fabric and cultural traditions in

Latin America stood as barriers to consumerism and imported cultural products. The

movies, music, fashions and magazines from the United States offered “modern” life

styles and cultural models that promised a break with the past, an end to folklore and

traditions that bound individuals to certain types of socially prescribed behavior and

choices in fashion, cuisine, music and drama. In fact, Acosta, said, this break from the

past offered only an illusion of freedom and modernity. This "freedom," meant only

the ability to consume, an activity highly restricted in Latin America to that minority

that possessed any surplus wealth.

Cultural colonialism as we know it consists basically of the

imposition of styles, genres and fashions of the metropolis on the
dependent countries. That is to say, the export of cultural products
made by the neo-colonialist powers for the consumption of the
“underdeveloped people”. is cultural colonialism constitutes the ideal
 27

vehicle for ideological penetration. This is equally true of music. The

phenomenon of cultural colonialism presents itself in two distinct
facets; the appropriation of cultural resources of exploited peoples and
their transformation and exploitation by the metropolis; the other way
is through aggressive cultural penetration of these cultures with a
deformed cultural image of themselves. 22

This analysis reaches beyond cultural production exported by the United

States; it includes the process of “mining” the rest of the world for cultural artifacts

and musical concepts that the music industry can convert into commercial products.

Acosta views music not as a benign cultural expression but as a powerful ideological

weapon that imperialist ideologues employ to help maintain economic and political

control in the peripheral areas of the world. 23 Acosta and his contemporaries became

alarmed in the 1960’s at the speed of US “cultural penetration.” Through rock music

and other entertainment forms, American culture was pouring into their societies.

Both traditionalists and revolutionaries lamented the demise of folk cultures and the

influx of a consumerist mentality. The veritable flood of American films, records,

fashions and fast foods into Latin America appeared to revolutionaries and patriots as

an all out assault on their cultures, an aggression similar to the landing of Marines, but

without bayonets. The famous phrase “Yanqui go home” painted on walls and chanted

in rallies applied not only to the physical presence of Americans but also to the

growing economic and cultural influence that the United States exercised over Latin

America.24

Brazilian folklorist Paolo de Carvalho Neto added to the critique of cultural

penetration when he observed that the electronic media was destroying folk culture by

stealing and cheapening its themes and formats and then placing them inside ongoing
 28

commercial stories rendered through the electronic media. By importing the cultural

traditions of advertising, creating stereotypes and changing the context and setting of

these traditional cultural expressions, Latin American culture, Carvalho Neto feared,

would cause younger generations to lose the vital thread of history and its messages.

Only folklore and popular culture, he believed, could accurately and positively

transmit these national cultural messages. 25

While musicologists such as Acosta condemn cultural dependency and the role

of consumer culture, they also celebrate the ways that the products of the

transnationals are transformed and syncretized through the process of transculturation.

Acosta observed the ways that Cuban musicians were consistently able to incorporate

new influences in their music without losing touch with the core concepts of Afro-

Cuban music. In his book Musica y Desolonizacion, he recognizes the liberating

possibilities of many styles of Latin American popular music that provide a space for

renewal and revitalization of cultural identity. Acosta cites the ways that musicians

reinvent traditional forms with each generation creating new markers of cultural

identity that reflect the constantly evolving hybrid cultures. Acosta and other

revolutionary musicologists use their analysis of cultural imperialism to pose a

challenge to artists to explore new possibilities and push the boundaries of popular

music as they become formulaic and imitative. 26

The Nueva Cancion movement that developed in the late 1960's in Latin

America surfaced as a direct response to the issues of cultural dependency raised by

Galeano and other revolutionary intellectuals. Musicians in Chile, Argentina, Cuba

and Mexico began to work to create new musical and poetic models and forms to
 29

create a "people's music" that would reflect the values and cultural expressions of

Latin Americans. The Nueva Cancion and other artistic movements in literature and

theater such as magical realism helped to broaden the possibilities of artistic

expression in Latin America by creating new artistic forms that draw on both spiritual

and political themes. While some of the Nueva Cancion groups favored a return to

traditional music forms and the use of "purely" Latin American instruments and

rhythms others borrowed from rock music, jazz and transformed commercial music

formulas into new hybrid forms. At the same time Chilean groups such as

Quilapayun, proposed eliminating "foreign" influences in their music, the Nicaraguan

musicians celebrated the twisting and turning of the formulas, icons and language of

international popular music.

Both the musical concepts and the ideological foundations of the Nueva

Cancion provided an important influence for Nicaraguan musicians. The critique of

cultural imperialism that laid the groundwork for Nueva Cancion also prodded

Nicaraguan musicians to try to develop an autonomous cultural expression that

incorporated elements of tradition and also borrowed from the elements of popular

culture and the international music styles promoted by the transnational corporations.

In this mixture they were able to create a hybrid style that could engage the aesthetic

sensibilities of Nicaraguans and transmit revolutionary messages through the lyrics.

 30

SUMMARY OF THE CHAPTERS

This chapter traces the development of the Latin American Nueva Canción

movement in the late 1960’s and 1970's. This grouping of politically motivated

musicians created a new genre of music, not based on aesthetic or musical attributes

but rather on the political and ideological orientation of the musicians. Nueva

Canción provided a framework for incorporating music into revolutionary action and

social movements in this turbulent period of Latin American history. This movement

has scarcely been documented despite its important role in the development of

revolutionary movements all over the continent.

The Nueva Canción represents a shift in the musical culture of Latin America

calling on musicians to combine poetic and musical traditions to address political and

social issues that would be accessible to a mass audience. Cultural activists sought to

create a Latin American voice to counter effect of the commercial productions being

introduced through the broadcast media and record companies. With the growth of the

broadcast media record companies used pop formulas and slick productions to market

musical genres that reach across the cultural boundaries of Latin America. Latin

American revolutionaries viewed the introduction of international pop music formulas

as a dangerous threat to their sovereignty and cultural autonomy.

Chapter two looks at the development of a Mestizo culture during the Spanish

colonial period and the nationalist movements that followed in the post-colonial

period. The brutality of the Spaniards in Nicaragua resulted in a virtual genocide of the

indigenous communities that resisted their rule. This colonial legacy is documented in
 31

the street theater piece, El Güegüense as well as in the folktales, stories and songs that

are passed on through the generations. This chapter outlines the work of cultural

researchers such as Carlos Mantica's and Jorge Arrellano's documentation of

indigenous cultures in Nicaraguan folklore. In addition, this chapter outlines the work

of important Latin American folklorists and cultural researchers such as Fernando

Ortiz, Paulo de Carvalho Neto and Jorge Mantica.

This section also focuses on the complex expressions of cultural resistance that

have developed in Nicaragua. This analysis borrows from James Scott’s work that

traces the ways that seemingly passive subordinate groups are able maintain and

express revolutionary ideas and clandestine scripts for insurrection with out drawing

the attention of the dominant class. Scott explains the ways that these expressions of

resistance often move from hidden metaphors and symbolic imagery to open

declarations of rebellion when an opening for organized or spontaneous rebellion

occurs.27

The expressions of social protest and defiance in Nicaragua's popular culture

and folk traditions were revived by young revolutionaries in the 1960's. The folk

songs and oral histories revealed layers of Nicaraguan history that were not present in

the official historical record. The history of Sandino's movement was passed on the

songs about Sandino that narrate the history of his resistance movement from the

perspective of the mountain people that followed him.

Chapter three documents the origins of the FSLN and the beginnings of a

revolutionary cultural movement that became an integral part of the political and

military strategy during the war against the dictatorship. During the 1960s several
 32

important musical voices emerged questioning and confronting the dictatorship

through songs and stories embedded in popular radio dramas. The satirical

commentaries about the government in the radio dramas of Carlos Mejia Godoy and

Otto de la Rocha utilized the voice of the traditional anti-authoritarian folktales and

popular songs to attack the dictatorship directly and indirectly, highlighted the

contradictions in society. They questioned the morality and legitimacy of the

dictatorship and opening up a voice of social protest that couldn’t be expressed openly

in any other context. Music and satire provide a useful cover for their political work

and created a “ hidden transcript” of opposition that served as a framework for the

open questioning of the status quo.

Carlos Mejia Godoy's work in music and radio drama drew on the concepts of

Bertolt Brecht and the traditional forms of social satire in Nicaraguan culture. Mejia

Godoy was able to achieve massive popularity for his creative portrayal of Nicaraguan

culture in the rural vernacular language. Despite government censorship of the

airwaves and political communication he was able to criticize the government using

satire, poetic metaphor and double entendres.

Chapter four examines the integration of the intellectuals and artists into the

military and political work of the FSLN. After several military setbacks, the FSLN

broadened its strategy for revolution. From 1967 to 1974 they engaged in a broad

organizing campaign recruiting new fighters as well as supporters to provide the

infrastructure for urban rebellions and widespread resistance. They set up links with

student organizations, rural community groups, religious communities and unions to

create a broad front against dictatorship and to spread their political ideas as a
 33

backbone for a popular uprising.

Music played an important role during this period, explaining and defining the

ideological positions of the FSLN in the context of Nicaraguan history and culture.

The songs made the political rhetoric easy to understand and repeat. Artists organized

themselves into brigades with the same dedication and intensity as the guerrilla

fighters. During this period artists became “ideological combatants”, committed to

using their art as a tool for political organizing and “raising consciousness”.

Chapter five focuses on the development of a revolutionary religious

movement influenced by the Latin American liberation theology of the late 1960's the

work of poet/priest Ernesto Cardenal. Cardenal's work as poet influenced a generation

of writers and musicians. His loose narrative style called "exteriorism" used everyday

conversational language, discarding the rules of rhyhme and meter. His religious work

in the Archipelago of Solintiname became a laboratory for the development of a

synthesis of Marxism, liberation theology and Nicaraguan nationalism documented in

the "Evangelio de Solintiname". This religious philosophy and practice were spread

throughout Nicaragua in a Mass written by Carlos Mejia Godoy and the Popular

Sound Workshop. The songs in the mass described a "working class Christ" "God of

the poor" and called on Nicaraguans to stand up and fight the oppressor rather than

turning the other cheek. The Misa Campesina proved crucial in linking Nicaraguan

spirituality to the revolutionary movement in an organic way. The songs of the Misa

Campesina also captured many of the essential elements of the hybrid religious system

that combined Catholicism with concepts and symbols of the indigeneous religious

practices.
 34

Chapter six examines the period of insurrection and popular uprisings that

followed a Sandinista commando attack on a party held for the US ambassador. This

bold action sparked a wave of violent repression against suspected Sandinista

supporters. Sandinistas began using music as an overt organizing tool while groups

such as Pancasan wrote songs that echoed the slogans and strategies of the Sandinista

movement. The small public space that Mejia Godoy's music enjoyed as a form of

social satire was closed when he identified himself politically as a revolutionary.

During this time in exile Mejia Godoy's music began to enjoy commercial success in

Spain and Latin America. Mejia Godoy and his group toured around the world as

musical ambassadors of the Nicaraguan Revolution gathering support in sympathetic

communities.
35
CHAPTER 1:

THE INFLUENCE OF NUEVA CANCIÓN ON NICARAGUAN MUSIC

This chapter will explore the growth of the Movimiento de la Nueva Canción

Latinoamericana in the 1960’s and 1970’s and its impact on Nicaragua’s revolutionary

music movement in the 1970s and 1980s. The Nueva Canción movement was a

crucial force in the development of Latin American music. This music provided a

vital source of creative and political inspiration to a generation of Nicaraguan artists

who used this musical foundation to build their own form of revolutionary musical

expression.

The influence was not limited to Nicaragua; Nueva Canción became an

integral part of political movements around the continent. Nueva Canción went

beyond being an artistic current or passing musical trend. Its practitioners established

a theoretical and conceptual model that proposed a radical change in the function of

music in Latin American society. The theoretical concepts of Nueva Canción

challenged the values and cultural mores of capitalist society proposing a musical and

poetic framework that would promote a new vision of Latin American society. The

lyrics of the poets and the re-elaboration of Latin American melodies and rhythms by

the musicians actually turned into a voice for insurgents that had few other sources of

public expression.28

Despite the movement’s minimal impact in the electronic media and the

marketplace in Latin America, the artists and songs of the Nueva Canción have

36
 37

nevertheless withstood the test of time. Their influence remains strong in Latin

American popular music. The militancy, poetic depth and musical experimentation

that characterized the artistic projects within the Nueva Canción movement also

reached the styles and content of other artists such as Sting, Peter Gabriel and Jackson

Browne.29

The movement that had grown up informally in the 1960s and 1970s, received

its first formal recognition in 1981. Funded by the UNESCO, the first official meeting

of the Nueva Canción Latinoamericana was held in Mexico. This meeting brought

together groups from Patagonia in the South to Mexico in the North. They sang and

talked in an institutional setting to perform and to hold seminars and discussions. The

organizers sought to establish a forum where the Nueva Canción could mature as a

coherent international organization. They wanted to promote song festivals and

musical encounters in different Latin American countries and also to encourage

research in Latin American music. The discussions at the meeting addressed issues

regarding form and content of music; the validity of using synthesizers and rock forms

and, finally, the pitfalls and challenges of dealing with or eschewing the commercial

media as a method of "spreading the word".

In seminars and public forums artists and scholars discussed the viability of

Nueva Canción as the basis for a Latin American revolutionary cultural workers

organization. Guatemalan singer Julio Solorzano questioned the role of commercial

distribution for the Nueva Canción recordings and books. Others, such as Chilean

Eduardo Carrasco suggested that the marketplace itself inherently changed the

meaning and political messages in the music. Nicaraguan radio producer Wilmor
 38

Lopez raised the question whether music broadcast through the commercial media

diluted the pure ideology of revolution. The participants tried to measure the impact

the work of artists who expressed political themes. Did they actually create or

enhance consciousness about liberation in Latin America. 30

Popular singers closer to the mainstream, such as Panamanian Ruben Blades,

enjoyed commercial success with songs with explicit political content. But they did

not fall within the boundaries set by those who defined the Nueva Canción. Blades

and other progressive salsa singers like him were not considered a part of the larger

liberation movement because, although openly sympathetic, they however maintained

a certain distance from the revolutionary mass movements.

Nueva Canción philosophy stressed the revolutionary artist’s solid links to

popular movements. His or her job was to represent the voice – or sometimes lead it --

of their political community. Some Nueva Canción artists did achieve commercial

success and still maintained their political orientation. Large record companies, after

all, would buy anything they thought they could sell. During the festival forums,

debates raged over this theme. Did, as some musicians maintained, commercial

success represent in and of itself a betrayal of the political principles of the Nueva

Canción?

Chilean singer Victor Jara explained his concept of the role of the

revolutionary artist that became a model for the Nueva Canción.

An artist has in their hands the responsibility of their talent but also
the responsibility to be a vehicle for information for the vast majority
of young people that are still alienated or angry because of cultural
colonialism. You have to help them to understand, to regain their
dignity and to liberate themselves. As a music worker I think an artist
 39

should be a revolutionary first, and later sing songs with depth that
denounce the conditions that take away a person's dignity, denounce
that it’s not right that children die of hungry, and that a person give
their life for a piece of land that doesn't belong to them. If a musician,
creator and interpreter is a revolutionary worker, they will project
their work, the impulses that move our people to make great
transformations, without paternalism, elitism, immersed and forged in
the working class and peasants.31

THE EMERGENCE OFA “NEW SONG”

The 1960’s were a time of musical innovation and social change in Latin

America. New musical and poetic styles emerged out of the charged political climate

of the 1960’s that transformed Latin American popular music. Just as Bob Dylan, The

Rolling Stones and Jimi Hendrix pushed the musical and poetic boundaries of rock

music, singers such as Victor Jara, Violeta Parra and Carlos Mejia Godoy took Latin

American popular music in new directions.

In the United States, musicians functioned as entertainers within a musical

marketplace mostly disconnected from social and political movements. Although the

music reflected and echoed the attitudes and vibrated with the intensity of the

movements for social change in many ways, few artists emerged as activists or

spokespersons for revolutionary movements. While most anti-Vietnam war protesters

and civil rights marchers demanded change and reform, they didn’t envision that an

overthrow of the government was necessary to accomplish this. In Latin America,

however, political music was not a form of entertainment for mass consumption but

rather formed an integral part of larger social and political movements that threatened

the power of the governing elite.

The Nueva Canción movement was not only a grouping of artists but also
 40

promoters, cultural analysts and researchers who played a role in developing a

conceptual framework for this ambitious continental artistic and political project. The

movement’s philosophy included elements of Latin American nationalism that echoed

Bolivar’s goal of creating a Latin-American nationality based on a common history.

Music was seen as a force that could help to build a new image of Latin American

identity that could counter the influence of a consumer culture and the loss of folk

traditions. This movement differs from many popular music movements because it is

not linked by musical affinities, a geographical community or through marketing

strategies. Communities of artists defined themselves a part of the Nueva Canción

based on their political commitment and their role as activists within political and

social movements. Nueva Canción drew its cohesion from a common political vision

that promoted the idea that music could be used as a social force to effect social

change in Latin America.

The name Nueva Canción or new song does not mean that the music is modern

or contemporary, the term refers to a new conceptual approach to music. Venezuelan

singer/composer, Ali Primera described his vision of Nueva Canción in an explanation

of his hit song “Casas de Carton” (Cardboard Shacks).

I sing about the sadness in the sound of the raindrops falling on the
roof of a cardboard shack and the ring of a tin can being kicked by
children with no other toys. These sounds reflect our reality and as
revolutionary musicians it is our duty to reflect this sad reality that
surrounds us and not try to gloss it over and distract people from their
problems.
New song is the realization that our past, our ancestors and the
struggles against oppression that have gone on continuously on this
continent should be a part of our modern cultural expressions. We
have to base our analysis of the present on our long and hard
experience not on empty promises of “modernity” and capitalist
 41

development. Music provides a link to our past that people can feel
and relate to without complex theories or explanations, to create a
new society we must strip away the illusions of consumerism and the
fantasy world that capitalism promises. We must look at the past and
the way history has unfolded, the experience that every generation
maintains the status quo, the division of society between rich and poor
and rewrites our history to cover up the trail of corruption and
violence that is used to maintain the system.
Nueva Canción is a valuable weapon in changing and challenging the
values of the capitalist society, presenting a form of cultural
expression that cuts away the hypocrisy and lies that have become
embedded in the capitalist culture. We propose a music, not to sell
products or illusions, but that will open up the soul and voice the
opposition to imperialism that lies in the heart of every poor Latin
American.32

Ali Primera’s concept of Nueva Canción describes music as a tangible cultural

force with a definite purpose, a David against the capitalist Goliath. He connects the

history of imperialism in Latin America with the cultural products produced and

marketed in Latin America. Ali Primera’s analysis was widely shared in the

revolutionary movement and gave rise to a generation of cultural activists and

musicians. These cultural workers saw in the Nueva Canción, a way to counter the

rise of consumer culture and the introduction of foreign music styles, which they saw

as the beginning of the demise of vital Latin American folk cultures. 33

“EL CHE”; MODEL FOR THE NEW MAN

The idea of a “new” song springs from a concept developed by Argentine

revolutionary Ernesto “Che’ Guevara. The "new" song paralleled the concept of the

"new" man proposed by Che Guevara as the model for the creation of a new society

based on moral rather than material incentives. He stressed that guerrilla fighters must

display high moral values and embody the values of the new society that they wanted
 42

to create. Guevara proposed that the revolutionary’s example of generosity, discipline

and sacrifice would convince people of the validity of their cause and lay the

groundwork for the creation of a new form of social organization. Guevara explained

that “to be successful, the guerrilla must become a model human being, he must

exhibit a moral conduct that certifies him to be a real priest of the reform he

proposes”34. The "new" man was the role model for a person who had integrated

socialist values into his life, renouncing the material values of the capitalist world. In

the eyes of revolutionaries, Ernesto "Che" Guevara became an example of a selfless

fighter against social injustice who put the liberation of humanity before material or

nationalist interests. The Nueva Canción proposes that musicians should assume the

commitment to create works that express the values of the “new” society, countering

the values and formulas of capitalism. This concept created a political responsibility

for artists who became a part of this movement, to follow the model of “El Che”.

The development of Nueva Canción was viewed with optimism by Cuban

musicologists such Argeliers Leon and Maria Teresa Linares. They saw this as a

theoretical model and as a force that would revitalize folk music and to challenge the

trend towards commercialized versions of folk music.

In Latin America, the Nueva Canción movement appears as a counter

balance against the mercantilist neo-colonizing campaigns. A group
of cutting edge artists in Brazil produced the Bossa Nova as a
reelababoration of elements of national styles. It was immediately
popularized and captured and commercialized by the giant record
companies. At the same time the censors had drawers full of music
that was banned, written in the same style by authors who wrote from
the depth of popular sentiments, their pain and desire for freedom,
living inside a dictatorship. 35

Despite the impact of Nueva Canción of Latin American culture this period of
 43

Latin American musical history has received little attention from academics or the

music industry.36 Few, if any, books were written about Nueva Canción and the

recordings of most of the groups that were a part of this movement were promoted and

distributed mainly through alternative distribution networks, despite their popularity.

Nueva Canción artists actively rejected the formulas and boundaries of the commercial

music world that they believed embodied the essence of capitalist values. They

believed that the creation of new revolutionary musical forms would challenge the

status quo and contribute to the “raising of consciousness” among the working class.

Chicano singer Francisco Herrera described the qualities of an effective

political song.

Political songs use not only political rhetoric and slogans but also
testimonial narratives that situate political and social issues in the
lives of individuals. The most influential songs of the political song
movement are those that allow individuals a means to understand
larger political issues through the experience of their own lives.
Many political songs denounce injustice and praise resistance
providing a sense of hope and optimism that is many times lacking in
the literature of testimony. Music is not bound by the linear nature of
testimony and can weave magical realism and abstract references into
a narrative through the musical accompaniment to the lyrics. The
Nueva Canción movement brings together many of these narrative
styles of Latin American oral and written literature, borrowing from
different folk cultures and vanguard movements. The music borrows
from the folk styles of the continent and explores the similarities
rather than the differences between our peoples.

The development of Nueva Canción coincided with debates over national

identity that raged in the late 1960’s and 1970’s in Latin America. A surge in

nationalism and more importantly a search for Latin American identity led artists and

intellectuals to explore their historical roots, not the legacy of the Spanish elite, but the

indigenous and African influences in Latin American cultures. Music provided a

 44

unique means of combining textures and fragments of the past with introspective

poetry that voiced in form and content this search for roots. Many of the songs of the

Nueva Canción document the journey, the searching for what was lost with the

conquest and the strands of indigenous culture that are embedded in the Mestizo

cultures. Uruguayan singer/composer Daniel Viglietti’s sang, “extend your hand to the

Indian, it will be good for you”37, thereby expressing the need for Eurocentric Latin

Americans to gain more understanding of their indigenous roots and examine the

lessons of history taught by the historical experience of the European conquest.

Nueva Canción artists looked to the roots of Latin American history and

culture using elements of folk styles as well as other universal musical influences that

could be used as a vehicle for their messages. The very definition of the Nueva

Canción, as a vehicle for political expression both energized and limited the

movement by linking it to political ideologies, strategies and movements that changed

with the times. The movement paralleled the upsurge in political activity in the 1970’s

and 1980’s, fading away in the late 1980’s. The political movements that gave the

musical movement its life took on new forms as electoral politics and grass roots

organizing replaced the militant revolutionary politics of the guerrilla wars.

THE YANQUIS ARE COMING: CULTURAL INVASION FROM THE

NORTH

The 1960’s were a time of cultural change all over Latin America. The drive

towards industrialization and modernity transformed Latin American societies,

opening many new cultural and social options. The mass marketing of TVs and radios
 45

made the electronic media an important cultural influence in daily life. Although the

electronic media was introduced earlier, few individuals could afford to purchase a TV

or radio until the early 1960’s when transistor radios and transistorized televisions

gave access to the electronic media to a wider population.

The expanded distribution of American popular music and films had an impact

on Latin American culture introducing new aesthetic and social values into traditional

societies. Miniskirts, long hair and rock and roll came along with the movies and

music into Latin American societies stirring alarm among traditionalists. The

electronic media reached into the most isolated villages through transistor radios thus

putting rural people that had little contact with modernity in contact with Paul Anka,

The Beach Boys and Elvis. As in other parts of the world folklorists bemoaned the

death of folklore and the end of ancient traditions as young people in the cities and the

country began to boogie woogie and twist. They agonized as traditions became

transformed and subjected to modern influences. In Nicaragua traditional marimba

players included songs by the Monkees in their repertoire and teenagers from Mexico

to Argentina began to mimic American movie stars. 38

In Latin America, this wave of imported culture was viewed as a “cultural

invasion” by traditionalists on the right and the left. In Nicaragua and many other

Latin American countries longhaired youth and hippies were persecuted and harassed

by police as their very presence was seen as a threat to the tightly woven fabric of

society. This break with tradition was seen not only as a loosening of the cultural

parameters that governed social behavior and gender identity but also as a reflection of

a break in tradition and cultural continuity. Cultural activists on the left saw the
 46

introduction of cultural commodities from the United States as a threat to Latin

American sovereignty. They saw Donald Duck, Elvis and mini-skirts as a Trojan

horse for cultural imperialism that would further the dependency of Latin American

economies on foreign capital. 39

Puerto Rican scholar Don Ortez described the ways that many Latin Americans

viewed the United States interest in Latin American development.

It was hard to separate the memories of the Marines marching into

Latin American capitals, gunboats patrolling the shores and the
appearance of films, records, cosmetics and comic books in Latin
American markets. For many Latin Americans culture is a link to
history, to the memories of resistance and horrible tragedies and
holocaust that gave rise to the Mestizo identity. Madonna, Marilyn
Monroe, Donald Duck and Reeboks represent cultural images that are
not unassociated from the legacy of imperialism. The culture industry
offers promises of gratification and inclusion into this international;
sphere world of modernity and pleasure. It is attractive and
compelling, an irresistible force, like a magnet that draws us to new
sneakers, sexy images and pounding symmetrical dance beats that tell
us to come closer and draw us into the web of consumption. 40

The influx of modern popular music styles that were introduced in the 1960's

produced a backlash among folklorists and folk music promoters. Musicologists such

as Venezuelan Isabel Aretz raced to document the vestiges of musical traditions that

survived as the jukeboxes and transistor radios drowned out the sounds of the folk

music styles in small communities and urban dwellers shook to the latest dance

trends.41 The increasing commercialization of popular music and the popularity of

international artists provoked a reaction from revolutionary groups that saw foreign

music styles as an outright assault on Latin American cultural identity.

Cultural activists saw the introduction of rock music and capitalist values as a

destructive force that would bulldoze the close-knit communities, oral traditions and
 47

most importantly; cultural identity. Chilean musicologist Arrospide de la Flor

describes this sentiment.

A new chapter opened in Western history after WWII, not only in the
West but all over the world as it becomes unified through worship of
technology. The new music of the youth in the capitalist world,
disoriented and violent, in inorganic forms reflects the chaos in
society. This rebellion is a worshipping of individualism that destroys
more than it builds, it creates leaders out of aging stars and doesn’t
create members of an authentic community. 42

In Chile, in the mid-1960’s, young musicians began to discuss the role of

music defining national identity and the importance of protecting the country’s

national identity. Sergio Ortega, founder of the group Quilapayun explained the

dangers of commercial music in a larger ideological confrontation.

Everyday in capitalist countries we witness a strange and scary

ceremony that through its normality passes almost unnoticed in the
daily confrontations that each of our peoples face against the forces of
monopolistic transnational capital and the national bourgeoisie. This
black mass consists of the consummation of a persistent attack on
people’s cultural expressions and the intent to replace them with the
mindless forms that a consumer society demands in order to be a part
of it. In a society where in certain circumstances even mothers and
daughters are seen as merchandise there is no reason to think that
cultural expressions shouldn’t also be.

The fight is against an enemy who wants to control the market,

imposing a lifestyle, a way of being that leads efficiently to
consumption.
The fight is against an enemy on all fronts, who is imposing models
and going so far as to penetrate personal life bringing elements of
ideology through commercial messages and advertising.
The fight is against an enemy capable of anything within its power
and willing to pay whatever is necessary to buy talent or to neutralize
it, in the case of extreme urgency. We stand:
1. Against an enemy that buys and sells anything to impose its
positions.
2. Against an enemy that is creating and exporting its models
one by one in the styles and the rhythm that its market
research indicates through the mass media. 43
 48

Ortega fears a dehistorization of the music, a separation of the aesthetic

qualities from its historical context that will bring an end to the traditions that provide

a cultural bridge through the generations. Ortega proposed that capitalism would

destroy Latin American culture and bury the folk traditions and the creativity that

engendered popular music. Ortega views the ideological front as an important

battleground for the fight against the penetration of capitalist values that will facilitate

further exploitation and foreign domination. Although a spectrum of political views

were represented in the Nueva Canción movement, anti-capitalism and anti-

imperialism became unifying concepts that crossed the boundaries between political

tendencies and strategies. Ortega’s perspective defines the anti-capitalist framework

for the Nueva Canción, that views music as a terrain where the power of the "Culture

Industry" can be contested.

Ortega's argument echoes many of Theordor Adorno's critiques of popular

music. Both condemn the use of simple formulas and predictability in the music that

fosters conformity and an acceptance of the underlying values of the consumer society

that embedded in these musical forms. Ortega suggests that that popular music can be

rescued from the grasp of market forces and that it can be a play an important role in

strengthening cultural identity in Latin American countries. He believes that simple

Latin American folk and popular music styles can provide an important vehicle for

political messages because they are popular forms of cultural expression. Adorno

argues that it is counterproductive to use popular music styles in order to convey

political ideas. Although his definition of "popular music" may differ from Ortega's,
 49

Adorno contends that "those who ask for a song of social significance ask for it

through a medium deprives it of its social significance". 44 In Adorno's view, the

musical structures of popular music are inherently embedded with the values of

capitalist culture that favors predictability, standardization and conformity. For

Adorno, the simple formulas of folk music styles encourage passivity and acceptance

of the status quo. He condemns the rhythmic orderliness of popular music that

engenders conformity and predictability that encourage "crowdmindedness" and an

acceptance of the "masochistic adjustment to authoritarian collectivism. 45

Many Latin American musicologists and music critics agree with Adorno's

analysis of the power of commercial music to introduce the values of capitalism into

popular culture. Adorno objects to the standardization and formulaic structures that

he argues form the basis of popular music. A closer analysis of Latin American

musical forms reveal layers of dialogue and nuances that are not readily apparent to

the European ear. Musicologists such as Leonardo Acosta have adapted Adorno's

critique by distinguishing commercialized "pop" music from Latin American popular

music styles. Acosta contends that the intricate variations and subtle improvisations in

many styles of Latin American popular music make it unsuitable for

commercialization. He argues that the process of commercialization and

standardization occurs when catchy "hooks" or recognizable themes and motifs are

lifted from one style and combined with others to create the familiar phrases and styles

that can cross cultural boundaries and become marketable musical products. 46
 50

FROM PROTEST TO NUEVA CANCIÓN

By the mid-1960’s Chile, Cuba, Mexico, Venezuela, Puerto Rico, Argentina

and Uruguay had dynamic music movements identified and linked with political

movements.47 This meant that artists discussed political and social issues in their

music and performed at political rallies and other events. While some musicians

openly discussed political issues in the their lyrics, others revived folk styles,

incorporating indigenous instruments and poetic formats. The use of folk styles by

urban intellectuals and students made a statement, identifying the musicians with the

poor and the non-European traditions of Latin America. The artists represented a

variety of musical styles, political movements and degrees of political commitment.

Stella Bravo, one of the organizers of the Casa de las Americas musical activities,

described the Latin American political artists who came through the cultural center,

“They ranged from party militants, guerrilla fighters, folk poets, to bohemians and

alcoholics who documented the realities they witnessed through a poetic vision. We

assumed they were political cadres because of their importance in the political

movements, forgetting that they were artists, as well, with their own idiosyncrasies

and motives for singing that sometimes coincided with the political ideals that they

represented”48.

In the charged atmosphere of the 1960’s all of these political musical

tendencies were grouped together as “protest song” because of the political focus of

their music. While protest in the United States had meaning as a form of political

activity, in the context of Latin America’s military regimes, it was not seen as a viable

option for revolutionaries, as the space for political dialogue was closed. A protest
 51

singer in Latin America could face serious consequences if the military government

saw them as a threat.49 For this reason many politically motivated singers performed

and sang clandestinely and or couched their lyrics in metaphors and surreal

references without being explicit. During the 1970’s a major part of Latin American

political music was sung in exile as artists such Mercedes Sosa, Quilapayun, Inti

Illimani, Daniel Viglietti, Gilberto Gil and hundreds of others were forced into exile.

The movements that developed in Cuba and Chile became the motor for the

Nueva Canción all over Latin America providing the framework and artistic direction

for a continental movement. In Cuba, starting in 1967 and in Chile during the Allende

years 1970-73, these movements received government support and encouragement.

Mexico also became a center of Nueva Canción in the late 1970’s as Los Folkloristas,

Amparo Ochoa, Oscar Chavez and others began to establish a base of support

including limited support from the government. 50 In most other countries the political

musical movements were linked to oppositional forces and the dictatorships limited

these groups to the political margins or banned them. 51

As artists became politically active they became subject to official repression,

censorship and exile. In Argentina, Brazil, Uruguay, Nicaragua and post-Allende

Chile, artists were exiled from their countries; their works banned as “subversive”, yet,

their work empowered revolutionary movements and encouraged other artists to push

the limits of censorship. Uruguayan author Eduardo Galeano explained the banning of

his book, The Open Veins of Latin America 52. This analysis of the history of

imperialism in Latin America proved accessible to people without academic

preparation. Galeano used a conversational style that evoked storytelling rather than
 52

somber academia to describe the impact of imperialism on Latin American history.

The popularity of the book and its clearly spoken message made it a threatening text in

countries that were ruled by military governments.

The most favorable reviews came not from any prestigious critic but
from the military dictatorships that praised the book by banning it.
For example, Open Veins is unobtainable either in my country,
Uruguay, or in Chile. In Argentina the authorities denounced it on TV
and in the press as a corrupter of youth. As Blas de Otero remarked,
“They don't let people see what I write because I write what I see.”
I know I can be accused of sacrilege in writing about political
economy in the style of a novel about love or pirates. But I confess I
get a pain from reading valuable works by certain sociologists,
political experts, economists and historians who wrote in code.
Hermetic language isn’t the invariable and inevitable price of
profundity. In some cases it can simply conceal incapacity for
communication raised to the level of intellectual virtue. I suspect that
boredom can thus often serve to sanctify the established order,
confirming that knowledge is a privilege of the elite. 53

In the charged atmosphere of Latin America even a still life painting of a rural

scene or a song about a failed love affair could acquire political connotations. In

military dictatorship like those in Brazil, Paraguay, or Nicaragua, for example, the

government usurped the neutral ground. By simply recording and commenting on the

political and social realities, artists received the “subversive” brand. Even romantic

poetry was vulnerable to condemnation if its author had the wrong political

sympathies or affiliations. The concept of words, images and sounds as passive

expressions evolved along with the growth of mass media because they were seen as

effective message transmitters, tools that could recount history in dangerous ways. 54

Uruguayan author Mario Benedetti summed up the role that artists could play

in making revolution.

Of course we are not going to make the revolution with a song or a

 53

dance, with a poem or even a theater piece. But we are not going to
make it with a speech, or a declaration or a vote, with a scream or a
barricade, not even with a strike or a bullet. In general the revolutions
are the product of all of that, where everything adds something,
nothing is useless. The secret is that the great risk that we should
confront at once that the new homeland will be the sum total of all the
small risks, of moderate risks that each one of us is willing to run. It
is one of its driving forces, revolution is participation. 55

The electoral victory of the Popular Unity government of Salvador Allende in

1970 provided a space for the development of the revolutionary cultural movement.

Exiled artists from Latin American countries came together in Chile to discuss their

works and the implications of creating “revolutionary art”. The electoral campaign of

the Popular Unity Party produced a wealth of music and the momentum for a music

movement in Chile. Revolutionary music found a receptive audience nationally and

internationally and institutional support that provoked theoretical and practical

discussions of the role of political music. In this period of discussion and definition,

the Chilean political music movement took on the name “la Nueva Canción Chilena”

broadening its focus to include many musical styles that maintained a political focus.

The Chilean group Quilapayun, one of founding groups of this movement,

created a series of hymns that encapsulated the strategy of the leftist popular front, the

Unidad Popular. Quilapayun’s “The Popular Unity Hymn” resonated in political

meetings and guerrilla camps all over Latin America. As in many hymns, the lyrics of

this song take on another meaning when sung by people who come to together to

express their common bonds. Ortega explained how he came to write this song,

giving some insight into the creative process that goes into composing a political song.

One day in June, 1973, three months before the bombing by

Pinochet's military coup, I was walking through the plaza in front of
 54

the Palace of Finance in Santiago, Chile, and saw a street singer

shouting, "The people united will never be defeated" - a well known
Chilean chant for social change. I couldn't stop, and continued across
the square, but his incessant chanting followed me and stuck in my
mind. On the following Sunday, after the broadcast of the show
"Chile Says No to Civil War", which I directed for Channel 9, we
went with a few artists to eat at my house outside Santiago.

Upon arrival I sat down at my piano and thought about the experience
in the plaza and the events at large. When I reproduced the chant of
the people in my head, the chant that could not be restrained, the
entire melody exploded from me: I saw it complete and played it in its
entirety at once. The text unfurled itself quickly and fell, like falling
rocks, upon the melody. In their enthusiasm some of my guests made
suggestions that were too rational for the situation I was composing
in. Out of courtesy I pretended to accept, but arranged myself to leave
the text in its symptomatic landscape. The song was performed in
public two days later by the group Quilapayun in a heavily attended
concert in the Alameda. 56

March of Popular Unity Marcha de la Unidad Popular

(Sergio Ortega)

The people united will never be
defeated
The people united will never be
defeated
Stand up, let’s march because
we are going to win
The flags of victory are
advancing
and you will come marching
with me
and you will see your song and
your flag
when the light of a red sunrise
announces the life that is to
come,
Stand up, fight
the people are going to win,
A better life will come,
to win our happiness,
and the roar of a thousand
combative voices,
El pueblo unido jamas será vencido,
el pueblo unido jamas será vencido!
De pie, marchar que vamos a
triunfar.
Avanzan ya banderas de unidad,
y tu vendrás marchando junto a mi
y así veras tu canto y tu bandera
al florecer la luz de un rojo
amanecer anuncia ya la vida que
vendrá.
De pie, luchar,
que el pueblo va a triunfar.
Será mejor la vida que vendrá
a conquistar nuestra felicidad
y en un clamor mil voces de
combate se alzaran, dirán,
canción de libertad,
con decisión la patria vencerá.
Y ahora el pueblo que se alza en la
lucha,
 55

will rise up and sing, con voz de gigante gritando:

songs of freedom, Adelante!
and with conviction the El pueblo unido jamas será vencido,
homeland will triumph, el pueblo unido jamas será vencido!

The homeland is forging unity, La patria esta forjando la unidad.

From North to South we are
mobilizing,
where the dry salt flats,
to the forests,
united in the struggle and work,
they will cover the homeland,
Their footsteps will an announce
the future.
Sing on your feet that the people
will triumph millions will
impose the truth,
They are made of steel, a fierce
battalion,
Their hands bring justice
and truth, woman with fire and
valor you are here besides the
workers.57
De norte a sur se movilizara,
desde el salar ardiente y mineral
al bosque austral,
unidos en la lucha y el trabajo irán
la patria cubrirán.
Su paso ya anuncia el porvenir.
De pie cantar que el pueblo va a
triunfar,
millones ya imponen la verdad.
De acero son, ardiente batallón.
Sus manos van, llevando la justicia
y la razón, mujer,
con fuego y con valor,
ya estas aquí junto al trabajador.
Y ahora el pueblo que se alza en la
lucha
con voz de gigante gritando:
Adelante!
El pueblo unido jamas será vencido,
El pueblo unido jamas será vencido!

This hymn evokes Guevara’s dream in a musical form, emphasizing the role of

unity and internationalism. The song’s music uses a martial air, a very strong march

rhythm using the indigenous bombo (bass drum) and strong guitar strums building up

to a loud shouting of the phrase “el pueblo unido jamas sera vencido”. At this

moment the song becomes a shouted slogan as the crowd lifts their clenched fists in

the air in unity. This song became a standard in the revolutionary repertoire and was

used in many different countries as a rousing call to arms.

The political songs of this period often integrated the role of music as an
 56

expression of free will and humanity, rights not taken for granted by most Latin

Americans. The historical experience of Latin Americans has little to do with the

“enlightenment values” of human rights and equality. While European and U.S.

citizens took these rights for granted, Latin Americans had not internalized them.

Indeed, it would be difficult for millions who live in conditions of poverty to believe

that the rights guaranteed to them by law and constitution meant anything. The songs,

however, talked about the injustice of their plight and about overcoming their political

powerlessness. Music also provided a tangible expression of Latin American identity

that could be shared between people from diverse cultures, linked by a common

historical experience of colonialism. This song written in Argentina in the late 1960’s

characterizes the ways that Latin American nationalism became a part of the Nueva

Canción.

Song for Everyone Canción Con Todos

(A.Tejada Gomez,musica: Cesar
Isela)

I go out to walk, Salgo a caminar

along the cosmic path of the
South,
and I feel in this region,
something in the wind and the
light,
I feel all of America in my flesh,
It flows like a river in my blood,
That unleashes like a flood in
my voice,
The sun of the Peruvian
highlands,
the face of Bolivia,
alone and lonely,
a Green Brazil kisses my Chile’s
minerals and copper,
I come up from the South,
Por la cintura cósmica del sur
Piso en la región
Más vegetal del tiempo y de la luz
Siento al caminar
Toda la piel de América en mi piel
Y anda en mi sangre un río
Que libera en mi voz
Su caudal.
Sol de alto Perú
Rostro Bolivia, estaño y soledad
Un verde Brasil besa a mi Chile
Cobre y mineral
Subo desde el sur
Hacia la entraña América y total
Pura raíz de un grito
 57

Towards the entrails of America, Destinado a crecer

Where the roots of a scream, Y a estallar.
That is destined to grow and
explode, Todas las voces, todas
Todas las manos, todas
All of the voices Toda la sangre puede
All of the hands Ser canción en el viento.
All of the blood,
Can be a song in the wind ¡Canta conmigo, canta
Hermano americano
Sing with me Libera tu esperanza
American brothers Con un grito en la voz!
free up your hope
to be a song in the voice. 58

Amparo Ochoa, Mexican singer and one of the founders of the Mexican Nueva

Canción movement, expressed her vision of political song in her introduction to a

radio interview in Nicaragua in 1981.

In the historical context of the political corruption and lack of social

justice that have characterized most Latin American societies our
songs represent a celebration of the simple pleasures in life that we
can enjoy and the beauty of nature. Our history has been denied us
and now we must reclaim it, rewrite and celebrate it in our songs.
Ours is a history of survival and struggle that we must honor, our
humanity and love have survived despite the centuries of
deculturation. Music is the voice of the heart that as Che said,
“revolutionaries are inspired by great feelings of love. 59

LA NUEVA TROVA CUBANA

In Cuba the revolution sparked a reordering of cultural hierarchies and a new

role in society for music. Culture, and especially music, were considered a part of the

“social salary” of workers, a social benefit much like education and health care. This

socialist concept replaced the free market dynamics in cultural production by

subsidizing cultural production mainly through state funding. This process provided a
 58

space for eclectic and experimental forms of music as government institutions

determined the path of cultural production, rather than the market place. Many

important music movements surfaced in Cuba that could never have achieved the

degree of popularity without subsidy and support from government institutions, as

well as popular acceptance.

The official start of the political song movement can be traced to the

Encuentro de la Canción Protesta organized by the Casa de las Americas in Cuba, in

1967. It marked the first meeting of Latin American musicians grouped together

through their identification with revolutionary political movements. The Casa de las

Americas sponsored concerts, seminars and other activities to stimulate this movement

giving recognition to artists who were in exile or extreme political disfavor in their

countries.60 The 1967 festival included musicians such as Uruguayan Alfredo

Zitarosa, Argentines Atahualpa Yupanqui and Mercedes Sosa with Mexican Oscar

Chavez and Cuban Carlos Puebla. The musicians came from variety of musical and

poetic styles. United States representative Pete Seeger commented, “It was great to

hear so many different approaches to political music, many of them made no reference

at all to politics. Some were very popular artists in their countries and others were on
61
the run from the police.”

Pete Seeger’s comments highlight the varied nature of the Nueva Canción that

didn’t group artists according to their skill level, popularity or musical style but rather

their political commitment. Seeger’s rendition of the song “Guantanamera” in 1961

gave him a means to talk about what was going on in Cuba and to make North

Americans aware of the beauty and profundity of Latin American music. His
 59

experience as a political activist/musician provided a model for other artists to

confront the difficulty of creating political music in a commerce driven marketplace

that places little value on ideological issues. Pete Seeger explained his relation to the

music business.

As styles come and go we occasionally become fashionable or our

songs are picked up by other who make them work in the
marketplace. Our presence as artists that pass on the old songs, the
songs that give meaning and texture to our lives allows others to
experience voices that wouldn’t otherwise be heard. 62

The Protest Song Movement Festival in 1967 used a yellow rose with a drop of

red blood falling from its thorn as its logo, symbolizing the power and beauty of song

as a form of in political activity. Some of the artists objected to the label “canción

protesta”. While many of the composers wrote political tracts that spoke of revolution

and the possibilities of social change, the term “protest” seemed inappropriate to the

participants in this movement, forced beyond social protest to armed struggle in the

late 1960’s and early 1970’s. Cuban singer Silvio Rodriguez proposed that music

should not only be a voice of protest but a vision of the future, a means to expose new

possibilities and alternatives. Rodriguez commented about the label “protest singer”

placed on the Cuban musicians who participated in this movement.

It is obvious that the label “protest singers” was applied to us because

we were brought together by the Protest Song Center at Casa de las
Americas. Really at that moment our songs were protest because they
were about recognizable themes; the war in Vietnam, racial
discrimination and anti-imperialism. But we never liked being called
protest singers because it was very narrow, because it didn’t reflect a
broader and deeper sentiment that we wanted to convey. We want to
continue the Cuban troubadour tradition in its diversity of style and
content. The term protest singer seemed limiting to us because we
felt a strong commitment to the freedom of the trova, of poetry and
beauty that couldn’t be limited and placed in a category as a
 60

contemporary slogan. We called ourselves troubadours but others

labeled us protest singers.63

The Cuban Nueva Trova movement was formed in 1972 to organize

singer/songwriters in an institutional framework. The movement brought together

musicians using diverse styles and genres from the traditional son and filin, to hybrid

styles that incorporated rock, jazz and Latin American music elements. The concept

of trova comes from the tradition of troubadours, singers who traveled the European

countryside spreading news and historical tales through songs. This tradition was

manifested in Cuba by a group of singer/songwriters who used song to make

commentaries on the idiosyncrasies of Cuban life, love betrayal and analyzing subtle

nuances of Cuban culture through their songs. Although the trova was not inherently

political it did play an important role in documenting and expressing the changing

nature of Cuban identity.

The music created by NuevaTrova founders Silvio Rodriguez, Pablo Milanes,

Noel Nicola, Sara Gonzalez and others had a profound influence on Latin American

musicians as they fused elements of literature and poetry with social commentaries.

The songs of the Nueva Trova were not easily understood. They used deep poetic

metaphors and complex melodies that defied the clichés ands formulas of both

commercial pop music and the traditional harmonic and rhythmic formats of Cuban

music. Cuban popular music is inevitably danceable and upbeat. The cha cha cha,

rumba and son are veritable celebrations of sensuality and movement. The songs

speak of sensual pleasures in the lexicon of the street, bringing to the forefront the

process of cultural mixture and identity. The Nueva Trova wanted people to reflect
 61

and listen, to appreciate the poetry of the music intellectually, not as a part of the

sensual experience of dance music. The trovadores explored the possibilities of poetry

and music combining diverse musical elements and lyrical influences, expanding the

boundaries of political music. Although some of their songs articulated political

themes, others forced the listeners to analyze and interpret their messages couched in

complex metaphors. Their music was considered political because it required analysis

and referenced the issues that faced young Cubans living within a socialist revolution.

Silvio Rodriguez posed the question; what is the balance that one must strike in

assimilating the conformity of the collective conscience and the surrender of

individual freedom.

A Small Daytime Serenade Pequeña Serenata Diurna

(Silvio Rodriguez)
I live in a small country,
That can only be free
On this Earth, in this moment,
And I am happy because I am
huge,
I love a woman with clarity,
That I love and she loves me
without asking for anything,
Or almost nothing,
That’s not the same,
But it’s equal.
And as if this wasn’t enough,
I have my songs that little by
little,
I chew and redo over time,
As an conscious man should.
I am happy, I’m a happy man,
And I want the dead to forgive
me, for this happy day64
Vivo en un país libre cual
solamente puede ser libre,
en esta tierra, en este instante,
y soy feliz, porque soy
gigante.
Amo a una mujer clara que
amo y me ama in pedir nada
casi nada que no es lo mismo
pero es igual.
Y si esto fuera poco
tengo mis cantos que, poco a
poco
muelo e rehago habitando el
tiempo
como le cuadra a un hombre
despierto.
Soy feliz, soy un hombre feliz,
y quiero que me perdonen
por este día
los muertos de mi felicidad.
 62

Silvio Rodriguez’s early work provided a critical framework for examining the

revolutionary process and the commitments individuals must make in developing a

group identity. Rodriguez’s songs provided a narrative and a critique that was rarely

offered or permitted in other areas of political or cultural expression during the 1960’s

and 1970’s. Within Cuban society the Nueva Trova played an important as a critical

voice within the revolution. As the revolution was constantly under attack from

outside forces, any analytic commentary or criticism of the revolutionary process was

difficult as they could easily be dismissed as “counter-revolutionary”. The Nueva

Trova singers walked a fine line in their quest to voice not only the positive aspects of

life in a revolution but the negative as well. While many of the politically oriented

songs express clear messages the critiques were expressed in poetic metaphors and

nuanced verse.

I Offer You a Song Te Doy Una Cancion

(Silvio Rodriguez)

I waste so much paper Como gasto papeles

remembering you, the way that
you make me speak in silence,
The way you don't take away
the urge from me,
Even though no one sees me
with you.
And the way that time passes,
all of sudden years go by with
you passing by me, stopped.
I give you a song if I open a
door, and you come out of the
shadows,
I give you a song of early
morning,
When I most want your light, I
give you a song when you
recordándote
Como me haces hablar en el
silencio
Como no te me quitas de las
ganas
Aunque nadie me vea nunca
contigo.
Y como pasa el tiempo
Que de pronto son años
Sin pasar tu por mi, detenida.
Te doy una canción si abro una
puerta
Y de las sombras sales tu.
Te doy una canción de
madrugada
Cuando mas quiero tu luz.
 63

appear, the mystery of love, Te doy una canción cuando

and if you don't appear, nothing
matters,
If I look out a little I stop,
I offer you a song and I make a
speech,
The city crumbles and I am
singing, people that hate and
love me, I won't forgive you for
distracting me.
They think that I say it all, that
I risk my life, \because they
don't know you or feel you,
I give you a song and I make a
speech,
about my right to speak,
I offer you a song with my two
hands,
With which I am able to kill,
I offer you a song and I say
homeland,
and continue speaking for you,
I offer you a song like a shot,
Like a book, a word, a
guerrilla,
like I offer love.65
apareces
El misterio del amor
Y si no lo apareces, nada
importa
Yo te doy una canción.
Si miro un poco afuera me
detengo
La ciudad se derrumba y yo
cantando
La gente que me odia y que me
quiere
No me va a perdonar que me
distraiga.
Creen que lo digo todo,
Que me juego la vida
Porque no te conocen ni te
sienten.
Te doy una canción y hago un
discurso
Sobre mi derecho a hablar
Te doy una canción con mis
dos manos
Con las mismas de matar.
Te doy una canción y digo
patria
Y sigo hablando para ti
Te doy una canción como un
disparo.
Como un libro, como una
palabra,
Una guerrilla,
Como doy el amor.

Silvio Rodriguez defends the singers’ right to be critical and to join his music

with political commitment. He also proposed that music expresses feelings and

emotions that are intertwined with political conscience. Silvio originally accompanied

himself on the guitar giving his lyrics a sparse background that wouldn’t distract from

his message and deep poetry. Later he formed a jazz-rock group of the daring young
 64

generation of Cuban jazz musicians who together wove a complex web of poetry and

music. His songs also empowered other Latin American artists to approach the

existential issues involved in taking on political commitment. 66 By the 1980’s, Silvio’s

concerts filled football stadiums in Mexico, Argentina and Venezuela . The crowds

responded with the enthusiasm usually reserved for pop idols and rock stars. 67

The music of the Nueva Trova introduced a very popular fusion of

introspective poetry and musical fusion of modern rock and folk roots that impacted

Latin American popular music during the 1980’s and 1990’s. While Silvio Rodriguez,

Noel Nicola and Vicente Feliu experimented with jazz-fusion and folk/rock, other

singers and groups within the Nueva Trova tended more towards Cuban folk roots for

their musical influences. Pablo Milanes, Sara Gonsalez, Manguare, Grupo Moncada

and Sierra Maestra used the Cuban son as the basis for their compositions, introducing

new poetic elements into the traditional forms and highlighting the beauty and depth

of the traditional forms. The Nueva Trova proved to be an important influence in

Latin American music that transcended its political concepts.

LA NUEVA CANCIÓN CHILENA

The Chilean Nueva Canción began informally in the mid-1960’s during a

period of intense political activity. The relatively open political system in Chile

provided the left wing parties to win some seats in parliament and to aspire to

achieving political power without armed confrontation with the military. During this

time many politically oriented music groups formed and folk singers began to focus on

political themes, capturing the public interest. Political music became a new genre in
 65

Chile that incorporated elements of traditional Chilean folk music, with Andean

elements and other Latin American influences. This period during the late 1960’s and

early 1970’s produced some of the classic works of the Nueva Canción that captured

the energy and intensity of emotion that was unleashed during this period.

In Chile and Argentina, informal peñas or cultural centers were established for

the performance of folk music, revolutionary songs, poetry and plays. The peñas

provided a space for a music movement to develop and flourish.

Chilean artist Rene Castro commented;

The peñas gave us a chance to go beyond the dogmatic and restrictive

dialogues we had in meetings. At night we could drink wine and be
nourished by music and poetry that was in tune with our political
commitment. We established a bond much stronger than a party card
as we created our own revolutionary culture and searched for our
links to the past through the music.68

In the late 1960’s, the constant rallies and marches provided a space for

Chilean political groups to attract audiences and develop a space for themselves.

Student music groups such as Inti Illimani and Quilapayun emerged that incorporated

Andean music as a political statement attacking the Eurocentric traditions of the

Southern Cone. These young musicians donned “ponchos,’ identified with the

indigenous cultures of the Andes and brought Andean instruments into their

ensembles, celebrating this neglected aspect of their culture.

Inti Illimani and Quilapayun used Andean instruments and tonalities but

combined them with the more European influenced Chilean popular music styles to

create an interesting hybrid. This mixture created new possibilities for musical

creation. In Chile as well as other Latin America countries, Andean music became a
 66

political statement in itself, an icon of the indigenous identity and a rejection of the

imported music models that were being played on the radio and promoted by a

growing music industry.

Through the popularity of these and other Chilean groups the Andean and the

folk instruments such as the stringed charango (made from an armadillo shell), the

reed quena flute, zampoña pan pipes and Cuban derived bongo drums became apart of

the repertoire of many Latin American groups all over the continent. Groups in

Mexico, Venezuela, Columbia and Central America began to use these instruments

into their national music thus creating pan-Latin American hybrids.

Violeta Parra was a pioneer of the Chilean folk music movement and one of

the inspirations for the Nueva Canción movement. She began performing in the early

1950’s in rural Chile in circus tents, theaters and other venues. She later became one

of Chile’s premier folklorists collecting songs, legends and proverbs from all over the

country. Violeta Parra also studied the Chilean folk arts and became a talented weaver

of arpilleras or tapestries that depicted scenes of daily life. Violeta Parra used simple

melodies and harmonies from Chilean folk styles to create insightful and songs that

went beyond the descriptive and panoramic poetry of most Chilean folk songs. She

later developed her own performance space in a tent where she performed with many

of Chile’s top folk groups. Although Violeta Parra was identified with the Chilean left

through her music, she continued to present folk groups with no political affiliations,

introducing young political musicians to the folk traditions. Her most famous song

“Gracias a la Vida” has been sung in numerous languages and interpreted by most of

Latin America’s top singers.


Give Thanks for Life
(Violeta Parra)
Thanks to life for giving me so
much,
it has given me two eyes, that
when I open them,
I clearly distinguish black from
white,
And in the infinite sky, it's starry
depths,
And from the crowds, the
friend I love.
Thanks to life for giving me so
much,
It has given me hearing and all
its depth, that records night and
day, crickets and canaries,
hammers, turbines and barking,
storms and the tender voice of
my loved one.
Thanks to life for giving me so
much, I has given me the step of
my tired feet,
And with them I walked deserts,
mountains and plains, And your
house, your street and your patio,
Thanks to life for giving me so
much,
It has given me smiles and tears,
And this is how I tell between
good luck and bad,
The two materials that make up
my song,
And your song is the same song,
And everyone's song is my song.
Thanks to life for giving me so
much.69
Violeta Parra’s music picked up elements of Chilean folk music as well as
influences from popular American and European folk singers of the 1960’s. Her style
67
Gracias a la Vida
Gracias a la vida que me ha dado tanto
Me dio dos luceros que cuando los abro
Perfecto distingo lo negro del blanco
Y en el alto cielo su fondo estrellado
Y en las multitudes al hombre que yo
amo.
Gracias a la vida que me a ha dado tanto
Me ha dado el oído que en todo su ancho
Graba noche y día grillos y canarios
Martillos, turbinas, ladridos, chubascos
Y la voz tan tierna de mi bien amado.
Gracias a la vida que me ha dado tanto
Me ha dado la marcha de mis pies
cansados,
Con ellos anduve ciudades y charcos
Playas y desiertos, montañas y llanos
Y la casa tuya, tu calle y tu patio.
Gracias a la vida que me ha dado tanto
Me dio el corazón que agita su marco
Cuando miro el fruto del cerebro humano
Cuando miro al bueno tan lejos del malo
Cuando miro el fondo de tus ojos claros
Gracias a la vida que me ha dado tanto
Me ha dado la risa y me ha dado el llanto
Así y distingo dicha de quebranto
Los dos materiales que forman mi canto
Y el canto de ustedes que es el mismo
canto
Y el canto de todos que es mi propio
canto.
Gracias a la vida que me ha dado tanto.
 68

influenced young Chileans by providing them with a model for musical creation and a

poetic framework that reflected the folk wisdom and the social realities of her country

without resorting to political rhetoric. Her poetic voice portrayed the hard life of

woman in times of political crisis. Her voice expressed deep emotion and a passion

that was crossed cultural boundaries to gain her recognition in Europe as well as Latin

America.

The music of Victor Jara also contributed greatly to the development of the

Nueva Canción . His song “I Remember You Amanda” told a story of love and loss in

modern Latin America . His raw voice and simple guitar playing contrasted sharply

to the slick pop song sounds on the radio and the smooth-voiced romantic singers.

Jara’s love and romance took place in the real world of factory workers, in

shantytowns and bespoke the harsh realities that Chileans faced in their lives.

I Remember You Amanda, Te recuerdo Amanda

(Victor Jara) (Victor Jara)

I remember you Amanda, Te recuerdo Amanda,

the wet streets, la calle mojada,
running to the factory, corriendo a la fábrica
where Manuel worked donde trabajaba Manuel.
The broad smile,. La sonrisa ancha, la lluvia en el
The rain in your hair pelo,
Nothing mattered to you, no importaba nada, ibas a
You were going to meet him, encontrarte con él,
con él, con él, con él, con él.
Five minutes,
Life is eternal, Son cinco minutos.
In five minutes La vida es eterna en cinco
The siren sounds minutos.
Back to work Suena la sirena de vuelta al
And you walking trabajo,
You light up everything, y tú caminando, lo iluminas todo.
Those five minutes Los cinco minutos te hacen
They make you flower florecer.
 69

I remember you Amanda

Your broad smile Estribillo
With him
Who left for the mountains La sonrisa ancha, la lluvia en el
That never did any harm pelo,
Who left for the mountains no importaba nada, ibas a
and was destroyed encontrarte con él,
The siren sounds con él, con él, con él, con él.
Back to work
Many didn’t return Que partió a la sierra.
Neither did Manuel. Que nunca hizo daño. Que partió
a la sierra,
y en cinco minutos quedó
destrozado.
Suena la sirena, de vuelta al
trabajo.
Muchos no volvieron, tampoco
Manuel.70

Like Violeta Parra, his music utilized elements of older Chilean folk music,

mixed with international popular music styles. Recordings reveal an untrained voice

that evoked a sense of sincerity and strength that crossed language barriers. His music

became known widely in Europe and in folk circles in the United States.

Chilean musician Rafael Manriquez commented that:

Victor Jara’s voice carried these political messages to many ears that
might not listen to speeches nor read complex books and newspapers.
He gained the respect of working people because his songs spoke
their language and the imagery he evoked from their experiences in
life and the way that they voiced them. 71

Victor Jara’s classic song, The Right to Live in Peace, is a hymn to the

internationalism that Che Guevara proposed in his farewell message in Tricontinental

magazine where he called on revolutionaries to create, “one two, many Vietnams”. 72

El Derecho de Vivir en Paz El Derecho de Vivir en Paz

(Victor Jara)
 70

The right to live in peace El derecho de vivir

poet Ho Chi Minh,
That hits all humanity from
Vietnam,
No cannon can erase
The rows of your ricefields
The right to live in peace
Indochina is the place
Far across the sea
where the flowers are blown up
by genocide and napalm
where the moon is an explosion
that binds all the clamor
the right to live I peace.
Uncle Ho, our song
is a fire of pure love
its a dove, a dove’s nest
an olive, an olive tree
It’s a universal song,
A chain that with win,
the right to live in peace
poeta Ho Chi Minh
que golpeas de Vietnam
a toda la humanidad
ningún cañón borrará
el surco de tu arrozal
el derecho de vivir en paz.
Indochina es el lugar
más allá del ancho mar
donde revienta la flor
con genocidio y napalm
la luna es una explosión
que funde todo el clamor
el derecho de vivir en paz
Tío Ho, nuestra canción
es fuego de puro amor
es palomo-palomar
olivo del olivar
es como el canto universal
cadena que hará triunfar
el derecho de vivir en paz.

This homage to Ho Chi Minh defines the anti-imperialist war as a defense of

the right to live in peace. This poetic description of the Vietnam War depicts music as

a means of achieving peace, an expression of those forces that drive people to fight

against all odds.

Cuba and Chile became centers of the Nueva Canción, because their

governments under Castro and left Chilean political parties even before the Allende

government (1970-73) afforded the musical movement both political space and

massive support. The public responded enthusiastically. Official support and

recognition provided artists the ability to record their music, perform for large

receptive audiences and to travel as official emissaries of their countries.

The role of the Chilean Nueva Canción changed dramatically in 1973, when a
 71

military coup overthrew the Allende government and installed a military government.

Soldiers rounded up Allendistas and brought them to the National Stadium. Angry

soldiers broke Victor Jara’s hands as he tried to play his guitar and sing to the other

prisoners. The military junta banned all political music and also the Andean flutes,

charangos and certain drums the instruments that were associated with that music.

This ban lasted for almost two years until the popularity of Andean music in other

countries created a window for the instruments to creep back in television

commercials and other non-threatening formats.

The exiled Quilapayun based in France and Inti Illimani in Italy toured the

world and established their music as part of the international music market. Inti

Illimani worked in solidarity with the resistance movement in Chile and brought world

attention to the abuses of the military government. Both groups drew large crowds in

Europe and the United States at solidarity events and also folk music festivals. No

matter how much success they achieved, however, they could not return to Chile.

Sergio Ortega of Quilapayun commented on how music embodied the Chilean

political movement in exile.

After the horrendous Fascist coup in 1973 political music shared the
same fate as the Chilean people, a tough clandestinity, in some cases
death and a role in the struggle in the exterior to develop a solidarity
movement within the international anti-imperialist movement. Our
main goal was to overthrow the dictatorship. It is clear that if Chilean
political songs are sung throughout the world it is not a consequence
necessarily of the quality of the songs but the fact that people around
the world have taken the cause and songs of the Chilean people as
their flag because of the unjust and brutal coup supported by
imperialism against a people that had democratically decided their
fate.

In Nicaragua, Chilean music had a big impact on the emerging political song
 72

movement both musically and poetically. The energetic hymns and full voiced

choruses appealed to the Nicaraguan musicians and influenced the works of the

revolutionary music groups that developing in the university and the urban barrios.

These songs provided a starting point for informal groups to rouse as crowd and a

model for their own compositions.

FOLK MUSIC REVIVALAND NUEVA CANCIÓN IN MEXICO

Mexican music was highly influential in the development of popular music

styles and particularly the historical corridos that were an integral part of Sandino’s

movement in the 1920’s. Mexico has long been a source of revolutionary songs dated

back to the early part of the 20 th century. The Mexican Revolution that began in 1910

produced a wealth of music that documented the battles and movement of forces,

bravery and cowardice of combatants and the goals of the revolutionaries. The songs

iconized the leaders of the revolution and their ideals providing an oral history of this

revolution that many times contradicts or conflicts with the official history. These

narratives are sung in bars and restaurants in different styles with differing regional

interpretations73. Mexico’s diverse musical traditions reflect the hundreds of distinct

ethnic groups that make up Mexico’s indigenous population and the diverse foreign

cultures that have blended to become a part of the Mestizo identity.

In the 1950s, Mexico’s music industry experienced major growth. Mexican

record companies and American subsidiaries based there saw profit in exporting music

to the rest of Latin America. The music industry promoted new hybrid forms that

fused Northern border corridos, the mariachi tradition of Sinaloa with the Son
 73

Huastaca, the Cuban son and bolero to create a sound that became popular all over

Latin America. The record companies looked for a lowest common denominator, a

smooth melodic and rhythmically universal sound, that evoked popular poetic styles

and the inventive double entendres and a creative use of language to describe scenes

of love and betrayal.

In this period, the trio format, three singer guitarists or two guitars and

maracas, popularized by Los Panchos, Tres Reyes, Tres Aces and others, became the

model for groups in restaurants, bars and even in movies. Thousands of trios

followed their lead , playing a repertoire of what became Latin American standards.

The Mexican music industry promoted domestic music, but folklorists and cultural

activist Oscar Chavez argued that the commercial exploitation of the music,

“pasteurized,” or removed the idiosyncrasies and nuances that mark the identities of

the countries diverse ethnicity’s and culture.

In the 1960’s, several groups of young Mexican musicians began to explore

their country’s pre-Columbian roots. They resurrected folk songs that could link the

current generations of social protest with the struggles of previous generations. These

cultural activists feared that once Mexicans became separated from their traditional

communities, they would soon lose their rich Mestizo musical heritage and the

traditions of resistance that were embodied in these musical forms. They argued that

the newly developing radio, television and record industries helped promote the only

the most commercial or glitzy aspects of the music erasing the folk musicians and the

“raw” rural music styles who didn’t fit the new formats.

Gabino Palomares, a young Mexican singer wrote a song that embodied the
 74

emphasis of the political song movement in Mexico. The Curse of Malinche, linked

the conquest of the Aztecs with the continuing exploitation of Mexico by foreigners.

He performed this song with Los Folkloristas, who utilized pre-Columbian

instruments and a chant-like melody that recalled the textures of indigenous music.

Los Folkloristas filled the stage with teponastles, ornate log drums, flutes, water

drums and other pre-Columbian instruments that they collected and constructed based

on extensive research. This group became very popular by reconstructing the sounds

and rhythms of the music that accompanied many indigenous rituals

The Curse of Malinche refers to the infamous women who acted as translator

and advisor to Hernan Cortez. Malinche is known as the mother of the Mestizo race

because she gave birth to the first Mestizo, the son of Cortez. According to the legend,

she gave Cortez insights into the Aztec culture that allowed him to gain an advantage

in recruiting other Indian groups who hated the Aztecs. It was exactly what Cortez

needed to defeat the numerically superior forces of the old empire.

Palomares’ song offers a critique of those Mexicans who allow foreign

interests to determine his country’s economic destiny, while turning their back on the

problems of Mexico’s own needy population.

The Curse of Malinche La Maldicion De La Malinche

(Gabino Palomares)
My feathered brothers
saw them arrive by sea
the bearded ones that the
prophecy had announced
The voice of the monarch was
heard, saying the Gods had
Del mar los vieron llegar
Mis hermanos emplumados
Eran los hombres barbados
De la profecia esperada.
Se oyo la voz del monarca
De que el Dios habia llegado
Y les abrimos la puerta

arrived and we opened the doors
to them for fear of the unknown
They were mounted on beasts
Like evil demons they had
flames in their hands
and were covered with metal
Only a few brave ones
put up resistance
and watching the blood flow
they were filled with shame
Because Gods don’t eat
or enjoy stolen things
and when we figured it out
everything was gone
And with this error we gave
away,
the greatness of the past
and we carry this error with us
300 years as slaves
We live with this bad habit,
to offer foreigners, our faith,
our culture, our bread, our
money
And we continue to trade
gold for glass beads
and we give them our riches
for your shiny mirrors
Today in the midst of the 20th
century, foreigners keep on
coming as we open our homes
to them
and we call them friends
But if a tired Indian comes to us
from the mountains,
we humiliate him and treat him
as a stranger in his own land
75
Por temor a lo ignorado.
Iban montados en bestias
Como demonios del mal
Iban con fuego en las manos
Y cubiertos de metal.
Solo el valor de unos cuantos
Les opuso resistencia
Y al mirar correr la sangre
Se llenaron de verguenza.
Porque los dioses ni comen
Ni gozan con lo robado
Y cuando nos dimos cuenta
Ya todo estaba acabado
Y en ese error entregamos
La grandeza del pasado
Y en ese error nos quedamos
300 años esclavos.
Se nos quedo el maleficio
De brindar al extranjero
Nuestra fe, nuestra cultura,
Nuestro pan, nuestro dinero.
Le seguimos cambiando
Oro por cuentas de vidrio
Y damos nuestras riquezas
Por sus espejos con brillo.
Hoy en pleno siglo XX
Me siguen llegando rubios
Y les abrimos la casa
Los llamamos amigos.
Pero si llega cansado
Un indio de andar la sierra
Lo humillamos y lo vemos
Como extraño por su tierra.
Tu hipocrita que te muestras
Humilde ante el extranjero
Pero te vuelves soberbio
 76

You, hypocrite that acts humble
in front of foreigners,
but you are arrogant with your
common brothers
Oh curse of Malinche
illness of the present
When will you leave my land
when will you free my people
Con tus hermanos del pueblo.
Oh, maldicion de Malinche
Enfermedad del presente
Cuando dejaras mi tierra
Cuando haras libre a mi gente.
La Maldicion de Malinche

This song was made popular in a version sung by Amparo Ochoa, one of

Mexico’s most important folk singers. Ochoa is known as a singer who has

resurrected a wealth of folk songs that address social issues. She was one of the first

of a generation of students to begin to research the tradition of the corridos that were

sung during the Mexican Revolution. She sang songs that that provided a perspective

different from the official government records of the Revolution. Her powerful and

sincere voice gave new life the historical corridos that documented the deeds of the

revolutionary soldiers.

The corrido form combines a simple musical style derived from the Spanish

musical forms and the polka brought by German immigrants to Northern Mexico. The

songs are often epic poems and historical narratives that document the deeds of brave

heroes and the historical figures that were often unmentioned in the official history

texts. Corridos serve as sources of oral history. They also provide a commentary on

that incorporates a worldview that celebrates resistance to unjust authority and

promotes Mexican nationalism.

Mexican musicologist, Vicente Mendoza has gathered a huge collection of

Mexican corridos of different types that document an important testimony of Mexican

history. By uncovering new perspectives of historical events contained in the corrido

 77

lyrics, Vicente Mendoza’s work represents a major contribution to Mexican

historiography. The corridos provide a channel for one generation to pass on the

important events they witnessed through songs that travel via troubadours from region

to region. Currently “narco-corridos.” these sarcastic ballads celebrate the deeds of

drug traffickers and their flamboyant lifestyles, thus mocking the authority of the

government. The corrido singers contend that their portrayal of “real life” in song is

part of a traditional role that they have inherited as popular poets.

Chicano singer Francisco Herrera asserts that “the path to success for poor

Mexicans may not lay in the corporate structure but in the ranks of the drug cartels

that have developed as major industries in many regions of Mexico. I compare the

narco-corrido songs of Los Tucanes de Tijuana to “Lifestyles of the Rich and

Famous”, a glimpse into a glamorous and exciting world full of people who operate on

a different moral and social code. The political nature of the corrido is that it is

inherently a form of historical documentary that does not always correspond to a

political ideology but rather the view of society from the bottom that does not find

contradictions in honoring the Al Capones of Mexico and the Zapatista

revolutionaries. Both groups provide benefit to the poor, enforce a strict code of honor

and use the force of arms to stand up for their rights.

 78

THE NUEVA CANCIÓN GETS OLD

Several of the Nueva Canción groups achieved a degree of commercial success

during the 1970’s in Latin America and Europe. Exiles Mercedes Sosa, Quilapayun,

Inti Illimani, had toured the world, playing to large audiences. A network of Socialist

and Communist Party had sponsored music festivals and venues in Europe. These

external aids helped to create sources of work for these groups and to create a

following for them in these countries. Latin American exile communities in Europe

and the United States also helped to organize tours and concerts to support these

groups.

The Nueva Canción also found a home in university concert and lecture series,

folk music festivals and a circuit of cultural centers and coffeehouses. But by the late

1980s, these venues also abated. Nueva Canción artists also found it more difficult to

find promoters willing to back them. During the 1970’s and early 1980’s the political

conditions in Latin America made it difficult to promote Nueva Canción in most

countries. The Nueva Canción never became nightclub music nor geared itself

towards dance halls, the main venues for musical entertainment in most countries.

The most popular artists were still able to play at concerts at universities or theaters

but less regularly than before.

The short life of Nueva Canción should not be a measure of its impact; nor

should its comparatively low record sales nullify the impact that it had on millions of

people. Indeed, many of the concepts first put forth by the Nueva Canción have

become a part of Latin American popular music. Violeta Parra, Victor Jara, Gabino
 79

Palomares, Chico Buarque, Silvio Rodriguez and others stand as pioneers in Latin

American music. Their influence going far beyond the political causes they

represented. These artists have influenced the work of thousands of other artists in

other genres. The Nueva Canción also stimulated public interest in the folk styles

giving new life to many folk music forms that had been abandoned and forgotten by

the public.

The Nueva Canción movement made an important contribution to the creation

of a musical and poetic voice that addresses social and political issues. The musicians

and researchers that were a part of this movement provided a new framework for

popular music, giving value and respect to Latin American folk traditions. These

activists provided a framework for musicians in Nicaragua, El Salvador and even in

the United States to use music as a tool of historical analysis and to actively link their

work to political movements.

As democracy was restored in Chile, Argentina and the Sandinistas were voted

out of power in Nicaragua. the “new” in Nueva Canción became identified more with

“new age” than revolution. The use of Pablo Milanes and Silvio Rodriguez’s music in

Brazilian and Mexican soap operas in the late 1980’s demonstrates the depth of its

acceptance in popular culture. As the threat of revolution subsided in the late 1980’s,

Nueva Trova and Nueva Canción in general lost its militant attitude and became

accepted for its aesthetic qualities and its fusion of modern and traditional music forms

in a cohesive framework.

This brief history of Nueva Canción will provide important background

information for understanding the objectives and goals of the Nicaraguan

 80

revolutionary music movement. The Nicaraguans were able to references previous

experiences in other countries as well as their own traditions to create new narrative

forms. The following chapters will trace the development of a unique musical voice in

Nicaragua that later came to influence Nueva Canción in a major way.

81
CHAPTER TWO:

THE EVOLUTION OFA NICARAGUAN MUSICAL VOICE

During my travels as a researcher through the rural areas of Nicaragua in the

1980’s, it was impressive to see people with little or no formal education give complex

and eloquent speeches about political issues and recite long epic poems from memory.

In the Segovia Mountains, where Sandino’s army operated, the elders talked

extensively about the events of the 1930’s as if they happened last week. They

explained that Nicaraguan identity is forged in struggle and resistance and a continuity

of the oral traditions that provide a link between the generations. These memories are

not lost in the wind, they become the basis of songs, poems and stories that are passed

along, embedded with the worldview of people who have witnessed and experienced

the ebb and flow of rebellion and repression. Despite the official neglect of education

and cultural development, strong oral traditions have provided Nicaraguans a means to

express their ideas and to a means of collecting and passing on the histories that are

not recorded in books. In the 1960’s and 1970’s this legacy of oral history, music and

poetry became an important part of the revolutionary strategy for organizing and

explaining the complex ideological issues and for creating a uniquely Nicaraguan

political voice.

The following chapter looks at a series of historical songs, street theater plays

and epic poems that document a Nicaraguan cultural voice that emerged during the

colonial period and is maintained to this day. These cultural expressions highlight

82
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critical junctures in Nicaraguan history that are rarely documented in the official

chronicles74. These histories are buried in metaphors and nuanced language that is not

always explicit. These narratives are often coded in satire, folktales and stories that

protect the storytellers from official sanction and assure the safe passage of these

messages of opposition from generation to generation. James Scott describes this

form of narrative as “hidden transcripts” that document the voice of protest and

resistance of a subaltern class, powerless to express their ideas in an explicit form. He

argues that subjugated peoples often find power and hope in their ability to create

clandestine means of communicating oppositional messages and pass on traditions of

passive and active resistance75.

LANGUAGE AS HISTORY

“Nicaragua’s history is passed on by the singers and troubadours who carry

our past in their songs”76, posits Nicaraguan historian, Carlos Mantica. In Mantica's

view, songs are the repositories for the collective memory of generations of

Nicaraguans, who have few other tools for recording the events that affect their lives.

His works catalogue thousands of slang words, jokes, proverbs and nicknames and

traces their indigenous roots. Through his collections, many important aspects of

Nicaraguan culture became illuminated, as much of the country’s heritage is buried in

its

language. Mantica proposes that the country’s oral traditions, music and the rich

folklore are the basis of Nicaraguan national identity that is maintained and passed on

by the poor not the country’s sparse cultural institutions. He argues that these cultural
 84

practices provide the link that binds Nicaraguans as an "imagined community" giving

them a sense of national identity based on a common history of resistance.

Benedict Anderson argued that national identity emerges as nations are able to

develop “imagined communities”, links that bind individuals through a sense of group

identification. Anderson contends that nationalism developed as individuals began to

imagine themselves as a part of a national community that transcended their traditional

local relationships. Anderson’s work documents the rise of nationalism in the New

World that resulted from the liberation movements against Spain. In the newly

founded republics of Colombia, Venezuela, Mexico and Argentina the ruling elites

began to develop strong national cultures to consolidate their power and to link the

diverse cultural and social groups within the national borders that were previously

united only by their colonial status. Writers became important figures in the creation

of a national identity by defining a literary and artistic voice to articulate the elements

of nationhood. 77

In Nicaragua, however, the bourgeoisie didn't develop a unique literary voice

and a source cultural unity that could support a strong nationalist movement. The

Nicaraguan bourgeoisie was too far removed from the poor, economically and

culturally. They didn’t share the vernacular language or popular culture and they

envisioned their Nicaraguan identity as separate from the poor Nicaraguans. The

“imagined community” that poor Nicaraguans shared was based on the creative use of

language captured in rich oral traditions that developed during centuries of resistance

to exploitation and humiliation.

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THE RISE OF THE MESTIZO CULTURE

The Spanish conquest and the following process of mestizaje or cultural mixture in

Nicaragua was particularly violent and cruel, even in comparison to other Latin

American countries. The chronicles of the Spanish monk, Frei Oveido, documents

mass extermination of thousands of Indians, including systematic rape and

enslavement of entire villages. To counter the strong military resistance by the

indigenous communities, the Spanish used brute force to subjugate the native

population. The Bishop of Chiapas, Bartolome de las Casas an eye witness to the

events, writes:

Because of the infernal wars that the Spanish are waging against them
and the horrible enslavement that they subjected them to, more than
500,000 or 600.000 up till today and now they kill them. In a span of
14 years they have done all of this. We could say that in Nicaragua
today 4 or 5 thousand people are killed everyday by forced labor and
oppression.78

The labor, de las Casas referred to, was the construction of massive mining

projects in several parts of the country, in the Spanish search for gold.

The Indians were chained together to carry heavy objects and mining
supplies. Villages were raided for more laborers as the supply died
because of the hard work and lack of nourishment. Along the long
road many cruelties were committed against the poor natives, that
were chained to their heavy loads. When one of them would tire out
and fall down beneath the weight of the load, the Spaniards would cut
off their heads to save the time of taking off the ring around their
neck.79

The promise of immense riches brought several groups of Spanish conquerors

to Nicaragua. Tales of glistening gold mines and great wealth sparked a rampage by
 86

Spanish troops across Nicaragua devastating and enslaving indigenous communities.

The first incursions by Gil Davila and the subsequent incursions of Francisco

Hernandez de Corboda and Pedro Arias Davila were met with fierce fighting and

opposition by the indigenous population. In order to squash the centers of resistance,

the Spanish massively slaughtered the Indians and decimated their communities. The

Spaniards wanted to destroy the communities to aid in the enslavement of the

indigenous population for work in the mines.

In 1527, when his search for gold was unsuccessful, the Spanish governor,

Pedro Arias Davila, began a campaign to enslave entire Nicaragua communities, for

sale abroad. The slaves were sold to work in the Antilles and Peru. Historian and

Sandinista leader Jaime Wheelock describes the tactics that Davila used to wipe out

the indigenous resistance to his rule.

Pedro Arias decided to deepen the terror of the people of Nicaragua.

He stopped waging conventional war as a main tactic and passed to a
secondary strategy of terrorism coldly calculated to impact and
depress the rebels. He would send his troops to wipe out whole
villages raping the women and leaving them to be eaten by his pack of
hungry dogs…Pedro Arias’ programs are an example of the period of
transition that historians describe between the conquest and the
“colonial peace”:

1. Punishment of rebel chiefs through the cruelest tortures:

burnings, dogs, beheadings and throwing them into a bag of
snakes.
2. Repression of disobedient villages or communities by wiping
them out completely.
3. Breaking up communities by moving their chiefs to other
places.
4. Tributes in kind, slavery and forced labor.
5. Slavery through iron rings around their necks.
6. Sale of slaves to the Antilles.
7. Imposition of religion on the pain of death 80
 87

Wheelock contrasts this description of the conquest and the birth of the

Mestizo culture to what he calls the “myth of the colonial legacy”, which celebrates

the Spanish contributions to Nicaragua and the “birth” of a Mestizo people. He argues

that the “blending of cultures” and the “spreading of the faith” in Nicaragua were in

reality, a campaign of terrorism and oppression of the worst kind rather than a peaceful

conversion. The Catholic priests who accompanied the conquerors, found the job of

converting the indigenous communities to Catholicism, a difficult task, that resulted in

the use of extreme measures to “pacify and indoctrinate” the native population. The

priests found a deep-seated resistance by the Indians to Catholicism. They persisted in

introducing elements of their indigenous religions into Christian religious practices.

Wheelock provides examples of many uprisings both civil and military over the

centuries and the continued syncretization or mestizaje of the Catholic Church in

Nicaragua. In this passage he cites the chronicles of a Spanish priest describing the

difficulties indoctrinating the Indians in Nicaragua.

They have deep-rooted superstitions and there is no way to persuade

them otherwise. It is without a doubt because there are demons that
make them this way. Even the most persuasive and fervent priests
cannot convince them. 81

The Spanish priests found even after several decades of indoctrination and

repression that the Indians refused to wholly submit to Catholicism. The priests kept

watch over the religious practices in indigenous communities and monitored the

introduction of the traditional Indian religious practices into the Church. When priests

discovered the worship of idols behind the altars, “pagan rituals”, and prayers in native

languages in the church, they punished the Indians with “the divine wrath of
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whippings and beatings”.82

In order to dismantle the political structures of the indigenous communities,

the Spanish abolished the council of elders that had governed according to their native

traditions. They appointed colonial administrators and attempted to create a class of

Mestizo collaborators who could control and pacify the indigenous population. The

“colonial peace” that the administration achieved in the 17 th century was frequently

disrupted by uprisings in moments of conflict or when the Indigenous communities

were pushed too far by the demands of the colonials. Wheelock documents hundreds

of uprisings throughout the 18th, 19th centuries, continuing even after the independence

in 1821. He contends that this current of indigenous resistance has become a part of

Nicaraguan culture and lays the foundation of the anti-imperialist 20 th century war

waged by Augusto Cesar Sandino in the 1920's and 1930's and later in the 1960's and

1970's by the Frente Sandinista por la Liberacion Nacional.

Historian, Jorge Eduardo Arellano estimates that indigenous Nicaraguans

constituted only 5% of the country’s population by the mid 17 th century. The Spanish

conquest wiped out the main indigenous cultures in Nicaragua through warfare,

disease and repression in a period of a hundred years. The survivors learned to adapt

to the parameters of the new society and to protect the little they could salvage of their

past and its distinct dialect, cuisine, music, dance and oral traditions. Carlos Mantica

describes the process used by the indigenous people to camouflage themselves as

Mestizo; including speaking Spanish and adapting many of the cultural practices

prescribed by the colonial authorities. Underneath this facade, they maintained many
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of their traditions and the bloodlines for hundreds of years 83.

There are few surviving material examples of direct links to the indigenous

Nahuatl and the Chorotegas cultures, the original inhabitants of much of the area

around Masaya. Carlos Mantica, documents thousands of examples of idiosyncratic

expressions and words in Nicaraguan vernacular Spanish that come from the Nahuatl

language. While many of the words are directly from Nahuatl, others are translations

into Spanish of Nahuatl phrases and sayings84. As in most of Latin America, the

Queen's Spanish became infused with new meanings in the hands of the Nicaragua's

indigenous peoples. Indigenous communities developed their own vocabulary of

words and phrases that held meanings for them, but that escaped the sensibilities of the

colonial authorities. Language provided a medium for the colonial subjects to ridicule

the dominant elite and maintain a coded form of communication. This culture of

resistance is embedded in the oral history, songs, poems, stories and proverbs which

have survived for centuries as a cultural and historical legacy that defines Nicaraguan

identity85.

Carlos Mantica explains the importance of oral traditions in Nicaraguan culture

as the principle means of documenting and passing on Nicaraguan history outside of

the “official” culture.

Our language is definitely our only history text. We were a people

without books. A people without historians and in this sense a people
without a history. Our history is oral and our speech is our history.
The indigenous ideograms were essentially mnemonic drawings to
revive memories, not a writing system. The word “platicar” is much
more than “conversar”, it signifies storytelling, anecdotes and a
narrative with more texture a simple stating of facts…
 90

This description suggests that the Mestizo people used language as a weapon

to preserve their cultural legacy and limit their domination. He implies that within the

vernacular language, a coded communication exists that masks the true intentions and

objectives of the speaker. He examines the way that Nicaraguans were able to

maintain the poetic style of Nahuatl, the imagery and symbolism of their religious

concepts, and the oral history in the hybrid Spanish that developed. The names of

flora and fauna were not hispanicized. They maintained their native names, which are

more than descriptive labels, they remain links to the Nahuatl belief system. Mantica

describes Nicaraguan language, music and poetry as the “swords of resistance that

undermined the authority of the colonial government and maintained a memory of the

past in the Mestizo culture”.

Many Spanish historians describe the rapid cultural change that took place

after the initial conquest as "the birth of a new race". Wheelock cites the description

of the Mestizo as a new race, as a part of the historic denial of the continuance of the

indigenous culture and the forms of cultural resistance it created. 86. Cuban scholar

Fernando Ortiz argues that this process of mestizaje cannot be accurately described in

racial terms because it implies that the mestizo is separated from the belief system,

cosmology and other forms of self-identification. Ortiz proposes that the mestizaje

was not a process of acculturation, the stripping of one culture and the imposition of

another but rather a process of transculturation, a blending of cultures into a new form.

Cuban poet Nancy Morejon aptly synthesizes Ortiz’s concept of cultural mixture. 87

Acculturation, then signifies becoming the other, casting aside one’s

own personality which has become subordinated, through force or
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improbable persuasion, to adopt a set of totally alien, virtuous,

superior values. It is supposedly the conversion from a savage to a
human being. But that phenomenon cannot be reduced to a simple,
partial, normative fashion. It is not a matter of adaptation. It is not
water from one glass poured into another, that is boiling, to mold it to
the drinker's taste, but rather a process of enormous dimension, rich in
alchemy, agent and receiver, conditioned, naturally by long standing
laws of class struggle.

Transculturation signifies constant interaction, transmutation between

two or more cultural components whose unconscious end is the
creation of a third cultural whole- that is, culture- new and
independent, although its bases, its roots, rest on preceding elements.
The reciprocal influence here is determining. No element is
superimposed on the other; on the contrary, each one becomes a third
entity. None remains immutable. All change and grow in a “give and
take” which engenders a new texture. 88

The process of cultural change in Nicaragua, perhaps has been the shaping of

the core concepts of indigenous cultures into a new cultural form that has provided

some moral grounding and spiritual framework for future generations. The

Nicaraguan Mestizo identity is rooted in conflict and resistance, not passive,

accommodation and assimilation. The process of transculturation in Nicaragua was

not a smooth flowing path between one culture and another but a blood stained history

of multi faceted resistance and opposition.

The process of transition to a Mestizo identity is documented in the play El

Güegüense. This Nicaraguan satirical street theater piece is one of America’s oldest

documented plays dating back almost five hundred years. The play is traditionally

performed in the midst of religious celebrations with a cast of brightly costumed

actors, musicians and dancers. The 1883 transcribed and published version by a North

American, Dr. D.G. Brinton, describes El Güegüense as a Nahuatl/Spanish

comedia/bailete or comedy ballet. Brinton describes the language as a transitional

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tongue spoken by the people living around Masaya and Diriamba who retained

vestiges of Nahuatl and corrupted Spanish.

El Güegüense describes the interaction between the Spanish colonial

administration and the representatives of the newly dispossessed indigenous

community. The story recounts the way that the indigenous communities used

language to resist the Spanish authorities' attempts to "enlighten them”. Musicologist

Salvador Cardenal, explains El Güegüense in the introduction to his field recording of

the play in 1967.

The plot is very simple. The demanding governor and his town
council –who are practically broke want to swindle the Güegüense at
whatever cost and end up accepting the following deal; Doña Suche
Malinche, the governor’s daughter must marry the Güegüense’s son.

The plot’s thread is the pretext for weaving a series of dialogues on

which we find a very rich linguistic play of double meanings and
ambiguities developing. Relevant satirical dances and corridos are
inserted creating and developing a character of extraordinary
theatrical quality: El Güegüense is shrewd, mocking, conceited and
cynical in his attitude but he maintains his dignity and exposes the
hypocrisy of the Governor.89

In the play, El Güegüense, the representative of the Mestizo community uses

language, and his shrewd manipulation of the social customs of the colonials. This

piece stands not only as a living historical document but also as an example of the

poetic traditions that developed during the introduction of European influence. El

Güegüense is a cultural hybrid, a transitional figure that represents the cultural change

process, the shifting of indigenous culture to a Mestizo identity. He is a trader, a

traveler who has learned to negotiate between the cultures, taking advantage of

elements of both to further himself, and to resist the power of the colonial authority.
 93

In the play, he is able to manipulate the contradictions and corruption of the system to

get his way.

As a character the Güegüense exemplifies the essential characteristics

of the collective being of our land, conditioned by a legacy of colonial
frustration; a legacy that left its mark on Mestizos that began to
numerically outnumber the other racial groups by the beginning of the
18th century. This new being, faced with a difficult situation had no
choice but to develop defensive mechanisms to escape conflict and to
overcome the social discrimination against him by the Criollos and
the Indians, economic sanctions that didn’t allow him to own land and
the political restrictions that wouldn’t allow him to take on
administrative duties. The Güegüense is a trader that lives off import
and export, a hustler who does what he can to survive. 90

One of the characters in the play, the Macho Raton (the male rat), is a

combination horse/man or reverse Centaur, and other characters are also combinations

of animals and people that represent aspects of the Mestizo identity. The dancers wear

white face masks depicting the faces of Spaniards with mustaches painted on and

strips of bright clothe with bits of mirror and metal to imitate the European finery.

Our Güegüense, the first theater piece of American protest is written

in this slang. As such it is only partially understandable to the
Spanish. This was its safe conduct pass and guarantee of its
continuity among these daring street artists. It was done by and for
Mestizos and the double entendres assumes that the listeners have a
knowledge of both languages: Spanish and Nahuatl, or the Mestizo
language that combines the two.

We see how the Güegüense was able to mask his son, Don Forsico’s,
vices using translations from Nahuatl to Spanish. He described his
son’s numerous honorable occupations to the Governor as he
convinced the Governor to give him his daughter’s hand in marriage:
“This boy has so many skills he even has them beneath his
fingernails. He has been a sculptor, welder, skinner, and a pilot to
heights far above the clouds, Governor Tastauanes”.
If Governor Tastauanes was a Mestizo he would understand that his
future son in law had been a thief, lazy bum, cuckold, garbage
collector and adulterer.
 94

The Güegüense is a documentation of the Nahuahtlization of Spanish,

that deformed it and changed it into a dialect. 91

Alejandro Cuadra, a folk dance instructor and organizer of dances for the

Güegüense celebration in Diriamba explained the role of the Güegüense as a depiction

of power relations in the colonial times that has been carried over through the

generations.

The white facemasks used in the Güegüense show the facade that
Nicaraguans assume in the face of authority. At the same time it
portrays the mask the authorities put on in front of their subjects.
Both sides want to achieve an advantage without displaying anything
but the utmost cordiality.

The Güegüense represents a community figure who provides a model

for resistance to the European power, not a direct resistance but a slow
wearing down of their moral authority that leaves them powerless to
enforce their rule except by force. Orders are never carried out
because of confusions and misunderstanding rather than outright
resistance. Although this play is only performed in Diriamba it is a
symbol of Nicaraguan culture and the way that a hybrid identity has
developed embedded with a sense of resistance and distrust of
authority. The masks used in the Güegüense represent the thin veneer
of conformity that Nicaraguans use to disguise their resistance. Many
aspects of the indigenous religions and spirituality are still common
among the people.

The Güegüense is still currently performed annually in the town of Diriamba

and has been consistent as a part of religious festivities for centuries. Although the

dramatic elements are lost in the din of the festivities today and the actors mumble the

dialogue through heavy masks, the significance of the play is not lost on Nicaraguans.

El Güegüense provides a historical marker for Nicaraguans to remember their colonial

past and the dynamics of power relations in their society. During the Sandinista period,

from 1979 to1989, various updated versions were performed incorporating modern
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dance and theater. These modern versions attempted to draw parallels between the

relation between the United States role in Central America and that of the Spanish

conquistadors92.

Dr. Salvador Cardenal, Nicaragua’s most prolific musicologist collected a wide

variety of Nicaraguan folk music in the 1950’s and 1960’s that represented many of

the country’s folk traditions. His collection represents one of the few studies of

Nicaraguan folk music and folklore. The music in this collection highlights the

Spanish and Indian hybrid culture that evolved in Nicaragua. Cardenal points out that

elements of the music and dance that accompany many of the religious celebrations

represent the links to Nicaragua’s indigenous culture. He contends that these vestiges

of the past link the celebrants to the indigenous resistance to the Spanish colonial

culture and symbolic ties to the worldview and spirituality of the ancestors. The

musical accompaniment to these dances used the indigenous instruments, reed flutes

and drums to play both Spanish influenced and indigenous melodies and rhythms.

These expressions were permitted only because they were celebrating Catholic holy

days and were structured around church events.

Because of the harsh geographical and climatic conditions, only a small

number of Europeans actually settled in Nicaragua. Yet the influence of their church,

the imposition of the Spanish language, and culture social traditions, quickly

dominated the surviving indigenous people’s cultures. Enclaves of indigenous identity

survived on the edge of towns. These communities are organized around the

production of handicrafts and other hand made items that are still sold in the

traditional marketplaces. The indigenous communities of Monimbo in Masaya and

 96

Subtiava in Leon have maintained aspects of the indigenous culture through the

aesthetics they use in their art and handicrafts and the tiangües, or traditional

marketplaces that have changed little in their form over centuries. To this day, these

communities maintain a strong sense of indigenous identity that they take great pains

to preserve and cultivate. The maintenance of strong community organizations has

allowed these communities to negotiate a cultural space where they achieved a degree

of cultural autonomy93.

In many cases the caciques or community leaders, in exchange for this

autonomy, guaranteed the authorities social peace and a control over the community.

The survival of these communities was based on subtle negotiation and the

maintenance of a parallel community administration that was based around the

organization of religious festivities and community events. The majordomo or

organizer of the festivities was a person of considerable power in the community and a

repository for the traditions and historical memory. These leaders safeguarded the

traditions from foreign influence and provided a framework for young people to learn

the traditions and understand their cultural identity.

Don Adan “Koban” Sanchez one of the patrons of the toro venado celebrations

explained the importance of the folk dances in Masaya.

We dance and sing these songs because they are a part of who we are.
The movements, the costumes and the music link us to the past to
who we are and who our ancestors were that danced in this same
place. Maybe some people forget the meaning of this and just come
here to have fun but even they come to feel what this community is
about.94

The process of cultural mixture and religious syncretism is documented in

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many of the country's folk dance traditions that are performed on the Catholic saints’

days. Like the Güegüense performed in Diriramba, the Toro Guaco in Masaya is a

folk dance consisting of street theater/dance pieces that are performed using costumes

made of scraps of brightly colored material, pieces of metal, and mirrors. They wear

hats with plumes and strips of material and leggings mimicking the finery of the

Spanish colonial dress. Most of the performers wear white face masks while others

wear masks of mythical figures which are often mixtures of different animals and

humans, like the popular Macho Raton, El Toro Guaco and El Toro Venado. These

masked figures represent different facets of hybrid identity, each with different

characteristics and idiosyncrasies. Folk dance teacher Alejandro Cuadra, explained

the significance of these dance pieces and the characters in them.

When the Spanish imposed their traditions of these communities one

of the few outlets for cultural expression was through the religious
festivities that celebrated the patron saints and the different religious
holidays. The indigenous communities were able to maintain
elements of their system of self-rule by forming organizations that
oversaw these festivities and the preparations for them. A council of
elders and a mayordomo or cacique made sure that the traditions were
adhered to and organized the training and preparation of the dancers
and the musicians. In this process many elements of the history and
spirituality were passed on from generation to generation outside of
the notice of Spanish. The church didn’t interfere with these dances
despite their raucous and pagan nature because they were superficially
part of the celebration of a Catholic saint. They looked the other way
while people let loose in the streets after a pious ritual in the church. 95

The dances of the Toro Huaco and Toro Venado allowed for celebration outside

of the confines of the colonial culture and were accompanied by massive drinking and

satirizing of local politicians and social norms of the time. Men dressed as woman,
 98

sometimes gays let loose for a free moment and people generally acted out their

frustrations without consequences. The local authorities saw it as a chance for people

to blow off steam and avoid the painful conflicts that could result from the obvious

contradictions that existed in these poor communities.

Similar dances and costumes mimicking the Spanish finery and customs are

practiced all over Latin American in Mestizo and Afro-Indian/mulatto cultures as well.

In Guatemala, the Afro-Guatemalan, Garifuna people and several other indigenous

groups use these costumes in their ritual dances. Anthropologist Nestor Garcia

Canclini, suggests that these rituals are a common form of parody and satire of the

Spanish conquistadors and their descendents.

Many subaltern ritual practices that are apparently devoted to

reproducing the traditional order humorously transgress it. Perhaps
an anthology of the scattered documentation on ritual humor in Latin
America would make it clear that people resort to laughter in order to
have a less oppressive relation with the past. We propose the
hypothesis that the attitude is most anti-solemn when it is a matter of
crossed traditions in conflict. In the carnivals of various countries,
dances by indigenous and Mestizo people parody the Spanish
conquistadors, making grotesque use of their costumes and warlike
paraphernalia they brought along for the conquest… the exegesis of
these fiestas tends to emphasize only what in ritual humor serves to
makes fun of the authorities and caricature foreigners. 96

Following Canclini's thought, El Güegüense in Nicaragua becomes more than

street theater, but rather becomes, a ritual of masked behavior and speech that is

passed on through the generations. Sociologist Carlos Nuñez described the

Güegüense effect in Nicaragua as a passive-resistance protest form against the

arrogance of authority figures, which he suggests was manifested during the 1990

elections. The Gallup polls, CNN and other respected foreign pollsters predicted a
 99

landslide victory for the FSLN based on their statistical analysis. Two days before the

elections over 500,000 people partied, danced and sang in praise of president Daniel

Ortega and the Sandinista Party, (FSLN) in a massive pre-election rally. This would

have been more than enough votes to win the election. Days later, the Sandinistas lost

the elections by a significant margin of the vote. Nuñez deduced that a large number

lied to the pollsters, and danced and partied with the Sandinistas, and then voted

against them laughing behind the mask of the Güegüense.97

Wheelock contends that the 1979 Sandinista Revolution was the logical

continuum of the indigenous resistance to the Spanish in the 16 th century. He argues

that there is a common thread between the indigenous movements against the Spanish,

Sandino’s fight against the National Guard and the U.S. Marines and the Sandinistas.

His work illustrates the ways that indigenous resistance never disappeared, but,

erupted in certain historical moments when the communities were threatened. In his

work, he describes not only the military resistance, but also the passive resistance that

was embedded in the country’s folk songs, dances, and stories, which were passed on

through the generations and challenge the hegemony of the ruling class.

Nicaragua is a country first under oppressed by the by the Spanish

colonial rule and by North American imperialism later on. The
popular culture that has evolved is intrinsically about popular
resistance that can be seen in different forms of artistic expression: in
dance, through the toro guaco, el toro venado, La Gigantona; in
music through the pre-Colombian songs played with drums and
chirimia, that are still played in La Meseta de los Pueblos. Our song
is a fundamental manifestation and indispensable messenger of a
people that don’t surrender.98

Historians and anthropologists such as Arellano and Mantica question the

 100

degree of Spanish influence in Nicaraguan culture citing the dominance of elements of

the indigenous culture in the Mestizo identity. They claim that language and the dance

and music of the religious rituals allow Nicaraguans a space where they can express

their own Mestizo identity. Linguist Carlos Aleman takes this concept further to argue

that cultural differences in Nicaragua are also determined by class issues. The

vulgarity and earthy references that are common in Nicaraguan language become a

source of pride and class awareness as they reject the sensibilities of the bourgeoisie

and "polite" society. He cites examples of the ways that the bourgeoisie tried to

trivialize and institutionalize culture and folklore, to promote a quaint set of cultural

expressions and to separate them from their original meaning and the culture of

resistance that gave them life. He points out that the community control of the patron

saints festivals and the adherence to the traditional "performance scripts" precluded

the “cleansing” of these rituals of their oppositional character. Aleman explains that

these traditional community organizations actually became the site of revolutionary

action when the conditions were ripe.

For years the bourgeoisie would enjoy watching the fiestas in Masaya
and dancing in the streets alongside the masked dancers. After years
of complacency and apparent cooperation with the ruling elite, the
1978 uprising in Masaya saw the inhabitants of Monimbo don the
traditional masks of the Güegüense in combat, using the traditional
fireworks recipes to make contact bombs and ammunition. This was a
crucial moment as Masaya, the cradle of Nicaraguan Mestizo culture
took off the mask of accommodation and showed the face of the
Indian ready to settle up for the centuries of humiliation and abuse. 99

Brazilian folklorist Paolo de Carvalho Neto proposed that one of the important

categories of Latin American folklore was the folklore of social struggles. In his

works he documented common themes in Latin American cultures, songs, stories and
 101

street theater that served as a vehicle for social protest. Carvahlo Neto argued that

governments try to institutionalize folklore to cleanse it of its conflictive potential, to

create tourist festivals, official folklore festivals and government sponsored “folk

groups”. These groups become hollow representations of the folklore, as they lose

their context and the social struggle that they developed in. In his works Carvalho

Neto described thousands of examples of political folklore that serves to counter the

power of the ruling elite and to define parameters of political discourse. He suggests

that the lessons of resistance to slavery and strategies for survival are passed down

through the generations through folklore. Despite the loss of language, rituals, and

sources of economic livelihood, the survivors of the American holocaust learned

quickly to hide whatever cultural patrimony they carried with them, as they became

Mestizos. 100

The Güegüense is a classic example of the oppositional performance style that

Carvahlo Neto described in his work. Although the theme of the play remains static

and the dances and costumes vary little, it appears that the play's musical

accompaniment shifted with the changes in popular music styles. There is much

speculation among Nicaraguan musicians about the nature of the original Güegüense

music. Although Brinton described the music as “Spanish”, it appears to have evolved

with the transition to a Mestizo society. The few written scores that exist from the 19 th

century, show that the music was played on clarinets, violins and other band

instruments. This written musical accompaniment documents a series of corridos and

other Mestizo styles that developed out of the Spanish romances, rondas and

vilancicos.
 102

MUSICAL INFLUENCES AND MESTIZAJE

As in other parts of Mestizo Latin America, the guitar became the dominant

instrument in Nicaraguan music. The Spaniards introduced the guitar, and other

related stringed instruments, as a means of accompanying religious hymns. No direct

equivalents to the guitar appear to have existed in the Americas before the European

arrival, and it was widely accepted and embraced all over the continent. The

European and North African influenced guitar rhythms of the Spaniards, quickly

became the basis for different kinds of Mestizo musical forms and the common

musical language among Latin American countries. The guitar emerged as an

important part of the Mestizo culture, as its affordability and portable size made it

possible to perform music almost anywhere. In some cultures, the guitar formed a

bridge between the indigenous styles of music and the Spanish musical forms,

capturing elements of the rhythms, harmonies and melodies of each culture. In

colonial society, songs played on the guitar and use of the Spanish harmonic and

poetic forms were acceptable forms of expression and not monitored as closely as the

use of indigenous languages and other non-European instruments. The playing of

drums and other indigenous instruments were viewed suspiciously by the colonial

authorities and prohibited among African slaves in many places.

In Masaya, the Indian musicians took up the marimba and developed a unique

version of the marimba, which uses only a diatonic scale with no sharps or flats. It can

be carried, using a wooden arc hanging on the musician's neck, which also serves as a

stand held on the knees. This instrument is called a “buzz marimba” in English,
 103

because of the membrane covered resonators attached to the tubes, underneath the

keys, became a symbol of Nicaragua’s folklore. The marimba tradition is fiercely

guarded in Masaya, and is carried on from generation to generation with few changes.

Although the marimberos include popular songs in their repertoire, such as “Little

Mermaid” from the Disney film, instrumental versions of vulgar cumbias , and

Michael Jackson songs, they play these melodies using their own musical concepts.

The music of Masaya gives this region its identity and a unique musical tradition that

combines elements of the many cultures that are a part of Nicaragua’s Mestizo

identity.

Musicologist Argeliers Leon traced the origin of the marimba to Africa citing

the lack of comparable instruments in Meso America at the time of the conquest. 101

Although the Aztec tenomastl, slit drums cut in different lengths, were used all over

Central America as percussion instruments, the idea of a resonators attached to the

wooden slats appears to have been developed only in Africa. Little study has been

done to trace the connection between the Chorotega people, who originally inhabited

Masaya and the African slaves to determine the origin of the marimba. Although

slavery existed in Nicaragua and Africans labored in the mines and plantations of the

Central area of the country, few documents have survived to document the African

presence on the Pacific side of Nicaragua. The similarities are evident however,

comparing the sound and use of the instrument in Nicaragua, with its use in Africa. In

Nicaragua however, the marimba player accompanies himself, playing a rhythmic bass

line that repeats and a complex simultaneous melody in a syncopated fashion. The

rhythmic independence that the marimba players exhibit and the complex syncopation
 104

102
recall some of the principle aspects of West African music.

EPIC SONGS: THE ROMANCE, CORRIDO AND VILLANCICO

The Spanish narrative song forms and epic poems the conquistadors’ brought

with them to the new world provided a method of passing on stories and histories

outside of the official written records, kept by the monks and priests. The Spanish

romances, were a form of historical ballad that was used to tell stories of bravery and

initiative in informal gatherings and during long voyages. Even the infamous Hernan

Cortez was known to compose verses in song form, recounting his experiences in the

New World. In Spain, the romance was a part of the troubadour tradition. These

singer/storytellers narrated historical events as settings for stories of love and betrayal

in these verses. The narrators created new songs or improvised or embellished older

songs bringing the vernacular language up to date.

The romance is a narrative musical style that uses a form of poetic verse and

was accompanied by a guitar or other stringed instruments. This narrative song form

developed in many parts of Latin America as a point of intersection of the indigenous

storytelling, myths and Spanish folk poetry. Songs offered an opportunity for public

expression of ideas and concepts in a form that could not be easily controlled or

censored by the ruling elite. These oral traditions provided a means of storing the

collective memory and passing on histories that were neglected from the official

recounting.103 The romance developed in diverse musical styles in parts of Latin

America and became a common link between the Mestizo cultures that developed.

The narrative style of the romance music became an acceptable form of popular
 105

expression in colonial society and was widely adopted by the Mestizos as a form of

epic poetry.

In the hands of the 19th century Latin American independence movements, the

romance and decima verse styles became important sources of nationalist discourse.

The decima is a metered poetic form of ten lines with musical accompaniment that

became an important tool of the troubadours and folk singers to record and comment

on aspects of life that might be dangerous in normal speech. The decima singer uses

satire, irony and humor to create rhymes that will fit into the metered form often

raising provocative issues and insults that cannot be taken seriously. The nationalists

used these song styles to record the deeds and bravery of their fight against the

Spanish. The Cuban author and independence leader, Jose Marti wrote important

nationalist verses in these styles and his works and those of other great poets and

authors were set to music in romances and decimas by a non-literate population.

Some of the 19th century epic songs provide a unique account of the historical events

that contain lessons that continue to be useful. 104

Ernesto Mejia Sanchez, Nicaraguan poet and musical researcher documented

many examples of romances that were composed in Nicaragua using the Spanish

poetic forms. These romances, became known as corridos, villancicos, coplas,

canciones and sones in different parts of Latin America, as they acquired more hybrid

local influences. Mejia Sanchez identified three classifications of songs taken from

the accounts of European travelers through Nicaragua during the late 19 th century: love

songs, religious songs and political songs. He points out that many of these political
 106

songs lose their meaning and vitality over time, but, they become revived in times of

conflict. In other cases, the songs are passed on, but, the people who sing and hear

them are not aware of the historical context that provides the key to understanding

their meaning. Framed as songs of love and betrayal many folk songs document the

lived history of Nicaragua and the effects and outcomes of endless conflicts and

political upheaval. A very common song customarily sung by women in many parts of

Nicaragua in the 19th century is still circulating. 105

News of the Husband Señas del Esposos

(traditional)

Tell me mister soldier, Dígame, señor soldado

What war do you come from.
Have you seen my husband,
In the war some time?
No ma’am I haven’t seen him,
Can you describe him,
Maybe I have seen him in the war
some time.
My husband is an elegant man,
And elegant men ride with him,
And on the handle of his sword,
You can see the crest of the King.
From the description you gave,
I can tell you your husband is dead,
And in his will he told me to marry
you instead.
De la guerra viene usté,
No me ha visto a mi marido por
la guerra alguna vez?
No Señora, no lo he visto. Me
podrá dar señas de el?
Le podré haber conocido en la
guerra alguna vez.
Mi marido es gentil hombre,
gentil hombre anda con él,
Y en el puño de la espada lleva
las armas del rey.
Por las señas que me has dado su
marido muerto es, y en su
testamento deja que me case con
usté.106

This song documents the frequent wars that racked Nicaragua during the 19 th

century and common experience of women who were abandoned during these times.

As it was passed on, women embellished this song with details of their own husbands,

and added other elements of dialogue onto the verse. The constant fighting in

Nicaragua between the factions of the elite produced many versions of this song.
 107

Mejia Sanchez comments that this traditional song of fidelity becomes a song of

infidelity and a critique of men, who, abandon their homes.

Nicaraguan dancer, Gloria Bacon proposes that women have used songs and

stories to display the weapons of revenge that they posses.

Women, are the most vulnerable group in Nicaraguan society, are the
ones who have built the strongest weapons for self-protection and
attack. If a man is not loyal or spends all the money they can easily
humiliate him in the eyes of the community without his knowing it.
Through infidelity or the suggestion of it they put horns on his head
that only he cannot see making him an object of ridicule and lessening
his power as a man.107

Otto de la Rocha’s music compliments Carlos Mantica’s work by collecting

and utilizing the complex forms of Nicaraguan vernacular language.

The campesino has always poked fun at the patron through satire and
double meanings, devising cruel nicknames and creating stories and
songs without a direct confrontation, that comment on the hypocrisy
and cruelty they suffer. Over the years these traditions harden into a
worldview, a perspective that questions and pokes fun at those in
power, questions sexual mores and empowers people to challenge the
status quo, even if it is just through language. The rich would sit there
and listen to it and laugh because they were just songs. Music wasn’t
taken seriously as a form of protest and it would have been unmanly
to take offense at a song.108

De la Rocha contends that popular song is the arena where the poor celebrate

their sexuality, their relation to the forces of nature and denounce the injustice that

they experience in their lives. Otto de la Rocha proposes that a successful Nicaraguan

popular music composer must understand the complex symbolism, coded references

and sexual nuances of the popular culture in order to be accepted by the public.
 108

Nicaraguan songs speak the language of the people. It expresses how

our people feel and express themselves, not just the public face but
also can speak the inner narratives that go on in our own hearts and
minds.
My favorite songs are about the flowering after the rain, the rebirth
and regeneration of new life that happens so miraculously in the
tropics. Our music expresses and digs out the idiosyncrasies that
make Nicaraguans unique. Some say we are scandalous and vulgar
because we talk about aspects of life that lay hidden in other societies.
We are poor and have lived under censorship and oppression for
centuries but hasn’t made us quiet or docile. 109

He provided this analysis of Nicaragua popular songs after years of collecting

and composing popular songs.

This twisting of meaning and double entendre has become one of the
characteristics of Nicaraguan popular music. People like to let the
meaning unravel and to use metaphors that come from the experience
of their own lives. They are simple songs using a simple language.
Through these metaphors they can make the crudest and most vulgar
statements without taking responsibility. 110

De la Rocha outlines the dynamics of the “folk voice” in popular music and the

open space for critique that music provides. He contends that poor Nicaraguans

developed their own cultural resources for contesting and countering the power of the

dominant class. Nicaragua’s succession of authoritarian governments and foreign

interventions over centuries, provide Nicaraguans little illusion of democracy or free

will. Otto de la Rocha cites popular music as an important form of public expression

of protest, precisely because is not taken seriously as a form of protest by the

dominant class. The protests are framed in the sarcastic tone of popular humor that

cannot be easily monitored or censored.

James Scott described the way that subordinate groups often respond to their

domination and political powerlessness.

 109

Most of the political life of subordinate groups is to be found neither

in overt collective defiance of power holders nor in complete
hegemonic compliance, but in the vast territory between these polar
opposites. The undeclared guerrilla war that rages in this political
space requires that we enter the world of rumor, gossip, disguises,
linguistic tricks, metaphors, euphemisms, folktales, ritual gestures,
anonymity. For good reason nothing is straightforward here; the
realities of power for subordinate groups mean that much of their
political action requires interpretation precisely because it is intended
to be cryptic and opaque.111

Scott proposes that censorship and repression of the poor don’t necessarily

negate powerful expressions of protest and non-conformity to the values and moral

codes of the dominant class. His work describes many of scenarios in which

oppressed groups can maintain a culture of resistance over centuries that are captured

in folk narratives. Scott’s examples point out, that the forces of oppression create

currents of resistance, which, may not be readily visible or easily detectable without

examining the discursive spaces where people can express themselves. He adds that

these expressions of resistance may be lost because they are hidden. But, often they

are also introduced in a veiled form in to the public transcript. 112

Literary critic Michael Bahktin argues that in early modern Europe the carriers

of folk culture; the actors, acrobats, and singers, played a key role in developing the

subversive themes in the atmosphere of the carnival and the marketplace. In the

context of carnival, the socio-hieracrchical relationships of society are suspended and

the words, gestures, and discourse of an individual are freed from restrictions. He

describes the carnivalization of literature, where masks, disguises and open laughter

became a part of literary genres during the Renaissance. This area of carnival is an

important space for artists to celebrate and highlight the hidden meanings embedded in
 110

popular culture. His works explores how this use of language became an important
113
feature of the modern novel and a site for hidden social and political analysis.

Otto de la Rocha's music is an example of the "carnavalistic" aspect of

Nicaraguan song. The humoristic tone of his songs invokes the aura of satire as

opposed to a "serious" message. Although some songs may pose a social critique

others are the celebration of aspects of Nicaraguan popular culture and language that

are seen as vulgar and off limits for use in public. Otto de la Rocha suggests that

sexual innuendo and vulgarity are used in Nicaraguan music to exercise and push the

limits of the coded vernacular language. He argues that Nicaraguans constantly search

for new creative ways to describe sex and to hurl insults using uniquely Nicaraguan

words and metaphors that correspond to particular elements in the Nicaraguan

experience.

We try to use the imagery of the countryside, the elements of nature to

create these picaresque songs. Only people with inside knowledge of
Nicaraguan rural culture can understand the real meaning in the song
although anyone can grasp that the themes are sexual by the tone of
the singer and the inflections that he gives the words. My song La
Pipirindonga, is a made up word but it had a meaning for poor
Nicaraguans who understand one can construct words using sounds
and inflection to make them understandable. 114

Many of these picaresque songs also become important historical documents,

capturing historical events from the perspective of the poor. One of the oldest

documented political songs, Mama Ramona, originally sung in Granada, recounts the

invasion of Nicaragua by William Walker and his group of filibusterers who took over

the country for two years. Walker and a gang of fifty-eight mercenaries came to

Nicaragua to help the local Liberal party in their fight against the Conservatives
 111

funded by rivals of American millionaire, Cornelious Vanderbilt, owner of a transport

line between the Atlantic and Pacific. In the chaos of the civil war Walker staged a

coup d’etat and named himself president of Nicaragua. While the official history

celebrates the heroic effort to defeat Walker and his troops, this song condemns the

Nicaraguan collaborationists, who invited foreign mercenaries in the first place and

allied themselves with a foreign power for their own benefit.

The character in the song Mama Ramona represents the collaborators who aid

foreigners in exploiting Nicaragua and lose their connection to the nation by attaching

themselves to foreign interests. This song has surfaced as a hymn for nationalist

movements that have surfaced periodically during the American interventions in

Nicaragua. Poetic and instrumental versions of the songs are a dynamic part of the

street celebrations and in the repertoire of the chicheros, local brass bands that play at

bull fights and parties around the country.

La Mama Ramona La Mama Ramona

(traditional) (tradicional)

A bad thing happened to Mama A la pobre Mama Ramona la gran

Ramona,
For getting mixed up with the
Yankees,
The devil took her.
Poor mama Ramona,
Fell in love with a Yankee,
They grabbed her by the braids,
And we didn’t even hear it.
Here come the Yankees,
Here come the bastards,
To take over Nicaragua,
Those big thieves.
vaina le pasó,
por meterse con los yankes el diablo
se la llevó.
La pobre Mama Ramona de un yanke
se enamoró.
La agarraron los trotones y ni el
cuento nos contó.
Por allá vienen los yankes, allá
vienen los cobardes a cogerse a
Nicaragua los grandisimos ladrones.
Por allá viene los yankes con
chaqueta colorada, diciendo:, "Hurra,
Hurra", En Granada ya hay nada.
 112

Here come the Yankees with their
red coats on,
Yelling Hurrah, Hurrah,
There’s nothing left of Granada.
On the streets of Guadalupe let's
make a bridge, with the ribs of a
Yankee and the blood of a brave
man.
If you see two ears standing up on
the road to Mombacho,
Shoot the son of a bitch because
it's a white man's head,
A bad thing happened to Mama
Ramona because she was acting
like a slut the devil took her.
Para los yankes les tenemos una
hermosa recepción: el filo de los
machetes y las balas del cañón.
En la calle 'e Guadalupe vamos a
formar un puente,
con las costillas de un yanke y la
sangre de un valiente.
Si en el camino a Mombacho, ves dos
orejas de punta: tírale por hijo 'e puta
que es la cabeza de un macho.
A al pobre Mama Ramona la gran
vaina le pasó por andar de chinvarona
el diablo se la llevó.115

Walker took over the presidency of the country and reinstated slavery hoping

to join with the Southern states in the United States to annex Nicaragua. The fact that

a small group of foreign mercenaries could take over Nicaragua was a source of shame

for patriotic Nicaraguans and a reminder of the power of the United States over this

small country. The United States officially recognized Walker’s government. It was

finally Cornelius Vanderbilt, who organized the force to eject Walker, when Walker’s

government interfered with Vanderbilt's plans for an inter-oceanic canal. As Walker

was in retreat from battling Nicaraguan forces, his troops burned the town of Granada,

the ultimate humiliation for the people of this town. The line in the song “ There’s

nothing left of Granada” is a reminder of the ironic sign that Walker planted on the

shore of Lake Nicaragua, that said “Here was Granada”.

The melody to this patriotic song became a coded recognition signal used by

Nicaraguan nationalists among themselves during the early part of the 20 th century. As
 113

US marine interventions in Nicaragua became frequent around the turn of the 20 th

century, “Mama Ramona” became a symbol of Nicaraguan nationalism and the

resistance to foreign intervention. When United States troops invaded Nicaragua in

1909, this song was revived by resistance groups, as a reminder to those people who

were collaborating with the foreign intervention. "Mama Ramona" is frequently

renewed with fresh verses to update the historical content and condemn the latest

incidents of “collaborationism” or “malinchismo”.

Drum groups called atabales in Granada, with singers that sing verses in

between drumbeats, frequently accompany Mama Ramona. It is a part of tradition of

street music that is common all over Nicaragua during religious festivities and other

patriotic celebrations. Small groups parade through the streets asking for money and

drinks at private homes. As they stop at each place, the singers improvise lyrics based

on these popular songs satirizing or praising the people of house or the neighborhood.

This tradition uses many of these popular melodies as a base for improvisation and

commentary on current events and at the same time referencing the past.

The local brass bands called chicheros frequently play instrumental versions of

songs with political messages. While the lyrics to these songs are rarely sung in public

they are known universally by Nicaraguans. A clear example is the battle hymn of the

rank and file soldiers of the many civil wars in Nicaragua, La Puta Que te Pario, (The

Whore That Gave Birth to You) is a classic example of the way that even instrumental

music can contain hidden transcripts.

The whore that gave birth to you, La puta que te pario

Was dressed all in red, Se vistio de Colorado.
 114

And your father the pimp Y el chivo de tu papa,

Wore the horns Se vistio de toro venado.

The song El Zopilote, (the vulture) is classified by Mejia Sanchez as one of

many songs animal songs in Nicaraguan folk music that contain a strong political

message . The song caricatures the banker/capitalist with a black, suit and white shirt

as a vulture. It coincides with popular indignation over movements that began at the

end of the 19th century, to displace small farmers from their land, and break up the

collective native landholdings or ejidos. The enlargement of the haciendas or

plantations caused the displacement of thousands of small farmers, who then became

seasonal laborers on these plantations. The vulture represents the bankers who used

the legal process to displace poor people from their lands. The song assigns

characteristics of the vulture to certain individuals, most likely local landowners or

bankers. The song is still commonly sung to celebrate a victory and to rejoice the

death of an enemy. After the 1979 revolution, the lyrics were used to poke fun at the

Somoza family and their allies and later became directed at the Sandinistas in the late

1980's.

The song is frequently accompanied by a guitar in a 6/8 rhythm derived from

the Spanish romances.

The Vulture El Zopilote

(Traditional)
(Traditional)

Now the vulture has died Ya el zopilote murió,

And they are going to Ya lo vienen a enterrar.
bury him, Échenle bastante tierra,
 115

Pile on a lot dirt so it No vaya a resucitar,

won’t revive.
Ya el zopilote murió
Now the vulture is dead arrimado a un paredón;
On top of a firing squad Y a don Pedro le deja las
wall, patas para bordón.
And to Don Pedro he left
his feet for a decoration. Ya el zopilote murió y se
murió de repente;
Now the vulture is dead, Y a Don Emilio le deja lo
And he died all of a pelado de la frente.
sudden
And he left to Don Pedro,
His bald head.116 117

CULTURE AND THE LIBERAL AND CONSERVATIVE ELITES

While a strong sense of nationalism developed in many Latin American

countries among the "Creole" class of American born descendents of Europeans, in

Nicaragua the ruling elite did not establish a clear national identity. The Nicaraguan

Republic that emerged out of Spanish colonialism was sharply divided between local

ogliogarchic elites, each with their own army of poor peasants. These groups were

based on the colonial centers that the Spanish built and the system of land distribution

that gave large tracts to their supporters. Each of these groups used their own ports for

foreign trade and maintained separate lines of communication. The Liberals fought

for free trade and a break in the colonial stagnation. They opposed the semi-feudal

system of the haciendas and argued for the creation of a modern state. Historian,

George Black synthesizes this period of Nicaraguan history.

When the Spanish quietly abandoned Central America in 1821, they

left a power vacuum filled erratically by warring landowners and
merchants, soldiers, clergy and foreign adventurers. The factions
 116

crystallized into two antagonistic political parties, which dominated

Nicaraguan politics for the next 150 years: the Conservatives of
Grenada and the Liberals of Leon. 118

This competition between elites erupted in frequent civil wars in the period of

Conservative rule between 1857 and 1893. The Conservatives were descendents of

the colonial military and bureaucratic authorities that had become large landowners,

merchants and cattle ranchers. Their political interests were centered around

preserving their semi-feudal control over their lands and the peons who worked for

them. This local bourgeoisie developed few of their own cultural expressions. The

conservatives of Grenada looked towards Spain for their models and waxed

nostalgically for the colonial past and romanticized the life of the hacienda. The

liberals were mainly merchants and artisans that favored modernity looking towards

the United States and England for their models. Each of these local elites established

their own power structure, economies and even international shipping ports that made

a unified bourgeoisie difficult. 119

International interest focussed on Nicaragua because of the possibilities of

building an inter-oceanic canal through the San Juan River near the Costa Rican

border. Cornelius Vanderbilt built a transport company, using a combination of

steamships and wagon trains to make the trip from the Atlantic port of Grey town,

across Lake Nicaragua to Grenada and then by land to the Pacific port of Rivas.

In the early 1900’s Liberal party president, Jose Santos Zelaya took Nicaraguan

sovereignty seriously and refused to cede exclusive rights to the United States to build

a canal through Nicaragua. During Zelaya's regime, he developed the country’s

 117

infrastructure and transportation network and laid the groundwork for an export

economy based on coffee production. He was far from a democrat and ruled

Nicaragua with dictatorial power in the authoritarian tradition. Zelaya’s nationalist

tendencies led him to negotiate with Japanese and European capital to build a new

canal to compete with the Panama Canal. This led US Secretary of State Philander

Know, to brand this act as opening the door to “European infiltration”. Knox

demanded permanent access for building a canal for the United States and a naval base

in the Gulf of Fonseca. Zelaya’s refusal was perhaps the last sovereign act by a

Nicaraguan government for the next 70 years. The United States retaliated by

destabilizing his regime. Eventually United States marines were sent in to protect

United States interests and a Conservative government was placed in power. The

Conservatives quickly refinanced the European loans with loans from American banks

and gained a stranglehold over the Nicaraguan economy.

Writer and ex-Vice President of Nicaragua, Sergio Ramirez proposes that the

Nicaraguan bourgeoisie was unable to modernize or develop a strong national identity

because of the intervention of the United States who wanted to maintain a plantation

economy in Central America.

The Liberal project was frustrated by the brutal Yankee intervention

of 1912, after the United States made possible the triumph of the
conservative counterrevolution in 1909. The Yankees didn’t want
Nicaragua to be a nation, and the conservatives imported at the time
the worst cultural models: foreign ideas will be applied to all orders of
national life. The United States didn’t contribute anything to my
county during those years; nothing of technological progress, nothing
of its universities, nothing of the capitalist culture. Rather there was a
 118

merciless looting and a systematic corruption of the dominant groups

that became more venal and cruel. 120

SANDINO

In October 1926, Augusto Cesar Sandino led a group of twenty-nine

mineworkers in an attack on a government military garrison in the North. As a

supporter of the Liberal Party, he decided to fight the US military invasion and the

imposition of a conservative government. Although his initial attack failed, he was

able to recruit and maintain a guerrilla army that in the next few years dominated a

large part of the Northern region of the country. He fought a classic war of sabotage,

inflicting heavy casualties on the United States Marines, creating large areas of

liberated territory in the mountain areas where the government troops and US marines

couldn’t reach them.

As Sandino began to take a serious stand against the United States Marines his

fellow liberals eventually looked for the opportunity to negotiate a settlement with the

United States. Sandino proposed radical changes in Nicaraguan society that

frightened the Nicaraguan bourgeoisie but captured the imagination of poor

Nicaraguans. The popular memory of Sandino was formed through the stories and

songs that traced not only the violence, but his intention to drive out the foreign

invaders and create a just society. Sandino’s troops composed many songs, using

melodies of popular Mexican corridos such as “La Cucaracha” and “Adelita” to

document their deeds. Sandino’s bugler “Cabrerita” has been credited as a composer

and corrido singer, who wrote songs about the battles, wrote homages to fallen

comrades, and love songs to liven up the campfires.

 119

The most famous of these songs is the corrido “Que Se Redamen Las Copas”

that was sung by Papa Beto and many other groups in the Northern region. 121 This

song provided a concrete link between Sandino’s memory and the Sandinista

movement of the 1970’s as many young Nicaraguans learned about the legend of

Sandino through this song. Using a simple poetic form this song narrates a complex

history of Sandino’s separation from the Liberal party and his war against the United

States. This historical corrido traveled through the northern region of the country,

taking on new verses that captured different historical episodes and memories of

Sandino.

Let the Cups Overflow Que Se Redamen Las Copas

(Traditional) (Traditional)

Pay attention folks Pongan atención señores,

To what I am going to sing for you
Paying homage to a brave general
Let our cups overflow from a bottle of
wine
And let's toast, "Viva General
Sandino"
A lo que le voy a cantar,
Haciendo los honores a un valiente
general.
Que se derramen las copas con una
botella de vino y brindemos porque
viva ese valiente Sandino.

Sacasa said to Sandino Sacasa dijo a Sandino, "Yo me voy a

I'm going to give up
We can't beat the United States
Sandino said to Sacasa
Why don't you run on home
If you're afraid of them
For me they're nothing but pumpkins
retirar; a los Estados Unidos no le
vamos a ganar"
Sandino le dijo a Sacasa
Anda vete para tu casa,
"Si le tienes miedo, para mi son
calabazas,

Sandino said to Sacasa Sandino dijo a Sacasa yo no vengo

I'm not talking hot air con carburadas,
I'm not a traitor like that so and so Yo no soy vende patria como el tal
Chema Moncada Chema Moncada
Sandino said to Sacasa, shaking his Sandino dijo a Sacasa apretándose
hand las mano,
I sell the heads of Americans for ten A diez centavos les vendo cabeza de
cents americanos.
 120

Sandino's soldiers are amazing Los valientes de Sandino son como

They go after Gringos la maravilla,
like it was no big thing Luchan contra los gringos como se
Here comes a little plane le da cosquillas.
With its cardboard wings Ahí viene un avioncito,
Coming to take away the Gringos Con sus alas de cartón,
That can't stand up to Pedron Viene a llevarse a los gringos que no
aguantan a Pedron.
122

The corridos of the 1920's and 1930's provide important documents of

Sandino’s memory in the popular imagination because few written documents exist

that detail the historical events and the philosophy of Sandino. Although the song,

“Que se Redamen las Copas” relates a brief narrative of Sandino’s life, it is important

as a marker that represents him as an important historical figure. This corrido plays

an important role in passing on this legacy from generation to generation in a format

that is accepted as a legitimate form of history by poor Nicaraguans.

Part of the charm of this song lays in the use of the word “redamen”, a little

used term that means overflow. This word taken from the “high culture” contrasts

starkly with the popular vernacular language of the rest of the song. In this way the

toast is given a higher level of importance, not just a clinking of champagne glasses

but a more forceful celebration. The macho stance of the narrator belittles the might

of the American forces and highlights the bravery of Sandino’s troops, who are given

strength by the legitimacy of their cause. Other verses and versions of the song, retell

countless battles and the heroic deeds of other combatants, chiseling their names in the

collective memory through this corrido. The simple musical accompaniment and the

rhyming verses made the song easy top learn and pass on to others. The historical
 121

content of this song parallels the corridos of the Mexican revolution that documented
123
the alliances and betrayals among the revolutionary forces.

This song is an important example of the way in which complex information

can be transmitted through a song. The lyrics recount Sandino’s break with the

Liberal party when the Unites States Marines are dispatched to end the Liberal

rebellion in 1927. Sacasa, the leader of the Liberal Party attempted to convince

Sandino to give up the fight and compromise because Sacasa didn’t want to oppose

United States troops. Chema Moncada, one of the Liberal generals who made a pact

with the Conservatives and the Americans to surrender, is condemned as a coward and

a sellout in this song, a label that sticks to him in the popular memory. An account of

the event, quotes Moncada’s last conversation with Sandino and documents his

arrogant attitude.

How could you think of dying for the people? The people won’t be
grateful, what is important is to live well. 124

Que Se Remaden Las Copas also narrates Sandino’s success in guerrilla

warfare, that led to the withdrawal of the Marines in 1933. This song became a

revolutionary hymn as it stands as a document to the possibility of opposition and the

hypocrisy and corruption of the traditional political parties.

Que Se Remaden Las Copas like many other folk songs provides an interesting

document of the Mestizo history that might not be documented anywhere else. The

lyrical poetry preserves and celebrates the vernacular language and the oral histories

while the rhythms reflect the numerous cultural currents that flow through Nicaragua’s

hybrid culture. Many aspects of Nicaraguan folk music have changed little over time,
 122

maintaining certain stylistic forms throughout generations. Folk singer, Papa Beto,

commented on his memories of Nicaraguan music and the way it was maintained over

generations.

We heard a lot of different styles over the years. People danced to the
jitterbug, boogie-woogie, and the cha cha cha, but we always had our
Nicaraguan songs, our mazurkas and others. I still sing songs I heard
as a child from my grandfather. It is important to remember things
and now people want to hear me sing to understand what it was like in
our time and to learn the lessons and the stories that our ancestors
told. I remember Sandino and his men like it was yesterday And
today people want to hear it again, to feel what it was like.

Papa Beto included in his repertoire several songs that narrated Sandino’s war

against the United States Marines in the 1920’s. He considered himself a “peoples’

historian” with the task of remembering and passing on the traditions that he grew up

with.125 These corridos survived decades of censorship where mention of Sandino’s

name could bring repercussions following his death in 1934. The Somoza family

sought to actively erase the memory of Sandino in the collective memory picturing

him as a bandit attributing massacres and robberies to his followers.

The occupation of Nicaragua from 1912 to 1926, by U.S. troops created a strong

nationalist sentiment among the intellegensia, as well as the rural population, who

fought with Sandino. In Grenada, a group of young writers, artist and intellectuals, in

the center of the Conservative Party, created a literary movement to search for their

own national voice. The Vanguardista group, included Jose Coronel Urtecho and

other wealthy young people, who began to search in Nicaragua’s folklore for the

elements of a national culture that they could use as a base for creating a unique
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Nicaraguan literary voice. The poets and writers in this movement collected examples

of the country’s folklore in order to examine the Spanish and non-Spanish traditions

and document the process of cultural mixture that produced a Mestizo culture. They

rallied against the foreign influence in Nicaraguan culture and the lack of a national

culture.

The Vanguardistas project was a reaction against what they viewed as the "stagnation"

of Nicaraguan culture.126 They set out to create a national identity that would look to

the symbols and values of their own folk culture rather than to foreign models.

Although most of the members of this movement belonged to the privileged class,

their search for roots and a national identity led them into political conflicts with the

ruling elite and eventually into divergent political paths including fascism. 127

The image of Sandino was attractive to the Vanguardistas, as he proposed a violent

rejection of the country's economic and cultural models. Sandino stood for the active

defense of national sovereignty; not only on the political front, but to develop a

national identity based on Nicaraguan reality, not on imported cultural models. Songs

such as “Somos Los Libertadores” proclaim the nationalist character of Sandino’s

army and their goal of driving out the foreign invaders and their collaborators. This

battle hymn was sung in the corrido style to the tune of a Mexican song called “la

Casita”.

We Are the Liberators Somos Los Libertadores

(traditional) (traditional)
 124

We are the liberators, Somos los libertadores que con sangre

With blood and not with flowers,
Have come to win the second
independence,
That traitors without conscience
Have wanted to soil.
In the jungle and the mountains,
Through force and through stealth
we will win our freedom
and we will drive out the Yankees
or we will hang them from the highest
tree.
On the mountain of Malacate we
kicked their butts,
To the dogs of Moncada
And the Yankees that were there.
And if they dare enter,
The Segovia mountain people are
ready,
We will come to the plains and kick
their butts there.
We have powerful arms,
To follow our destiny,
That Augusto Cesar Sandino,
Taught us to defend.
We should proceed,
Like brave soldiers.
We prefer to die than to let them defeat
us. 128
y no con flores venimos a conquistar la
segunda independencia,
Que traidores sin consciencia han
querido profanar.
En la selva y la montaña por la fuerza o
por la maña nos daremos libertad,
Y el yanke sacaremos o si no lo
colgaremos de un alto guayacan.
En el cerro Malacate ya les dimos su
penqueada a los perros de Moncada y
los yankes por ahí.
Y si vuelen a dentrar,
Donde están los Segovianos,
No saldremos a los llanos a volverlos a
penquear.
Tenemos armas potentes,
Para seguir el destino que Augusto
Cesar Sandino nos Enseño para
defender.
Debemos de proceder como soldados
valientes,
Preferir mejor la muerte y no dejarnos
vencer.

This song documents the violence of the war and the determination of the

troops in driving out the invaders. Sandino’s army did kill and mutilate many

“collaborationists” in gruesomely creative ways, such as the “corte de chaleco”, or

vest cut, cutting off a person’s arms. Sandino defended his use of extreme violence

and robbery against his enemies, as necessary tactics against their superior numbers

and willingness to use equally violent methods. His army was supported by the
 125

expropriation of land and the collection of a war tax from the hacienda and business

owners in his area of operation. Faced with a powerful and ruthless enemy, Sandino

felt that these tactics were justified. He explained his strategy in his proclamation

“Manifesto to the Capitalists”.

Well our brother soldiers need them more than he does and… it is not
right that men who are building the foundations of liberty in
Nicaragua should go around dressed in rags. History will show the
justice of our acts, mainly when it is understood that the capitalists
despoiled of their property are the ones most directly responsible for
what has happened in Nicaragua, because that they the ones who
brought the Yankee mercenaries into our national territory.
As long as foreign intervention exists in Nicaragua there will be no
protection for people’s lives and interests…Liberty is not conquered
with flowers but with bullets, and that is why we have had to use the
vest cut, gourd cut, and bloomers cut.129

After the assassination of Sandino in 1934 these songs provided testimony of a

chapter of Nicaraguan history that Anastacio Somoza desperately wanted to cover up.

Following the takeover of the government, Somoza began to rewrite Nicaraguan

history, depicting Sandino as a common bandit. Government agents monitored the

mention of Sandino in schools and public discussions and eliminated references to him

in history and social studies classes. Despite government censorship, these songs were

passed on from Sandino’s troops and followers to successive generations and later

sung by protesting students and other groups as banners of Nicaraguan nationalism.

126
Don't be mistaken, we're poets who write
from the clandestinity in which we live.
So we're not comfortable and unpunished anonymists:
we confront the enemy directly
and ride very close to him on the same track.
And we give the system and the men
we attack with our poetry
with our lives, the opportunity to get back at us
Day after day. 130
Roque Dalton

CHAPTER THREE:

THE RISE OF THE DICTATORSHIP

In 1933 the US congress refused to appropriate funding for the US forces to

remain in Nicaragua and the Marines left the country. In their place they left a US

trained national army autonomous from the political parties that was intended to end

the frequent armed conflicts in Nicaragua and provide a military force that would

serve the American interests in the region. The United States chose a young army

sergeant who had been educated in the United States, Anastacio Somoza Garcia.

Somoza had proven himself loyal to US interests and his fluent English allowed him

to serve as a liaison between President Sacasa and the United States representatives.

As head of the National Guard, Somoza began to consolidate his power. He arranged

to lure Sandino into a trap where he was assassinated and a few days later sent troops

to wipe out Sandino’s army, killing over 300 soldiers and sympathizers. Over the next

three years the National Guard pursued the remnants of Sandino’s movement killing

his supporters, wiping out the collective farms, community organizations and artisan

127
 128

collectives that had formed in the "liberated zones" in the Segovia Mountains.

In the next years, Somoza succeeded in building a political and economic

power base rooted in his control of the National Guard. Using his military power, he

was able to manipulate the political system to attain dictatorial power over the

government and important sectors of the economy. Somoza took over the lands of

Sandino supporters and imposed a presidential tax that gave him commissions on all

foreign investments in the country. The country’s traditional political parties reached

agreements with Somoza, enjoying a freedom from the threat of insurrection and a

relative social peace. 131

Somoza’s power dramatically increased in the following decade as he

confiscated lands from German coffee producers during World War II and openly

acquired monopolies on key industries and services. Despite the outright corruption

and theft of government funds, Somoza was valued as a close ally of the United States.

Nicaragua voted consistently with the United States in the United Nations and

provided a “friendly” environment for US corporations to invest in, guaranteeing little

taxation and a docile labor force. In 1939, Franklin Roosevelt is quoted as saying

“he’s a son of bitch but he’s ours.”.132

In order to create a populist image, Somoza created pockets of patronage,

favoring individuals and communities with gifts and power. In the rural areas he

created a system of informers and enforcers known as “jueces de mesta” or justices of

the peace. These local authorities issued permits for just about everything and

controlled the social services and administration of government projects in the

countryside. Through this system, he was able to maintain control of a network of

 129

allies who wielded local power. Within the National Guard, he demanded complete

loyalty and rewarded his officers and troops with the right to extract payments and to

use their power to enrich themselves. In addition to his legitimate businesses, Somoza

ran brothels, gambling halls and smuggling rings that contributed to a thriving black

market that competed with legitimate businesses. 133

Since assuming power in 1934, Anastacio Somoza Garcia developed an iron

rule over the country’s political and economic life, limiting competition on both fronts.

Somoza’s control over the military, government and dominant role in the economy

allowed his regime a monopoly on power in this small country. To solidify this

relationship, Somoza created a system of complete dependence on the United States.

A large portion of the country’s agricultural export of cotton, coffee and cocoa went to

the United States as did the majority of the country’s imports. The unwavering

support he received from the United States government for Somoza's anti-Communist

stance gave his government legitimacy domestically and internationally.

The “stability” that Somoza’s dictatorial regime produced was seen as a

positive force by the US government in the face of riots, revolutions and coups in

neighboring Central American countries. State Department expert on Soviet Affairs

described the priorities of the U.S. policy towards Central American in 1950.

1. The protection of our raw materials.

2. The prevention of military exploitation of Latin America by the
enemy; and prevention of psychological mobilization against us. The
final answer might be an unpleasant one, but…we should not hesitate
in supporting police repression by the local government. This is not
shameful since the Communists are essentially traitors… It is better to
have a strong regime in power than a liberal government if it is
indulgent and relaxed and penetrated by communists. 134
 130

This US government policy framed Somoza as a valuable asset in the region

because of his ability to preserve stability and to support US military and economic

interests in the area. The US government was wary of nationalist governments that

were developing in Costa Rica, Guatemala and Panama. Despite knowledge of

Somoza’s record of human rights abuses, outright theft of government funds and the

totalitarian control of the economy and government, the US government never

wavered in its support of the regime.

This absolute power and the support of the United States created a myth of

invincibility that stifled any significant opposition to his political and military power.

Somoza’s use of force against any political opposition was accompanied by shrewd

manipulation of the competing factions within the bourgeoisie in order to prevent any

serious challenges from the traditional opposition. The Conservative and Liberal

bourgeoisie enjoyed the benefits of relative social stability. The elite families were

able to find areas of economic opportunity as Somoza was useful in forcing out small

farmers to expand the land dedicated to agricultural export production of coffee and

cotton.

In 1956, poet Rigoberto Lopez Perez pulled out a gun and killed Anastacio

Somoza at a ball in Leon. The assassination marked the beginning of a new chapter in

the war that Sandino began decades earlier. Lopez Perez knew his action would not

bring an end to the dictatorship, but he hoped his example would stir the embers of

rebellion and give rise to a new movement to take up Sandino’s cause. He realized that

the assassination would push the opposition to take more aggressive action against the

government and abandon the role of the traditional opposition that was routinely
 131

bought off or coerced into submission.

As Lopez Perez expected, the death of the dictator did not end the Somoza

dynasty. Eduardo Galeano eloquently described this historic moment.

Santa Marta, Santa Marta has a train, sing the musicmakers, dance
the dancers, Santa Marta has a train but has no tram; and in the
middle of the song and the fiesta, Rigoberto Lopez Perez, poet, owner
of nothing, fells the owner of everything with four bullets…Somoza I
held power for twenty years. Every six years he lifted his state of
siege for one day and held the elections that kept him on the throne.
Luis, his eldest son and heir, is now the richest and most powerful
man in Central America. From Washington, President Eisenhower
congratulates him.
Evading the vigilance of an honor guard, the hand of somebody,
anybody. Everybody has hurriedly scrawled his epitaph on the marble
tomb: Here lies Somoza, a bit rottener than in life. 135

The assassination of Anastacio Somoza Garcia by Rigoberto Lopez Perez was

an important blow to the myth of invincibility of the dictatorship. The fact that a poet

carried out the action was a message to other poets and intellectuals: words alone were

not enough to challenge the authoritarian rule. Rigoberto Lopez Perez left letters and

poems behind to explain his action and call out to Nicaraguans to follow his example.

This message was especially directed towards the artists and intellectuals to push them

to take action against the dictatorship. Lopez Perez wrote;

Your duty to your country is supreme,

Finish off Somoza in the only way
Which he inexorably imposed on you
And which you know so well.

Otherwise,
You will languish in ignominy
You will not deserve to be a people
But only a herd of cattle136

After the assassination, Somoza’s son Luis assumed power as President and his
 132

younger son Anastacio “Tachito” Somoza Jr. took over as head of the National Guard.

Anatasio Jr. immediately unleashed an unprecedented wave of repression and violence

against any perceived oppositional figures. He organized the round up of almost 3000

people suspected of participating in the plot, torturing many of them. This

authoritarian action and the deteriorating economic conditions in the country provoked

massive protests all over the country. The death of Somoza sparked a new wave of

opposition to the dictatorship as people hoped that the death of the dictator would give

rise to democracy. Workers and students took to the streets in strikes and protests and

in the mountainous areas of the North at least sixty armed clashes broke out between

1956 and 1959, as the remnants of Sandino’s army took up arms again. 137

The Cuban Revolution of 1959 had a powerful effect in Latin America. The

revolution shook the foundations of the military governments and authoritarian

governments all over the Latin American continent. The Cuban experience opened up

the possibility of armed revolution in the Americas and revived currents of Latin

American nationalism. Concretely, the Cuban revolution created a laboratory for

studying the possibilities of Latin American revolution and a support network for

many of the guerrilla groups around the continent. Che Guevara claimed that

Nicaragua would become the next site for revolution because the conditions were

ripe138.

Tomas Borge, a student activist and co-founder of the FSLN was jailed after

the assassination. He explained the impact of the Cuban revolution for Nicaraguans:

The victory of armed struggle in Cuba, more than just delighting our
hearts, was the parting of innumerable curtains, an explosion that
showed the naïve and boring dogmas of those times for what they
 133

really were. The Cuban Revolution sent a terrifying chill running

through America’s ruling classes and shattered the suddenly
outmoded relics with which we’d begun to adorn our political altars.
For us, Fidel was the resurrection of Sandino, the answer to our
doubts, the justification for our heretical dreams of just a few hours
before.139

In 1959, The Rigoberto Lopez Perez Column, a guerilla group made up of

veterans of the Cuban guerrilla, members of Sandino’s army and university students

set up a guerrilla camp near El Chaparral, Honduras, near the Nicaraguan border. They

were attacked by the combined forces of the Honduran and Nicaraguan armies, killing

many of the combatants. This action sparked student protests in the National

University in Leon and several students were killed and or many more were wounded

when the National Guard opened fire on a peaceful march. 140

In 1961, exiled university students Carlos Fonseca, Tomas Borge and Silvio

Mayorga met in Honduras to form a new organization with the goal of freeing

Nicaragua from the Somoza dynasty. They allied themselves with Sandinista veteran,

Colonel Santos Lopez along with other veterans of Sandino’s army to form a

political/military vanguard organization. In 1963 this organization was named the

Frente Sandinista por la Liberacion Nacional in an attempt to build on the remnants of

Sandino’s movement and the memories of his military campaign against the US forces

in Nicaragua. The FSLN borrowed the red and black flag from Sandino as well as

some of his nationalist ideas to create a movement that would combine Marxism-
141
Leninism with Nicaraguan nationalism and elements of Social Christianity.

In the early 1960’s Carlos Fonseca began to analyze Sandino’s nationalist

philosophy and drew up a pamphlet that combined these ideas with his own vision of
 134

Marxism-Leninism. He proposed that the new movement was “ the continuation of a

still unfinished war started by patriots and revolutionaries of former times under

conditions particular to their epoch” 142. He believed that Nicaraguans would recognize

and accept an ideology derived from their own historical experience. 143

Following the Cuban model of the guerrilla foco, the Sandinistas began to

conduct operations in the most isolated areas of the country near the Honduran border

area to build a guerrilla movement. The constant harassment by the National Guard

and difficulty in recruiting peasants made it hard for the guerrillas to operate

effectively and several times they came close to being wiped out. In the mountains the

old Sandinistas passed on the oral traditions to the young guerrillas, explaining how

revolutionary theory became practice. Tomas Borge recalled his experiences the first

year in the mountains.

The relationship between Carlos and Colonel Santos Lopez was not
coincidental. The old and the new generations of Sandinistas sought
each other out in those dark times and found one another at the
precise political moment. The old Sandinistas passed on their
experiences, and we nurtured them in fields hungry for seeds and new
perspectives. What was really taking place was the transference of all
that had been written about Sandino’s struggle in the flesh, bones and
words of the surviving veterans.144

THE IDEOLOGICAL FRONT- BRECHT, CIRCUS AND POETRY

In the early 1960’s several literary and cultural projects developed among

artists and intellectuals inspired by Lopez Perez and propelled by the growth of an

opposition movement. Some of the groups such as Los Bandoleers from Granada,

Group M from Managua and Group Presence in Diriamba published journals and

organized informal discussion groups and poetry readings. These groups of mainly
 135

writers and poets formed to explore ways to create new literary voices that would

reflect Nicaraguan identity. Although they differed in their artistic approaches like the

vanguardistas before them they maintained a common search for Nicaraguan identity

and the building of an ideological opposition to the dictatorship.

One of the most influential of these groups was Frente Ventana. This group

was founded in 1960 by students Sergio Ramirez and Fernando Gordillo, after the

killing of students during demonstrations at the National University in Leon during a

protest against the El Chapparral massacre. This group differed from the other literary

groups whose project was defined mainly in artistic terms. These students wanted to

act against the dictatorship by linking their literary impulse to the military and political

movement.

The Ventana group defined themselves as intellectuals and cultural workers

dedicated to the creation of a new ideological and cultural movement parallel to the

political and military efforts of the FSLN. Fernando Gordillo expressed the decision

to dedicate the group’s artistic and intellectual efforts towards the revolutionary

movement in this slogan, “struggle is the highest form of song”. The Ventana group

published a mimeographed magazine featuring the works of young poets and

organized poetry readings and other cultural events. Although the effect of their work

was mainly limited to a small group of students and intellectuals, they initiated

important discussions that influenced other students to join the movement and laid the

groundwork for an intellectual opposition movement. The work of the Ventana group

began to politicize many of the young privileged students at the university, exposing

them to revolutionary ideas and new possibilities for artistic and intellectual
 136

expression. Sergio Ramirez explained how this artistic movement created the seeds of

revolutionary cultural activism.

The magazine and the group were born with the wounds of the El
Chaparral massacre. We were repulsed by the dictatorship and had a
militant conception of literature- not socialist realism- or anything like
that. But from the beginning we did reject the position that had
reigned in Nicaragua up to that time in terms of artistic labor: the
famous story of art for art’s sake; the artist’s sworn aversion to
political contamination. It’s important to see how a new
revolutionary culture that began to emerge in the country during the
1960’s had made its way between two closed walls; a degenerating
and obtuse Somocismo which had produced no important cultural
movement of its own, and the elite literacy culture. At the end of
this narrow passage, imperialism was cutting off and blocking our
path. The Ventana group began to break with all of this. 145

The absence of a clear Nicaraguan cultural identity became an issue for these

young intellectuals as they searched for a means to articulate Nicaraguan nationalism.

Ramirez reasoned that the Nicaraguan bourgeoisie venerated the American cultural

models and saw their dependent status as a “providential blessing”.

This admiration (for the U.S.) became more pronounced in the 1950’s.
The bourgeoisie sent its children to North American universities to
receive the metropolitan consecration, speaking English became a
letter of citizenship, Miami was the spiritual Mecca, and the
importation of architechtronic models, (furniture, music and love for
the American way of life) created an umbilical cord that even today
cannot be cut. 146

The penetration of American culture in Nicaragua that Ramirez describes

pushed these student intellectuals to look towards other Latin American models that

were emerging. They searched not only for literary models but strategies for creating

a “counter culture”. They attempted to create a n alternative cultural model that could

contest and dislodge the foreign cultural models and the “traditionalism” that rejected

modernity and looked back to the ‘golden age” of the hacienda.

 137

The Ventana movement searched for new forms of political activity that would

bridge the gap between the elite literary traditions that they studied in school and the

political/military agenda of the FSLN. In their search this literary group opened a new

window for political artistic expression that could operate in the small space that the

university offered. This movement provided a framework for the development of a

revolutionary cultural project that would develop later.

We took a very clear ideological position, and in our rejection of

dependence on foreign cultural models… we proposed political
commitment. We spoke of miners with scoliosis in Siuna, the poor
who lived in Acahualinca and other parts of Nicaragua; and we tried
to resolve this political position in artistic language. One could say
that in literature and art these things were already in the positions of
the recently created FSLN, which was nourished by the radicalized
youth movement headed by our generation. In 1962 when Carlos
Fonseca secretly spoke with us in León, he reminded us of the
political importance that the Frente already had and of the need to
maintain it.147

For Ramirez and the young students in Ventana, a break with the past meant

not just addressing social and political themes but transcending the cultural models

that permeated Nicaraguan society. These young intellectuals began to research and

discuss approaches and strategies to create a revolutionary cultural movement that

would operate outside of the elitist cultural models and reach the masses. Ramirez

criticized the elitist conception of many artists and cultural institutions that used

images and symbolism of the country’s folklore, removed from the context of poverty,

oppression and a history of resistance. Ramirez describes the tendency of Central

America’s cultural institutions to mummify folkloric expressions by separating them

from the dynamic that nourishes and replenishes their essence.

One of the categories (of the Central American culture) is

 138

meaningless vernacular art, the folkloric swindle that contributes to

the stagnation of the popular dynamic in culture and is therefore
indulgent about the inoffensive participation of tradition in everyday
cultural acts: the same old design of the structure of domination and
dependence imposed by the rich and powerful. 148

Ramirez refers in this passage to creation of a static folklore, or a set of

symbols of the popular culture that are lifted out of their social context to be used as

emblems of Nicaraguan identity, hollow symbols and stereotypes that were used to

represent Nicaraguan identity by the elite. He argues that while folk dances, native

dress, music and paintings are put on display as “official” representations of

Nicaraguan culture these are preserved as “museum pieces” and there is no support for

the living examples of folklore and popular culture.

The Ventana movement began to expand beyond literature in their search for a

means of linking their work to a larger political base. In their political rallies they

experimented with agit-prop theater, writing satirical skits that incorporated

revolutionary songs from the Spanish Civil War. These rousing songs helped to bridge

the cultural gap between the students, organized workers and barrio dwellers they

hoped to organize. One of the most popular songs was an adaptation of the Spanish

Civil War song “Ay Carmela”.

Cuando querrá el Dios del cielo When will our God in Heavan
Que la tortilla se vuelva Want to flip the tortilla
Que los pobres coman pan And let the poor eat bread
Y los ricos mucha mierda. And let the rich eat shit.149

The first book about Nicaraguan political music, written in 1989, Cantos de la

Lucha Sandinista, cites an anonymous narrative by a student about the music of the

student movement of the early 1960’s.

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In Managua the first songs that appeared were the same ones that
Sandino’s soldiers sang, that Ildo Sol, an old poet from the San
Antonio barrio passed on to a group led by Daniel Ortega. All of
these songs were sung by students in street demonstrations, but they
didn’t get the music right. Maybe because the people who taught
them the songs didn’t have a good musical ear, so they ended up
sounding more like a series of slogans and war cries. 150

A young journalism student from the North, Carlos Mejia Godoy, reasoned that

cultural workers should draw not only from the imagery of the folklore but also utilize

the traditional musical and poetic forms as well. In the university he began to

compose popular satirical songs with subtle political messages in the popular music

styles that he learned in his youth. His performances incorporated storytelling and

popular humor in the tradition of the popular singers who used spoken narratives to

create a dramatic framework for their songs.

Carlos Mejia Godoy came to Managua from the Northern town of Somoto,

near the Honduras border in 1962. His father a customs agent, marimba player and

artisan came from a long line of musicians and artisans. He passed a rich musical

legacy on to his children and exposed them to the folk traditions and to the improvised

styles of oral poetry. Carlos and his brother Luis Enrique began singing as children in

Somoto, experimenting with Nicaraguan folk songs and other styles they heard on the

radio. They put on shows in the town theater and at home for the neighbors. After

finishing high school Carlos went to Managua to study law and later journalism, but

never finished his studies. He became involved in music professionally in 1963,

singing and playing on radio shows and as a part of radio dramas that were a mainstay

of Nicaraguan radio.
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In the 1960’s, radio became an important form of communication for most

Nicaraguans. During the early 1960’s there were over 15 radio stations in Managua

alone that broadcast a wide variety of music, news, radio dramas and talk shows. In

the provinces other small radio stations also transmitted to local audiences. The radio

became the first real communications link that accessed the whole national territory,

including the Atlantic Coast and isolated rural communities in the north

In the early 1960’s, Fabio Gadea, owner of Radio Corporation, created several

popular programs that included folk music, stories and radio dramas based on

traditional folktales. Radio Corporation broadcast radio shows that combined

commentaries, songs and an oral mail service that were popular all over the country.

Listeners could send messages to each other that were read over the air by the

announcers who frequently added their own satirical advice and commentaries. This

service created loyal listeners who used this form of oral communication because of

the lack of a regular mail service and access to telephones. These shows gave work to

musicians and forced them to constantly renew their repertoire from day to day. They

found plenty of material by commenting on current events and satirizing the

landowners, politicians and government officials.

In 1964, Carlos Mejia Godoy began working as a radio personality called

“Corporito” on Radio Corporation. He used the voice of a peasant, incorporating the

unique slang and worldview of country poets to make Corporito, a popular radio

personality. Mejia Godoy used this space to satirize the cultural icons of Nicaraguan

society using double entendres, folk humor and songs in a lighthearted style. As a

musician Carlos Mejia Godoy began to search out old folk songs and to capture the
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poetic and musical elements from the different styles he encountered that he adapted

to his own style.

He traveled the country with his ears and eyes open cataloguing and
documenting the intricate strategies for survival that poor
Nicaraguans devised to maintain their dignity and identity in the face
of daily humiliation and oppression. One has to imagine almost
feudal conditions in the Nicaraguan countryside that made social
mobility almost impossible. Carlos’ early work captured the bawdy
sense of humor that Nicaraguans value. He examined the mythology
and folklore of the popular culture, highlighting the cultural icons that
common people have created. Carlos catalogued clever sayings and
inventive double entendres, flowers, trees, and the special foods and
the people that prepare them. He captured the inside knowledge of
elements popular culture that described the social conditions from an
insider’s perspective. This popular voice earned him the recognition
and respect of the people he sang about. 151

In 1965 Carlos Mejia Godoy released a record of a song about girls in

miniskirts with a satirical touch called “Minifalda Papacito”. Through his radio show,

recordings and his performances, Carlos began to gain popularity as an original

composer and interpreter of popular music. He worked hard to capture the complex of

meanings in Nicaraguan vernacular language and create a musical style that would

reflect contemporary Nicaraguan identity and “speak to the people in their own

voice”.152

Otto de la Rocha, a popular singer and radio personality worked alongside

Carlos Mejia Godoy at Radio Corporacion. As a singer he spent years performing in

theaters, circus tents and bars, singing popular songs. He became one of the pioneers

of radio drama in Nicaragua playing the role of Pancho Madrigal, a storyteller who

told “cuentos de camino” (road stories). These stories narrated the lives of country

people through the folk perspective of the narrator. This show touched on social
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themes and political critiques as the characters reacted or reenacted the current events

of the day.

Otto de la Rocha explained his technique in making political commentaries

while evading the censors.

In the traditional folk songs I heard a voice that was rarely spoken in
public. The singers could comment on hypocrisy and injustice
through complex metaphors, twisting and turning the language to
create their oppositional messages. The humor is sharp and pointed,
cutting through the hypocrisy, challenging the status quo and its
morality that permits people to go hungry.
The songs I heard growing up in Jinotega in the north of the country
articulated the voice of the poor, providing a testimony of people’s
daily lives, their strengths and weaknesses but more importantly
provided a historical record of those events that affected our lives. I
began to write songs using the traditional formats that commented on
the things I saw around me, the stories of love and betrayal and the
general condition of the country.
This testimonial about the reality that we lived made me political. My
little songs became more than just folk music as the war intensified,
they became as challenge to the dictatorship as a chasm opened up
separating the dictator and his allies from the rest of the country. My
songs helped to draw the lines and expose the hypocrisy of the rich
and celebrate the beauty of nature and the honor in hard work and
sacrifice.153

In the eyes of Carlos Mejia Godoy and Otto de la Rocha, their work took

advantage of an open space for political critiques of the government. They used funny

voices, assumed numerous characters and used humor to distance their own personas

from the subtle political messages that they included in their songs and stories. The

actors used comical voices and sound effects to frame their work as “theater” and not

political commentary, to maintain a level of artistic objectivity and to protect

themselves form charges of subversion. The radio personalities created a series of

personalities based on the “the trickster”, a common archetype in many folk

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storytelling traditions. The “trickster” is usually a character that uses wit and

intelligence to defeat a stronger opponent.

The trickster is a character common in the folktales of many cultures.

In Nicaragua’s Mestizo culture the characters Tio Conejo and Tio
Coyote represent the typically underdog who defeats his voracious
and more powerful enemy.
Nothing illustrates the veiled cultural resistance of subordinate groups
better than what have been termed the trickster tales. It would be
difficult to find a peasant, slave, or serf society without a legendary
trickster figure whether in animal or human form. Typically the
trickster makes his way through a treacherous environment of
enemies out to defeat him, not by his strength but by his cunning.
The trickster is unable, in principle, to win any direct confrontation as
he is smaller and weaker than his antagonists. Only by knowing the
habits of his enemies, by deceiving them, by taking advantage of their
greed, size, gullibility or haste does he manage to escape their
clutches and win victories. It doesn’t require a great deal of subtle
analysis to notice that the structural position of the trickster hero and
the stratagems he deploys bear a marked resemblance to the
existential dilemma of subordinate groups. 154

These stories created fictional characters that talked about current events

through dramatic metaphors that mirrored the social and political life of the country.

Political commentaries within dramatic stories were permitted by the censors, because

they offered no outright challenge or direct insult to the people they satirized. In the

tradition of the Güegüense, these radio dramas provided a thin facade to disguise the

critical attacks on the government.

Otto de la Rocha explained his role as a critical artist at a time when he had to

hide his political convictions and express his outrage at the dictatorship through satire

and folk songs.

Maybe laughter was the only weapon we had at the time. We exposed
links in the armor of the National Guard who protected the rich and
corrupt and fed the Nicaraguan urge to laugh at people behind their
backs.155
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This form of subtle protest reminded people that resistance against the superior

forces of the National Guard was possible. At the same time this thinly veiled voice of

resistance became wildly popular and produced a rash of imitators and a large

following around the country. Alexander Herzen described the role of laughter in the

context of an authoritarian German society.

Laughter contains sometimes something revolutionary. In the church,

in the palace, on parade, facing the department head, the police
officer, the German administration, nobody laughs. The serfs are
deprived of the right to smile in the presence of the landowners. Only
equals laugh. If inferiors are permitted to laugh in front of their
superiors, and if they cannot suppress their hilarity, this would mean
farewell to respect.156

Although the humor and satire of the radio dramas was generally able to

escape censorship and repression, news programs were frequently shut down for

reporting news that might make the government look bad. Reporters, editors and

journalists were not unaware of the consequences for anti-government reporting and

limited their reporting to “safe” topics. 157

In 1965, Carlos Mejia Godoy went to Germany to study radio and television on

a scholarship. His courses were rife with the cultural politics of the day and he

became exposed to the ideas of Bertolt Brecht. In Germany, Mejia Godoy found

theoretical and practical elements of Brecht’s concept of revolutionary art that could

be transferred to the Nicaraguan situation. He was impressed by Brecht’s integration

of popular music and theater and the innovative way that young Germans where using

these concepts to create an accessible yet profound “political theater”.

Brecht proposed that culture “should motivate people to transform reality not
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just reflect it”. 158 The actors in Brecht’s plays behaved as storytellers focussing the

audiences’ attention on the meaning of the play and the consequences of the

characters’ actions, not only on the emotions evoked. While Brecht provided drama

that would allow the viewers to live vicariously through the actors, the actors

addressed the audience outside of their characters to discuss the outcomes and context

of the drama. Brecht’s works presented archetypes that reflected the cultural realities

of working class people and the social and economic forces that affected them. Brecht

explained his concept of people’s art.

There will always be people of culture, connoisseurs of art, who will

interject: 'Ordinary people do not understand.' But the people will
push these persons impatiently aside and come to a direct
understanding with artists. We need a type of theatre which not only
releases the feelings, insights and impulses possible within the
particular historical field of human relations, but employs and
encourages those thoughts and feelings which help transform the field
itself.159

Brecht strove to create a model for “people’s art” that would challenge the

cultural, social and aesthetic values of the bourgeoisie. He incorporated elements of

the cabaret and dance hall burlesque shows to create an art form grounded in popular

traditions into his theatrical style. His concepts of theatrical performance inspired

many Latin American theater groups, poets and musicians to find ways to make their

art relevant to the majority population, rather than the privileged elites.

Inspired by Brecht and the work of the Ventana poets, Carlos Mejia began to

take inventory of the forms of popular expression that existed in Nicaragua. In his

search he explored the genres of Nicaraguan folk music ignored by folklorists and

polite society. As he listened closely to the untold histories and the inventiveness and
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poetic imagination of the folk poets and singers he realized that this was an important

part of Nicaraguan identity that was unappreciated and marginalized. In addition to

collecting folk songs he began to compose his own songs using elements from the

popular forms of expression that flourished in Nicaraguan popular culture: folk music,

oral poetry, street theater, hybrid religious rituals and circuses. His goal was to use

these popular culture forms to create new works that would create a new national

portrait of Nicaraguan identity.

Mejia Godoy recognized coincidences between the coded humor of the

Güegüense and the skits performed by the talking clowns in the popular circuses that

roamed Nicaragua’s barrios and small towns. The popular clowns were instrumental

in developing a popular theater style based on the idiosyncrasies of Nicaraguan

culture. Nicaraguan clowns are not the white-faced mimes of the European circus but

instead wear a red nose with smudges of red grease paint on their cheeks to mark them

as clowns. These clowns tell jokes and create skits with other clowns laced with

physical comedy. Often they twist and turn conventional language to create satirical

commentaries about current events and sexual mores. Although many of the clowns

relied on the crudest toilet jokes and slapstick, other clowns such as Firuliche

combined physical comedy with skits that referenced the themes of Nicaraguan

folktales, updating the characters to reflect the current social realities. Their biting

humor provided a model for the satirical radio dramas that Carlos Mejia later

developed.160

Nicaraguan cultural promoter Mariano Bermudez recalled the importance of

the circus in Nicaraguan popular culture.

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All Nicaraguans love the theater. While the rich went to the air
conditioned theater, of which there was only one in Nicaragua, the
poor went to the circus. Our circuses had a brass band, some clowns,
dancing girls and maybe a few novelty acts, midgets, strong men,
burros and horses, things like that. The clowns like Firuliche made
fun of everyone and everything and no one could get mad.
Although few artists will admit it, because of their own prejudice and
the vulgarity of the circus, the circus was one of the important cultural
experiences that we had and it must have influenced their work.
Carlos Mejia acknowledged Firuliche as one of the guardians of
Nicaraguan folk humor that began with the Güegüense laughing in the
face of the Spanish governor.161

Circuses represent one of the few sources of mass entertainment for rural

people and the urban poor in many parts of Latin America. The lack of public

performance spaces in most towns made the circus tents the principal venue for

cultural activities. The circus tents, that many times even lacked a roof covering,

became the site for religious and secular events. In Nicaragua most of the circuses

often didn’t have exotic animals or elaborate equipment but resembled a traveling

burlesque show with clowns, dancers and novelty acts. Singers such as Otto de la

Rocha, Victor M. Leiva and other popular singers got their start in the circuses and

travelling tent shows that circulated around the country. Chilean singer Violeta Parra

performed with circuses in Chile and built her cultural center, La Peña de los Parra

under a circus tent.

The fact that circuses became a venue for popular culture did not make them

into revolutionary hotbeds. The clowns used the popular language of the street and the

themes that would universally draw laughs and sympathy from the audience,

ridiculing the icons and symbols of oppression and morality. Their ridicule of the rich

doesn’t stop at class boundaries, in the carnavalesque environment of the circus

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anyone who takes themselves seriously is fair game for satire and critique. The circus

is a space where individuals can vent their frustrations and laugh at the oppressors and

themselves as well without consequences. In Carlos Mejia Godoy’s work these

popular traditions took on a new significance when they became combined with the

dynamics of a revolutionary movement that focussed these critiques and combined the

narratives with direct action and revolutionary violence against the government.

As Carlos Mejia Godoy became more politically committed to the Sandinista

movement he began to use the folk expressions as a vehicle for his political messages,

combining a deeper intellectual and political history into his work. While Carlos

Mejia Godoy’s work inventoried the spoken vernacular language and the poetic

ingenuity of the poor, it became political when he tied his “slice of life” poetry to a

narrative about the exploitation inherent in Nicaraguan society. Carlos Mejia Godoy’s

work linked this voice of social protest to other literary and political traditions

focusing the public’s attention on the larger issues and causes of these social problems.

Mejia Godoy focussed his early work on the creation of a positive self-image of the

poor and challenge the stereotypes and prejudice that lead to acknowledgement and

ultimately acceptance of injustice and oppression.

Carlos Mejia Godoy’s goal was to create narratives about the idiosyncrasies of

Nicaraguan culture that would include an analysis of the social and political issues.

He tried to provide Nicaraguans with a vision of an alternative to the status quo. In

this way he would transcend limits of the traditional Nicaraguan songs of protest that

saw their subjugated status as inevitable.

Frankfurt school theorist Theodor Adorno argued that the traditional

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oppositional language of the proletariat needed an analytical component to make it an

effective mode of critique and a challenge to the hegemony of the bourgeoisie.

To play off workers’ dialects against the written language is

reactionary. Leisure, even pride and arrogance, have given the
language of the upper classes a certain independence and self
discipline. It is thus brought into opposition to this own social sphere.
It turns against the masters, who misuse it to command, by seeking to
command them, and refuses to serve their interests. The language of
the subjugated, on the other hand, domination alone has stamped, so
robbing them further of the justice promised by the unmutilated,
autonomous word to all those free enough to pronounce it without
rancour. Proletarian language is dictated by hunger. The poor chew
words to fill their bellies. From the objective spirit of language they
expect the sustenance refused them by society; those whose mouths
are full of words have nothing else between their teeth. So they take
revenge on language. Being forbidden to love it they maim the body
of language, and so repeat in impotent strength the disfigurement
inflicted on them. Even the best qualities of the North Berlin or
Cockney dialects, the ready repartee and the mother wit, are marred
by the need, in order to endure desperate situations without despair, to
mock themselves along with the enemy, and so to acknowledge the
way of the world. If written language codifies the estrangement of
classes, redress cannot lie in regression to the spoken, but only in the
consistent exercise of strictest linguistic objectivity. Only a speaking
that transcends writing by absorbing it, can deliver human speech
from the lie that it is already human. 162

Nicaragua’s revolutionary music movement actually became a model for the

Nueva Cancion movement in the late 1970’s. The Nicaraguan revolutionary

musicians were able to create a unique Nicaraguan musical voice that embodied the

cultural identity of the poor using the vernacular language and imagery combined with

a strong political content that echoed and reflected the ideology of the Sandinista

movement. The following chapters will examine the development of a musical and

poetic voice and the role that music played in the revolutionary war.
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EL SON NICA-THE NICARAGUAN SOUND

Carlos Mejia Godoy was inspired by a Nicaraguan popular music style known

as Son Nica, that became popular in the late 1950’s and early 1960’s. Some of the

most popular groups of this style were Los Hermanos Krügger, Camilo Zapata, Trio

Xolotlan, Jorge Isaac Carvallo and Victor M. Leiva. The Son Nica combined elements

of different Nicaraguan folk styles such as the marimba music of Masaya and the

Northern corrido style, in a syncopated 6/8 rhythm similar to the Mexican Huapango.

The lyrics of the songs typically narrated stories that included descriptions of

Nicaragua’s flora and fauna, geographical locations and narratives of the lives of rural

people. Many of Camilo Zapata and Erwin Krügger’s songs included traditional

tongue twisters and vulgar double entendres that are common in speech that date back

to the Güegüense.

Other songs used popular poetry styles to express the indignities that the poor

faced in their daily lives. Songs such as “Juliana” by Jorge Isaac Carvallo narrated

dramatic stories of injustice in Nicaragua society. Juliana narrates the outrage of a

young man who is going to marry the beautiful young woman Juliana. His fear is that

the patron also has his eye on her and will try to take advantage of her before they get

married. This song documents the abuse of power and the continuation of a semi-

feudal society in Nicaragua.

The Son Nica style quickly caught on among the Nicaraguan public and

became a fixture in the musical repertoire of musical groups among the Mexican songs

and cumbias. The song “Solar de Monimbo” is a classic example of Son Nica, that

depicted the festivities in Monimbo, Masaya’s Indian community.

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Solar de Monimbo Solar de Monimbo

(Camilo Zapata) (Camilo Zapata)

Monimbo goes crazy to the Al sonar de la marimba se

sound of the marimba, desborda Monimbo,
You have to see the Hay que ver bailar encinta
pregnant wife of the la mujer del mandador,
overseer dance, Don Rodrigo esta
Don Rodrigo is trying to tanteando como le hace
do what she does behind por detrás, Zapateando,
her, zapateando zapatea y nada
Tap your feet, tap your mas.
feet, that's all,
Hay que ver a doña Inés pa
You have to see Doña bailar como zapatea a la
Inez, the way she taps her vez que hace su cadera
feet and shakes her hips temblar oye el consejo que
she at the same time, le da al compadre Juan pa
Listen to this word of bailar hacete para un lado
advice hr gives my buddy pareces un gallo remojado
Juan, move over, when cuidadito Juancho,
you dance you look like a cuidadito y nada mas.163
wet rooster, take it easy
Juan, take it easy.

Despite its popular roots and the occasional social commentary the Son Nica

was accepted universally by rich and the poor as a representation of Nicaraguan

identity. With their rise in popularity, the musicians found themselves playing in the

mansions of the elite, barrio parties and representing the government in international

folk music festivals. 164 The Son Nica became a portrait of national identity, a symbol

of the uniqueness of Nicaraguan culture that synthesized the vernacular language, the

musical traditions and the idiosyncratic worldview of the poor. This popular music

style emphasized Nicaraguan settings for the narratives of love, betrayal and

introspective reflections.

The Son Nica provided Nicaraguans a sense of cultural identity and uniqueness
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that other written literature had not been able to provide. This musical form allowed

for the creation of the “imagined community” of Nicaraguans based on a cultural

model that reflected the lives of the poor. This music was not based on the lives of the

elite or a fantasy world of international “pop” music represented by Julio Iglesias. The

Son Nica represented a popular voice, full of the contradictions and complications

present in the daily life of poor Nicaraguans as well as their dreams and aspirations.

It took time for this musical style to gain a foothold in the mainstream culture,

especially in the mass media. The late 1950’s and early 1960’s brought an onslaught

of Mexican popular music, Cuban music styles such as the Cha Cha Cha and the rock

and roll sounds of the United States to Nicaragua’s newly established radio stations

and juke boxes. Beginning in the late 1950’s the popular acceptance of Nicaraguan

groups gained them a space on the airwaves and slots in the jukeboxes alongside the

international hits. These new composers captured the public’s attention by describing

textures and details of Nicaraguan life in a positive way that was accepted across class

lines. While some of the interpreters of “Son Nica” stuck to the raw traditional sounds

and formats, others such as Trio Xolotlan incorporated these songs into a “pan-Latin

American” trio style. They added smooth harmonies and catchy melodic hooks to

create a more commercial blend that captured the icons of Nicaraguan identity in the

songs along with the familiar sound heard on countless recordings.

Carlos Mejia Godoy’s songs differed from those of other Son Nica composers

because they went beyond simple “panoramic” description and narratives. He often

used the voice of a narrator as a social archetype in the Brechtian tradition, to describe

dramatic events in their lives framed by the social and historical context. His
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characters reflected common social models in Nicaraguan society, gossips,

neighborhood tough guys, people with speech impediments, thieves, soldiers, farmers

and many others. The lyrics exposed the inner thoughts and motivations of his

characters pushed and pulled by social and economic forces.

Writer Daniel Alegria compared Mejia Godoy’s love songs to the more

commercial international pop formulas that dominate the airwaves.

Romantic ballads of commercial popular music tend to describe love

in a fantasy world, a Barbie and Ken reality separating this experience
form the concrete reality of most people. Listening to the songs on
the radio you picture two characters in a soap opera and you measure
your own experience by these models. Mejia Godoy breaks the
formulas of “pop” music by situating his narratives in the grass roots
of Nicaraguan culture. He describes love the way that people might
actually experience it, not an earth shaking experience but a part of
the cycle of nature.165

As a composer Carlos Mejia Godoy’s lyrics drew on the literary styles of the

influential poet/ priest Ernesto Cardenal and popular music composers such as Camilo

Zapata. Musically, he drew on Nicaraguan folk styles and the religious hymns and

other forms of Latin American popular music. He utilized the marimba and the

accordion in new ways, fusing Nicaraguan musical genres, reaching into the roots of

Nicaraguan folk music for his musical inspiration. His songs celebrated hard work

and the idiosyncrasies of Nicaraguan life, honoring the inventiveness of poor people

and their strategies for survival. Carlos Mejia explained his intention as a composer:

I tried to dispel the social and cultural prejudices that have been
instilled in our people. In my songs I told the stories of poor people
who have dreams, skills and above all dignity. My songs were
popular because I presented the real Nicaraguan that we saw everyday
not just a superficial view but the intimate details that normally stay
hidden. I wish I could compose operas and symphonies but my
musical skills are limited to what I know and have experienced, so I
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write popular music and add the counterpoint, harmony and

recapitulation in the lyrics, unfolding dramas and narratives of real
life..166

The following song is one of Carlos Mejia Godoy’s early compositions that

demonstrates his use of localized images from his own experience to describe the

nostalgia for the first romance. This song captures a universal experience of

heartbreak and loss through the eyes of a poor Nicaraguan using the imagery of rural

Nicaragua to describe the depth of his emotion.

That Almond Tree at Tere’s Place El Almendro de Onde la Tere

(Carlos Mejia Godoy)

That almond tree at Tere’s place, Aquel almendro de onde la

Is a witness to my youth,
Beneath the broad shadow of your
branches,
I flew flat out with heat,
For your love Maria Ines.
Shabby shoes and flood high
pants,
I saw the splendor of your face,
I saw the clear depth of your eyes,
Like two pools of calm waters,
Where my childhood was
submerged.
If you ask me for your name,
I will never forget it,
You have to know that I carry it
inside,
The aroma of the almonds,
That today returned to my garden.
Today I passed by the corner store
and Tere Armijo saw me crying,
On my eyelashes, a tear still
remains,
from that yesterday that won’t
return,
Looking back at the house,
My breast heaved,
I felt all at once all of my infancy
Tere,
Es el testigo de mi niñez,
Bajo su fronda de ancho
mesura caí redondo de
calentura por tu cariño María
Inez.
Zapatos burros, pantalón
chingo, mire el aurora de tu
rubor,
vi el fondo de tu pupilas,
como dos pozas de aguas
tranquilas donde mi infancia
sumergió.
Si me preguntas por que tu
nombre no la podría nunca
olvidar, has de saber que lo
llevo dentro en el aroma de
los almendros que hoy
retornaron en mi solar.
Hoy pasé por la pulpería la
Tere Armijo me vio llorar en
mis pestañas alborozadas
quedo una lagrima rezagada
de aquel ayer que no volverá,
mirando al fondo de la casona
mi pecho me estremeció,
sentí de golpe toda mi
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When your fragrance came to me, infancia cuando llegaron con

When the leaves of that almond su fragancia las hojas de
tree began to flower. aquel almendro de flor.
167

This description of a young man’s coming of age is contextualized through the

people, places and trees unique to the Nicaraguan countryside. The musical

accompaniment is a slow pensive habanera rhythm, similar to a slow tango that

highlights the sensuality and nostalgia of the lyrics. In this way Mejia Godoy

describes the textures and aromas that trigger memories, the subtle cues that link

individuals to the past and to a cultural group that shares a common experience and

history. These simple songs use these slender threads of common cultural experiences

to illuminate aspects of Nicaraguan identity.

George Lipsitz describes this type of contextual description as “the poetics of

place”. His writings analyze the ways that popular music contributes to a common

understanding and cultural identification within a community by capturing the “feel”

of a place at particular historical moment.

In our time, social and cultural crosses often come to us in the form of
struggles over place and displacement, over transformations in our
relationships to both physical places and discursive spaces. The
relationship between popular music and place offers a way of starting
to understand the social world that we are losing-and a key to the one
that is being built. Anxieties aired through popular music illumine
important aspects of the cultural and political conflicts that lie ahead
for us all. 168

Lipsitz’s approach provides a tool for analyzing the submerged currents of

resistance that are often found in popular music. In Nicaragua the descriptions of the

experiences of daily life exposed the poverty and injustice that the majority of the
 156

population faced. Mejia Godoy’s songs became an important vehicle for political

communication in Nicaragua describing not only the critical junctures in people’s lives

but also intimate details of their cultural reality. In the context of a political conflict,

these simple narratives of daily life describe the tensions and contradictions that

individuals face everyday. These songs are not about escape from reality or distraction

but actually call on Nicaraguans to focus on and analyze the narrative of their own

lives. These types of narratives of identity provide individuals with analytical tools to

take inventory of the wealth of historical knowledge and experience that resides in the

imagery and symbolism of the collective memory that popular music evokes.

It is important to note that the massive acceptance of these types of popular

songs later provided Carlos Mejia Godoy the moral authority to engage in more

explicit political discourse using many of these same poetic and conceptual elements.

This type of legitimacy in popular culture is difficult to achieve for most people

because the demands of the popular music marketplace often contradict with those of a

political movement. Carlos Mejia Godoy however was able to carve a niche for

himself as a composer and performer because of his awareness and sensitivity to the

ever-shifting axis of popular culture. In this way, he was able to approach the goal of

the Ventana artists, to create a popular form of artistic expression that could serve as a

vehicle for political communication.

During the late 1960’s, when Radio Corporation augmented the wattage of

their transmitters allowing them to broadcast to a wider audience, Carlos Mejia Godoy

achieved national recognition for his music and his work as a radio personality. His

music was accepted by the poor and the bourgeoisie, including the Somoza family, as
 157

an innovator in Nicaraguan popular music. The lyrics to his songs present dramatic

slices of life from sectors of society that rarely get presented in the limelight.

Radio Corporation was closed several times during the 1960’s for its critical stance

against the dictatorship, that was occasionally expressed in news shows and

commentaries. Carlos Mejia Godoy’s massive popularity as a satirical voice and his

unique position as a “joker”, protected him from the wrath of the dictator. Anastacio

Somoza Jr. is reputed to have enjoyed Mejia Godoy’s songs for their rich use of

Nicaraguan folk humor and language and for this reason ignored the social

commentaries as harmless tickling or artistic license. Popular music wasn’t perceived

by Somoza as a site of confrontation or a challenge to his power at this time.

Punishment of a popular singer would have produced an unfavorable popular reaction

and would have been interpreted as a sign of weakness, damaging the heavily macho

persona that Anastacio Somoza Jr. maintained. “Taking a joke” or accepting good-

natured teasing and insults is considered a test of strength in Nicaraguan culture and

cruel nicknames and vulgarities are considered a sign of affection. For example,“y de

hay hijo e’ puta” (What’s up, son of a bitch) is a common form of greeting, not meant
169
as an insult except when the words are clearly articulated.

This phenomenon can be observed in the calypso during British colonial rule

in Trinidad. Ex-president of Jamaica Michael Manley commented on the power of

laughter and satire in the hands of the oppressed.

The Trinidadian masses survived at least until the 1960’s by a

collective disregard of both the laws and the values of the oppressor.
The individual spirit endured its degradation and transcended it
hopelessness by laughing at everything including itself. But this was
not the laughter of gentle good nature, illuminating a comfortable
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companionship. This was laughter like a weapon, like a rapier or a

razor, honed by centuries of surviving.170

Manley’s example points out that this type of sarcasm and brutal laughter can

also be a sign of self deprecation and feelings of cultural inferiority based on the

powerlessness. While one may critique the oppressor they may also be referencing

their own lack of agency and power in society. He describes the calypso as;

sharp like a razor attacks not only the rich and powerful but the
everyone else in society with the same venom and cruel irony.
Calypsonians such as the Mighty Sparrow provide a frame of
reference for Trinidadians not designed to lead them to revolution but
to retain a critical analysis of social and political relations and to
understand the exercise of power.

In the spirit of the calypso, many of Carlos Mejia Godoy’s songs document the

ways that poor Nicaraguans collectively ignored the values of the dominant society.

Nicaraguans celebrated this musical documentation of their strategies for survival and

their ability to maintain a critical stance behind a mask of innocence. Empowered by

his growing popularity and visibility Carlos Mejia Godoy continued to write narrative

songs that displayed many of the harsh social realities that poor Nicaraguans faced.

His song, Maria de los Guardias became a huge success in Nicaragua, narrating the

ironic history of a woman that lived with members of the National Guard. According

to Otto de la Rocha, “Carlos Mejia found a foolproof means of making his political

points with this song; songs about sex never fail”.171

Maria de los Guardias María de los Guardias

(Carlos Mejia Godoy) (Carlos Mejia Godoy)

Let me introduce myself, Déjenme que me presente,

I am Maria del raso Potosme, Yo soy María del raso Postosme,
Before I lost my virginity to Enantes perdí la inocencia por las
 159

Lieutenant Cosme, inquirencias de del Teniente

I want to tell you that I was the
almost girlfriend of Sergeant
Guido,
What happened is this dude was
transferred about fifteen days
ago,
I am Maria,
Maria is my name,
But they call Maria of the
Guardia.
I am Maria, Maria, and I don’t
know the reason why,
I have five battalions under my
belt.
I was born in the army base,
Where my mother took care of
Captain Guandique
And because our father Jesus is
so great,
I wasn’t born on the floor.
It doesn’t bother me that I am the
queen and wife of the Guardia,
But my first bottle was a canteen,
I just turned fifteen when they
killed my first husband,
It was during a huge firefight
With a brave guy named
Sandino,
My man was found all torn up,
And when I saw the poor guy,
He looked like he was full of
holes.
Cosme,
También quiero palabiarles que
fui media novia del Sargento
Guido,
loa que pasa es que ese jaño ya
hace quince días que fue
transferido.
Yo soy María, María es mi gracia
pero a mi me dicen María de los
Guardias.
Yo soy la María María,
No ando con razones razones,
Ya llevo en mi cuenta por
cuentas, cinco batallones, Yo nací
aquí en el comando, mi mama le
cuidaba al Capitán Guandique,
porque Tata Chu es muy grande
ella no me tuvo en el propio
tabique, no es cosa que me las
pique de ser de la guardia la reina
y señora, pero mi primera pacha
la chupe chigúina en una
cantimplora.
Ajustaba los quince años cuando
mataron a mi primer marido,
Fue durante un tiroteo con un
hombre arrecho llamado
Sandino, de viaje tilinte por el
Rapador,
Yo lo vide al pobrecito todo
pasconeado como un colador.172

The satirical narrative of a young woman provides a “slice of life” view of the

hardships that women face in Nicaragua. Maria is “the queen and wife of the

Guardia” because she has no other choice, no place else to go in society because of her

association with the soldiers. While Carlos Mejia Godoy’s work was accepted and

celebrated even by the rank and file of the National Guard, this song’s mention of

Sandino takes the song beyond the description of a “police groupie”. Speaking the
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name of Sandino in the song, as a historical reference, adds a political twist to the

song. The narrator, Maria, acknowledges the historical actions of Sandino as the act of

a brave man, dispelling the Somoza’s characterization of him as a bloodthirsty bandit.

This passing mention of Sandino shifts the song’s narrative as Mejia Godoy shows a

glimmer of the voice behind the narrator by juxtaposing the experience of woman used

and exploited by the National Guard troops with their nemesis, Sandino. In this way

the lyrics subtly highlight the culture of the National Guard and the corruption

inherent in their lifestyle and actions. It is difficult to convey the poetic narrative of

this song in translation but the lyrics highlight the vernacular language of the street,

the everyday slang that is rarely cited in literary works or written down. This popular

song openly inserts the figure of Sandino into Nicaraguan popular culture for the first

time creating an important precedent for revolutionary songs.

This song uses satire to expose the immorality and abusiveness against women

by the National Guard. Maria is a victim of a hypocritical system that allows her no

options except to let herself be used by the soldiers. At the same time she is symbolic

of those Nicaraguans who passively accept abuse and see their fate as inevitable.

While the song is a critique of the National Guard at the same time it provides a look

at the soldiers as human beings. The song illustrates a glimpse of the culture of the

National Guard and the superficiality of their relationships to civilians because of the

distance they must maintain from the rest of society.

The National Guard’s role as the praetorian guard for the dictatorship put no

limits on their behavior and in exchange demanded total loyalty to the interests of the

dictator. They were allowed absolute power over poor civilians and were encouraged
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to beef up their salaries through extortion and graft. These conditions led to unique

sub-culture among the Guardsmen that separated them from the civilian population.

Ex-National Guard General Florencio Mendoza commented that this song was

extremely popular with the young recruits despite its political connotations because it

reinforced their “macho” image. He thought that “Maria de los Guardias” was

dangerous to the National Guard because it fostered public satire and humiliation of

the Guardsmen. While the National Guard reveled in the mention of their profession

in a popular song, civilians laughed at their ignorance. Ex-National Guard General

Florencio Mendoza stated:

Carlos Mejia Godoy had a clear agenda. His songs were aimed at
subverting the power of the Guardia. His songs were a call to
rebellion and anarchy. He played on the sympathy and emotions of
Nicaraguans to lead them towards a revolutionary agenda. He
confused the issues by making them into a good and evil comparison.
These songs had an effect on morale as they opened up the Guardia to
public ridicule and a loss of respect for their position. Music was an
important part of the Sandinista movement because as their songs got
popular every musician learned them and became a Sandinista. They
had good music, very Nicaraguan music with the essence of our
language, customs and idiosyncrasies that couldn’t be found
elsewhere. We liked his music but he took a lot of it from the other
musicians such as Camilo Zapata and added politics to it. It was a
way of reaching the lower class, the poor who have traditionally hated
the rich. He turned it around and touched on the emotions and
patriotism of Nicaraguans turning them against the government and
the established order. 173

Songs such as Maria de los Guardias were transmitted all over the country

during the late 1960’s. Carlos Mejia Godoy and Otto de la Rocha benefited from the

development of the broadcast media because it gave them access to a broader audience

than they could reach with their live performances. Through the radio they were able

to define a musical voice that became accepted throughout the national territory, even
 162

in the English speaking areas of the Atlantic Coast where people appreciated the

satirical humor.

The stories of the radio dramas and songs of the Son Nica came to affirm a

sense of Nicaraguan identity across the regional differences between different

geographical areas. At the same time these forms of cultural expression served to

plant the seeds of an emerging revolutionary nationalism in the popular consciousness.

The works of Carlos Mejia Godoy and Otto de la Rocha opened up a small space for

questioning and analyzing the legitimacy of the government by reactivating oral

traditions in a modern context. Listeners were engaged by hearing typically

Nicaraguan voices on the radio, providing an analysis of current affairs in the poetic

slang of the streets and backyard fences. In the songs they became enthralled to hear

universal themes of exploitation, love and betrayal set among the flowers, trees and

mountain villages of their homeland. These forms of cultural expression highlighted

the mestizo culture as a positive force, that counteracted the contempt for the popular

culture and the mestizo traditions manifested by the elite.

Music, stories and poetry created an opening for political ideas, a break in what

Brazilian pedagogue Paolo Friere, called “the culture of silence”, a condition that

describes the Somozas neglect of educational and cultural institutions that would give

Nicaraguans the ability to know, to express and to transform their lives. 174 The songs

of Carlos Mejia Godoy pushed this opening by proposing a satirical critique of the

dictatorship using the creative ingenuity of the popular language to open up a

discussion of human rights and morality in Nicaraguan society.

At the same time, the Ventana movement pushed intellectuals to focus their
 163

work on creating social change and supporting the revolutionary platform of the

FSLN. Veterans of the Ventana group such as Sergio Ramirez went on to write

definitive novels and poetry that documented the growth of the revolutionary
175
movement and pushed Nicaraguans to take a stand against the dictatorship.

This phase of renewed cultural activity laid the groundwork for the

development of a militant cultural movement that became an integral part of the

political/military strategy of the FSLN in the 1970’s. This period of the 1960’s

represents a first step in breaking the hegemony of the dictatorship by exposing areas

of weakness and by resurrecting and revitalizing the Nicaraguan oppositional voice

present in the oral traditions. This phase was important for the resurrection of the

nationalist spirit of Sandinismo among the Nicaraguan people. This movement in

popular culture tapped into the collective memory and stirred the embers of rebellion.

The problems that prompted Sandino to take up arms were never resolved. The songs

and stories recalled Sandino’s struggle for dignity and a fight against the humiliation

and powerless that the poor faced in their daily lives. 176
164
Tyranny cuts off the singer's head,
but the voice from the bottom of the well,
returns to the secret streams of the earth,
and rises out of nowhere,
through the mouths of the people.

Pablo Neruda

CHAPTER FOUR:

MUSIC BECOMES AN ACTIVE POLITICAL VOICE

In 1967, Conservative Party candidate Fernando Aguero challenged the

Somoza regime on the political front by mounting a populist presidential campaign

that attracted massive support from the poor and middle class. He promised land

reform, a return to constitutional government and most importantly, an end to the iron

rule of the Somozas. His mass rallies, however, were met with brutal repression by

the National Guard who fired into the crowds and shut down the radio stations and

newspapers that criticized the Somoza government. In the following days street

battles broke out in different parts of the country as students and Aguero supporters

protested the massacre. FSLN guerrillas used this moment to stage several attacks that

led to a devastating defeat and the death of FSLN founder Silvio Mayorga near the

town of Pancasan.

The defeat at Pancasan led the FSLN leadership to examine their strategy and

to refresh their ranks with new recruits . Until this time the FSLN had been a small

165
 166

vanguard party with only a few hundred members. The leadership realized how

fragile the small numbers and concentrated leadership left them in the face of a

concentrated attack by the government. The new strategy called for the development

of alliances with legal intermediate groups in labor unions, students groups, rural

campesino organizations, neighborhood committees, artistic organizations and

Christian groups that would help to recruit members and provide other forms of

support to the FSLN. The idea was to build a mass movement, avoiding military

confrontations until they had the strength to wage war effectively. This strategy was

called the “silent accumulation of forces”.

Looking back at their experiences and the difficulty they faced in fighting the

National Guard solely on the military front, the FSLN leaders felt that a new strategy

was required. They realized the National Guard was willing to take drastic measures

to eliminate the guerrillas and were well versed in the tactics of counter-insurgency.

The National Guard was able to focus their attention on the small guerrilla groups and

create an atmosphere of terror in the rural areas where they operated to discourage any

collaboration by local people. The FSLN leaders learned the problems inherent in

fighting well-trained government troops from the experience of several Latin

American guerrilla movements, especially from Che Guevara’s defeat in Bolivia.

The FSLN continued to recruit and build a guerrilla army while at the same

time preparing an urban guerrilla force and a mass based political movement. The

Sandinistas adopted a new strategy attacking the moral weakness of the dictatorship

rather than confronting its strongest side; the military. The FSLN leadership analyzed

the social and political climate of Nicaragua and began to develop the foundations for
 167

a mass movement and plant the seeds of a popular uprising that would link with the

actions of the guerrilla army. This strategy relied heavily on developing an ideological

challenge to the dictatorship that would attack Somoza on many fronts, challenging

the legitimacy of his power and forcing the government to disperse its energy and

resources. A major component of this strategy was the use of ideological and cultural

work to create awareness and sympathy for the revolutionary movement and to plant

the seeds for a massive popular uprising . Many intellectuals and artists were recruited

at this stage to create an “ideological front” that would challenge and undermine the

legitimacy of the government. At the same time they would encourage people to join

the guerrilla army in the mountains and form urban commando units. This was not an

easy task for many intellectuals because their work was so far removed from the

popular culture and the majority of Nicaraguans. A huge gap existed between

intellectuals and the majority of the population of the country who were illiterate.

Writers, poets and painters were forced to rethink their artistic projects and their

language in order to make their work relevant to a mass audience.

The development of an autonomous popular music voice was important to the

political strategy of the FSLN. Musicians were able to reach a wider audience and

influence people in a way that political speeches never could. Music and poetry

became important tools in organizing the campesinos in the areas where the guerrillas

were operating and in the urban areas where they hoped to recruit youths to the

movement. Music played an important role in “Nicaraguanizing” the political rhetoric

and explaining the ideological position of the FSLN in poetic terms that were familiar

and recognizable.
 168

The Sandinistas followed Antonio Gramsci’s concept of “war of position”. He

described this strategy as an attack on the enemy’s rear guard, “the whole

organizational and industrial system of the territory which lies to the rear of the army

in the field”. Gramsci described this tactic as a means of waging a protracted war

while simultaneously waging a “war of maneuver that would probe the front lines for

a weak point or an opening in the defenses. 177

The Sandinistas realized that the Nicaraguan state, although it was ruled by a

corrupt dictator, could not be easily toppled by violence alone. The power of the

dictator was not only based on coercion but also the tacit consent of the population

who accepted the status quo. The hegemony of the dictatorship was based on its

application of force and coercion that engendered a culture of fear. While it was not

difficult to convince people of the corruption and illegitimacy of the government,

convincing them to risk their lives for an abstract cause was more difficult. The goal of

the Sandinistas was to create, what Gramsci termed, a “concrete phantasy”, a vision of

a new society based on morality and social justice among the population. 178 Within the

revolutionary movement music and poetry became tools to model the new society and

highlight moral and spiritual rewards that revolutionary activity can provide. Carlos

Mejia Godoy and Otto de la Rocha and other musicians began to shift the focus of

their songs from subtle forms of social protest and cultural affirmation to themes of

denunciation and testimonials to the government’s crimes. This new artistic

movement borrowed from Chileans and Cuban models in trying to develop a voice

that would raise consciousness and impart political lessons.

MUSIC, TESTIMONY AND POETRY AS WEAPONS OF WAR

 169

During the period of “accumulation of forces” the FSLN began to organize

artists and intellectuals to use their artistic work to, “fight the enemy from their own

battletrench”179. This meant that artists would use their art as a weapon against the

dictatorship, to attack the social, cultural and political foundations of the political

system. This was a challenge for many politically committed artists whose work was

symbolic, abstract or based on artistic currents that weren’t accessible to the masses

that they wanted to reach. On the other hand public expression of their political views

was a risky proposition that could bring on serious consequences.

Although Carlos Mejia Godoy, Otto de la Rocha and others wrote songs that

included satire, social protests and subtle critiques they held back from outright

political statements. Other artists such as poet David McField began to experiment

combining explicitly political poetry with popular music. The song “Pancasan”

represents a convergence of intellectual and artistic movements and the guerilla

movement. David McField went beyond the political boundaries of popular music to

compose the first overtly political song that calls for revolution, marking a new trend

in Nicaraguan music and poetry. McField’s song is played with a calypso rhythm

common to his native Nicaragua’s Atlantic Coast region. This song combines the

narrative qualities of the corrido or narrative song and the slogans popular at rallies

and demonstrations. It is sung with a call and response with the audience joining in to

sing the last line to sing, “revolution”.

Pancasan Pancasan
(David McField) (David McField)

La, la, la ,la, la La, la, la ,la, la,

There is a clamor that comes from Hay un clamor que viene de la
 170

the mountains, montaña, hay un clamor que se

there is a clamor that you can hear
at dawn,
that says this, Revolution,
revolution, revolution.
In Pancasan the breeze is calling
you,
And in the cities,
The sound is breaking out,
It says Revolution, revolution,
revolution.
The General has to get used to it,
To find out where the sound
comes from.
that says this, Revolution,
revolution, revolution.
The time for payback is getting
closer,
So much pain and senseless
crimes,
The sound is breaking out,
that says this, Revolution,
revolution, revolution.
oye al amanecer, que dice así,
revolución, revolución,
revolución.
En Pancasan la brisa te esta
llamando, y en la ciudad, ya
viene quebrando el son,
Que dice así, revolución,
revolución, revolución.
El General tendrá que irse
acostumbrando, para saber de
donde le viene el son,
Que dice así, revolución,
revolución, revolución.
Se acerca ya la hora de irnos
cobrando,
Tanto dolor y crímenes sin
razón, que viene ya quebrando
el son, Que dice así,
revolución, revolución,
revolución.180

This song was composed at a moment where many Nicaraguans were faced

with the dilemma of whether to give up their normal lives to make a political

commitment. The repressive climate of Nicaragua in the late 1960’s and early 1970’s

left little middle ground for artists, as it was difficult to ignore the growing political

tensions and remain neutral. The decision to project an openly political agenda could

bring on serious consequences such as imprisonment or exile for artists. Although

many artists belonged to ruling class families or had the privilege of higher education,

little safe ground existed for intellectuals and artists where they could freely exchange

ideas and display their creativity in Nicaraguan society outside of the university in the

repressive atmosphere of the late 1960’s and 1970’s.

 171

In 1970, Carlos Mejia Godoy began singing with los Hermanos Duarte, a

veteran guitar trio that gave a solid musical foundation to his music. Together they

created a new style using the Son Nica as a base that incorporated elements of other

styles of Latin American music, influenced by the Chilean Nueva Cancion, Catalan

singer Joan Manuel Serrat and the classic guitar trios like Los Panchos, Los Tres

Reyes and Los Tres Aces. Musically the group became more proficient and developed

a unique blend of voices and musical influences that set them apart from the other

popular music groups in Nicaragua.

The electoral victory in 1970 of the Unidad Popular party in Chile provided a

new sense of optimism for many Nicaraguan revolutionaries. Although the electoral

path was not an option in Nicaragua, the development of a united front of many

political tendencies and social movements provided a useful precedent for the

Sandinistas. Also the songs of Victor Jara, Inti Illimani and Quilapayun inspired many

young Nicaraguan musicians and provided a path for the creation of new musical

forms. The choral vocal styles of Quilapayun and Inti Illimani combined several

voices singing in thick harmonies that gave an incredible force to their lyrics,

projecting power and confidence. This sound was adopted by several of the

Nicaraguan political music groups such as Igni Tawanka and Nuevo America.

During the early 1970's Carlos Mejia Godoy became more politically active

and his music began to take on a more pronounced political character. Although he

retained his popular music repertoire, he began to assimilate more of the influences of

political poetry and testimonio into his songs.181 Mejia Godoy’s political songs at first

touched on social issues, documenting the harsh reality of Nicaraguan poverty using
 172

the sarcasm and irony of traditional folk songs. By adopting the voice of the

campesinos and poor urban dwellers Mejia Godoy was able to capture a broad

audience receptive to his political ideas. In the early 1970’s he began to write more

politically explicit songs that captured the slogans and explained the FSLN’s strategies

using his popular music style. His interaction with young revolutionary poets such as

Leonel Rugama and Ernesto Cardenal influenced Mejia Godoy to write songs that

combined revolutionary messages with his own textured poetry, references from the

grass roots religious movement that was forming.

In 1970, testimonial literature was granted a separate category for the

prestigious Casa de las Americas prize in Cuba, giving this genre legitimacy as

“serious” literature. Testimonials such as Che Guevara’s book, Guerrilla Warfare,

chronicles the Cuban guerrilla experience, became a model for revolutionary literature

examining theory through lived experience and practice. 182 In testimonial literature,

the narrator may assume the role of witness or participant providing not only a

verbatim account of events but commentaries on the personal details and the spiritual

forces that may intervene within an individual’s own experience. Instead of excising

spirituality from political discourse the testimonial provides the palette of lived

experience to explain the relation of spirituality to human practice and social relations.

Author John Beverly’s work on Central American literature explores the

history and development of literary forms as an integral part of the regions’ political

development. His groundbreaking work lays a foundation for others to study and

understand the meaning and context of the key works in Central American literature.

He describes the literature of testimonio.

 173

The word testimonio translates literally as testimony, as in the act of

testifying or bearing witness in a legal or religious sense. That
connotation is important because if distinguishes testimonio from
simply recorded participant narrative, as in the case of “oral history”.
In oral history it is intentionality of the recorder-usually a social
scientist- that is dominant, and the resulting text is in some sense
“data”. In testimonio, by contrast, it is the intentionality of the
narrator that is paramount. The situation of narration in testimonio
has to involve an urgency to communicate, a problem of repression,
poverty, subalternity imprisonment, struggle for survival and so on,
implicated in the act of narration itself. The position of the reader is
akin to the juror in a courtroom. Unlike the novel, testimonio
promises the definition to be primarily concerned with sincerity rather
than literariness.183

In 1972 Carlos Mejia Godoy along with poet Rosario Murillo, David McField

and other writers formed a “cultural brigade” that they named “Gradas” or steps. The

formation of artists into a cultural brigade expressed the militant attitude of the artists

and their integration into the political/military structure of the FSLN. This group

strove to create a framework for cultural work within the revolutionary movement

proposing new forms of cultural expression that would not only politicize the content

but experiment with new artistic forms that would function in war time. The Gradas

group criticized commercialized art and the elitism that characterized the Nicaraguan

artistic traditions. They proposed a form of “people’s art” that in form and content

would propose revolutionary change and the creation of a “new society”. This

movement pushed artists and intellectuals to make a commitment to social change.

Rosario Murillo explained the Gradas movement’s strategy for cultural work.

My poetry was imbued with the necessity I lived everyday in

communicating with the masses. In Gradas we tried to change the
concept of cultural work so that people were not merely receivers but
creators of culture. At the same time, my poetry responded to the
need of immediate communication. When the situation changed and
we were persecuted and jailed by the dictatorship, we adopted a
 174

different strategy. My work went from being open to playing a part in

a clandestine network.184

Murillo was also a prominent figure in a woman’s literature movement that

emerged in the late 1960’s. Many of these women came from well to do families and

were influenced by international feminism as well as by the Sandinista revolutionary

movement. Nicaraguan poet Michele Najlis’ collection The Armed Wind represented

the works of many of the writers of this group as well as others from other previous

literary groups. Another Nicaraguan poet, Gianconda Belli introduced passionate

eroticism into her work comparing the passion of love with the passion that

accompanies intense political commitment and combat. Her work was influential in

the songs of Carlos Mejia Godoy and other Nicaraguan composers who freely used her

words in their songs.

I saw that it was possible to write love poems, which were also,
revolutionary, which could integrate personal and collective
experiences… At first I had problems with the so-called political
poems. They always came out of my individual experiences, and I
considered that to be a limitation. But when one lives collective
experiences as an individual… the truth is that one expresses feelings
or ideas which have the force of many experiences born from
collective practice and struggle. 185

The influence of poetry and testimonial literature in Nicaraguan political music

caused the Gradas group to label the music they produced as “testimonial music”.

The artists argued that music should provide not just entertainment but a testimony of

the “struggles of the people and a voice for those who cannot be heard”. 186 The idea

was that testimonial music could bridge the perceived gap in the dominant culture

between popular music, that was seen as light entertainment, and literature, that was

“serious”.
 175

A devastating earthquake hit Managua in 1972 killing thousands of people and

destroying a large number of buildings that had been constructed without sufficient

reinforcement, even though they were built on top of an active seismic fault. Foreign

relief agencies and sympathetic people donated millions of dollars in aid and materials

and the government received huge credits for rebuilding the city and its infrastructure.

Among the many donors were rock star Mick Jagger and his Nicaraguan wife, Bianca,

and baseball star Roberto Clemente, who sent aid and organized relief activities to

help the thousands of homeless. The aid money sent could have paid for the

construction of a modern capital and to was seen as an opportunity for the up and

coming entrepreneurial class to rise.

Anastacio Somoza Jr. used this influx of foreign aid as a chance to further

enrich himself and his allies. The donated food was sold out of government trucks and

the reconstruction of the downtown area resulted in a massive theft of government

funds by Somoza and his allies. Corruption rose to levels that were unheard of even in

the context of a dictatorship. The downtown area was closed off to the public while

bulldozers and demolition crews knocked the buildings that were left standing. The

demolition crews hired by the government became institutionalized looting squads, as

they looted and picked through the remains of stores and houses before they

demolished them. The earthquake was a turning point in Nicaraguan history, as

thousands of families were displaced and hundreds died in the rubble. The capital city

lost its center and became a group of disconnected neighborhoods without a

downtown or central area. The former bustling downtown area became known after

the earthquake as “the ruins” and squatters moved into the broken shells of once
 176

elegant houses.

The following song is the testimony of a young man who gets a job in a work

brigade demolishing the structures that were left standing after the earthquake. His

house and possessions were lost and he was happy to hear that tons of donated food

had arrived in the country. He laments that it won't reach him or his neighbors

because of the official corruption that destined most of the foreign aid to be sold in an

informal marketplace. Once again Mejia Godoy uses a satirical narrative to expose

government corruption without explicitly making political references.

Mejia gives the narrator a historically contextual name thus identifying him

with a whole class of people that were displaced by the earthquake and gained

political consciousness because of their first hand experience with government

corruption.

Frankie of the Ruins PANCHITO ESCOMBROS

(Carlos Mejia Godoy) (Carlos Mejia Godoy)

My name is Francisco Me llamo Francisco

And I'm a little cross-eyed Y soy medio bizco
That's the way God made me, Me hizo Dios así,
They gather round me A mi me hacen ruedas
In the dusty streets of Reparto En las polvaredas
Schick, Del reparto Schick
I'm out of work, Quede sin trabajo
And now everything, dammit, Y "agora" carajo
Is all over, Todo se acabo,
Fifteen days ago Y hace quince días
I signed on to the demolition Que entre en las cuadrillas
squads, De demolición
Where I ran into my buddy Y me encontré en la brigada
"Lion body", "Porfirio Mule Con mi "pofi" "cuerpo león"
Face" A "Porfirio care'mula"
and "Venancio Chicken Pox" Y Venancio Sarampión.
My name is Pancho Cajina,
Victim of the Managua Mi nombre es Panchito Cajina

earthquake
And even though I have had bad
luck
I'm not too bad off.
My name is Pancho Cajina,
But I got a nickname
Because I work in the wreckage
They call me Panchito Ruins
I had a little hassle
With a bad dude from around here
They picked him as foreman
Because he is so mean
This problem
started because of a fight
that this jerk started,
because I was startled to see a
necklace,
that I want to give to Pilucha
Bonilla,
My woman that works in the
marketplace,
In the shake up of the earthquake
I lost everything,
I lost my beautiful little house,
In the Tenderi barrio,
I got happy when I heard the
rumor
that tons of canned meat were
coming to my country,
But the shark always eats the
sardine
and the one with the biggest throat
always drinks the most pinol. 187
This song used the popular slang and nicknames to create an identification
with the urban subculture of Managua’s barrios. This is one of the first times the
language of the streets called "escaliche" was voiced in a popular song. Escaliche,
similar to the Mexican "caló", are inventive dialects used by the poor urban youth and
177
Managua terremoteada,
Y aunque tengo mala espina
Yo no soy mal bozaleado,
Mi nombre es Pancho Cajina
Pero tengo un mal apodo,
Por trabajar en las ruinas
Me dicen Panchito escombros. (Bis)
Tuve un "rifi-rafa"
Con un tipo chafa
Que es de aquí no mas
Por su "Care'perro",
Fue que lo escogieron
Como capataz,
El mentado clinche
Fue por un bochinche
Que invento el jayán,
Porque en los escombros
Con tremendo asombro
Divise un collar,
Un collar de fantasía
Que le quiero regalar
A Pilucha Bonilla
Mi mujer del oriental.
Mi nombre es Pancho Cajina…
En el alboroto, De este terremoto
Todo lo perdí, Perdí mi casita, que era tan
bonita, De la Tenderí.
Me puse contento, cuando supe el cuento
Que iban a venir muchas toneladas
De carne enlatada. Para mi país,
"pero siempre a la sardina
se la come el tiburón"
"el que tiene mas galillo
siempre traga mas pinol".
Mi nombre es Pancho Cajina…
 178

marginalized people.188 This use of the dialect, widely spoken in the areas around the

Mercado Oriental, a large informal open air marketplace, painted a sympathetic

portrayal of a group of Nicaraguan marginalized in the larger society.

This song represents a testimony to the looting and corruption in the

earthquake relief that would be hard to censor because of its satirical and humorous

quality. In the last two lines Mejia Godoy quotes Nicaraguan folk sayings commonly

used to explain the selfish manner that the powerful exercise their power. The name

Panchito Escombros means “Frankie of the Ruins” referring to the Nicaraguan

tradition of assigning often times unflattering yet descriptive nicknames to people.

Otto de la Rocha's songs about daily life in Nicaragua acquired new meanings

as the war intensified in the early 1970's. His songs and stories that satirizing

authority figures became more pointed and focussed on the abuses of the government.

As things got hot I had to watch what I said on the radio or I would
get myself and my coworkers in big trouble. Sometimes our songs
and stories carried coded messages to the movement. I worked with
Carlos Mejia Godoy on the radio show using our songs as a way of
exposing and ridiculing the National Guard and the dictatorship in our
own subtle way. Our show also created interest among young people
for the folk music and through the music many of them came to know
about Sandino and many of the historical events that had been hidden
in the mainstream history.

Because of the danger of correspondence and the difficulty in communicating

complex political messages to the supporters and the troops many times the political

communiqués were transmitted through songs. During this period of intense

recruitment and training, new music groups began to form based more on political

affinity than musical inspiration. Groups such as Pancasan wrote political songs

based on the minutes of political meetings. These songs combined the essence of the
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political messages with the imagery and passion that made these easier for people to

assimilate, transmit and remember. Political artists and musicians, integrated into the

FSLN, were assigned specific tasks in creating works with specific political messages

that would reflect the focus of the movement. The integration of cultural and political

work was summed up in the slogan “culture is, the artistic rifle of the revolution”.

As political artists began to vary their musical style and focus on political

themes, traditional musicians such as Jorge Isaac Carballo scolded the political artists

for changing the essence of Nicaraguan folk music through their politicization of the

lyrics and the introduction of foreign elements from South America. 189 Carballo

complained that the politicization of popular music could create a backlash against all

musicians. He felt that messages should continue to be embedded in the lyrics using

double entendres and poetic metaphors, not boldly stated like political pamphlets set to

music.

Carlos Mejia Godoy responded to this argument, …“if our music resonates in

the souls of our people and allows them to remember their history, it is carrying on the

essential task of folk music, to create a vehicle for making meaning out of the past and

present".190

Carlos Mejia Godoy and a group of musicians and cultural promoters formed

the Brigade for the Salvation of Nicaraguan Song and the Popular Sound Workshops

to bring together politically active musicians to revive folk music and traditions. The

Brigade was made up of workers, intellectuals and students who collected folk songs

and making contacts with folk musical groups in isolated areas, bringing them to the

cities to perform. These brigades sponsored concerts featuring rural folk music groups
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to create awareness of the folk music traditions among the urban youth.

Wilmor Lopez, a young student, was one of the founders of the Brigade for the

Salvation of the Nicaraguan Song. He described the importance of bringing folk

music to the cities and introducing young people to the music as a force of resistance.

I loved music but I couldn’t sing or play the guitar. At the university I
hung around with the musicians and wanted to be a part of the
movement. I started to find songs for them to play and make contact
with some of the forgotten treasures of Nicaraguan folk music.
For me it opened my eyes to aspects of our history that I never knew.
I also made me appreciate the hardship of the life in the countryside
and the beauty of the folk poetry that examined aspects of their simple
life in a way that we city dwellers couldn’t explain. We organized
concerts and developed an audience for testimonial music and a link
between the young performers and the folk musicians. These concerts
helped to break down the characterization of country people as
“hicks”.191

During the concerts the groups were able to insert their political messages and

establish a rapport with the working class public that they performed for. Bayardo “El

Indio” Corea, carried a sound system around to different parts of the country as a part

of the Workshops.

We would get calls from different neighborhood organizations or local

FSLN organizers to go to play at a certain place. Sometimes we had
to camouflage what we were doing when the Guardia came around.
The people loved the free entertainment and it gave exposure to
groups that really couldn’t perform in mainstream settings. Although
Carlos Mejia Godoy was the attraction some of the young groups got
people going, dancing and singing along. We had the Soñadores de
Sarawaska and other groups from the mountains that would
participate with us in these concerts. 192

Although non-political Nicaraguans rejected the political themes in the new

music, the creative energy of young people playing music drew crowds to the events.

Gloria Bacon, was part of a dance group that would also perform in these street
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concerts. She explained how the cultural events attracted the attention of the

neighborhood people and camouflaged the political nature of the event.

We would arrive in a neighborhood and start playing music on a tape

recorder to attract people. They were curious and interested in seeing
what we were doing. We began to dance for them and do a whole
show with singers and poets. In the middle they would give speeches
and pass out flyers. This is when many people left because they
thought the Guardia would soon be there.193

Armando Ibarra, a young musician in a dance band explained his initial

rejection of the political music.

I heard those groups playing around but I didn’t think that songs
would do any good against bullets. You could bang on your guitar
and people would like it, but it wouldn’t stop a bullet when the
Guardia came around. 194

The popular sound workshops recruited singers and composers from many

backgrounds into the political movement. They provided a venue for neighborhood

youth and workers to became involved in political work through music and a

performance space outside of the existing commercial venues, bars and nightclubs.

The workshops eventually contributed to the formation of hundreds of small

neighborhoods groups that performed in small events and rallies around the country

and later during the popular insurrection on the barricades in the cities and guerrilla

campfires.

LET THE WAR DRUMS SOUND

In 1971, a popular music group from Leon, Los Hermanos Cortez recorded a

remake of the Cuban group, Sonora Matancera's song “Suenan los Tambores” (Let the

Drums Sound) that became a party-time anthem. The chorus of the song hit home
 182

with Nicaraguans and remained a hit for several years, resurfacing in times of

celebration or crisis.

Suenan Los Tambores Suenan los Tambores

(Aurelio Marti)

Let the drums sound, Suenan los tambores,

Listen to them playing, Oyelos sonar,
When the drums sound, Cuando suenan los tambores,
Nicaragua is going to Nicaragua va a temblar. 195
shake.

For many Nicaraguans this song prophesized the earthquake and rumblings of

war that shook the country. While this was not the intention of the singers,

Nicaraguans imposed new interpretations on the lyrics. While the political songs by

Carlos Mejia Godoy and Pancasan explicitly called people to action, Suenan Los

Tambores moved people in a different way. Armando Ibarra described the long lasting

impact of this song on the barrio residents.

While the revolutionaries waged a war based on an ideological model,

to achieve a specific goal, most Nicaraguans looked to the future with
uncertainty and confusion. “Suenan Los Tambores” became a huge hit
in Nicaragua because it reflected the way we were feeling at the time.
We heard the drums of war and the earth shaking but had no control
over the outcomes. We danced and prayed and said, “let’s see what
happens”. Dance music is just that, it takes your mind off of your
troubles, but in the middle of a war, we dance to the drums of war.
Guardias danced to it and so did the Frente. 196

The political groups provided evidence through testimonial, appealing to

reason and emotion, Los Hermanos Cortez described the rumbling of discontent, the

accumulation of forces and the inevitable conflict through vague metaphorical

references that caught on with the Nicaraguan public.

Groups like Los Hermanos Cortez didn’t incorporate any explicit or implicit
 183

political messages in their songs. The audience read the meaning into the songs

interpreting the lyrics of the song as a prophecy of change and a shake-up of

Nicaraguan society. These concepts were rarely expressed publicly but added to the

popularity of the song. When I asked the founder of Los Clarks, Moises Urbina, about

why this song was so successful for them in the 1970's he cited the Nicaraguan

fanatical love of the Sonora Matancera, who had originally performed this song.

Although Urbina admitted that the message of the song coincided with intense

political activity, he didn't see this song as a revolutionary call to arms, but rather a

call to Nicaraguans to party and unleash their dancing potential. 197

Dance music celebrates life and provides an escape from the complexity and

contradictions of daily life. Possibly “Suenan los Tambores” reflected an aspect of

Nicaraguan identity that the political music had trouble reaching. Nayo Castellon, a

music promoter explained the way Nicaraguans experienced both political and dance

music.

You can’t judge dance music with the same parameters that you
measure testimonial music. The son de marimba played by Elias
Palacio in Monimbo speaks volumes about Nicaraguan identity in a
language that we can’t translate into words but makes us feel 100%
Nicaraguan. Los Hermanos Cortez and Los Clarks wrote songs that
captured aspects of our experience that are reflected in the crossing of
cultural influences that only we as Nicaraguans can understand. We
love to dance and that is something that makes us feel Nicaraguan.
Political songs had their role also because in the middle of a war these
helped to explain and clarify some of the things that were going on
that were hard to understand through other media. 198
184
CHAPTER FIVE:

MUSIC, RELIGION AND REVOLUTION LIBERATION THEOLOGY

This chapter will explore the role of music in the fusion of revolutionary

Christianity with a developing Sandinista ideology. The FSLN linked their movement

with a mass based Christian community that shared their dedication and commitment.

This analysis will focus in the role of poet/priest Ernesto Cardenal in developing a

unique Nicaraguan religious practice that borrowed from liberation theology and from

the hybrid religious rituals that form an important part of mestizo identity. Cardenal’s

promotion of the arts among his parish also influenced many young politically

motivated Christians to develop their an artistic style expressing and exteriorizing their

beliefs. The painting, poetry and music that this grass roots religious movement

inspired became important forms of symbolic representation of this movement. Most

importantly, Cardenal was influential both as a poet and religious leader in the

composition of the Misa Campesina, a musical mass written by Carlos Mejia Godoy

and other collaborators, that helped to spread the ideas of revolutionary Christianity all

over the country.

Beyond its religious implications the Misa Campesina represents the

development of a unique Nicaraguan style of music. The songs capture the essence of

a political and religious ideology in their form and content. The musical

185
 186

accompaniment traces the diverse folk styles of the cultural currents that flow through

Nicaragua. The lyrics describe not only the political and theological currents but

provide the textures and descriptive elements to contextualize the historical and

geographical settings. The Misa Campesina stands as a classic in the Spanish

language for its creativity and ingenious use of poetic and musical elements.

The Misa Campesina gave a voice to the Nicaraguan liberation theology

movement. Although the Misa Campesina enjoyed widespread acceptance al over the

country the actual practice of liberation theology lagged behind. The Nicaraguan

Catholic Church’s hierarchy originally supported the project and joined the FSLN in

their opposition to the dictatorship in the last years of the war. The reality is that

although the y sang the songs of the Misa Campesina few parishes totally adopted

grass roots Christianity in practice.

The songs of the Misa Campesina provided an important link for the FSLN to

the religious community. The politics of the revolutionaries was abstract for many

Nicaraguans who were unwilling to risk their lives and their families for a cause that

wasn’t grounded on their own belief system and worldview. The Misa Campesina

served as a medium for grounding the political rhetoric in religious terms that

examined the contradictions in society in a framework that resounded on the moral

teachings and the religious faith that guided many Nicaraguans in their decisions. The

church had always been an influential center of moral instruction in a society rife with

contradictions and official corruption. As the songs were introduced into many

churches as a part of the regular mass their messages took on a new legitimacy and

meaning for the parishioners.

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REVOLUTIONARY CHRISTIANITY IN NICARAGUA

Sandino proposed a form of nationalism that included many metaphysical and

theological arguments in religious jargon that was familiar and understandable to his

followers. This trend also more closely linked the FSLN to the original Sandinista

movement of the 1920's that framed its political platform in moral and religious terms.

The revolutionary religious doctrine provided a means to frame the ideological issues

in spiritual terms and theological concepts that were recognizable to Nicaraguans. The

influence of religion in the political ideology of the Sandinistas is one of the most

unique characteristics of this movement. The mixture of liberation theology, Marxism

and nationalism appealed to the deep spirituality of many Nicaraguans in a way that

strict political ideology could not.

In 1962 Pope John XXIII summoned an extraordinary conference of Catholic

prelates, Vatican II, to initiate a series of reforms within the Catholic Church. The

Vatican was responding the declining role of the Church in many parts of the world

and the need to affirm the church's strong moral authority. The reforms proposed at

Vatican II committed the church to a social doctrine that stressed the obligation of the

church to promote and defend human rights. In 1968 the Conference of Latin

American Bishops met in Medellin, Colombia to apply the conclusions of Vatican II to

the reality of Latin America. This conference marked the emergence of a new

theology that would address the critical issues that affected poor people: poverty,

inequality and repression. The Medellin conference committed the Latin American

Church to building grass roots religious communities as a way of increasing active

involvement in the Church. This would also involve the Church in the political and
 188

social issues that affect these communities.

A young Peruvian priest, Gustavo Gutiérrez, inspired by Vatican II, proposed a

theology of liberation that combined these reforms with Marxist critiques of

capitalism.

I believe that the central part of liberation theology is the attempt to

reflect on life and practice, the harsh struggles of the oppressed
peoples and the drama of the poor, to know how to live and die
among them and preach the authentic evangelic gospel to them. 199

Liberation theology proposed a vision of Jesus as the "liberator of the poor", a

revolutionary who fought against oppression and injustice. This new theology

addressed social and economic issues as well as spiritual ones. All over the continent

priests and nuns began to organize Christian Base Communities based on these

religious principles. This active engagement in solving the problems of the poor led

many religious workers to take drastic steps to follow up their commitment to

liberation of the poor. Colombian priest Camilo Torres, joined the armed guerrilla

movement there and encouraged Christians to take up arms to fight injustice.

In Nicaragua, progressive priests and nuns organized several Christian Base

Communities in poor neighborhoods, after the Vatican II and the Medellin conference.

The most successful of these was organized by Ernesto Cardenal on an island in the

archipelago of Solintiname.

Ernesto Cardenal was born into a wealthy and influential family from

Granada in 1925. After his studies in Nicaragua he traveled through Europe

and studied in the United States from 1947 to 1949. When he returned to

Nicaraguan he became involved in the political opposition, by taking part in a

 189

conspiracy to assassinate Somoza in 1954 that was ultimately betrayed to the

police. It was after the failed conspiracy that Cardenal began to write political

poetry, creating a model for the next generation of poets.

I was always obsessed with my hatred Somoza, from the first

Somoza. And I always wanted to write political poetry, attacking
Somoza. But I couldn’t figure out how to do that. There didn’t seem
to be any models for writing political poetry. I didn’t want to write
propaganda tracts…I wanted to be poetic and political at the same
time.200

When the plot failed, Cardenal went into exile for several years and eventually

entered a seminary in the United States to study theology, to the shock of many of his

friends.201 At the seminary in Kentucky he studied with poet Thomas Merton who

influenced his work and encouraged him to develop his own poetic voice. He later

moved on to study theology in Colombia where he was influenced by the emerging

liberation theology movement.

In 1965 Cardenal returned to Nicaragua and was ordained in Grenada. He then

left to work in a parish in the isolated Archipelago of Solintiname in the Lake of

Nicaragua. There, he formed a grass roots Christian community based on the

teachings of Liberation Theology. The community in Solintiname became a workshop

for the development of liberation theology and a model for the communalism that

Sandino proposed as a model for Nicaraguan rural society.

Cardenal’s pastoral teachings exposed the people of Solintiname to

poetry and art as well as his own political beliefs which drew heavily
on the Christian Marxism that was gathering favor all over Latin
America. His morning masses included his own politicized
interpretations of the bible and meetings where the parishioners
discussed current events in the context of their religious beliefs.
Solintiname became the model for the grass roots Christian
communities in other parts of Nicaragua.
 190

Despite the success of Solintiname, this model was difficult to

implement in other parts of the country because of the adverse political

realities they faced. While the Solintiname community flourished, it’s success

relied partially on its geographical isolation from the rest of the country. The

residents of Solintiname didn’t have to deal with outside forces or resistance

from the church hierarchy as they transformed their religious practice. The

National Guard ignored these little islands and the local landowners were also

not concerned with the goings on in a local church. The isolation of the islands

provided a workshop for the creation of a fusion of revolutionary practice and

Christian spirituality.

Miriam Guevara, a member of the Solintiname parish and accomplished

painter explained the idyllic life of the parish on the island.

We grew up with Cardenal in the 1970’s. He had already established

a communal atmosphere here. We had a fishing cooperative and we
did many things communally. It seemed natural for us to paint and
write poetry in this beautiful setting. Actually the outside world was a
shock for Solintiname people because although we were poor we
didn’t have to live with humiliation and oppression in our
community.202

Cardenal encouraged the islanders to document their lives and

experience through primitivist painting, music and poetry. He showed them

examples of art and poetry from other parts of the world and they were able to

latch on to elements of different artistic styles. Cardenal exposed the local

people to the works of the French and Haitian primitivists. They were drawn

to the use of bright colors and the depictions of daily life that resounded on
 191

their own artisan traditions.

Several members of the Guevara family became accomplished painters

and poets under Cardenal’s tutelage and created an artistic style that became

symbolic of Nicaragua’s national culture. Alejandro Guevara, one of

Cardenal’s closest apprentices painted a depiction of Christ’s crucifixion in a

distinctly Nicaraguan setting in the primitivist style that came to symbolize the

religious/artistic/political movement on the island. This large painting is

dotted with tiny dots of bright colors that document the flora of the island. The

figure of Christ is surrounded by the Guardia and the walls in the background

are painted with Sandinista graffiti. Empowered by his association with

Cardenal, Alejandro Guevara also wrote narratives and poetry about his

experiences in the war that became important historical documents of this

phase of the revolution. His sister Miriam Guevara, also a painter and poet

talked about their association with Cardenal.

Cardenal’s poetry influenced many Nicaraguans to write poetry because style

used imagery and language closer to the popular storytelling. He discarded the formal

aspects of metered poetry allowing for a free form narrative that eschewed complex

language and utilized a down to earth narrative. Cardenal explained his approach to

poetry as a means of expressing and exteriorizing the realities that Nicaraguans

witness and live everyday. He reasoned that this perspective would give rise to an

analysis and a confrontation with the conflicts in Nicaraguan society. The

exteriorization and testimonial about the lived experience in Nicaragua would be a

force to break the hegemony of the dictatorship and to promote a culture of resistance.
 192

Exteriorism is objective poetry, narrative and anecdotal, made with

elements of real life and with concrete things, with proper names,
details, data, statistics, facts and quotations. An impure poetry, in
short. A poetry that for some is closer to prose than poetry… In
contrast, interiorist poetry is subjectivist poetry made with only
abstract or symbolic words: rose, skin, ash, lips, absence, bitter, dread,
touch, foam, desire, shadow, time blood, stone, tears, night… I think
that the only poetry that can express Latin American reality and reach
the people and be revolutionary is exteriorist. Poetry can serve a
function: to construct a country and create a new humanity, change
society, make the future Nicaragua as part of the future great country
that is Latin America. 203

Exteriorism is a poetic style that fit well with the Nicaraguan traditions of

storytelling and oral poetry. The lack of formulaic boundaries allowed poets to

recount events and experiences without having to worry about rhyme, meter and

abstractions, separated from their lives. Cardenal’s poetry style relied on the use of

the language of everyday conversation and the images and details of daily life not the

complex metaphors of modernist poetry.

Cardenal was influenced in his poetic development by Jose Coronel Urtecho

and other members of the vanguardista group of the 1930’s. Coronel Urtecho

dispensed with the structural framework of modernist poetry and developed a voice

that used everyday language and the images of nature. He argued that poetry is

ingrained in Nicaraguan culture as a means of conceiving and expressing their dreams

and aspirations of freedom, in contrary to the interests of the ruling elite and their

system of domination.

In reality all people are born more or less poets and Nicaraguans
are almost all natural poets, who stop being poets to the degree
that life deforms them or separates them from poetry. This
means that ... the system or the regime is in itself a war against
poets and the poetry of Nicaraguan life or of human life itself.
It is in any event a struggle against the poets and all those who
 193

fight the system are poets, which in Nicaragua has taken the
worst, form imaginable.204

Cardenal and Urtecho both provided a framework for young poets to express

themselves without formal training. It required simply exteriorizing their vision of

society embroidered with the details of the natural and political world that surrounds

them.

Costa Rican poet Mayra Jimenez read and collected thousands of poems from

working people in poor neighborhoods and the countryside before and after the war.

She found many common characteristics in the poetry.

The poetry is eminently revolutionary. The poets, owing to their

proletarian origins, use a concrete simple and direct language. The
images are closely related to the immediate reality and experience of
each of the poets. It’s testimonial poetry. A permanent feature is the
presence of nature, the names of tress, birds, and rivers. The poets
used the names of leaders, people who died, their brothers and sisters.
Poetry contains a large part of Nicaraguan history. 205

Cardenal’s poetry and his revolutionary Christian Marxism inspired many

young poets such as Leonel Rugama. Rugama was one the most influential of the poet

combatants killed in a shoot out in 1970, at age 20. He came to personify the

combination of poetry, political commitment and combat through his personal

example.

The Earth is a Sattelite of the La Tierra es un Satelite de la

Moon Luna
(Leonel Rugama)

Apollo 2 cost more than El Apolo 2 costó más que el

Apollo 1 Apolo 1
Apollo 1 cost plenty. el Apolo 1 costó bastante.

Apollo 3 cost more than El Apolo 3 costó más que el

 194

Apollo 2 Apolo 2
Apollo 2 cost more than el Apolo 2 costó más que el
Apollo 1 Apolo 1
Apollo 1 cost plenty. el Apolo 1 costó bastante.

Apollo 4 cost more than El Apolo 4 costó más que el

Apollo 3 Apolo 3
Apollo 3 cost more than el Apolo 3 costó más que el
Apollo 2 Apolo 2
Apollo 2 cost more than el Apolo 2 costó más que el
Apollo 1 Apolo 1
Apollo 1 cost plenty. el Apolo 1 costó bastante.
El Apolo costó un montón, pero
Apollo 8 cost a fortune, but no no se sintió
one minded porque los astronautas eran
because the astronauts were protestantes
Protestant y desde la luna Leian la Bible,
they read the Bible from the maravillando y alegrando a todos
moon los cristianos
astounding and delighting y a la venida el papa Paulo VI les
every Christian dio la bendición.
and on their return Pope Paul
VI gave them his blessing. El Apolo 9 costó más que todos
juntos
Apollo 9 cost more that all junto con el Apolo 1 que costó
these put together bastante.
including Apollo 1 which cost Los bisabuelos de la gente de
plenty. Acahualinca tenían menos
Hambre que los abuelos.
The great-grandparents of the Los bisabuelos se murieron de
village of Acahaulinca were hambre.
less Los abuelos de la gente de
hungry than the grandparents. Acahualinca tenían menos
The great-grandparents died of Hambre que los padres.
hunger. Los abuelos murieron de hambre.
The grandparents of the Los padres de la gente de
people of Acahaulinca were Acahualinca tenían menos
less Hambre que los hijos de la gente
hungry than the parents. de allí..
The grandparents died of Los padres se murieron de
hunger. hambre.
The parents of Acahaulinca La gente de Acahualinca tiene
were less menos hambre que los hijos
hungry than their children. de la gente de allí.
The parents died of hunger. Los hijos de la gente de
 195

The children of Acahaulinca, Acahualinca no nacen por

because of hunger, hambre,
are not born y tienen hambre de nacer, para
they hunger to be born, only to morirse de hambre.
die of hunger. Bienaventurados los pobres
Blessed are the poor, for they porque de ellos será la luna.206
shall inherit the moon.

Rugama embodied his blending of poetry and revolutionary action when he

was surrounded by hundreds of National Guards in a small house. An officer told him

to surrender and come out with his hands up. In front of TV cameras fired on the

National Guard yelling “Que se rinda tu madre” (Let your mother surrender). This

phrase later became a slogan for the Sandinistas. This image of a

poet/warrior/Christian became an important part of the Sandinista mystique, a model

for young revolutionaries to emulate.

Ernesto Cardenal documented Rugama’s life and death in an epic poem that

proposed Rugama as a model for revolutionary artists and for revolutionaries who

create art.

Oracle Over Managua Oráculo sobre Managua

That is why you Leonel Por eso vos Leonel

Rugama 20 year old poet Rugama poeta de 20 años
Joined the urban Te metiste a la guerrilla
guerrillas: urbana:
Ex-seminarian, Marxist, Ex-seminarista, marxists,
you said decias enla cafeteria LA
In the India cafeteria that India que la revolucion es
the revolution is the la cuminipo con la
communion of the especie.
species. Por eso peleaste toda la
That is why you fought tarde en aquella casa.
in that house all Por eso diste tu vida vos
afternoon. En el quinto planeta de
That is why you gave una estrella de la Vía
 196

your life Láctea207

On the fifth planet of a
middling star of the
Milky Way

In 1972 Managua Priest Ariel Molina formed a group called the Christian

Revolutionary Movement, CRM, that linked itself to the FSLN. Father Molina

organized a grass roots Christian community in the Riguero neighborhood of Managua

based on the liberation theology model. The CRM linked religious organizations

around the country with the FSLN and the base communities. Many young people

became a part of the FSLN through their participation in the Christian grass roots

communities. Within the church Father Molina led a congregation of university

students, many of whom became political activists and promoters of liberation

theology. Father Uriel Molina explained the daily routine of the religious community

he led.

We had a schedule. Every morning before breakfast we would get up

and pray. We would read and comment on the bible. At night after
the university classes, we had a session of analysis of the Nicaraguan
reality using a Marxist method. In this way we deepened our faith
basing it on the conflictive social and historical reality that we were
living. 208

This alliance between Christian grass roots communities and the FSLN

produced new sources of opposition to the dictatorship as a number of priests and

religious workers began to preach liberation theology. These religious activists were

influential in the recruitment of young people to the Sandinista cause. They also

provided the language and discourse reached many Nicaraguans unaccustomed to

political rhetoric.
 197

In 1975, a group of progressive religious activist commissioned Carlos Mejia

Godoy and the Popular Sound Workshops to compose a series of songs for a new mass

for the revolutionary Christianity that they were preaching. In 1975, Mejia Godoy

traveled to Solintiname to witness the community’s religious practice. Based on his

experience and collaboration with the community he wrote the Misa Campesina: a

poetic and musical voice that expresses the essence revolutionary Nicaraguan

spirituality.

The Misa Campesina represents one of the most important musical works

produced in Nicaragua bringing the teachings of liberation theology into a Nicaraguan

context using rural music styles and imagery derived from experience and daily

practice of poor Nicaraguans. Music researcher Xiomara Avendaño explained the role

of these songs in Nicaragua's religious community.

These songs broke the universal abstraction of those that want to hide
the social contradictions covering up the oppressors and oppressed
with a blanket of fictitious fraternal Eucharist. This mass provides the
true essence of the Christian communion. The Misa Campesina
Nicaraguense and other song such as Christ in Palacaguina
incorporate nature, folklore, working class people, geography, daily
life and popular Nicaraguan language, they are a privileged anthology
of the spirituality and Nicaraguan people’s revolutionary praxis of
liberation.209

The songs of the Misa Campesina proposed a religious model that incorporated

the syncretic elements in Nicaraguan culture. The lyrics and the music of the Misa

Campesina proposed an active Christ, a spiritual force present in everyday life.

Ernesto Cardenal explained his conception of Christ in his statement The Gospel in

Solintiname, a collection of discussions among his Solintiname parishioners.

The fact is that as God became man, now man is God. First God
 198

became flesh in a person, Jesus Christ, to become flesh afterwards in

all the poor and oppressed. The Son of Man will not come as an
individual, as he did the first time; he will be a collective Christ, he
will come as a society, or as a new species, the New Man… Christ is
the society of the poor, the proletariat, as we say today... And when
we die, we can go to form part of the universal consciousness,
depending on the degree of evolution that we have reached. We can
understand the resurrection of our bodies in this way: that since we’re
part of the consciousness of the universe, our bodies will be the whole
universe.210

Carlos Mejia Godoy explained the essence of this religious doctrine in the

introduction to the mass. He describes a Christ that lives in the daily life of all poor

Nicaraguans and doesn’t passively accept oppression but resists and acts out against it.

Entrance Song of the Misa Canto De Entrada A La Misa

Campesina
(Carlos Mejia Godoy)
You are the God of the poor,
the God that is human and
ordinary,
the God that sweats in the streets,
the God with a withered face.
That's why I talk to you this way,
the same way that my people
talk,
because you are the laboring
Christ,
Working class Christ
You go hand in hand with my
people
you struggle in the country and in
the city
you stand on line
in the labor camps
to collect your day's pay.
You eat a snow cone in the park
with Eusubio, Pancho and Juan
Jose
and you even complain about the
syrup
when they don't put enough on
Campesina
Vos sos el Dios de los pobres
El Dios humano y sencillo,
El Dios que suda en la calle;
El Dios de rostro curtido.
Por eso es que te hablo yo,
Asi como habla el pueblo,
Porque sos el Dios obrero,
El Cristo trabajador.
Vos vas de la mano con mi
gente,
Luchás en el campo y la
ciudad
Haces fila allá en el
campamento
Para que paguen tu jornal.
Vos comes raspado allá en el
parque
Con Eusebio, Pancho y Juan
Jose
Y hasta protestas por el
sirope
Cuando no te le echan
mucha miel.
Vos sos el Dios…
Yo te he visto en una
 199

your cone. pulperia

I've seen you in a corner grocery
store
standing behind the counter,
I've seen you selling lottery
tickets
without being ashamed of that
job;
I've seen you in gas stations
checking the tires of a truck
even paving the roads
with leather gloves and overalls
on.211
Instalado en un caramanchel,
Te he visto vendiendo loteria
Sin que te avergüence ese
papel;
Yo te he visto en las
gasolineras
Chequeando las llantas de un
camión
Hasta patroleando carreteras
Con guantes de cuervo y
overol.
Vos sos el Dios.

The Misa Campesina was used to introduce the concepts of Liberation

Theology to highly religious people. These songs adapted the concepts of liberation

theology to a form of worship rooted in Nicaragua's hybrid traditions and spirituality.

The song s of the Misa Campesina honored the folk traditions and the sense of

community that Nicaraguans have developed. In addition, this mass provided

Nicaraguans a guide to orient Nicaraguans about how to respond to the intense

political crisis they were facing. The Misa Campesina called on Nicaraguans to

express their faith by standing up to the dictatorship. 212

The success of the Misa Campesina led to a ban on religious meetings in the

contentious areas of the North by the National Guard who began to equate religious

workers with “subversives”. As the National Guard lashed out at priests and nuns, it

reinforced the message of the Misa about the need to fight back against the oppressors.

Although the recordings of the Misa Campesina were not commercially available in

Nicaragua, the lyrics to the songs were widely distributed in churches.

Carlos Mejia Godoy's song "Cristo Nacio en Palacaguina” became the most
 200

popular of the songs on the Misa Campesina recording. This song reconstructs the

conception of the baby Jesus in the Northern region called Palacaguina in the Segovia

Mountains. This was the center of Sandino's movement in the 1920's and the site of

the FSLN's guerrilla campaign in the 1960's and 1970's. Christ being born in the

mountains of Nicaragua symbolizes the religious aura that Sandino's crusade had for

many Nicaraguans and provides a spiritual link for them to identify the birth of the

guerrilla movement in this area with the birth of a new Christ. As in many of his

songs he mentions the local delicacies that are a source of pride to these small villages,

These gifts brought by poor peasants are compared to the riches of the three kings.

The narrative is told in the voice of a storyteller answered by a chorus. The author

assumes his first person stance as storyteller, recounting this history and in the second

verse saying, "as far as I know". The chorus sung by the group provides the historical

context for the verses . The chorus places the birth of Christ in the midst of a class

conflict where the wealthy enjoy privilege while the poor live to serve them. Maria

must iron the clothes that the "beautiful" wife of the landowner enjoys. Mejia Godoy

uses the word “hermosa” (beautiful) to describe the landowner's wife, a word that

describes a state of plumpness that many rural Nicaraguans associate with beauty.

This term is also used to describe healthy pigs and cattle.

Maria and Jose's resignation to a life of hard work and acceptance of

oppressive conditions are abandoned by the new Christ child as he sees his future as a

guerrilla fighter, challenging the established order. This song exemplifies the way in

which Mejia Godoy uses the context of religious music and imagery to create a form

of political communication that transcends the explicit pamphleteering and slogans of


many political songs. Mejia Godoy used the colloquial names of the flora, fauna and
geography to give this song a rich texture as he. The cornfields represent the
traditional subsistence agriculture and the symbol of the Nahuatl Goddess of the corn,
Xilonem.
Christ Was Born In Palacagüina
(Carlos Mejia Godoy)
On Iguana Hill
Deep in the Segovia Mountains
a strange light shined,
like a midnight dawn,
the cornfields were lit up
the flowers blossomed
and it rained light all over
Moyogalpa, in Telpaneca and
Chichigalpa
Christ was just born in
Palacaguina, to Chepe Pavon
(Joseph) and a girl named
Maria,
she very humbly irons
the clothes that the landowners
(plump) beautiful wife enjoys.
The folks crowded to see him,
"Indio" Juaquin brought him
a braided cheese from Nagarrote
and instead of gold, incense and
myrrh, As far as I know
They brought him candies from
Diriomo, and even buñuelos
from Guadalupe
Christ was born....
Jose the poor journeyman
knocks himself out all day
he has rheumatism,
the plague of the carpenter.
201
El Cristo de Palacagüina
En el cerro de la Iguana
Montaña adentro de las Segovias
Se vio un resplandro extraño
Como una aurora de medianoche,
Los maizales se prendieron
Los quiebraplantas se extremecieron,
Llovio luz por Moyogalpa
Por Telpaneca y por Chichigalpa.
Cristo ya nació en Palacagüina,
De Chepe Pavón y de una tal Maria,
Ella va a planchar muy humildemente
la ropa que goza
la mujer hermosa del terrateniente.
Las gentes para mirarlo
Se rejuntaron en un molote,
El indio Joaquin le trajo,
Quesillo en trenza de Nagarote,
Y en vez de oro, incienso y mirra
Le regalaron, según yo supe,
Cajetitas de Diriomo
Y hasta buñuelos de Guadalupe.
Cristo ya nacio…
Jose el pobre jornalero, se
mecateya todita el día
Lo tiene con reumatiasmo
El tequio de la carpointería
Maria sueña que el hijo
Igual que el tata sea carpintero
Pero el chavalito piensa:
 202

Maria hopes that her son will be "mañana quiero ser guerrillero"
a carpenter just like his dad,
but the kid is thinking,
"tomorrow I want to be a
guerrilla fighter"..213

Pete Seeger incorporated this song into his repertoire during the 1980’s. He

had a banner made with the lyrics sewn on it so the audience could sing along with the

chorus. To Seeger this song told a story that could help people all over the world

undertsnad the situation in Nicaragua. He felt that the biblical references were a

perfect vehicle to contextualize the universal experience of cultural and spiritual

change in Nicaragua.214 Seeger commented on the song.

This is one of the classic religious hymns that captures the way people
actually practice religion. The song tells the story of the birth of a
revolution in Nicaragua, not in the harsh terms of politics but textured
with the richness of Nicaragua’s folk culture. Cristo en Palacaguina is
one of those classic songs that captures a historical moment in a way
that no book could document it. As listeners we are drawn into the
narrative, we can smell, taste and feel the emotions, the historical
currents and the same energy that drives Nicaraguans to fight for a
revolution. The boy represents the whole country ready to break the
chains that have held them back for centuries. When I sing people
cheer at the last verse.215

The colloquial language, geographical references and the description of the

practice of grass roots Christianity made the Misa Campesina an important work

outside of its political messages. Many Nicaraguans were impressed by the poetry

that inventoried and documented the everyday experiences of Nicaraguans and the

way that spirituality and tradition played a role in everyday life. At the same time the

songs contained overt messages pointing out the inequality and class conflict in

society.
 203

Kirye Kirye
(Carlos Mejia Godoy)

Jesus Christ, Cristo Cristo Jesus identificate

Identify with us,
Lord God identify with us,
Jesus Christ,
Be in solidarity with us, Not
with the oppressive class,
That squeezes and devours our
community,
But with the oppressed,
With the friendly people
who are thirsty for
peace. 216
con nosotros,
Senor Senor mi dios identificate
con nostros,
Cristo Cristo Jesus,
Solidarizate
No con la clase opresora que
exprime y devora la comunidad,
Sino con el oprimido, con el
pueblo amigo sediento de paz,

These songs became important for revolutionary organizers to prepare

communities for a popular uprising. The misa campesina illustrate the lines between

class interests and instill the idea that Christians should fight to defend their

community and beliefs. This message was empowering in the face of the violence of

the National Guard and the wave of brutal repression that characterized the next few

years.

Farewell Despdida
(Carlos Mejia Godoy)

There is nothing more beautiful No hay cosa mas bonita que

than to see a people coming
together. That struggles when it
wants to better itself, because they
have made up their minds,
There is nothing more beautiful
that to hear everyone sing
together,
A cry of fraternity,
Let’s hold hands again to create
an enormous chain of
brotherhood, of Nicaraguan love,
Let’s join our hands to create a
strong wall that will always
mirar a un pueblo reunido.
Que lucha cuando queire
mejorar, porque esta decidido.
No hay cosa mas bonia que
escuchar el canrto de todos
Un solo grito de fraternidad.
Juntemos nuestras manos para
estas fundidos nuevamente en
este enorme lazo de hermanidad
de amor nicaraguaguense,
Juntemos nuestras manos para
hacer una muralla fuerte que
diefienda por siempre la
 204

defend our community. communidad.

A young singer/composer from the outskirts of Leon captured the imagery of

the countryside and the momentum of the revolutionary Christian movement.

The song Songs of Meditation written by Pablo “El Guadalupano” Martinez Tellez,

describes Christ as a model for rebellion against injustice.

Meditation Songs Cantos de Meditación

(Pablo Martinez Telez) (Pablo Martinez Telez)

Before the day is born, Antes que nazca el dia

The mountain birds, Los pajaros del monte,
Give us their songs, Nos dan sus melodias
The sparrows and the Los güises y senzontles.
mockingbirds. El picotear sonoro

The pecking of a woodpecker is De un carpintero se oye,

heard,
That on the top of tree is
building his home,
Where he will live,
And a little swallow jumps from
branch to branch very near
there.
Like these little birds,
I sing to you Lord,
Asking you to join us with your
strength and love,
I worship you a thousand times,
Because you were a rebel,
Struggling night and day,
Against the injustice in
humanity.
A thousand campesinos,
United we sing to you,
We come down from the hills,
With our knapsacks,
Full of love,
For you our idol,
Que en la punta de un arbol
Su casa construye
Donde va a vivir,
Y un gorrioncillo salta
De una rama a otra
Muy cerca de ahi.
Como estos pajarillos
Hoy te canto Señor
Pidiendo que nos unas
En fuerzas y en amor,
Te alabo por mil veces
Porque fuistes rebelde
Luchando noche y dia
Contra la injusticia de la humanidad.(Bis)
Mil campesinos,
Unidos te cantamos,
Bajamos de los cerros
Con nuestras alforjas
Repletas de amor,
Por ser el pencón
El guía y el justiciero
Por ser el tacayán
 205

Our guide and our leader, El tacayán de mi pueblo entero.(Bis)

Leader of our people.
The pijules sing,
The crows and the parrots,
Here come the crickets and
grasshoppers,
Let the Hummingbird sing,
Canaries and parakeets,
Together with the Macau,
Let them sing happily
together.217
Canten pijules
Zanates y pocoyos
Vengan los chichiltotes,
Los saltapiñuelas y el alcaraván
Que cante el colíbri
Canarios y chocoyos
Juntos con el macúa,
Cante felices todos.

El Guapalupano’s catalogue of tropical birds reflect the primitivist paintings of

Solintiname that use the vibrant colors of the countryside to depict the presence of

Christ in Nicaragua. The songs of the Misa Campesina were well received outside of

Nicaragua, especially in Spain where the use of rural imagery and the idiosyncratic

Nicaraguan dialect were appreciated. In post Franco Spain the doctrine of Liberation

Theology was also taking hold in small grass roots communities. In Spain the Misa

Campesina provided an important framework for developing a culturally relevant

form of Catholicism. Alberto Iniesta, Auxiliary Bishop of Madrid explained his

reaction to the Misa Campesina.

I listened to the misa with emotion. It sounded like I was hearing a

faraway part of my family but one that was familiar and loved. This
is the same candor and profound ingenuity and simplicity of great big
souls. The language has the delicious flavor of Castillion,
domesticated, cut down to size, and cut to the size of the little people,
sweet and soft, but at the same time serious and strong, but never
verbose, rhetorical or academic. It is the countryside, the birds of a
thousand colors and a thousand names unknown to us, the flowers and
fruits make pour mouths water to know this beauty. It is our mission
as Christians to further the continuation of Christ in this world,
instead of transplanting and repeating the Mediterranean formulas that
became a part of the religious culture they have recreated the religion
in the expressions and lived experience of Nicaraguans. 218
 206

This interpretation of Christ reinforced the cult of the Che Guevara's concept

of the “new man”. The moral and spiritual values attributed to the “working class”

Christ form the basis for the Sandinistas ideal for their own party militants and the

model for transforming Nicaraguan society. This analysis is summarized below by

liberation theologian Jose Maria Vigil.

All of the characteristics of the God of the poor, evidently are

Christological. It is Jesus where God took human form, where he
became one of us, where he was poor, of the people. It is important to
note the titles that this mass applies to Jesus ; “Christ Christ brother,
comrade”. It brings out aspects of his life that are most relevant for
the perspective of the poor; “you were beaten and tortured’ by the
“Roman imperialists”, “with immense sacrifice you engendered the
New Man for liberation”. It proclaims our faith: “because you are
alive in the ranches, in the factories and the schools. I believe in your
struggle without surrender. I believe in your resurrection”. Jesus is
then the manifestation of the God of the poor and at the same time,
the revelation of the New Man. 219

The ideas of the Christian community and the revolutionaries coincided in

many important aspects. Both stressed the importance of internalizing the exemplary

attitudes, dedication and self sacrifice as a model for others. The concept of creating a

“new man” became an important part of the religious doctrine as religious workers

stressed the concept that religion was not only theory but in the practice of everyday

life. Donald Hodges further explains the religious basis for the cult of the new man.

In Nicaragua the cult of the new man has an independent Christian as

well as Marxist origin. Theologians of liberation extracted from the
Epistles of St. Paul the doctrine of a new man in Christ counterpoised
to the Adam in all men before Christ. Just as sin entered the world of
Adam, so grace and everlasting life were made possible by Christ’s
expiation of Adam’s sin. We are resurrected or born again in Christ,
according to St. Paul, when “our old self has been crucified with Him
in order to crush the sinful body and free us from further slavery to
sin.” There is a new humanity in accepting Christ as our savior:
 207

“There is a new creation whenever man comes to be in Christ; what is

old is gone, the new has come.220

The Misa Campesina helped to unite Christian and Marxist ideologies by

describing the coincidence of religious practice and revolutionary activity. After the

congregations sang these songs, lyrics provided a wealth of material for discussion and

a theoretical framework for the parishioners to use to analyze current events. The

Misa Campesina created a moral basis for revolutionary activity within the church that

meant employing violence and not turning the other cheek.

Liberation theologians and progressive Catholics all over the Spanish-speaking

world were influenced by the Misa Campesina as a radical alternative to the traditional

mass. Catechist and nueva cancion singer Francisco Herrera expressed the influence

that the Misa Campesina had on his Christian community in San Diego.

All these songs spoke to people who had a deep belief in social
change and they became to many of us, more than the words of a
good song writer. Many of us grew up with a great hope and the
lyrics and music of the Misa Campesina put what we had learned in
the bible in very contemporary form. For myself and I think many
people of the churches in Latin America and the U.S., at least many
with whom I have spoken, the fulfillment of the gospel and the
revolutionary process with which we were collaborating was very
closely connected.

For many people in the churches the music made us critical, this mass
was helping us reestablish alternative forms of doing church and was
giving us a tool to use to be able to make faith a concrete thing, a
political act, a tool for exploring economics in the context of faith.
They were songs we could identify with very much: Tu vas de la
mano con mi gente luchas en el campo y la ciudad. And compared to:
"Bendito, Bendito Bendito sea Dios, los ángeles cantan y alaban a
Dios" We were able to use this "new" music to lift the spirit and
involve our community in an active manner.

Following Vatican II there was a great opening, and Catholic leaders

did some radical things (i.e. in Brazil Cardinal Arns sold the mansions
 208

and used the money to develop clinics). And in the area of Liturgy
there was a lot of experimentation. And as change comes in stages
the first changes in music were not necesarily the lyrics, although the
language was now the common language, the vernacular of each
country. But in Mexico for example and in Nicaragua the main
change was in the instrumentalization, guitars, mariachi, marimba.
One of the first popular masses was La Misa Panamericana, which
integrated indigenous rhythms like in the Santo, together with the
Spanish, which itself was not a new strategy of "evangelization." This
had been done many times before. Then Nicaragua took it a step
further with the Misa Popular, which among the rich was thoroughly
rejected. But this one along with changing the music also worked on
the lyrics, focusing on the daily life of people: Te ofrecemos Padre
Nuestro con el vino y con el Pan, Nuestras penas y alegrías, el trabajo
y nuestro afán.

They were not radical words at all. But they demystified the
experience of God. Brought the language to regular everyday words
with images of nature, the neighborhood, work, mentioned the
struggle for justice a little. When the Misa Campesina came along, the
conservatives took on the Misa Popular as their banner and attacked
the Misa Campesina And despite who wrote these masses, they
became property of people everywhere. Every town you go to, the
folks sing it a little different but will swear their way is the correct
way. The thing was that the Misa Campesina put words to what a lot
of people were feeling and especially since it was in a church context
it freed us up to rebel. 221

In Spain, the Misa Campesina was adapted by several small congregations and

revolutionary priests.222 The songs appealed to Spaniards who rejected the rigidity of

the conservative church and were searching for a way to combine their poltical

orientation with their religious practice. Many Spaniards also appreciated the creative

use of the colonial tongue in the lyrics that transformed Castillion Spanish into a

flowing and musical language. The Misa Campesina provided Spaniards a glimpse of

Nicaragua and the ways that the religion, language and practices of Hispanic culture

were transformed and adapted by Nicaraguans in creative ways.

The Misa Campesina that portrayed the colors, textures and rhythms of the
 209

people not just the political slogans in a way that made a worldwide progressive

religious community aware of the war going in Nicaragua. The Misa Campesina also

established the Nicaraguan revolutionary music movement as an important voice in

Latin America. The creative interpretation of religious music and poetry opened up

new areas for political discourse and substantially broadened the base of listeners.

Carlos Mejia Godoy and the Popular Sound Workshops were able to create a synthesis

of folk music and poetry styles that captured not only the ideology of the revolutionary

Christian movement but also an inventory of proverbs, trees, flowers, geographical

locations and popular folk personalities.

210
 Dream Deferred

What happens to a dream deferred?

Does it dry up
Like a raisin in the sun?
Or fester like a sore
And then run?
Does it stink like rotten meat?
Or crust over and sugar
Like sugary sweet?
Maybe it sags
Like a heavy load
Or does it explode?

Langston Langston Hughes

CHAPTER SIX:

THE FINAL INSURRECTION

The growth of Christian grass roots communities in the 70's provided a stream

of recruits and sympathizers and expanded the FSLN base of support all over the

country. The support of the religious community also served to legitimate the political

credentials of the revolutionary movement. The connection between the Sandinistas

and the religious community helped to negate the government's assertion that the

FSLN were communists seeking to impose a devil worshipping foreign ideology. The

example of Solintiname as a model Christian community and other successful

Christian grass roots communities demonstrated in Sandinista Ideology in practice to

Nicaraguan people distrustful of politics. Although the FSLN was keeping a low

211
 212

profile militarily during this period, the links that they forged with religious and

student organizations created a support network that would later be mobilized. 223

The period of military peace came to end with a dramatic attack against the

government. On December 27, 1974, a group of FSLN commandos raided a dinner

party in honor of the U.S. ambassador, held by Jose “Chema” Castillo that included

important members of the diplomatic corps, Somoza’s family and government

ministers. The attack took the government by surprise and they were forced to cede to

the FSLN demands in trade for the hostages. The FSLN negotiated for a two million

dollar ransom, the release of 18 prisoners, publication of political communiqués in the

mass media and an across the board wage increase for all workers including the troops

of the National Guard. The FSLN's bold military action gave them visibility and a

newfound respect among the population. This incident was particularly damaging to

the tough image of National Guard. Thousands of Nicaraguans witnessed the

vulnerability of the dictatorship, as a busload of FSLN commandos including several

women and the released political prisoners, made its way to the airport and onwards to

Cuba.

This military action unleashed unprecedented repression against the FSLN and

their supporters. Following the attack the National Guard killed hundreds of peasants

suspected of supporting them, forcing the guerrillas to entrench themselves in isolated

areas. The troops that searched for the guerrillas in the North used harsh methods

against the campesinos in the area. One of the most brutal tactics was the systematic

rape of young women by the troops as they swept through the rural villages. Young

men were pulled off of buses, out of nightclubs, and off of their farms, because they
 213

looked like they might be guerrillas. The National Guard often labeled the victims as

"cattle rustlers", bandits, or subversives in order to disguise their violence against the

civilian population. They assumed that all civilians were against them and that all

peasants were the natural allies of the guerrillas. Soldiers were encouraged to use

violent methods and to disregard civilian casualty in their operations. The call and

response chants used by the "special forces" troops in their training, provides a

dramatic testimony to the orientation of the guardsmen.

Q: Who is the enemy of the Guard

A.: The people.
Q.: Who is the father of the Guard?
A.: Somoza
Q.: Up with the guard.
A.: Down with the people.
Q.: Who are we?
A.: We are tigers.
Q.: What do tigers eat?
A.: Blood.
Q.: Whose blood?
A.: The blood of the people.224

These chants suggest that the National Guard actually took pride in their

brutality and their social distance from the civil society. The National Guard's

brutality created a backlash among even the non-political sectors of Nicaraguan

society, as the lines between the civilian population were drawn by the Guard; us and

them. Even high officials of the National Guard where appalled at the brutality of

their troops, but could do little to restrain them. 225 Somoza used violence to make the

price of rebellion very high, in the hopes of discouraging the bourgeoisie from taking

sides against him. At the same time, he used the state of siege as an opportunity to

consolidate his economic power by expanding his business interests at the cost of the
 214

traditional business class. The list of businesses that he directly owned fills several

pages, and includes the supply companies for the government and the armed forces.

The wave of repression that followed the attack on Chema Castillo’s house

forced many visible Sandinista sympathizers to go into exile. The thirty-three month

state of siege, imposed by Somoza produced massive roundups of young people

suspected of being Sandinista sympathizers and massacres of peasants. The small

middle ground that existed for artists and intellectuals disappeared as the National

Guard assumed that everyone was against them, especially the poor, students,

intellectuals and rural people. It was difficult for movement artists who worked by

day in the mainstream society to maintain their cover, because of the immediate

suspicion of anyone involved in art or culture.

The 1974 FSLN commando attack on Chema Castillo's house was a blow to

Somoza’s personal power, and an affront to his myth of “macho” control and

invincibility. The FSLN made a point to use their attack, as a clear statement of their

political agenda and to create a mystique that Nicaraguans could identify with. During

their attack, the guerillas were careful not to kill or involve innocent people or threaten

anyone but the hated symbols of power and foreign influence. As a political tactic,

this action gave the FSLN a public face as a serious oppositional force that aided their

political organizing and their liaisons with other mass organizations. The previous

period of organization and consolidation allowed the FSLN to create important

alliances with groups in diverse sectors of society.

Mariano Bermudez points out that the 1974 FSLN attack weakened the “aura

of invincibility” and played a decisive counter-hegemonic role in influencing popular

 215

consciousness.

We saw Somoza as a lion, who protected his territory and lashed out
when provoked. His power made him unbeatable. He took what he
could, but provided a measure of stability. We knew him and what he
was, so this knowledge made his responses predictable. We accepted
it and complained quietly, as our ancestors did before us. When we
saw how the Frente was able to humiliate him, it made us feel good,
even if we didn’t support them. It felt like they were a kind of Robin
Hood that came out of nowhere to steal from the rich and give to the
poor. Somoza’s violent response to the Frente made it impossible to
support him, because we all felt the pain as many innocent people
were killed. He called them communists, but we all knew that there
was a lot more to the story. When people are pushed to the limit, they
have no other choice but to fight back with whatever weapons they
have, we have. We couldn’t vote him out or propose another
candidate nor negotiate. He closed the doors and said, "give it your
best shot", challenging not only the FSLN but all Nicaraguans with
democratic aspirations and those business people who wanted to
modernize the country.226

The testimonial songs of 1970's played an important role in creating awareness

of the guerrilla movement and its objectives. In the newspapers, Nicaraguans read

about "subversives", "communists" and "foreign terrorists" that were trying to impose

a foreign ideology on Nicaraguans. The goal of the revolutionary artists was to dispel

these myths and to counter the image portrayed in the government propaganda. Music

helped to create a mystique for the movement rooted in the spiritual and cultural

imagery that Nicaraguans identify with. The work of Carlos Mejia Godoy focused on

capturing the Sandinista mystique in his songs by framing the ideological and political

goals of the FSLN in deeply poetic metaphors.

In 1974, he set Ernesto Cardenal’s poem The Grave of the Guerrilla to music.

In this poem, Cardenal links the guerrillas to the forces of nature, framing them as a

natural element in the Nicaraguan landscape. His identification of the guerrilla

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movement as an organic part of the Nicaraguan culture became an important motif for

other poets and composers. Cardenal's poem incorporates references to the elements

of the Nicaraguan flora and fauna that represents important spiritual symbols in the

hybrid cosmology that is reflected in popular culture. These references refer to the

spiritual powers of birds and flowers and their role as links to the indigenous past.

This poetic model draws on the vanguardista tradition of using familiar elements of

Nicaraguan culture. Cardenal however, charts a new political direction, mixing

religious and political concepts. This blend later became the model for songs

composed by Carlos Mejia Godoy, El Guadalupano, and other composers in the

1970’s.

The Grave of Guerrilla La Tumba del Guerrillero

(Carlos Mejia Godoy, adapted
from a poem by Ernesto
Cardenal)

(Chorus) La tumba del guerrillero

Where is the grave of the
guerrilla,
His mother is asking you and
nobody answers,
The people are asking and one
day they will know.
¿donde, donde, donde está?
Su madre esta preguntando,
Nadie le responderá.
La tumba del guerrillero,
¿donde, donde, donde está?
El pueblo está preguntando,
Algún día lo sabrá.

Guerrilla fighter, you are born in Guerrillero, vos naces en ríos,

the rivers, mountains and hills,
In the wind that sways the
canoes on the San Juan River,
In the hands of the humble and
cracked palms of the market
women,
In the harvest of the campesino,
Looking of his daily bread,
They didn’t want to tell us where
montes y praderas,
En el viento que mece el
chinchorro del hijo de Juan,
En las manos humildes y toscas
de la viandera En la milpa donde
el campesino,
Busca y busca el pan.
Como dijo el poeta trapense de
Solintiname
 217

you are, "no quisieron decirnos el sitio

And that’s why your gave is all donde te
over our territory, encontras y por eso tu tumba es
In every inch of Nicaragua, your todito
are present. nuestro territorio,
Guerrilla fighter, en cada palmo de mi Nicaragua,
You are born anew in the rifle ahí vos estas".
barrel, La tumba…
In the bronchial cough of Pedro Guerrillero, vos naces de nuevo
the miner that died in Siuna, en la
In the sad eyes of the children of Carabina,
Acahualinca, en los bronquios de Pedro el
that are still awaiting, thirsty for Minero que en Siuna murió,
the sunrise of redemption. En los ojos de los miserables que
en Acahualinca
Aún esperan sedientos la aurora
de la
De la redención.227

This type of political poetry and music helped to prepare a foundation for

Nicaraguans to begin to question the legitimacy of the government. As Nicaraguans

witnessed Somoza lash out in rage, they also sensed his weakness and unwillingness

to compromise politically. In this situation, the dictator’s violence pushed

Nicaraguans towards a more active opposition rather than towards passivity. Edgar

“El Gato” Aguilar, a radio announcer and musician explained how the music helped to

politicize him during this period

The attack on Chema Castillo’s house reminded me of the old Zorro

movies. I remember that as we watched the TV reports we cheered
for the masked combatants even though they said they were
communists. We all felt the impact of these actions directly as we got
a pay raise.

I felt that the testimonial music drew me to identify with the

Sandinistas. The songs that Carlos Mejia sang, all had a message in
them, that, I felt deeply. While we tried to go on with our lives in the
midst of massive violence by the government, these songs made me
feel guilty about not doing something to stop it. I didn’t really hear
the music anywhere as I lived in a middle class neighborhood and I
 218

stayed away from those rallies and meetings in the barrio because the
Guardia could shoot you for just being there.
Nobody ever tried to organize me or recruit me into the party, but I
felt that at least I began to sympathize and think about fighting back.
The songs brought the images of torture, rape and injustice in front of
my eyes where I couldn’t ignore it anymore. 228

In this politically charged atmosphere, Carlos Mejia Godoy wrote a song, Las

Campesinas del Cua, again based on a testimonial poem by Ernesto Cardenal, about

two women who were captured and tortured by the National Guard delivering

messages for the guerrillas. The music that Mejia Godoy used differed from his usual

Son Nica accompaniment. The song has a sad tone to it, played in a minor key,

punctuated by voices crying out. This song is reminiscent of the Chilean Nueva

Cancion movement in its somber mood and slow tempo and drum beat. The choral

voices are reminiscent of Quilapayun and Inti Illimani, in their dramatic show of anger

and emotion, subtlety and compassion. The trio of voices rise in anger in the chorus

gives emphasizing the strong emotion that the song's lyrics evoke.

The Campesinas of El Cua Las Campesinas of El Cuá

(Carlos Mejia Godoy, based on
a poem by Ernesto Cardenal)

I am going to tell you my Voy a hablarles compañeros

friends,
about the campesinas from El
Cua,
They came down from the hills
on the general’s orders,
Maria Venancia and Amanda
Aguilar,
Two daughters of the
mountains who wouldn’t talk.
De las mujeres del Cuá,
Que bajaron de los cerros
Por orden del General,
De la María Venancia y de la
Amanda Aguilar,
Dos hijas de la montaña
Que no quisieron hablar.

Ay, ay, we didn’t see anyone go Ay, ay nadie vimos pasar,

by, La noche negra se traga
 219

The dark night drank up their Ese llanto torrencial,

torrential cries,
Ay, ay, the motherland is
crying.
They sound like the cries of
childbirth,
That you hear other there.
They say that Chico Gonzalez,
Was never seen again, they
took him one night,
To never return,
Estaban and Juan Hernandez,
Were taken up in a plane,
And when it landed later they
weren’t seen.
A Guardia called out to
Candida Martinez,
Come here, girl and wash my
pants for me,
The little campesina girl,
Was raped right there,
And Tacho laughed from a
poster on the wall.
Ay, ay la Patria llorando está,
Parecen gritos de parto
Los que se oyen por allá.
Dicen que a Chico González
No lo volvieron a ver,
De noche se lo llevaron
Para nunca mas volver
A Esteban y Juan Hernandez
Lo subieron al avión
Y al aterrizar mas tarde
Ya nadie mas los miró.
Ay, ay a nadie…
A la Cándida Martínez
Un Guardia la convidó,
Vení chavalale dijo
Lávame este pantalón,
La cipota campesina
Fue mancillada, ahí nomás
Y Tacho desde un afiche
Reía en el taquezal. 229

This song focuses on the experience of two women of the mountain

community of Cua, who were tortured and raped by the Guard, but refused to give out

any information. Although most Nicaraguans were aware of the brutality of the

National Guard, this song described the abuse in terms that reached them emotionally,

especially women. The National Guard had traditionally abused women. Sexual

abuse of women and girls were common but rarely talked about publicly. This song

had a strong impact on the public conscience because it publicly denounced crimes

against women, the most vulnerable sector of society. At the same time, the song

honors the strength and resistance of the women in refusing to give information. This

poetic denunciation provoked an emotional response. Rosa Aburto, a member of the

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grass roots Christian community in Managua described her reaction to this song. The

name Tacho in this song refers to the nickname give to Anastacio Somoza Jr.

When I heard Carlos Mejia Godoy sing the "Campesinas del Cua" in
Barrio Riguiero, I cried because I knew it was true. In the song, I felt
the pain of the women and realized that we ignored the life of these
people because we didn’t see them or have had these same kinds of
experiences. I wasn’t political or even interested in politics at the
time. But this song made me angry and wanted to do something to
stop this injustice against poor and humble people. 230

These testimonials were effective political tools in the face of the media

censorship and the state of siege. This song and poem became a reference to the

systematic abuses of the National Guard, for Nicaraguans, who had never heard of El

Cua before. The song brought the atrocities committed by the National Guard to the

popular consciousness in a powerful way. The detailed descriptions gave a face to the

people who were tortured and simulated their cries, so Nicaraguans could share the

pain. Mariano Bermudez commented on the effects of this particular song on

Nicaraguans at the time.

To me it was like seeing that picture of the burning naked girl during
the Vietnam War. It made you think about what war meant and the
suffering of innocent people. These are the kinds of things that reach
people not speeches and slogans. Nicaraguans had no information
about what was going on in the countryside, except for rumors and
stories. Somoza had a network of spies and censorship so he could
control what people heard and said publicly. Songs were a way
around this, a means of reaching people outside of the parameters of
control, touching the feelings and moral conscience of the people.

The actual women represented in the song, Campesinas del Cuá, became a

symbol of martyrhood and the strength of women to stand up to the National Guard.

Songs such the Campesinas del Cuá became themes for discussion for the Christian
 221

base communities. The testimonial songs became important icons for the religious

community and points of reference for sermons about morality and the abuses of

power. The women of El Cua were pictured as pillars of moral strength, resisting the

torture and maintaining their silence and their dignity in the way that the stories of

saints are told, highlighting their virtue and sacrifice in the face of injustice. In this

way, the Christian base communities used the stories narrated in the songs, to create

secular saints and as moral examples for the community to follow.

The dictator’s tolerance for public satire and laughter through the radio

disappeared after the FSLN’s attack on Chema Castillo’s house. Radio Corporacion

was closed down more frequently for violating the new regulations imposed by the

government. Carlos Mejia Godoy and the station’s owner Fabio Gadea were jailed

several times for their commentaries and songs. The censors began to crack down on

the media during the state of siege paying special attention to those known to be in

opposition to the government. Religious masses were interrupted and even prohibited

in areas in the North where the Misa Campesina was sung and the progressive

churches in Managua came under suspicion and were subjected to harassment. Due to

his open identification with the Sandinista cause, Carlos Mejia Godoy could no longer

assume the role of the trickster, making his political statements through metaphors,

innuendoes and double entendres.231

National Guard General Florencio Mendoza was stationed in Managua in

1975. He began to notice morale problems with his troops as they faced a growing

opposition, not just from the FSLN, but a subtle form of resistance among a normally

passive population. The National Guard troops began to hear echoes of the songs on
 222

their patrols and felt taunted by the strumming of guitars in the barrios and the hard

looks of the teenagers as they passed by.

I remember I used to hear Carlos Mejia’s songs on the radio. At first,

we thought they were funny and we laughed along with the other
Nicaraguans. Mejia Godoy is from the Segovias, the same place that
Sandino is from and he used the traditions of resistance, the hatred for
the rich that all poor Nicaraguans can relate to. When Mejia Godoy
got political and began to sing protest songs, the Guardia felt it
inflamed them because they felt that he was laughing at them and
taunting them. The Sandinistas played on the superstitions of the
people and their religious fervor to manipulate them, they talked
about religion but what they taught was communism, as people found
out later. It was a conflict for us to go after priests and poets but they
were the ones fanning the flames and they did as much damage as the
ones with guns.232

EXILE AND INTERENATIONAL SOLIDARITY

In 1975, Carlos Mejia Godoy decided that he would have to leave Nicaragua

because he had become too publicly identified with the FSLN. After signing a record

contract with CBS, he was able to tour extensively to promote the record and work

with the developing solidarity movement that was growing outside Nicaragua. His

record on CBS, El Son Nuestro de Cada Dia, reached large audiences all over Latin

America and Spain. Carlos Mejia Godoy commented on the difficulty he had in

singing his highly nuanced music to foreign audiences. 233

Sometimes they saw us as these primitive Indians singing our quaint

songs. We had a strong message however in our music that
transcends the cultural boundaries and touched on issues that affect
people in all societies. We had to find the common ground with the
audience and sing with passion. In Spain, they loved hearing the
strange Indian names of places and our use of the Nicaraguan slang
that borrowed from the Spanish traditions of poetry and double
entendre, as well as our own Indigenous language. They appreciated
new revolutionary songs and to see the themes of the Spanish Civil
 223

war songs updated in our music.234

The organization of a solidarity movement outside of Nicaraguan was

important to the Sandinistas, to build international pressure against the Somoza

government and to raise funds for the war effort. Carlos joined his brother Luis

Enrique in Costa Rica, to play concerts all over Latin America for the Sandinista

cause. Major rock groups, movie stars and other celebrities who saw the revolutionary

struggle in Nicaragua as a worthy cause, joined them. The musicians were received as

virtual ambassadors of the guerrilla movement, presenting their case from small

churches to huge audiences in arenas.

In Costa Rica, in the early 1970’s, Carlos’s brother Luis Enrique Mejia Godoy

began to write political songs along a different musical path. Luis Enrique abandoned

his studies in the mid-1960's, to pursue a career as a musician. While Carlos focused

his work on folk music, Elvis Presley and other pop music stars of the 1960's inspired

his brother Luis Enrique. He became a popular singer in Costa Rica with a dance band

called Los Rufos. In Costa Rica, he was later influenced by American folk singers,

Pete Seeger, Joan Baez and Bob Dylan and the Chilean New Song movement of Victor

Jara, Quilapayun and other politically motivated musicians who were popular among

the Costa Rican artistic community. Luis Enrique began performing in political events

and cultural centers using elements of Latin American folk music along with the Son

Nica. Latin American poetic currents and Nicaraguan folk poetry heavily influenced

his lyrics.

I had a dance band in Costa Rica that played rock, Latin American
dance music and everything that was popular. I was taken-in by the
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rebellious attitude of the rock singers and their use of poetic elements
from diverse sources. I began singing pop music and tropical dance
tunes in clubs when I started. Later, when I started my own group I
mixed the folk styles from Nicaragua, to identify with the struggle in
my country and to create songs that would make people aware of the
situation that we faced. I used elements of Nicaraguan folklore and
images of the countryside and the mountains to honor the tradition of
resistance of the campesinos and the armed struggle that was being
waged there.235

Luis Enrique Mejia Godoy’s first political songs traced a picture of the

Nicaraguan countryside and the inequality and suffering that the rural people have

faced for centuries. His identification with the campesinos in the early 1970’s

contrasted the current trends in popular music, but resonated in the progressive

community in Costa Rica and in Nicaragua.

Strands of Sunlight Hilachas de Sol

(Luis Enrique Mejia Godoy)

Strands of sunlight on the Hilachas de sol sobre el

road, camino,
Malinche tree loaded with Malinche cargado de mañana,
morning, La tierra labrada mal
The arable land badly repartida,
distributed,
The moon that lights up only La luna que alumbra solo en
the hacienda. la Hacienda.

The patron’s wife gave birth, Parió la patrona del

campesino,
To a vulture as black as his In buitre tan negro como el
father, padre,
While time closes in on my Mientras el tiempo cubre
father sobre mi viejo,
A wrinkled pale and bitter mazorca de arrugas amarga y
corn stalk.236 pálida.

From his base in Costa Rica, Luis Enrique was able perform politically explicit

songs in support of the revolution. His songs provided an important stimulus to the
 225

political music movement in Nicaragua and the growing support movement in Costa

Rica. The song Compañero Cesar was one of the first tributes to Sandino written in

the early stages of the Sandinista movement. In this song, Luis Enrique Mejia Godoy

assumes the voice of a supernatural voice that describes an alliance between the forces

of nature and Sandino’s guerrilla forces.

Compañero Cesar Compañero Cesar

(Luis Enrique Mejia Godoy)

The night put on its festive La noche se puso un Güipil

Indian dress,
woven with honey and dark Tejido de luna y corozo
oil,
and a bandoleer of stars Y una bandolera de estrellas
and followed the footsteps of Y siguió las huellas de loe
the rebels, revoltosos.(bis)
Compañero Cesar, Compañero César,
Brother Umanzor, Hermano Umanzor,
Pedro Altamirano,237 Pedro Altamirano,
Give my message to the Dale mi recado a todo el
battalion, batallón,
Compañero Cesar, Compañero César
I am going off with you, Yo me voy con vos,
I have a sister, Yo tengo una hermana
The moon of the Segovia Luna segoviana que te
Mountains to protect you, protegió
The Chipote238 is your uncle, Y el chipote es tío,
Kin to the river, Pariente del río
That is my child. Que es hijo de yo.
You wandered from campfire Anduvo de hoguera en
to campfire, hoguera
and also ambushed the Al gringó también embosco
Gringos,

And I put in the eyes of the Y puso en los ojos del indio
Indian a light to see better, Un par de luceros para ver
mejor.(Bis)

The killed the Indian Julian, Compañero César…

They burned Pedro’s ranch, Mataron al indio Julián
 226

But this will be the path of the Quemaron el rancho de Pedro,

Indian, Pero ese será el camino
To die for the people.239 Camino del indio morir por el
pueblo.(Bis)

Luis Enrique Mejia's popularity in Costa Rica served to inform Costa Ricans

about the Sandinista cause and to encourage support for the exiled guerilla fighters and

wounded that came across the border for help. Many Sandinista leaders were based in

Costa Rica and by the late 1970's, Costa Rica became an important support base for

Sandinista troops. This was a natural alliance as many Costa Ricans also despised

Somoza because of constant border disputes and what they considered a brutish

attitude.240 In contrast to the history of violence and dictatorship of Nicaragua, Costa

Rica is called the Switzerland of Central America because of its relatively peaceful

history and European based culture. It is the only country in Latin America to abolish

its army, leaving only a police force. Many progressive Costa Ricans supported the

Sandinistas and gave them active aid. 241

Carlos Mejia Godoy explained their work in the solidarity movement.

Beginning in 1975, we began to tour a lot, invited by the newly formed

solidarity committees and religious groups all over Latin America. There was
a lot of concern in Mexico, Costa Rica, Venezuela and Panama. We used our
music to build links with mass movements and the progressive sectors in these
countries to raise funds and to put political pressure on the dictatorship. Our
songs became more explicitly political and direct in exile as we no longer had
to hide our feelings behind a mask.

When we first went to Spain, we visited the small towns with socialist
mayors. They remembered the Civil War and received our songs with
great enthusiasm and solidarity. As our music got popular on the
radio, we did big concerts in Madrid and Barcelona and played on TV.
It was strange for Spaniards to hear our Spanish and they loved our
sense of humor and could appreciate the way Nicaraguans have
twisted and stretched the language over 500 years.
 227

Touring often meant playing for badly organized political events for a few

supporters and sleeping on the couches of local activists. The musicians played a

crucial role in solidarity work as their concerts provided a convenient context to draw

people to hear political speeches. In Spain, socialist mayors and community churches

put on concerts and welcomed the Sandinista musicians. Carlos Mejia Godoy and his

group Los de Palacaguina were often featured on Spanish television and radio as their

records began to gain popularity.

The energy and vitality of the Misa Campesina was appreciated outside of

Nicaragua. The vibrant message combining elements of Liberation Theology and the

Nicaraguan country slang became popular all over Latin America. The hybrid poetic

language highlighted the ways that Latin Americans have made the Colonial language

and religion their own. The lists of flowers, places and trees in the songs provides a

link to the rural poetry and the indigenous cultures that placed spiritual value on the

natural forces.

The LP “El Son Nuestro de Cada Dia” included “Son tus Perjumes Mujer”

which became a radio hit as a novelty song, while “Cristo de Palacaguina” echoed in

the progressive community. “Son tus Perjumenes Mujer” a novelty hit, was popular

for its interesting twisting of the Spanish language and picaresque tone. The lyrics

describe the female anatomy using the playful adjectives of the Nicaraguan

countryside that poetically manipulate the Queen’s Spanish. The success of the

record allowed Carlos Mejia Godoy to reach a broad audience in Spain and all over

Latin America. The success of this record helped to create awareness of the war in

Nicaragua and a positive image for the Sandinistas.

 228

The first recordings of the Misa Campesina and Luis Enrique Mejia Godoy’s

first record were transmitted by Costa Rican radio stations, that were audible across

the border in Nicaragua and circulated internally on cassette tapes. Within Nicaragua,

these songs were banned from the airwaves, as well as any other music that contained

possible political messages. Previously music and culture had presented an open

space for social commentary that was ignored by the government forces, but during

the state of siege, any sign of “subversion” was met with violent repression. 242

In 1977, a young Nicaraguan singer won the OTI nomination to represent the

country at this prestigious international music festival. This song was actually written

by Carlos Mejia Godoy who went to Spain to represent Nicaragua with his song

Quincho Barrilete. The song in the voice of Mejia Godoy, about a poor boy flying a

kite and dreams of freedom became a powerful description of the Nicaraguan people’s

fight against Somoza. This exposure in the mainstream media created a huge impulse

for the solidarity movement in the Spanish speaking world. The news of Carlos Mejia

Godoy’s success was hard to suppress in Nicaragua and the prestige that he received

created a sense of pride in Nicaraguans. The song had become popular in Nicaragua,

because of its use of Nicaraguan imagery and colloquial language before it was known

who the author was. After the OTI festival, it was banned from the airwaves in

Nicaragua. Ex-general of the National Guard, Florencio Mendoza said, that when he

heard the song sung by Mejia Godoy, he understood it as a call to open insurrection.

Music and poetry became important voices of the Nicaraguan revolution

outside of the country, because of the popularity of Carlos and Luis Enrique Mejia

Godoy’s music. The songs went beyond cold political descriptions to portray the
 229

passion and commitment of the people involved and framed the revolution outside of

the East-West conflict. Within the religious communities in Latin American and Spain

the Misa Campesina became a model for religious practice all over the world and was

translated into many languages.

The revolutionary music of Nicaragua also gained a following because of the

popularity being enjoyed by other Latin American exiles groups such as Chileans Inti

Illimani, Quilaypayun, Mercedes Sosa and Daniel Viglietti. Luis and Carlos Mejia

Godoy became a part of a community of artists in exile, that developed a network of

church groups, political activist groups and left wing promoters to organize tours,

festivals and concerts for these groups all over the world.

The international solidarity movement that the Mejia Godoy brothers helped

organized, played a key role in the outcome of the war in Nicaragua. The music

groups were able to stir popular sentiment in many European countries and receive

sizable aid from the socialist parties and governments. Ernesto Cardenal and Carlos

Mejia Godoy established important links with key German intellectuals who

influenced the German progressive parties. The German left later provided important

material aid for the FSLN and applied pressure on Jimmy Carter to stop U.S. aid to

Somoza. Other European left parties also used their influence to pressure Carter and

remove his support for Somoza and look for alternative solution to the political crisis.

Dutch solidarity activist Hans Langenburg explained the ways that Nicaraguan

music played a role in drumming up enthusiasm and support for the Sandinistas in

Europe in the 1970's.

Speeches and rhetoric can only work when there is a framework of

 230

understanding and sympathy. People in Europe wanted to be inspired,

to think that there is the possibility of starting a new society and
changing the rules. The evil dictator against the poor, poetry writing,
revolutionaries make for a romantic picture that people could
understand and appreciate. It was easy to support Nicaragua
especially with such good music coming out of there. It was hard to
doubt the sincerity of people that express themselves with so much
passion and intensity. The songs drew us a picture of this little corner
of the world where we could make a difference with our support. 243

As musical ambassadors, the musicians were able to create awareness of the

war in Nicaragua in many Latin American countries drumming up material and

political support. In Latin America, the music of the Sandinistas received support

from the trade unions and progressive Nationalist political parties in Panama,

Venezuela and Mexico. These links not only brought sizable donations but also

brigades of internationalist combatants, who fought in the war.

Many leftists in Latin America and Europe saw the war in Nicaragua as a

confrontation that would have consequences that went far beyond the borders of

Nicaragua. The war by the Sandinistas against Somoza became a symbolic cause for

nationalist and anti-imperialist movements throughout the Latin American continent.

The United States support for Somoza’s corrupt regime was seen as a metaphor for the

U.S. government’s relations with the whole continent. It was the message transmitted

by the musicians, artists and poets that captured the world's public imagination.

AGITATION AND PROPAGANDA IN NICARAGUA

The 1974 the state of siege increased the polarity in Nicaraguan society

brought on by the state of siege. The increased repression and visibility of the FSLN

made community organizing more difficult. Young student activists began to use
 231

music actively as an organizing tool for spreading the political platform of the FSLN

to people that wouldn’t attend a political rally. Because the students had little

experience playing popular music, the student groups wrote songs that were more

politically oriented statements, that abandoned the poetic subtleties and nuances of

Carlos Mejia Godoy and Otto de la Rocha. The students reasoned that the time for

subtlety had ended and that political activists had to speak openly and strongly to

show people that insurrection was possible. The FSLN had to counter the wave of

repression by showing strength, that they could still function as a political organization

and have a public face. The government media constantly announced the end of the

FSLN repeatedly. The imprisonment and the deaths of members of the high leadership

were given as indications of the defeat of the FSLN as an organization.

In the cities, students and community organizers began to utilize the technique

of agitation and propaganda (agit prop) to make their political presence known and to

denounce the dictatorship. Agit prop is a political organizing technique borrowed

from the 1920’s Bolshevik revolutionaries and has been used widely by

revolutionaries and cultural activists throughout the world. In Latin America in the

1960’s, agit prop became an important means of revolutionaries to “bring culture to

the masses.” Cuban theater groups improvised skits based on social issues, using

comedy and popular theater traditions, to illustrate political messages.

In Chile, artist groups painted murals and staged skits and “socio dramas”

depicting the political conditions in the country. Songs and poems using popular

culture and language to emphasize the political points accompanied these. This

technique was a means of bringing political messages to people in their

 232

neighborhoods, work places or other public settings. Political organizers used this

technique to reach groups of people who did not respond well to speeches or written

pamphlets. Agit prop framed the political issues in the cultural context and in the

language of the people, they were organizing to frame the political issues. 244

In the university, groups of students began to form political music groups to

conduct “armed propaganda” rallies in Managua’s poor neighborhoods. Brigades of

political activists and musicians would enter working class neighborhoods, leaving

armed sentries at the escape points, in order to hold impromptu concerts and political

rallies. This forceful entrance into the neighborhoods showed people that the

revolutionaries didn’t rely on words alone and that these activities were not for

entertainment but for political education and recruiting. Instead of political speeches,

the students would sing songs and pass out sheets with the lyrics on them. They sang

a wide range of political songs, from original compositions about political issues to the

hymns and songs about the martyrs of the revolution. Francisco Cedeño, founder of

the Grupo Pancasan recalled his introduction into the music and his experience as an

organizer.245

I was studying at the University when I joined the FER (Federation of

Revolution Students). As a student activist, we strategized about how
to take our message outside of the University and to reach “the
people” directly. When we tried to hand out leaflets some of us would
get caught and have to face torture and jail. The leaflets got into the
wrong hands and they came looking for us. Also, we were dealing
with people with low literacy skills that weren’t moved by reading a
lot of political jargon. As students, we felt like outsiders in the
working class barrios of Managua and we needed a way to reach these
people without alienating them and making them feel inferior. After
meetings, we would begin to compose songs that conveyed the latest
political orientations and also incorporated elements of current
popular music. We listened to the latest cumbias, Cat Stevens and
 233

Santana, as well as the Latin American political singers. We tried to

create songs that were a mixture of Nicaraguan folk traditions and the
elements of current popular music that would be accepted by the
barrio people.246

Salvador Baltodano of Grupo Pancasan recalled the experience of playing

political songs in the working class neighborhoods of Managua, that later became the

site of urban warfare. The armed student brigades that went into the neighborhoods

tried to create conditions for a mass uprising in the cities and to recruit young people

to join the FSLN. The/ highly populated eastern neighborhoods of Managua were a

particular target for organization, because the density of the housing and numerous

escape routes provided the ideal conditions for street fighting. In the barrios, the

music created links to the marginal social groups, especially youth, that might not

have been reached by other forms of political organizing.

People were hungry to hear our messages and they learned our songs,
word for word. We kept them simple and humorous so anyone could
sing them and play them on the guitar. Many of our concerts ended
with us running with our instruments when the Guardia came. Of
course, we only played instruments that we could run with... We were
university students, but we became educated by interacting with the
people from the barrios and the campesinos. Part of our learning
process was unlearning many of the cultural patterns that we had
inside within us. We found that these people had more to teach us
about history and politics than we had to teach them. They saw the
contradictions in society, much more clearly than we could and they
taught us that it takes more than quoting Marx to be a revolutionary.

After many disastrous attempts at organizing rallies in the barrios, we

realized that logical arguments don't necessarily attract people, but
rather the infectious collective energy, that builds when people join
together. Pancasan sought to transmit the aura of revolution through
their music and create a bridge between ourselves, students from
middle class backgrounds and the people of the barrios. By using
popular music instead of pamphlets and speeches, we were able to
communicate our political ideas more effectively to poor
 234

Nicaraguans.247

The group Pancasan exemplified the role of artists as political cadres and

combatants. Although their lyrics reflected their political mission, the music

demonstrated a unique grasp of the currents of Nicaraguan popular culture. Their

songs strung together tropical dance rhythms, Nueva Cancion, Son Nica, folk rock and

many other styles, played with their bare instrumentation. The group’s unique musical

style reflected the blend of styles that Nicaraguan youth listened to. The musical

accompaniment and the militant attitude of Pancasan made their message easy to listen

to and sing along with.

In 1977, Pancasan wrote "Notes about Uncle Sam". This song is a

musicalization of a political tract that Nicaraguanizes a complex history lesson,

transforming it into an epic poem accompanied by the melodies and rhythms of

Nicaraguan popular music and the narrative form of traditional storytelling. The lyrics

recount the history of U.S. military and political intervention in Nicaragua. The song's

Nicaraguan slang and traditional popular rhythms made it attractive to a mass

audience, who might have difficulty assimilating this information through another

medium. According to one of this song's authors, Pancho Cedeño,

…this song was an attempt to conserve our musical roots and

Nicaraguan language and narrate a part of Nicaraguan history with
scientific rigorosity.248

Pancasan tried to incorporate a "scientific" voice, with the use of dates and

"historical facts" into a popular narrative style that would “educate and agitate”. 249

The narrative form is similar to folk songs that recount historic events with abundant

dates, places and details in order to preserve their aura of credibility. In this song, the
 235

chorus expresses its reaction to this telling of history answers the narrator. During the

chorus, the musicians encourage the audience to lift their arms with a clenched fist.

Pancasan was very creative in their use of the corrido story telling form by

incorporating a call and response with the audience and funny accents to make fun of

the “gringos”. The introduction begins with a Country Western guitar break and a

voice imitating a gringo accent in Spanish.

Notes About Uncle Sam Apuntes Sobre El Tio Sam

(Grupo Pancasan)

I am going to tell you Te voy a contar algo que tal

something,
you might not have known.
It's about a person
that's known by everyone,
he's butted in everywhere,
to loot the most he can,
he tried it in Vietnam
and left with his butt kicked
and in my homeland,
Nicaragua,
you will see that he has a
history,
that I will tell you,
so that you will know it.
vez,
Vos ni siquiera sabes,
Se trata de un personaje
Que es por todos conocido,
Donde quiera se ha metido
A saquear lo que mas pueda,
Hizo estragos en Vietnam
Mas de ahí salió apaleado,
Y en mi patria Nicaragua
Vieras que tiene su historia,
Que quiero contarte
Para que te la sepas.

In 1856, the Southern slavers En 1856, los esclavistas del

of the United States sur
came to conquer, De los Estados Unidos
or maybe steal, Vinieron a conquistar
Por no decir a robar
led by William Walker Jefeados por Wiliam Walker,
and they found in San Jacinto Y hallaron en San Jacinto
the soles of their shoes "la horma de su zapato"
and running like hell y corriendo como diablo
gringo imperialism left here, salió el gringó imperialista,
but this was only the esto apenas marco el inicio
beginning of a continuous a la perenne intervención.
intervention.

(chorus)
The people here are tired
of always living like slaves
Sandino already taught them
a lesson
And if they don't leave, here
is my arm
holding a rifle to kick
their......
Zelaya took power through
revolution
and the Creole bourgeoisie,
took its first steps,
when Uncle Sam let him
have it,
it seems like he got pissed
off,
because Zelaya ignored him,
in 1912, the Marines were
here,
and the Yankee invader,
stayed here for 13 Aprils.
In the year 1926,
when they were already here,
they had to tie up their
interests again,
a civil war just broke out,
so he looked through his bag
of tricks,
and found a solution,
in the Espino Negro pact,
between the political parties,
that was nothing more than a
betrayal.
The people here are tired....
The traitor, Moncada came to
tell the Americans,
"all of my men accept the
surrender
except one, a trouble maker
236
Aquí el pueblo está cansado
De vivir siempre esclavo,
Ya Sandino le dio su lección
Y si no se va, aquí esta mi
brazo
Empuñando el fusil para
darle su cachimba…
Zelaya subió al poder
Por la Revolución,
Y la criolla burguesía
Daba sus primeros pasos,
Cuando le vino el "bojazo"
De parte del tío Sam,
Parece que le arrechó
Que Zelaya lo ignorara,
En 1912, aquí estaban los
marines
Y durante 13 abriles
Se quedo el yanqui invasor.
Era el año 26
Cuando ya estaban aquí,
Otra vez sus intereses
Los tenia que amarrar,
Acababa de estallar
Una gran guerra civil,
Entonces "sorteo el motete"
Y trajo su solución,
Y en el propio Espino Negro
Se dio el pacto entre partidos,
Que no fue ni mas ni menos
Que una mezquina traición.
Aquí el pueblo esta
cansado…
El traidor Moncada
Vino a exclamar
Ante los americanos:
"todititos mis hombres
aceptan la rendición

named Sandino",
who made history in the
guerrilla campaign,
in the year 1933 the gringo
got whipped again,
in Nicaragua "the cat says to
the mouse",
It couldn't stay like this,
then came the bad part,
the heroic guerrilla fighter
had to be assassinated,
by a murderous tyrant named
Somoza,
and in 1934, the hated
dictatorship was born,
to protect and tie up his
business,
Uncle Sam set him up,
and for forty years we have
lived in a state of terror,
The people here are tired....
Nothing bad can last a
hundred years,
nor will a people put up with
it,
the dictatorship acted like a
resentful old man
and things got rough, because
the people reacted
and even under the tongue
the masses started hitting
him,
like a wounded animal, he
kept on scratching,
with a few last kicks,
when faced with the shining
future.
And Uncle Sam is pissed off,
because he doesn't know
237
menos uno, que es fregón
que se apellida Sandino",
y escribió preciosa historia
la gesta del guerrillero,
y en el año 33
salió el gringo apabullado
otra vez, en Nicaragua
"el gato le dice al ratón".
Más no se podía quedar así
Vino entonces la ignominia,
Tenían que asesinar
Al heroico guerrillero
Por un tirano matrero
Que se llamaba Somoza
Y nació en el 34
Y esta odiada tiranía
Que para amarrar sus
"business"
Le creaba el tío Sam,
Y por mas de 40 años
Hemos vivido en terror.
Aquí el pueblo esta
cansado…
"No hay mal que dure cien
años
ni pueblo que lo resista",
y como viejo achacoso
la cuestión se puso dura
porque el pueblo reacciono,
y hasta "debajo'e la lengua"
las masas le están pegando,
y como animal herido
todavía vuela aruñazos,
son sus últimas patadas
ante el brioso vendaval.
Y ahí esta "agüevado" el tío
Sam
Pues no sabe que hacer,
Creyó que su intervención
Le daría la respuesta,
Y se quiebra la cabeza
 238

what to do, Pensando que ira a pasar,

they thought that an Porque no pudo acabar
intervention would provide Con la lucha Sandinista,
an answer, Y el pueblo vino subiendo
and he racked his brains, Con toda velocidad,
Intégrate compañero
thinking about what was Que acabamos de triunfar.
going to happen, Aquí el pueblo esta
because they couldn't knock cansado…
out the Sandinista struggle,
the people were quickly
rising up.
Get involved compañero,
because now we are just
about to win.

The people here are tired. 250

Despite the complex lyrics this song was memorized by thousands of young

Nicaraguans and used a s historical reference for other political activists when they

gave speeches.251 During the mid-1970's, Pancasan’s songs reflected the political

orientations of the FSLN, highlighting the latest political strategies. As new political

campaigns and strategies were devised, these were incorporated into songs that could

easily spread around. The song “Take Over the Land”, for example, encouraged

peasants to invade the haciendas and to take the land that they needed. This

corresponded to a rural organizing campaign to encourage an active role for the

peasantry and the creation of a social movement based on historical grievances over

land ownership. Other songs reflected the latest slogans and campaigns that were

being instituted by the FSLN.

Within the movement, music provided an important source of political

communication that crossed the boundaries of the sectarian in fighting
and served as a reinforcement for the growing popular opposition
movement. Nicaraguan author Carlos Aleman spoke of the important
role of music in the revolutionary movement in the mid-1970's among
 239

student revolutionaries.

Revolutionary songs provided the glue to keep us together in the

clandestine movement. I remember sitting around in a living room
crowded around a little tape recorder soaking up the sounds of
bombos, quenas and the words of hope that we heard from
Quilapayun and other cassettes that we passed from hand to hand. We
were hundreds of little groups with little or no contact with the vast
movement that we felt was out there. Many of the compañeros
learned their political lessons from songs while struggling trying to
read Marx and Lenin with minimal literary experience. Songs by
Carlos Mejia Godoy, Silvio Rodriguez and Ali Primera helped them
see things in terms of ideology, to put politics in the perspective of
our own life's experience. What poor Nicaraguan couldn't understand
the ideological message in Ali Primera and los Guaraguao singing,
"how sad the rain is, when it is falling on cardboard shacks". 252

The Latin American Nueva Cancion Movement heavily influenced student

groups such as Igni Tawanka, Grupo Nueva America and others. They incorporated

Andean instruments and the poetic styles of Quilapayun, Inti Illimani and other

popular Chilean groups that were popular among the young revolutionaries.

They performed as a part of the Popular Sound Workshops in what became increasing

political concerts Managua’s barrios of Managua and in the university.

Francsico Cedeño explained the way that music influenced the politicization process

of Nicaraguan youth in the early 1970's.

We tried to make it cool to be a Sandinista. Our songs enticed the

youth to join us by offering them another path, a chance to make a
statement and take charge of their own lives. The dictatorship offered
no songs, no cultural alternative and no hope for the future. Our
movement offered a dream, a concrete challenge, and a set of goals
that were attractive to youth. 253

The choice to join the guerrillas was not easy for Nicaraguan youth as they

faced a well-armed National Guard. The guerrillas offered little training and arms to

the troops and urban militias. In 1977, as the war intensified, the FSLN leadership
 240

began to rely heavily on the work of the musical groups to help orient and provide

political education for the newly recruited troops and to prepare the urban and rural

communities for the coming offensive. Sandinista Commandante Carlos Nuñez, one

of the planners of the military offensives, explained the critical role of the music as a

medium of communication in the revolutionary movement.

Revolutionary song in our country is light, food and stimulus to go on

in difficult moments, to remember our fallen brothers and sisters and a
rock to hurl at the enemy. It penetrated into our people to light up the
bonfire of insurrection, it stirred up our youth in combat and taught
our children to love the Sandinista struggle and contributed to the
revolutionary fervor. Revolutionary song came out of the people’s
throats to push us on in the moment of defeat. It served to capture the
thoughts and ideas of our fallen leaders, and extracted a thousand
fighters in the mountains from anonymity. These songs helped open
the doors of history to help our people be protagonists of historical
change. Song has been our voice in clandestinity, and a means for our
people to document their suffering and misery. Now it can become a
weapon to fight back and reclaim our history. 254

In October 1977, orders came down from the FSLN leadership for the group of

combatants from Solintiname to attack the National Guard barracks in San Carlos.

There was discussion in the community about the need to take up arms and commit

violence. Their Christian teachings and Ernesto Cardenal’s advocacy of non-violence

created a division among the island dwellers. A group of young people began their

military training and armed with only a few weapons carried out their attack on the

barracks. Although the attack was not completely successful, it signaled a militant

attitude on the part of the religious community.

This battle held special significance for the revolutionary forces because it

represented a radicalization of the Christian communities. The decision taken by

Solintiname's young people to take up arms meant that there was no turning back for
 241

them. Joining the guerrillas meant leaving their homes to possibly never return, as the

Guardia would eventually find out who they were eventually were. After the attack,

the Guardia bombed Solintiname, causing many deaths and damage to the community.

The San Carlos attack was documented in a song written by Carlos Mejia

Godoy that described the details of the attack and again explained the recipe for

clandestine warfare. This song helped to convert this small attack into a major

turning point in the ware by describing the action in its minute details and creating a

historical record of this event, that might have easily been passed over as another

failed military action.

October Octubre
(Carlos Mejia Godoy)

In October the little En Octubre la lanchita

clandestine boat, cladestina,
Full of mangos bananas Lleno de mangos,
and oranges, guineos y narajas, y
And beneath the tigüilote debajo de los tigilotes,
berries, estaban las bomas y
Were bombs and granadas.
grenades.255

While the news media reported the attack and the National Guard’s response to

it, this song conveyed the political importance of the October attack. Alejandro

Guevara, one of the leaders of the Sandinistas on Solintiname spoke of their military

actions.

Maybe our plan was a little naïve. We thought that we would take the
barracks at San Carlos, move on from there to Masaya. Three of us in
the raid were women and when the news broke I think it inspired
other women to believe that they could join the revolutionary forces.
We were also Christians, which had a great impact on Nicaraguan. It
added a fresh dimension to peoples’ ideas of the Frente Sandinista. 256
 242

Songs became the principle vehicle for spreading the descriptions of the battles

and their outcomes. Many Nicaraguans heard about the deaths of combatants and

their deeds through songs and poems as much of the news about the war was censored

in the news media. Singing revolutionary songs became a risky as any other political

activity in the polarized climate of the mid-1970's as the National Guard were now

viewing anyone with a guitar as a threat.

In 1977, the FSLN began to prepare for an all out offensive against the

government. They began to train people in secret military training schools and

distribute weapons to the neighborhood support groups, community and student

organizations. The FSLN wanted to create many military fronts, to spread out the

National Guard forces and provide supportive communities a way to defend

themselves against the inevitable repression that would follow a military offensive.

This training required the development of didactic tools to pass on technical and

military information to people with little formal education.

This strategy was supported by the recording of a series of songs by Carlos and

Luis Enrique Mejia Godoy recorded in Mexico called "Armed Guitar" (Guitarra

Armada). This collection of songs is a military instruction manual set to popular

music. The songs describe the process of field stripping weapons, taking apart the

pieces, one by one, and the proper usage of the weapons in a language that could be

understood by people with little experience with technical vocabulary. The songs

invoke the images and vernacular language of the street fighters and peasants out in

the barricades and guerrilla camps. The songs became effective organizing tools and a

declaration of all out war on the government using a mixture of popular humor,
 243

political activism and imagery from Nicaraguan popular culture.

The song "What is a FAL?", refers to the FAL, a Belgian semi-automatic

assault rifle used by elite units of the National Guard, also the weapon of choice for

the guerrilla fighters,. This song has been hailed as a model for the use of music as a

didactic tool for imparting technical information and concepts. John McHuctchen,

musicologist and record producer, released this record in the U.S. on Rounder Records

in 1985, as an example of music as an educational tool.

What is a FAL? ¿Que Es El Fal?

(Carlos Mejia Godoy)
(
Chorus)
What is a FAL?
Juan Lindo asked one day,
Gumercindo answered him in
a barrio accent
Brother Juan, this beast shoots
anything if you get the hang of
it you too can make it chatter.
It has the look of a great rifle,
machine gun with a nice style
with 20 shots in its magazine
If you squeeze the trigger it
barks, and it has a range of 4
blocks and at 5 blocks it can
knock down a small plane
¿Que es el Fal?
Pregunto una vez Juan Lindo,
Le contesto Gumersindo con acento
popular:
"Compa Juan, este animal tira todo
si le agarras bien el modo con usted
va a charchalear".
El Fal, ya desde la entrada
Tiene la estampa de un gran fusil,
Metralla de bello estilo
De veinte y dos tiros su magazine.
Si aprieta el gatillo ladra
Y a cuatro cuadras su alcance da
Y cinco cuadras completas
Una avioneta se puede apear.

What is a FAL?....
To start the task
take out the magazine
and look in the chamber
to make sure no bullets stay in
there
We will never be male
chauvinists, But we have to
¿Que es el Fal?…
Para empezar la tarea
Va para afuera su magazine,
Y ahora lo cajonero
Que no se queda ni un proyectil,
Machistas nunca seremos
Pero tendremos que proceder,
Quitando el tornillo macho
Del otro que hace de la mujer.
 244

proceed by taking out the male

screw from its female housing ¿Que es el Fal?…

What is a FAL?....
(Chorus)
We break the weapon down
now, it's time to separate
the plate from the breech
the piece comes sliding out
we take out the cover and
blow it out, put it to on side
apart from the barrel assembly
What is a FAL?....
(Chorus)
When the gas cover, is out of
its base, I take out the rod and
its mate, the spring,
Moving right along,
I separate the gas piston
and its partner the spring
and now this beauty called
FAL
is in all in pieces.257
Quebramos el arma ahora
Llego la hora de separar,
La laminita del cierre
La masa viene saliendo ya,
Retiramos la cubierta
Y así logramos de sopetón,
Poner a un lado este asunto y
Aparte el conjunto del cañón.
¿Que es el Fal?
Cuando el tapón de los gases
Fuera de base lo pongo yo,
La varilla y su consorte
Que es el resorte, sacando voy,
Separo el pistón de gases
De su resorte matrimonial,
Y así se queda en puras piezas
Esta belleza llamada Fal.

Other songs on the record included titles such as “M1 El Garand”,

“Ammunition”, “Explosives” and other songs in memory of fallen combatants.

Guitarra Armada blared defiantly across the border in Costa Rica and taunted the

National Guard as they heard these provocative songs coming from transistor radios

and boom boxes. The goal of this group of songs was to break down the fear of

weapons, that most civilians have had, and provide them essential information, if they

needed to use firearms. Guitarra Armada represented a dramatic step in the

politicization of popular culture. A direct challenge to the dictatorship as it presented

inevitability of an armed conflict. Luis Enrique Mejia Godoy explained the

 245

importance of this record.

We saw Guitarra Armada as a bugle call to action for the Nicaraguan

people that were primed for an uprising. The discontent was felt by
all sectors of society by 1977 as the dictatorship publicly displayed its
complete lack of regard for the people. Guitarra Armada incited
people to take up a gun and fight back instead of internalizing the
frustration. In the barrios of Managua, Masaya and Leon, the songs
provided the street fighters valuable orientations about how to use the
weapons they would be receiving or to encourage them to simply take
from soldiers.258

Luis Enrique Mejia Godoy wrote this song about military tactics and a list of

things to remember for a urban guerrilla fighter, in the form of a military memo.

Military Memorandum 1-79 Memorandum Militar 1-79

(Luis Enrique Mejia Godoy)

We should take out our Con los primeros rayos en la aurora,

ammunition,
At the first daylight
And pack them well in our
knapsack,
100 rounds per person is ideal
We should oil and clean our rifle
With a regimental cleanliness
and revolutionary militancy.
Never let go of your weapon,
because it guarantees your life
Compa Ramon.
Where you sight your eye,
You hit the target
Thinking about the motherland
and its liberation,
Never forget to use ledges
For movement and camouflage
And to utilize fire zones
And the correct shooting
position,
My dear brothers,
It is indispensable
To coordinate our forces against
the oppressor
Nuestras municiones debemos sacar,
Y bien distribuidos poner en la
alforja,
Cien tiros por hombre seria lo ideal
Con la militancia revolucionaria
Toditos los días debemos cuidar
Y con la limpieza reglamentaria
En el arme y desarme el fusil aceitar
Nunca afloje el chopo
Que es la garantía
De su propia vida,
Compita Ramón, Donde ponga el ojo,
Coloque la bala
Pensando en la patria
Y su liberación.
Nunca olvide el uso de los parapetos
Del desplazamiento y saber camuflar
La utilización de sectores de fuego
Y la posición correcta de tirar
Es indispensable queridos hermanos
Coordinar las fuerzas contra el
opresor
Solo así podremos vencer la
maniobra
 246

To fight against this madman La furia del yanky que es su

And his Yankee protectors.
We have to make contact with
our immediate commander
And they will tell us when we
need to know it, where the
medicines are
And where our munitions are
stored.
And the prisoners remember to
respect them,
In all cases justice will be
served
But in combat we have to be
firm.
And we promise to win and
never surrender.259
protector.
Nunca afloje el chopo.
Con el responsable inmediato
tenemos
Que hacer efectiva comunicación
Ellos nos dirán en el caso concreto
Donde hay medicinas donde hay un
buzón
Con los prisioneros respetos
tendremos
En todos los casos justicia se hará
Pero en el combate muy firmes
seremos
Juramos vencer y rendirnos.

By 1978, armed resistance broke out in many parts of the country, as

communities began to resist the intrusions of the National Guard and the random

violence that they practiced. Often the FSLN presence in a community, unleashed

violent retributions on the civilian population by the National Guard. Innocent young

men were rounded up and killed in place of the more elusive guerrillas. In many parts

of the country young men were pulled off buses and searched or had their hands

inspected looking for calluses or signs of digging trenches or participating in the

guerrilla forces. These actions prompted barrio youth to steer clear of the National

Guard and to find a means to defend themselves. Troops were ambushed and attacked

for their weapons by street gangs and other neighborhood youths. For many young

Nicaraguans, the discipline and sacrifice of joining the FSLN was too much. The

concept of rebellion and street fighting had an appeal for the rebellious youth, but

meetings, political ideology and strict rules didn’t seem attractive. Many young
 247

people were not politically committed but were opposed to the dictatorship that

singled them out for harassment as future guerrillas. The message of Guitarra

Armada reached barrio street fighters that were already primed for action.

Armando Ibarra, musician and leader of an independent militia made up of

members of local street gangs in Managua’s Monseñor Lezcano neighborhood

explained the way that the Guitarra Armada affected him.

We weren’t political or interested in politics. The Frente came around

here with speeches but I thought that they couldn’t back up their
promises. Sometimes the FSLN would carry out an action and then
disappear leaving the neighborhood people to face the consequences.
Because of the war, it became a crime to be young and poor. Young
men were automatically picked up, beaten and killed because they
looked like guerrillas. We began to organize ourselves to protect our
families and our property against looters and the Guardia, who were
the biggest looters. It was hard to get guns, they were expensive and
the FSLN only gave them to their own members. Guardias walking
alone at night or those we found drunk in the street became targets for
our group. We had molotov cocktails, pistols and knives that we used
on them but the prize was to get a FAL. It wasn’t easy to get one, you
had take one from a Guardia, but not all of them had FAL’s.

Although at the time we listened to disco music and heavy metal, the
song “Que es el FAL” made people aware of the properties of the rifle
and it became a status symbol among the youth. The guardia made
sure they came in force into our area or else they wouldn’t leave with
their weapons intact.260

In 1978, The assassination of Pedro Juaquin Chammorro, the prominent

opposition journalist and editor of the newspaper, La Prensa, produced spontaneous

demonstrations and a massive uprising against the dictatorship that was blamed for the

murder. Violent protests broke out all over the country, as outraged citizens took to

the streets. Chammorro represented sectors of the business community who opposed

the dictatorship and were looking for a compromise solution to end the economic
 248

chaos that the war produced. He proposed a national dialogue to diffuse the violent

confrontations and was seen as a viable candidate to challenge the dictator Somoza's

son in the 1981 elections.

A month later in Masaya, during a mass for Pedro Juaquin Chammorro, the

National Guard attacked a funeral procession for a child killed by the Guard during a

mass for Pedro Juaquin Chammorro, Guard. The attack killed several people and

provoked a violent confrontation between the armed soldiers and machete-wielding

residents. This provoked a spontaneous uprising in this close-knit community and

quickly spread all over the city. Neighborhood residents blocked the streets and

mobilized through the interconnected backyards and patios. Sandinista military

commander Humberto Ortega gave an account of the Monimbo uprising in the context

of his military strategy.

The people of Monimbo, a neighborhood of Masaya with some

twenty thousand inhabitants in both urban and rural zones, began to
prepare for the insurrection in a spontaneous fashion. They began to
organize block by block to take over the key spots, to execute
henchmen of the regime, to apply people’s justice for the first time.
They began to work as a Sandinista unit when they still lacked the
organized leadership of the Sandinista movement. 261

In Monimbó, the people used their ingenuity to build barricades, handmade

grenades and bombs and other rustic weapons that were very effective in the close

street fighting. The fighters wore the painted wire masks of the Gueguense and the

Toro Venado as disguises, drawing on the ancient icons of resistance. Although the

rebellion was brutally crushed, this spontaneous insurrection set an example of the

ways that neighborhoods could defend themselves. The Monimbo uprising signaled a

new phase of the revolutionary war as the Guardia was forced to retreat from street
 249

fighting and reverted to bombing the city to quell the rebellion.

Despite the widespread anger, all over the country over Pedro Juaquin

Chamorro’s murder and the brutal repression by the National Guard, it was no surprise

that the first spontaneous uprising occurred in Monimbó. The sense of collective

identity that had developed in this area and the autonomous civic institutions that had

sustained this community for centuries became the organizing axis for the rebellion.

This spontaneous uprising in Monimbó sent a message to other communities that it

was possible to resist the National Guard.

James Scott cites Eric Hobsbawn’s research in peasant revolts to analyze the

pre-conditions for a spontaneous uprising.

The political advantages of impromptu action by a crowd conceal a

deeper and more important form of disguise and anonymity without
which such action would not be possible. While crowd action may
not require formal organization, it most certainly does require
effective forms of coordination and the development of an enabling
popular tradition. In most respects, the informal networks that join
members of the subordinate group achieve the social coordination
evident in traditional crowd action. Over time, naturally such modes
of collective action become part and parcel of popular culture, and the
riot becomes something of a scenario, albeit a dangerous one, enacted
by a large repertory company whose members know the basic plot
and can step into the available roles. Anonymous mass action of this
kind is thus dependent on the existence of a social site for the hidden
transcript, a site where social links and traditions can grow with a
degree of autonomy from dominant elites. 262

As Scott points out in the above passage, this type of action provides other

communities the script for popular uprising and collective action. The people of

Monimbo used the props of their ritual reenactments of resistance against the Spanish

to confront the National Guard. It is no accident that the weapons, disguises and

organization came from the community’s traditional cultural practices.

 250

Again, Carlos Mejia Godoy soon documented this chapter of the war in a song.

It pointed out the historical significance of an uprising in this traditionally indigenous

community. This song demonstrates how the artisan traditions and the cultural unity

of the Monimbo community provided the base for the uprising to occur. The musical

accompaniment mimics the traditional drumming tapped on the guitar body during the

verses, joined by a chorus of verses and a looser more optimistic tone on the bridge

section.

You Will Live Monimbo Vivirás Monimbó

(Carlos Mejia Godoy)

Like a wild flower, Como una Flor de Piñuela

On the side of the road, A la orilla del camino,
Washed by the silky pre- Lavada con la reseda
Columbian dust of the past, Jabón de seda precolombino,
I see rise you up in pride with Te veo surgir altivo
your glorious plumed mantle, Con tu penacho de gloria,
Dressed up by history, my Ataviado por la historia
beloved Monimbo. Me querido Monimbó.

The blonde conquistadors, Los rubios conquistadores

That came from other lands,
Knew about the bravery,
Of your heroic resistance,
the invader’s sword clashed
with the stone club,
and from this rebellious spark,
Nicaraguan awakened.
Que vinieron de otras tierras,
Supieron de tu bravura
De tu heroica resistencia,
Choco la espada invasora
Con la macana de piedra,
Y esa chispa rebelde
Nicaragua despertó.

(Chorus Vivirás Monimbó

You will live Monimbo. Llama pura del pueblo,
Pure flame of the people, Oigo tu corazón
I hear your heart, Ataval guerrillero,
Like a guerrilla drum, Donde el indio cayó
Where the Indian fell, Floreció el granadillo,
The Granadillo tree grew, Para hacer las marimbas
To make the marimbas that Que toquen los sones
play the songs of liberation. De liberación.(Bis)
 251

The drums sounded, Tronaron los atavales

The marimbas trilled, Tremolaron los alcaravanes
All of the trees, Repitieron la consigna,
Repeated the slogan, Empuñando la bandera
With the flag in hand, Rojinegra Sandinista,
A black and red Sandinista, Camilo Ortega Saavedra
Camilo Ortega Saavedra, Hacia la aurora se marchó.
Marched towards the dawn. Tu sangre pura Camilo
Your pure blood Camilo, Va creciendo en las pitahayas,
Is growing in the pitaya
flowers,
En la risa de los niños
In the smile of the children of De mi amada Nicaragua.
my beloved Nicaragua, Tu sangre pura Camilo,
Your pure blood Camilo, Llamarada en la montaña,
Echoes in the mountains, was Demarramó sobre mi patria
spilled around the country, Su violenta floración.
Creating a violent blooming.
Vivirás Monimbó…
Julian from Monimbo,
Has miraculous hands, Julian el monimboseño,
marvelous hammocks, Tiene manos milagrosas,
Spring form his hands, Hamacas maravillosas
But in these tough times, Van brotando de sus dedos,
In the heat of battle, Pero en los días aciagados
He made rope bombs, En el fragor del combate,
For the revolution. Hizo bombas de mecate
America is watching you, Para la Revolución.
Your courage and your
nobility, América está mirando
Your obsidian heart, Tu coraje y tu hidalguía,
Buried the tyrant, Tu corazón de obsidiana
Not even tanks or battalions Aterró a la tiranía,
could demolish your Ni tanques ni batallones
conscience, Demolerán tu conciencia
Your millenarian presence, Tu milenaria presencia
My beloved Monimbo. Mi querido Monimbó.263

“Vivirás Monimbo” is rich with symbolism, metaphors and historical

references that link the community to the indigenous resistance that flourished there.

For Nicaraguans, Monimbo represents not only the indigenous past for Nicaraguan but

also a center of resistance to cultural assimilation and domination. The people of the
 252

community of Monimbo became independent artisans, who developed their own

parallel structures to those imposed by the governmental authorities. Through

extended family and community organizations, the people of the community were able

to maintain many aspects of trade the traditional forms of barter and exchange in the

tiangues or marketplaces where they sold their handicrafts.

The political purpose of this song was to mark the first organized popular

uprising against the dictatorship and to link the Sandinista movement with previous

resistance movements.264 The rebellion in Monimbo again broke the "aura of

invincibility" of the dictatorship and showed how a community could pass from

passive to active resistance. Previously the government blamed the conflicts on

“Sandino-comunistas”, subversives and terrorists that wanted to impose a foreign

political and social model on Nicaragua. The example of Monimbo showed

Nicaraguans that the Sandinistas were not the only ones standing up to the

dictatorship. The community organization and the culture of Monimbo provided the

framework for an active resistance to develop almost spontaneously. The passive

forms of resistance portrayed in the Gueguense, provided the community with a strong

identity and collective memory.

This song is also a homage to Camilo Ortega Saavedra, brother of Sandinista

leaders Daniel and Humberto Ortega Saavedra, who was killed during the uprising.

Ortega was one of the FSLN’s top organizers sent in to try to control and direct the

spontaneous uprising and link it with other guerrilla actions to draw off the National

Guard’s forces. The reference to Camilo Ortega in the song was designed to create

awareness of his role in the uprising and mark his death as a part of a significant
 253

historical moment and enshrine him as a secular saint.

As the war intensified towards the end of the 1970s, the Sandinistas began to

create musical and poetic tributes to honor the dead and to frame the fallen combatants

as heroes and martyrs. These songs created a secular sainthood for the dead guerrilla

fighters, eulogizing the moral and spiritual qualities that led them to make the supreme

sacrifice for the benefit of others. The songs describe deeds of the revolutionaries in

spiritual terms that describe the way that the essence of these martyrs is reflected in

the wind, birds, flowers or the light of the dawn. In this way revolutionary songs

contributed to the creation of a mythology or “mistica Sandinista” that used the lives

of the dead guerrilla fighters as examples for moral behavior. In the same way, that

Catholic saints symbolize humanitarian and altruistic behavior, the revolutionary

songs and poems sought to create their own pantheon of revolutionary saints and

martyrs. Carlos Fonseca insisted that Sandinista militants follow a strict code of

conduct, sacrificing their own personal lives and goals for those of the revolution.

Sandinista ideologue Ricardo Morales Aviles wrote:

A Sandinista is one who recognizes the happiness that comes from

fertilizing with blood the soil of the Fatherland. The Sandinsta has
hands for laboring with peasants. He has a breast prepared to be a
martyr.265

Guitarra Armada features a song written by Carlos Mejia Godoy that honors

the memory of a young Chinese-Nicaraguan musician/combatant Arlen Siu who

became one of the “secular saints”, a model for the purity of her convictions and her

willingness to give her life for the cause. This song begins in a solemn minor key but

changes to a major key in the chorus. This changes the sad introduction into a

forcefully optimistic chorus.
In this song, he describes a form of sainthood for guerrilla fighters in which
they become a part of nature, their soul embodied in a bird or a butterfly. This song is
about a conversation between two birds about the fate of the young woman guerrilla
fighter.
The Mockingbird Asks about
Arlen
(Carlos Mejia Godoy)
Brother Guardabarranco
Brother of the wind, song and
light
Tell me if in your travels,
You've seen a girl named
Arlen Siu?
I saw her friend mockingbird,
a sweet star in the cane field
Dressed in a thousand colors
Among the corn stalks,
(Chorus)
In the hole of her guitar
Is the bright star of her heart
She went upriver towards the
plains
Like a stream of clear water.
Martiano says that in the
mountains
Everything is revolutionary
And the she is undercover as a
butterfly
And her commander is a
hummingbird.
Brother Guardabarranco
Please excuse my curiosity
Can you tell me about the
woman guerrilla,
That you said passed through
254
El Zenzontle Pregunta Por Arlen
Compadre guardabarranco
Hermano de viento de canto y luz
Decime si en tus andanzas
Viste una chavala llamada Arlen
Siu
Yo vide zenzontle amigo
Una estrella dulce en el cañaveral
Saeta de mil colores
Dentro los rumores del pajonal.
Enterró en el hueco de su guitarra
El lucero limpio de su corazón
Se fue río arriba pa' la sabana
Como un lirio de agua serenito
Dice martiniano que en la montaña
Revolucionario todo es allí
Que anda clandestina una mariposa
Y su responsable es un colibrí.
Compadre guardabarranco
Ay usted perdone mi curiosidad
Como era la guerrillera
Que según sus señas paso por allá
Le cuento zenzontle amigo
Que donde la chinita peleo hasta el
final
Nació un manantial quedito
Que cada ratito le viene a cantar.
 255

there,
I tell you friend mockingbird
Where the Chinese girl fought
to the death
A mountain spring was born
Where she comes to sing
every once in a while.266

Arlen Siu became an important symbol of the participation of young woman

guerrilla fighters in the war. Many young women became guerrilla fighters during the

war, fighting alongside the men. Arlen Siu became a symbol of the participation of

women as active combatants in the war and a moral example of the commitment of a

young person to the revolutionary cause. This song praises her as a secular saint and

reinforces the idea that sacrificing your life for the revolutionary cause is a pure and

noble gesture and that the soul of the dead will have an afterlife in the Nicaraguan

memory.

THE FINAL OFFENSIVE

The assassination of Pedro Juaquin Chamorro proved to be a crossroads in the

Nicaraguan Revolution as it signaled to Nicaraguans that no peaceful solution could

be found to the political crisis. Chamorro, as editor of La Prensa, embodied the

traditional opposition to Somoza. He was seen as a voice of reason and a critic who

based his analysis on objective evidence and morality, an alternative to the armed

rebels, who many thought could mediate a peaceful solution to the war. 267 His murder

by Somoza's agents unleashed massive unrest that sparked spontaneous protests and

attacks on Somoza properties and National Guard troops. In these conditions the

religious communities, unions and student groups began to openly organize their
 256

members to prepare for war.

As the war intensified in 1978, more Nicaraguans became affected by the

conflict as combat raged in urban areas. While combat brigades entrenched

themselves in the urban barrios, they carried out armed propaganda rallies to explain

the situation to the neighbors and prepare them for the inevitable combat. In 1978, the

Sandinistas began broadcasting Radio Sandino on a clandestine transmitter.

Nicaraguans heard recordings of the Misa Campesina, Guitarra Armada, as well as

Silvio Rodriguez, and the Chilean Nueva Cancion over the radio for the first time. For

many Nicaraguans hearing this music on the radio was a prophecy of the end of the

dictatorship.

When I first heard Radio Sandino transmitting, during the war, it

seemed surreal. As I listened to the revolutionary songs on the radio
while driving past military installations and saw the Guardia jeeps
cruising the streets it was clear that their days were numbered. People
were angry and the Guardia didn't ask you what side you were on
when they came into a neighborhood. You could get shot for wearing
combat boots or for carrying a guitar. The music told us that there
was a movement out there and provided us a way of thinking about
our situation, looking past the danger and the violence to a future of
peace.268

The final period of the war was characterized by highly political songs and

hymns to fallen combatants, that were spread by musician combatants, who used their

guitars to keep morale up and to create a cultural atmosphere in the barricades and

guerrilla camps. In the last months, the National Guard began to bomb the cities and

lash out indiscriminately at the civilian population, killing thousands of civilians in the

process.

In late 1978 and early 1979, the guerrilla war became a more conventional war
 257

as the Sandinistas were able to challenge the National Guard on more even terms.

Thousands of Nicaraguans took up arms to fight, joined by brigades of foreigners who

trained in Costa Rica to open up a Southern Front. Exiles from Chile, Argentina,

Uruguay and veterans of the guerrilla wars of the 1960’s saw Nicaragua’s civil war as

a chance to get settle their scores with the forces of their sworn enemy “American

imperialism”. The nationalist governments of Panama and Venezuela supported their

own brigades that fought alongside the Sandinistas in the last months and supplied

needed arms and ammunition.

In 1979, music became a unifying force among the expanding Sandinista army.

In informal political education/military training sessions the songs of the Misa

Campesina, Guitarra Armada, and the historical songs of Pancasan, became important

didactic tools in the training of new recruits and a means of maintaining morale.
 258

EPILOGUE

In 1981, after the revolutionary victory Luis Enrique and Carlos Mejia Godoy

composed and compiled a collection of the songs and poems to create a unique oral

history of the FSLN. The Canto Epico al FSLN, was performed for the second

anniversary of the Revolution at the prestigious Ruben Dario Theater over a period of

five nights. The entire Sandinista leadership became involved in the rehearsals and

preparations for this work, putting together the first chronology and analysis of the

movement's history. The leaders contributed anecdotes and personal details to

document the lives and deaths of the many fallen combatants and political organizers.

The Canto Epico represents one of the few historical documents of the

Sandinista movement, as this history was never compiled in a written text or in other

media. Although several testimonial books by Sandinista leaders document their

experiences, this appears to be one of the first official histories that the Sandinistas

produced. The Canto Epico provides a unique non-linear perspective of the war that

weaves political analysis, spirituality and storytelling into a historical narrative. This

piece reflects the ways that the Sandinista ideology developed and was assimilated by

Nicaraguans into their own cultural perspective. The Canto Epico used religious

imagery to depict the growth of the political movement and the intervention of divine

forces to aid the revolutionaries in times of crisis. This piece captures the essence of

the Sandinista movement and the role that music and culture played in creating an

ideological framework that coincided and captured key elements of Nicaraguan

popular culture and spirituality. The Canto Epico combined dance, music and poetry
 259

to create an intense multimedia presentation that left the audience in tears. It was a

powerful experience to witness the symbolic representation of a brutal war and the

stories of thousands of young people who died along the way.

By the late 1980's, the war with the Contras (the U.S. and the CIA) had taken

its toll on the revolution. I observed how the enthusiasm that people had felt for the

Revolution earlier in the decade had eroded. War does that to people. One night,

toward the end of the war, I tuned into the Contra radio station that was broadcasting

from Honduras. I was shocked to hear them playing Quilapayun's "El Pueblo Unido,"

followed by Carlos Mejia's "La Tumba del Guerrillero" and then, other songs that the

Sandinistas had used to create consciousness about their political struggle. How ironic

that the Contras apparently believed as did their opponents in the communicative

power of this music, albeit they turned its original meaning upside down. The Contras

must have figured that this music would provide the mystique of the underground and

win support from those Nicaraguans who were frustrated with the unfulfilled promises

of the Revolution.

By 1986, I began to allow the evidence that surrounded me into my

consciousness, that Nicaraguans were resisting Sandinista policies and orientations

just as they had with Somoza, less than a decade earlier. I heard anti-Sandinista jokes

in the market place or from taxi drivers. I listened to people offer vulgar or

disrespectful language to describe their country's leaders. I saw the revolution being

crushed beneath its own weight, its own myths and symbols being converted into

weapons against it.

How to measure the importance of these myths and symbols in hindsight. The
 260

movement that gave them vitality has disappeared and memories become clouded by

time. At the moment that the music held publics through its communicative force no

one bothered to write about why the music was popular and what significance it had

for the larger social movement. After the 1990 electoral defeat of the Sandinistas, the

old songs began to sound hollow and empty. Their messages devoid of the social

force that once filled them with meaning and significance.

In interviews I conducted after 1990 some of the musicians said they felt a

certain bitterness and regret over having made their careers through representing what

turned out to be a narrow and limited political movement that only had pretenses to

linking itself to broader universal values. For millions of Nicaraguans, the enthusiasm

and optimism that initially characterized the revolution held the promise that it would

persevere. Even when signs of decay and cynicism began to overtake the society, the

nobility embodied in the cause itself kept artists and musicians loyal. The government

leaders' attitude toward their people also carried over to the musicians, who found

themselves acting as spokespersons for the government, defenders of its ideology and

policies. The people they hailed publicly as artists became in reality no more than

salaried workers who were expected to deliver songs of a certain content and perform

them on demand.

As a result of this erosion of revolutionary morale, some musicians began to

feel alienated or distant, the sensation of having lost the critical edge that had earlier

made their music special. The rhythms of the revolutionary music that once had

people jumping with grins on their faces, had lost the pulse of the popular culture.

Similarly, the evolving street language now eluded the muted sensitivity of the
 261

entrenched and privileged functionaries, the very men and women who had once seen

themselves as bohemian revolutionaries free of material concerns. In several cases the

musicians who had displayed political militancy even returned to the "shake your

booty" formats that the Nicaraguan dancing public began to demand, forsaking

attempts at changing the world, educating people or proposing exciting aesthetic

contributions.
262
1
NOTES FOR INTRODUCTION

Benedetto Fontana, Hegemony and Power : On the Relation Between Gramsci and MacHiavelli (Minneaplois: University
of Minnesota Press, 1993)

2
Their elections were farces and their disregard for law and Constitution reached almost comical proportions.

3
Raymond Williams, The Long Revolution (New York: Columbia University Press, 1961), p. 123

4
Referring to Quotations from Chairman Mao Tse Tung. A book of political orientations and proverbs that was distributed
in China during the 1960's.

5
Mario Montenegro, Interview with author, (Managua,1989)

6
Carlos Mantica, El Habla Nicaraguense, online, November 18, 1998. This book has been published on the Nicaragua
Online website. I never found a reference to a hard copy version.

7
This is discussed at length in Chapters two and four.

8
See Chapter two.

9
Ernesto Mejia Sanchez, Romances y Corridos Nicaraguences (Managua: Editorial Nueva Nicaragua, 1990)

10
A discussion of the song "La Mama Ramona" is discussed at length in chapter two.

11
Sandino described his war as a continuation of the indigenous resistance against the Spaniards in these words, “even after
400 years the enemy is the same one”. Quoted in Carlos Fonseca, Ideario Politico de Augusto Cesar Sandino, (Managua,
Unidad Editorial Departamernto de Propaganda y Educacion Politica del FSLN, 1981) p.27.

12
Mantica's work is explained in chapter two.

13
Fernando Ortiz, Ensayos Etnograficos, (Havana: Editorial de Ciencias Sociales, 1984), pp. 16-38.

14
The works of these musicologists is collected in the anthology, Zoila Gomez (ed.),Musicologia en Latinoamerica,
(Havana, Editorial Arte y Literatura, 1984)

15
Ortiz's works provoked a rich controversy in Cuba precisely because he exposed aspects of Cuban culture that the
dominant sectors of society preferred to ignore. But Ortiz took his scholarship beyond the descriptive and analytical; he
also became an academic activist who attacked the racism that prevailed in Cuban cultural studies at the turn of the
century. Indeed, the very study of race, class and ethnicity in Cuba almost inevitably leads a scholar into politics.

16
Susan McClary, Feminine Ending (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1991), p.21

17
Ibid., p. 30.

18
Alejo Carpentier in, Zoila Gomez (ed.), Musicologia en Latinoamerica, (Havana: Editorial Arte y Literatura, 1984), p.
254.

19
Zoila Gomez (ed.), Musicologia en Latinoamerica (Havana: Editorial Arte y Literatura, 1984), p. 23

20
Zoila Gomez (ed.), Musicologia en Latinoamerica (Havana: Editorial Arte y Literatura, 1984), p. 359

21
Theodor Adorno, Minima Moralia, (10th ed., Verso, London, 1997) p.200
22
Leonardo Acosta, Musica y Descolonizacion (Havana: Editorial Arte y Literatura, 1982), p.49

23
Michael Manley, Jamaica: Struggle on the Periphery, (

24
Ariel Dorfman and Armand Mattleart’s acclaimed How to Read Donald Duck outlined the subtle yet powerful ideological
messages that were transmitted to Latin Americans through the media. Dorfman and Mattelart argue that the simple
stories and dialogue in the Donald Duck comic books are not harmless children’s entertainment but the Trojan Horse of
cultural imperialism. They demonstrate how these parables and fables in comic books legitimize the tyranny of Uncle
McScrooge, the materialist basis of the relationship between Donald and Daisy and the depiction of the “other”, non-
Western peoples as savages. The authors argued that the commercial media is not neutral but is embedded with subtle
narratives that encourage individualism, consumption and greed.

25
Paolo Carvalho Neto, Folklore de la Luchas Sociales (Quito: Universidad de Ecuador, 1963), p.23. . His writings and
efforts to pursue cultural research and explore the folklore of resistance earned him banishment from Brazil in the mid-
1960’s.

26
Leonardo Acosta, Musica y Descolonizacion (Havana: Editorial Arte y Literatura, 1982), p.49

27
Scott

28
NOTES FOR CHAPTER ONE

This information comes out of the discussions at the forums at the 1st International Nueva Canción Festival in Mexico
City, in 1981.

29
All of these artists have collaborated with the Nueva Canción artists and have incorporated some of the musical
influences of this movement into their work. Jackson Browne and Peter Gabriel visited Nicaragua during the early
1980's and were impressed by the musical movement that existed there.

30
This information is based on my notes from the discussions at the 1st International Nueva Canción Festival in Mexico
City, in 1981.

31
Victor Jara, quoted in Los Caminos de Victor Jara, Online, December 30, 1998.

32
Ali Primera, Radio Interview (Managua: Radio Sandino, 1984).

33
Zoila Gomez (ed.), Musicologia en Latinoamerica (Havana: Editorial Arte y Literatura, 1984). This book contains
several important articles that express common concerns among musicologists about the dangers of losing traditional
Latin American folk styles.

34
Ernesto Guevara, Che Guevara Speaks (New York: Grove Press, 1970 ), p. 25.

35
Maria Teresa Linares, La Materia Prima de la Creacion Musical, in Zoila Gomez (ed.), Musicologia en Latinoamerica,
Editorial Arte y Literatura, Havana, 1984, pp. 344-357.

36
There are few, if any, books about Nueva Canción in the English language and very few written in Spanish. My
bibliographic search turned up a few journal articles and no books except for Victor Jara's biography.

37
Daniel Viglietti, Dale tu Mano al Indio (Mexico City: Discos Pentagrama, 1984).

38
The song "Sugar Sugar" by The Archies is still a part of the marimba player's repertoire in Masaya. Discussions of these
phenomenon are in the following. Leonardo Acosta, Música y Descolonización (Havana: Editorial Arte y Literatura,
1982) and Ariel Dorfman and Armand Mattleart, Como Lear el Pato Donald (Mexico City: Siglo XXI, 1973).
39
These ideas are extracted from the following. Carlos Monsiváis, Mexican Postcards (New York: Verso, 1997).

40
Don Ortez, Interview with author (San Francisco: 1998).

41
Isabel Aretz, quoted in Zoila Gomez (ed.), Musicologia en Latinoamerica, Editorial Arte y Literatura, Havana, 1984,
p.14.

42
Cesar Arrospide de la Flor, Una Cultura de la Violencia in Zoila Gomez (ed.), Musicologia en Latinoamerica, Editorial
Arte y Literatura, Havana, 1984, p. 331.

43
Sergio Ortega, Sobre El Compromiso in Zoila Gomez (ed.), Musicologia en Latinoamerica, Editorial Arte y Literatura,
Havana, 1984, pp. 335-336.

44
Theodor Adorno, quoted by Edward R. Kealy, From Craft to Art in Simon Frith and Andrew Goodwin (eds.), On Record,
Pantheon Books, New York, p. 212.

45
Ibid., p. 213.

46
Leonardo Acosta, Música y Descolonización (Havana: Editorial Arte y Literatura, 1982), p. 77.

47
Largo Farias Rebe, La Nueva Canción Chilena (Mexico City: Casa de Chile, 1977), p. 27.

48
Stella Bravo, Interview with author, (Havana: 1997).

49
Many political singers were tolerated in military regimes until they became popular or identified with political
movements. In Brazil, Gilberto Gil's songs of social protest were tolerated as a part of the hippy influenced tropicalist
movement but became threatening when he began to make more focused critiques of the political system and racism. He
was exiled in the early 1970's.

50
Modesto Lopez, Interview with author (Mexico City: June 1997). Lopez is a promoter of Nueva Canción in Mexico. He
receives grants and funding from Mexico's regional governments to produce folk music recordings and Nueva Canción
concerts.

51
Most of the popular Nueva Canción artists in the 1970's were in exile from their home countries. Venezuela, Mexico,
Colombia and Peru were exceptions.

52
Eduardo Galeano, Las Venas Abiertas de América Latina, (Havana: Editorial Casa de las Americas, 1972).

53
Ibid. p. viii.

54
Eduardo Galeano's case illustrates the plight of intellectuals living in the repressive regimes in Latin America. During
the 1970's a good part of the intellectuals of Uruguay, Argentina, Chile and Brazil were forced to leave the country as
they were at risk of being arrested and killed. While the author was performing with Mancotal in Brazil in 1980, we were
forced to submit the lyrics to our songs to a group of government officials before performing publicly. Several of the
songs were rejected for the performance because of the use of the word "revolution".

55
Mario Bendetti, cited in La Nueva Canción contra el Imperialismo, Ministerio de Cultura, Managua. Benedetti wrote
this piece for the introduction to the booklet given out at the New Song Festival in Nicaragua in 1983.

56
Sergio Ortega, cited in La Musica Latina, online, November 18, 1998.

57
Ibid.
58
Armando Tejada Gomez, music by Cesar Isela, transcribed from Mercedes Sosa, Abril en Managua: KKLA, Managua,
1985.

59
Wilmor Lopez, Taped Interview with author (Managua: Radio Sandino, June 12, 1981).

60
Silvio Rodriguez, Entrevista con Silvio, El Nuevo Herald de Miami, April 12, 1997. Online.

61
Pete Seeger, Interview with author (New York, 1989).

62
Ibid.

63
. Victor Casaus and Luis Rogelio Nogueras, Que Levante la Mano la Guitarra (Havana: Editorial Letras Cubans, 1984)
p.230.

64
Silvio Rodriguez, Nueva Trova Canciónero (Argentina: Ediciones Nueva Trova, 1985) p.23.

65
. Silvio Rodriguez, Nueva Trova Canciónero (Argentina, Ediciones Nueva Trova, 1985) p.26.

66
In the same way that John Lennon and Bob Dylan became influenced by a generation of composers, Silvio Rodriguez's
deep poetic and introspective verse provided a model for thousands of singer/songwriters and influenced many popular
composers.

67
Silvio Rodriguez and Pablo Milanes consistently drew huge concert draws all over Latin America during the late 1980's.

68
Rafael Manriquez, Interview with author (San Francisco: 1997)

69
Silvio Rodriguez, Nueva Trova Canciónero (Argentina: Ediciones Nueva Trova, 1985), p.30.

70
Victor Jara, transcribed in Canciónero Latinoamericano, Editorial Nueva Musica: Lima, 1989.

71
Manriquez, loc. cit.

72
Che Guevara, cited in Saul Landau, The Legacy of Che, (Washington D.C.: Institute for Policy Studies, 1996), p. 23.

73
Americo Paredes, With a Pistol in his Hand (Austin: University of Texas Press,1958)

74
NOTES FOR CHAPTER TWO

There are few written histories of Nicaragua. Most historians cite the chronicles of priests and European travelers
through the region in their histories.

75
James C. Scott, Domination and the Arts of Resistance (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990)

76
. Carlos Mantica, El Habla Nicaraguense, online, November 18, 1998, p.4. This work has been published on-line by
the author.

77
. Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities, 5th ed., (Verso, London, 1989), p. 121

78
. Jaime Wheelock Roman, Raices Indigenas de la Lucha Anticolonialista en Nicaragua (Mexico City: Siglo
Veintiuno Editores, 1974), p. 23.

79
. Ibid., p.25.
80
. Ibid., p. 32

81
. Francisco Fuentes y Guzman, Recordacion Florida, Tip Nacional, Guatemala City, 1932, Vol. II, p. 397 and Vol. I,
p. 156.

82
. Ibid., pp. 34-35.

83
Carlos Mantica, El Habla Nicaraguense.

84
Ibid.

85
Ibid.

86
. Jaime Wheelock Roman, Raices Indigenas de la Lucha Anticolonialista en Nicaragua (Mexico City: Siglo
Veintiuno Editores, 1974), p. 14.

87
. Fernando Ortiz, El Engano de las Razas (Havana: Editorial de Ciencias Sociales, 1975), pp. 333-380.

88
. Nancy Morejon, Poetry and Transculturation in Pedro Perez Sarduy and Jean Stubbs (eds.), Afro Cuba, Ocean
Press, New York, 1993, p. 137.

89
. Salvador Cardenal, Musica y Canto (Managua: Discos Juvenil, 1976). From the liner notes on the compact disk.

90
. Jorge Eduardo Arellano, El Güegüense o Macho Raton (Managua: Programa Textos Escolares Nacionales, 1997) p.
xiii.

91
. Carlos Mantica, El Habla Nicaraguense, p. 22.

92
The Gúegúense became the basis for many musicals and dance pieces sponsored by the Sandinista Artists
Association during the 1980's. This organization also provided funding for the traditional Gúegúense that had been
close to extinction.

93
This is based on information gathered by the Departamento de Investigaciones Culturales of the Ministry of Culture
of Nicaragua in the early 1980's, which was never published. I participated in this study as a field researcher.

94
Adan Sanchez, Interview with author (Masaya: 1986). Adan Sanchez was a member of the community organization
that organized many of the popular street parties and religious celebrations. He told me that he thought it was
important to maintain these traditions to unify the community and provide a way for local artists and musicians to
make a living.

95
. Alejandro Cuadra, Interview with author (Managua: 1987). Alejandro Cuadra is the director of a folk dance group
in Diriamba and has been a part of this dance tradition for over thirty years.

96
. Nestor Garcia Canclini, Hybrid Cultures (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995), p. 157.

97
Carlos Nuñez, El Efecto Gueguense in Envio, Universidad Centroamerciana, Managua, 1990, vol. 12, p.4.

98
. Xiomara Avendano et al (eds.), Cantos de la Lucha Sandinista (Managua: Editorial Vanguardia, 1989), p. 1.

99
. Carlos Aleman Ocampos, Interview with author (Managua: 1981). Aleman spent years examining the intricate
community organizations of the Monimbó and Subtiava.
100
. Paolo Carvalho Neto, Folklore de la Luchas Sociales (Quito: Universidad de Ecuador, 1963), p.23. and Fernando
Ortiz, El Engaño de las Razas, (Havana: Editorial de las Ciencias Sociales, 1975).

101
. Zoila Gomez (ed.), Musicologia en Latinoamerica (Havana: Editorial Arte y Literatura, 1984) p. 4

102
This information is derived from field research conducted in Nicaragua by Argeliers Leon in 1981 that is
unpublished. His argument was given validity during a 1983 visit by Samora Machel to Masaya, ex-President of
Mozambique. The African marimba group that traveled with Samora Machel was surprised to hear harmonies and
rhythms similar to theirs, coming from Masaya musicians.

103
Americo Paredes, With a Pistol in His Hand (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1958). This book follows the
development of the corrido style that developed out of the romance in the South Texas area. His work traces a
particular corrido looking at the way it depicts a historical event through the perspective of the people of the area
where it occurred. He contrasts this to the official records of the events to demonstrate two conflicting worldviews
that are highlighted in this particular incident.

104
Jose Marti's Versos Patrioticos, in particular is a document of the Cuban nationalist movement and the struggle for
independence from Spain. It became known as Guantanamera, when it was set to music by Cuban singer Joseito
Fernandez, following the tradition of putting nationalist poetry to music. This is the most famous example but far
from the only one.

105
Ernesto Mejia Sanchez, Romances y Corridos Nicaraguences (Managua: Editorial Nueva Nicaragua, 1990), p. 31.
Translated by the author.

106
Ernesto Mejia Sanchez, Romances y Corridos Nicaraguences (Managua: Editorial Nueva Nicaragua, 1990), p. 31.
Translated by the author.

107
Gloria Bacon, Interview with author (San Francisco: 1997)

108
Otto de la Rocha, Interview with author (San Francisco: 1997)

109
Ibid.

110
Otto de la Rocha, Interview with author (San Francisco: 1997)

111
. James C. Scott, Domination and the Arts of Resistance (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990), p.137.

112
. Ibid., p.138.

113
Mikhael Bahktin, The Dialogic Imagination (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1981).

114
. de la Rocha, loc. cit.

115
Ernesto Mejia Sanchez, Romances y Corridos Nicaraguences (Managua: Editorial Nueva Nicaragua, 1990), p. 31.
Translated by the author.

116
Ruben Dario transcribed in Ernesto Mejia Sanchez, Romances y Corridos Nicaraguences, Editorial Nueva
Nicaragua, Managua, 1990, p. 7

117
Mejia Sanchez , op. cit., p. 14

118
. George Black, Triumph of the People: The Sandinista Revolution in Nicaragua (London: Zed Press, 1981), p. 4.

119
Ibid.
 120
. Steven White, Culture & Politics in Nicaragua (New York: Lumen Books, 1986), p. 83.

121
Papa Beto is an 80 year old folk singer from the North who remembers and performs many of the old folk songs. I
interviewed him when he came to Managua in 1986 for a concert.

122
Transcribed by the author as sung by Silvio Linarte in Managua, 1986.

123
During the Mexican Revolution and to this day, the corrido developed in Mexico as a popular means of
documentation of historical events without the moral judgements and linear approach of the mainstream historians.
Corridos glorified brave deeds and the defiance of authority, as a part of a code of honor or ethics. These songs
define popular codes of social behavior that many times invert the morals and values of the dominant society. While
the dominant society may condemn violent actions, the corrido singers portray the chain of events, without placing
moral judgement on the authors of violence. The corridos routinely glorify bandits, drug smugglers and wife beaters
for their defiance of authority and willingness to stand up for their code of honor. The memories of folk heroes and
revolutionaries are commonly etched in epic corridos that narrate a chain of events and provide the cultural milieu
that give these actions a historical context. For example, the corrido, “Siete Leguas” became an important document
of the culture of the Mexican Revolution because it not only narrates Pancho Villas battles and victories, but his
loyalty and affection for his brave horse. This song has become a classic in the repertoire of thousands of groups as
it describes important aspects of Mexican culture. (Greg, this is too long. Can not be over 6 lines.)

124
. Introduction to the Fundacion Augusto Cesar Sandino web site. 11/18/98, Online.

125
. Papa Beto, Radio Interview (Managua: Radio Sandino, 1985)

126
Sergio Ramirez, Hatful of Tigers (Willimantic: Curbstone Press, 1995), p. 68.

127
The Vanguardistas were influenced by the ideas of national socialism, especially Musselini's movement in Italy.
The Vanguardistas initially supported Anastacio Somoza's strong government as they celebrated his challenge to the
entrenched bourgeoisie.

128
Ernesto Mejia Sanchez, Romances y Corridos Nicaraguences (Managua: Editorial Nueva Nicaragua, 1990), p. 119.

129
. Donald C. Hodges, Intellectual Foundations of the Nicaraguan Revolution (Austin: University of Texas Press,
1986), p. 67.

130
NOTES FOR CHAPTER THREE

. Roque Dalton, Clandestine Poems (San Francisco: Solidarity Printers, 1986), p. 7.

131
Walter LeFeber, Inevitable Revolutions (New York: Norton, 1984) pp.160-164.
132
. Saul Landau, The Guerrilla Wars of Central America (New York: St. Martins' Press, 1993), p. 19.
133
. Florencio Mendoza, telephone interview with author (1998)
134
. "2nd Regional Conference of U.S. Chiefs of Mission, Rio de Janiero, 1950,"InterAmerican
Economic Affairs Committee, 1945-1950, Box 5, National Archives, Record Group 353, quoted by
Suzanne Margaret LaFeber, Inevitable Revolutions, Norton, New York, 1984, p. 107.
135
. Eduardo Galeano, Memory of Fire: III Century of the Wind (New York: Pantheon Books, 1988), p.
158.
136
. Rigoberto Lopez Perez, Personal letter, quoted by John Beverley and Marc Zimmerman, Literature
and Politics in the Central American Revolutions, University of Texas Press, Austin, 1990, p. 34.
137
Donald Hodges, The Intellectual Foundations of Nicaraguan Revolution (Austin: University of
Texas Press, 1986), p. 312.
138
. Ibid., p. 226.
139
. Tomas Borge, Carlos, the Dawn is No Longer Beyond Our Reach (Vancouver: New Star Books,
1984), p. 4.
140
. Tomas Borge, Carlos, the Dawn is No Longer Beyond Our Reach (Vancouver: New Star Books,
1984), p. 7
141
. Donald Hodges, The Intellectual Foundations of Nicaraguan Revolution (Austin: University of
Texas Press, 1986), p. 193. Religion was a conflictive theme in the FSLN as some of the Marxist
oriented cadres saw Catholicism as a colonial legacy and “opiate of the masses. Later, revolutionary
Christianity became an integral part of the Sandinista ideology.
142
. Carlos Fonseca Amador, quoted in Donald Hodges, The Intellectual Foundations of Nicaraguan
Revolution, University of Texas Press, Austin, 1986, p. 167.

143
. Tomas Borge, Carlos, the Dawn is No Longer Beyond Our Reach (Vancouver: New Star Books,
1984), p. 11.
144
Ibid., p.38.
145
John Beverley and Marc Zimmerman, Literature and Politics in the Central American Revolutions
(Austin: University of Texas Press, 1990), p. 73.
146
Sergio Ramirez, The 1960's and 70's: A New Militancy, in Steven White, Culture & Politics in
Nicaragua, Lumen Books, New York, 1986, p. 83.
147
Ibid.
148
Ibid., p.68.
149
Xiomara Avendaño et al., eds., Cantos de la Lucha Sandinista (Managua: ENIGRAC, 1989), p 6.
150
Ibid., p. 5.
151
Raul Martinez, Interview with author (Managua: 1989)
152
Conny Mejia Godoy, Interview with author (San Francisco: 1998). Conny Mejia Godoy, the sister
of Carlos and Luis Enrique Mejia Godoy lives in the San Francisco Bay Area. She has collected
scrapbooks of her brothers' careers and remembers details about their work that had been forgotten.
153
Otto de la Rocha, Interview with author (San Francisco: 1997)
154
Scott. P163
155
de la Rocha, loc. cit.
156
Alexander Herzen, quoted in James C. Scott, Domination and the Arts of Resistance, Yale University
Press, New Haven, 1990, p. 172.
157
de la Rocha, loc. cit.
158
Carlos Garcia, El Teatro de Brecht, (Mexico:, 1976)
159
Quoted from 100 years of Brecht website.
160
Carlos Mejia Godoy, Interview with author (Managua: 1986)
161
Mariano Bermudez, Interview with author (San Francisco: 1998)
162
Theodor Adorno, Minima Moralia (New York: Verso, 1997), p. 65.
163
Transcribed from a performance by Carlos Mejia Godoy y los de Palacagüina in Managua's Gran
Hotel, July 1987 by author.
164
Otto de la Rocha, Interview with author (San Francisco: 1997)
165
Daniel Alegria, Interview with author (Managua, 1990)
166
Carlos Mejia Godoy, Interview on KPFA radio (Berkeley: 1989)
167
Carlos Mejia Godoy y los de Palacaguina, El Son Nuestro de Cada Dia (Madrid: CBS Records,
1977)
168
George Lipsitz, Dangerous Crossroads (London: Verso, 1994), p. 3.
169
Chema Ibarra, Interview with author (San Francisco: 1998)
170
Stephan Davis and Peter Simon, Reggae International (New York: Rogner & Bernhard, 1982), p. 11.
171
de la Rocha, loc. cit.
172
Carlos Mejia Godoy y los de Palacaguina, El Son Nuestro de Cada Dia, (CBS Records, 1977)
173
Florencia Mendoza, Telephone interview with author (1998)
174
William Rowe and Vivian Schelling, Memory and Modernity (New York: Verso, 1993), p. 176.
175
Sergio Ramirez, Te Dio Miedo la Sangre (Managua: Editorial Nueva Nicaragua, 1983)
176

177
NOTES FOR CHAPTER FOUR

Stuart Hall, Gramsci’s Relevance for the Study of Race and Ethnicity in Stuart Hall, Critical Dialogues in Cultural Studies,
Routledge, London,1996, p. 429. The modern state exercises moral and educative leadership – it plans, urges, incites,
solicits and punishes. It is where the bloc of social forces which dominates over it not only justifies and maintains its
dominance but wins by leadership and authority. The active consent of those over whom it rules. This plays a pivotal role
in the construction of hegemony. In this reading, it becomes not a thing to be seized, overthrown or "smashed” with a single
blow but a complex formation in modern societies which must become the focus of a number of different strategies and
struggles because it is an arena of different social contestations. (Greg, this is too long plus change the sentence that
contains dominates & dominance. Sounds redundant.)

178
Antonio Gramsci, Prison Notebooks (city?: publisher? Year?), p. 233.
179
Rosario Murillo, ASTC Newsletter, (San Francisco: June 1986).
180
David McField, transcribed in Xiomara Avendano et al (eds.), Cantos de la Lucha Sandinista
(Managua: Editorial Vanguardia, 1989), p. 5.
181
Testimonio, refers to the literature of testimony that is discussed in the following paragraphs.
182
Ernesto "Che" Guevara, Guerrillas Warfare, (New York: Vintage Books, 1961)
183
John Beverley cited in Barbara Harlow, Testimonio and Survival in George Gugelberger,(ed.), The
Real Thing, Duke University Press, Durham, 1996, p. 72.
184
John Beverley and Marc Zimmerman, Literature and Politics in the Central American Revolutions
(Austin: University of Texas Press, 1990), p. 88.
185
Margaret Randall, Sandino's Daughters Revisited (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1984),
p. 148.
186
Francsico Cedeño, Interview with author (San Francisco: June 1997)
187
Carlos Mejia Godoy, from Cantos de la Lucha Sandinista, ENIGRAC, Managua, 1989

188
The famed Mexican actor Tin Tan brought in elements of caló in his portrayal of a zoot suited
pachuco in the 1940's. These films were wildly popular in Nicaragua and are still routinely shown.

189
Jorge Isaac Carballo, Radio Interview, (Managua: Radio Sandino, 1984). In this interview, Carballo
complained that politics had ruined Nicaraguan music forever. He argued that because Carlos Mejia
Godoy had popularized a politicized version of Nicaraguan folk music, everyone else was expected
to change their style and abandon the old songs.
190
Presentation given by Caros Mejia Godoy at the Forum on the New Song Movement, in Managua, 1983. This session
was later played on the radio and some parts were transcribed by the Musicians Union.

191
Wilmor Lopez, Interview with author (Managua: 1990).
192
Bayardo Corea, Interview with author (Managua: May, 1990).
193
Gloria Bacon, Interview with author (San Francisco: 1998).
194
Armando Ibarra, Interview with author (San Francisco: 1998).
195
Transcribed from Los Hermanos Cortez, Suenan los Tambores, (Managua: Discos Sisa, 1972).
196
Armando Ibarra, Interview with author (San Francisco: 1998). Armando Ibarra is the leader of the
Nicaragua music group Los Ramblers.
197
Moises Urbina, Interview with the author, (San Francsico, 1998).
198
Leonardo Castellon, Interview with author (city?: 1990). Leonardo Castellon is a popular music
promoter.
199
NOTES FOR CHAPTER FIVE

Gustavo Gutierrez cited in Sergio Ramirez, Nuestra forma Sandinista de Democracia in Xavier
Argüello Hurtado, (ed.), Nicaráuac: Revista Cultural, Ministerio de Cultura de Nicaragua, Managua,
April-June 1981, Vol. 5, p. 6.

200
Steven White, Culture and Politics in Nicaragua (New York: Lumen Books, 1986), p. 72.

201
Steven White, Culture and Politics in Nicaragua (New York: Lumen Books, 1986), p. 75.

202
Miriam Guevara, Interview with author (Managua: 1984).

203
John Beverley and Marc Zimmerman, Literature and Politics in the Central American Revolutions
(Austin: University of Texas Press, 1990), p. 92.
204
Ibid., p. 96.
205
Steven White, Culture & Politics in Nicaragua (New York: Lumen, 1986), p. 110.
206
Leonel Rugama, La Tierra es un Satelite de la Luna, online. Internet. November 19, 1998.

207
Ernesto Cardenal, Oráculo sobre Managua in Bridget Aldaraca et al (eds.), Nicaragua in Revolution: The
Poets Speak, Marxist Educational Press, Minnepolis, 1981, Studies in Marxism, Vol. 5, p. 191.

208
Ariel Molina, El Sendero de la Experiencia in Ventana, Managua, April-June 1981, p. 30.
209
Xiomara Avendaño (ed.), Cantos de la Lucha Sandinista, Editorial Vanguardia, Managua, 1989.
210
Ernesto Cardenal, El Evangelio en Solintiname (Managua: Ministerio de Cultura, 1981), pp. 111-114.
211
. Carlos Mejia Godoy, La Misa Campesina in A. Torellas and J. Vigil, Misas Centroamericanas, ENIGRAC,
Managua, 1984, p. 10. This song was accompanied by a small town brass band from Diria, giving the piece an
upbeat rhythm, not the solemn tone of the traditional hymns. The songs of the Misa Campesina used simple musical
forms to make them easy for local musicians to play the songs in their own way.

212
This set of songs helped to spread the ideas of Liberation Theology but also to link the grass roots religious communities
to the political opposition to the dictatorship. The FSLN became very successful in recruiting through the Christian
communities that developed. Other religious activists carried out their own campaigns in the countryside, teaching
liberation theology and encouraging peasants to take the initiative to better their lives. The CEPA, a progressive religious
organization also distributed a comic book called Cristo, Campesino that proposed the message “you have a right to the
land”.

213
. Carlos Mejia Godoy, La Tapisca (Managua: ENIGRAC, 1985). Translated by the author.
214
The author was Pete Seeger's translator during his stay in Nicaragua and at the Nueva Cancion Festivals in Managua ,
1983 and Quito, Ecuador, 1984. I kept my notes from the interviews that we did together a s well as from the
discussions in the forums.

215
Pete Seeger, Radio Interview (Managua: Radio Sandino, 1983). Translated and transcribed by the author.
216
Carlos Mejia Godoy, La Misa Campesina, (Managua: ENIGRAC, 1991)
217
Pablo Martinez Tellez, Cantos de Meditacion in A. Torellas and J. Vigillas, Misas Centroamericanas, Managua,
ENIGRAC, 1985, p. 6.
218
Alberto Iniesta cited in the liner notes of La Misa Campesina, ENIGRAC, Managua, 1991.
219
A. Torellas and J. Vigillas, Misas Centroamericanas (Managua: ENIGRAC, 1985)
220
Donald Hodges, Intellectual Foundations of the Nicaraguan Revolution (Austin: University of Texas
Press, 1986), p. 262.
221
Francisco Herrera, Interview with author (San Francisco, 1989).
222
I performed the Misa Campesina with Luis Enrique Mejia Godoy and Mancotal in Madrid and Sevilla in 1987.

223
__________________________

NOTES FOR CHAPTER SIX


Carlos Mejia Godoy spoke at length about the support network that grew out of the Christian
communities in the Barrios Riquiero and Solintiname. He explained that the grass roots communities
were able to address many social issues through community discussions where people looked to the
bible for solutions to their problems. Most of which weren't political but based in the home. Women
were able to confront problems of machismo, spousal abuse and irresponsible behavior in a public
setting.
224
George Black, Triumph of the People (London: Third World Books, 1981), p.55.
225
Gloria Bacon, Interview with author (San Francisco, 1989). Gloria Bacon's uncle was a Major in the
National Guard until 1978, when he quit because of the brutality and lack of professionalism.
226
Mariano Bermudez, Interview with author (San Francisco: July 1998). Bermudez was an executive
in a prominent insurance company during the 1960's and 1970's. He was not politically active at the
time. His recounting of his experiences during this period gave me a deep insight into the way that
politics entered the lives of individuals who considered themselves neutral or uninterested in politics.
227
Carlos Mejia Godoy, adapted from a poem by Ernesto Cardenal, El Son Nuestro de Cada Dia, CBS
Records, Madrid, 1977.
228
Interview with author (San Francisco: 1998).
229
Carlos Mejia Godoy, adapted from a poem by Ernesto Cardenal in Francisco Cedeno, Cantos de la
Lucha Sandinista, Editorial Vanguardia, Managua, 1989.
230
Rosa Aburto, Interview with author (Managua, 1988). I interviewed her originally for a video
documentary about the Contra war and the nature of the National Guard, who she felt were behind
the violence. She told me about this song as a way of explaining the violence of the war. Although
she told me some of her own personal experiences, it was interesting that this song stood out as a
reference to the experiences of people that she didn't know personally.
231
George Black, Triumph of the People: The Sandinista Revolution in Nicaragua (London: Zed Press,
1981).
232
Florencio Mendoza, Telephone interview with the author (Managua, 1989).
233
Carlos Mejia Godoy y Los de Palacaguina, El Son Nuestro de Cada Dia, (Madrid: Columbia
Records, 1977).
234
Carlos Mejia Godoy, Interview with author (Managua, 1989).
235
Luis Enrique Mejia Godoy, Interview with author (Managua, 1989).
236
Xiomara Avendano et al (eds.), Cantos de la Lucha Sandinista (Managua: Editorial
Vanguardia,1989), p. 1.
237
References to Sandino's generals.
238
The name of Sandino's mountain hideout. Sandino claimed that this was sacred ground.
239
Luis Enrique Mejia Godoy, Companero Cesar, Cantos de la Lucha Sandinista.
240
Interview with Costa Rican singer Manuel Monastel, 1991.
241
This information was collected from interviews with Manuel Monastel in 1994 in San Francisco.
Monastel was a member of Luis Enrique's group and a solidarity activist in Costa Rica.
242
Radio engineer Roman Cerpas saved a copy of a record by the group, "Chicago" that had the anti-
Vietnam war song “State of the Union” scratched out by the radio programmer.
243
Interview with Hans Langenbeur, head of Dutch Nicaraguan Solidarity movement.
244
Taken from a pamphlet put out by the Department of Agitation and Propaganda of the FSLN in1986.
245
This information was gathered listening to the stories of the participants, musicians and my
neighbors in the 14 de Septiembre neighborhood where I lived in Managua. This area had been the
focus of political organizing and later the site of intense combat.
246
Interview with Grupo Pancansan's leader Francisco Cedeno, who was one of the composers of the
Misa Compesino and an admirer of John Lennon.
247
Interview with author (Managua, 1990).
248
Interview with Francisco Cedeño.
249
Ibid.
250
Grupo Pancasan, Apuntes Sobre el Tio Sam, Cantos de la Lucha Sandinista, (Managua: ENIGRAC,
1989)

251
I toured with Grupo Pancasan shortly after the 1979 victory and was shocked to see that everywhere
we performed everyone knew the lyrics to this song. I saw young children give speeches that were
obviously based on the facts that they gathered from this song. The group members spent many
evenings telling me war stories and tales of close calls. They hired me as their music teacher and
milked me for my knowledge of jazz and rock and roll that they hoped to incorporate in their music.
252
Interview conducted by author in 1988, for a radio documentary about the Nicaraguan music.
Carlos Aleman is a linguist, poet and ex-functionary of the Agrarian Reform Institute and ex-director of
the UNESCO "Cultural Map" project.
253
Interview with Pancho Cedeño.
254
Carlos Nuñez, quoted in the liner notes of Grupo Pancasan, Vamos Haciendo la Historia, (Managua,
ENIGRAC, 1980).
255
From a recording of the Canto Epico al FSLN, recorded by the author in July 1981, Managua.
256
Alejandro Guevara quoted in George Black, The Triumph of the People: The Sandinista Revolution
in Nicaragua (London: Zed Press, 1981) p.103.
257
, Guitarra Armada, Que es el FAL (Boston, Rounder Records, 1989). Translated by Greg Landau.
258
Interview with Luis Enrique Mejia Godoy, (Managua,1990).
259
Carlos Mejia Godoy, Guitarra Armada (Boston, Rounder Records, 1989). Translated by Greg
Landau.
260
Armando Ibarra, interview with author, (San Francisco: 1998). Ibarra is the leader of the Nicaragua
music group Los Ramblers now living in San Francisco.
261
Humberto Ortega, La Insurreccion (Managua: Departamento de Educacion Politica, 1979), p. 38.
262
James C. Scott, Domination and the Arts of Resistance (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990),
p.163.
263
Carlos Mejia Godoy, Vivarás Monimbo (Managua: ENIGRAC, 1983).
264
Monimbo has been the site of many previous rebellions and feared as a source of resistance because
of the strong Indian community structures that have maintained their own autonomy clandestinely
throughout the centuries.
265
Cited in "Hay que Aprender de las masas para educar a las masas!", Patria Libre (Managua)
(October-November) pp. 45-49.
266
Carlos Mejia Godoy, Guitarra Armada, (Mexico City: FSLN, 1997).
267
Based on an interview with Nicaraguan political analyst Guillermo Rothshcuch in 1988 during the
National Public Radio Conference in Managua (1988).
268
Interview with Edgar "El Gato" Aguilar. Although he didn't participate in the revolutionary
movement, his experience seems typically of Nicaraguans who tried to look after their families and
survive the crisis.